The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEIMESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 22, St 8.

SECRET DESPATCHES OF IHE ITALIAN
GOVERNMENT.

The publication of the secret telegraphic de-
spatches which, while publicly professing to dis-
countenance the Garibaldiau invasion of the Papal
States, the Italian Government sent to its official
agents, ordering them to assist in every possible
manner the lawless invaders, has done more to
damage the character of public men, and to lower
respect for authority, than any administrative act
yet perpetrated by the Revolution in Italy. Were
the motive for the publication of these dishonour-
able secret instructions not known, it would be
set down to sheer cynical effrontery; but, as it
is, the motive is disgraceful enough, and shows
to what lengths, forgetful of public decency and
the honour of their country, the statesmen of revo-
lutionary Italy will carry their bitter and jealous
rivalry. Menabrea, on succeeding to office, knew
no means better calculated, as he conceived, to in-
jure his rival, Rattazzi, than by showing up his
double-faced, dishonourable policy, for almost up
to the last moment that he was in office the public
despatches which he sent to the Prefects, in ac-
cord with his diplomatic declarations to France,
insisted upon the strict observance of the Conven-
tion, and the consequent necessity of disarming the
followers of Garibaldi; whilst in his private tele-
graphic despatches he ordered these same Prefects
not only to place no obstacle in their way, but to
assist the invasion with arms, money, and men.
Menabrea taxed Rattazzi in the Chamber with his
double-faced dealings, and threatened him with
the publication of his secret instructions. Rattazzi,
stung to the quick by these taunts and threats,
challenged the production of these despatches.
He considered himself safe, since, to prevent detec-
tion, as he thought, before leaving office he had
destroyed these secret communications between
himself and his subordinates. Moreover, he did not
apparently believe that Menabrea would have the
audacity, even if he had the means, to carry his
threat into execution. But the present head of the
Italian Government was more than a match for his
angry rival. By searching the telegraph offices
copies of the telegraphic despatches, which had
passsed between the late Government and its offi-
cials, were discovered and published. The revenge
of the Minister in power was complete over his dis-
comfited rival; but, in the meantime, an indelible
stain is affixed to the character of public men in
Italy. Of course Rattazzi may plead in extenua-
tion that he only follows the traditional policy of
the Revolution, which stops at no means, however
dishonourable, in the pursuit of its object; and
that, had his policy been successful, he would
have been held in as high an esteem as was
Cavour, whose public conduct was not one whit
less immoral ; but, being crowned with success,
there was no rival in a position to make known the
fraud, the duplicity, and the shameless lying, by
means of which he succeeded in carrying the Italian
Revolution to its present issue.
The tone of political morality is so low in Revo •
lutionary Italy, that the disclosure of his menda-
city and trickery has not so damaged Rattazzi as
to make it impossible for him again to aspire to
office. On the contrary the party of action, the ene-
mies of the Temporal Power, look upon him as a
man after their own heart, as one who is not afraid
to adopt any means, however base and wicked, to
attain his ends. Ile is become in their minds a
worthy son of Cavour, and the man whom the
Revolution must take as a leader if it ever is, in
spite of France, to gain possession of Rome.
In another column, we have published the most
characteristic of these official despatches ; and, re-
calling to mind the public declarations and the
diplomatic assurances given to France that the
Italian Government were using every means at
their command to uphold the Convention, we can-
not but think that the publication will, in the pub-
lic opinion of Europe, do much to discredit the
political morality of revolutionary governments.
One of the despatches, it is said that even Mena-
brea had not the effrontery to publish. It was to
this effect—" Pursue Garibaldi, but so as not to
overtake him." This despatch is said to have been

signed by Rattazzi, and countersigned by the King.
The friends of the Revolution in England deplore
the publication of these secret transactions. The
Times says they were nevermeant for public in-

spection, and that the secret means which the
Italian Government made use of ought not to
have been made known out of motives of petty
spite.

King Victor Emmanuel in his speech on New
Year's Day declared that the only hope for Italy
was in the concord of its sons; if that be the hope
of Italy, the spirit which the party oraction dis-
plays shown on how rotten a foundation this only
hope rests. Never was disunion greater, never was
public spirit, the essence of which is self-denial,

less. The Chamber, like the country, is split into
small parties, each intent on personal ends. Re-
venge, ambition, vanity, prompt every measure
that is brought forward, influence the action of
each of the numerous sections into which the Cham-
ber is divided. Government is fast becoming im-
possible, and, in the meantime, the country is
sinking into a state of hopeless bankruptcy.
Anarchy is springing up on all sides. Piedmont is
jealous, and its political representatives hold aloof
from the Government. Naples is discontent to the
backbone. Sicily is in a state of almost perma-
nent revolt. Venice protests against a Govern-
ment which has onlybrought it dishonour and bank-
ruptcy. Never was Italian Unity more hollow than
at the present moment. The dissolution of the ill-
jointed and ill-assorted kingdom seems to be the
most likely issue of its present deplorable state.
Rome alone, under the Pope-King, is united and
strong in confidence and peacefulness. The sub-
jects of the Pope have shown by their conduct,
their true and steadfast loyalty. They have no de.
sire to exchange a priestly for a revolutionary Go-
vernment, or to see Victor Emmanuel, or Gari-
baldi, or Mazzini, installed in the Vatican.—West-
minster Gazette.

THE SECRET DESPATCHES OF THE
ITALIAN GOVERNMENT.
No. 1.
The Secretary General of the Interior to the
Prefect of Ancona.
" Sept. 27, 1867.
" The Minister understands that General Gari-
baldi is preparing a movement in the Pontifical
States. In any case you will keep an eye on his
actions, and in the meantime will place 6,000 lire
at his disposition, which will be immediately re-
paid you." 4

No. 2.
The Same to the Same.

" Sept. 30, 1867.

" Find some means to obtain the 6,000 lire from
the treasurer or some other person. To-morrow
you will receive a cheque on the Treasury in pay-
ment."

No. 19.
The Same to the Same.

The Questor of Genoa to the Minister of the
Interior.

" Genoa, Oct. ylO, 1867.

" Captain Giovanni Fontana asks leave to send
to the frontier 300 rifles which he has to dispose
of, of course by a cautious and secret channel ; and
has also asked me to give him a hundred of the
(runs last sequestrated, and which are in my office."

Answer from the Minister of the Interior.

" Let the 300 rifles be sent ; restore the other
100 to their owners. Use the greatest caution and
secrecy."
No. 37.

Director of Police (General) to the Questor of
Genoa.

" Florence, Oct. 15. 1867.

" I beg you to grant immediate transport gratis
in the railways to the above destination to the in-
dividuals who have been indicated to you for this
purpose by the Advocate Enrico Bruscho and Cap-
tain Giovanni Fontana."

[Six hundred third-class places were given from
Genoa to Terni, corresponding with the list given
by telegra.m.l

No. 38.
To the Prefect of Reggio, Calabria.

" Florence, Oct. 16, 1867.
" The Government cannot prevent the meeting
as long as it maintains the limits of legality.
" We wish that it should speak of the wounded
as well as of the insurgents, and that the local jour-
nals should not make too much noise on such mat-
ters. " Monsm."

No. 39.

To the Secretary General to the Minister of the

Interior.

" Perugia, Oct. 16.

" The volunteers, commanded by Menotti Gari-
baldi, have taken Monte Maggiore. An immense
number of volunteers are pouring into Terni. The
night train from Florence has brought in 500. it
would be as well that a stop were put to such an
overplus. " The Prefect Gunn:."

_
No. 40.
The Prefect of Cunco to the Secretary of the

Minister of the Interior.

" Cuneo, Oct. 17.

" Yesterday 20 emigrants disappeared from
Saluzzo. It is believed they went to Turin. I
have given orders for their arrest. I let you know,
as I believe the greater part of the emigration
has a similar intention."
Answer to the Prefect of Cuneo.
"Florence, Oct. 17.

" The Ministry does not consider it necessary to
proceed with rigour against the Roman Emigrants
who abandon their residence. Be good enough
to revoke the orders given in your despatch of

this morning. 17
" luoNzAm.
No. 42.
To the Sub-Prefect of Terni.
" Florence, Oct. 17.

"If you have a trustworthy person, send him
instantly to Chirilli, and let him know that he is
to abstain from every act that would compromise
the Government. To impose a tax is an odious
measure. We beg him to proceed with modera-
tion and prudence. " MONZANI."
No. 45.
To the Minister Rattazzi.

" Passo-Carrese, Oct. 18.

" An isolated column has been taken prisoner at
Nerola. There is great want of a central direction
in the provinces, without which an internal move-
ment is impossible. A concentric impulse is neces-
sary to support the insurgent column. Rome
requires this.
" The Political Delegate, BtiGLIELLI."

No. 48.

The Sub-Prefect of Terni to the President of
Council.

4, Terni, Oct. 18.

"The Deputy Crispi has sent the following tele-
gram :—' Put an end to all delay. Liberate Gari-
baldi. Pass the confines. Occupy Civita Vecchia
instantly. Give no time for France to act. The
honour and safety of Italy exact this, and it is
they who are at stake."

the reserved leaves and margin of your instructions,
I have the honour of informing your Excellency
that on the evening of the 16th of October, in
c onsequence of an urgent despatch in cypher
signed by the Minister of Marine, and couched in
the following terms :-4This evening go to meet
the train ; a ministerial envoy will arrive by it'
—I went to the railway station to await the arrival
of the Florence train. It arrived the same even-
ing about half-past nine, and I saw descend from
it the captain of a frigate, Orengo, who, on pre-
senting himself to me in company with the Deputy
Cadolini, gave me a despatch, folio No. 2,410, Ist
division, dated from the cabinet of your Excel-
lency on the 15th of the month.
" By this letter I received orders to second to
the utmost of my power the verbal orders which
should be given me by the bearer, Captain Orengo.
These orders consisted in desiring me to do l'impos-
sible, in order to subtract immediately, and with
the greatest secresy, from the naval stores, 120,000
cartouches for small arms and 61,000 for smooth-
bore rifles, and to consign them on a written receipt
to the Honourable Cadolini at the railway station
before the departure of the morning train.
" Some difficulty occurred in carrying out such
an order at so advanced an hour of the night ; but
this was happily overcome by putting in requisiti
on all the means at my disposition. Incurred, more-
over, a slight expense of 20 lire for transport and
porterage, which was charged to the local command
in expectation of superior's approbation.
"The materials of war which were consigned
were enclosed in thirty wooden cases and two bar-
rels, and sent to Florence directed to the Expedi-
tionary Canallini, under the denomination of 'Mine-
rals.'

" The receipt given me by the Honourable Cado-
lini was consigned by me to the Captain Orengo,
with a request to present it to the Minister of
Marine for the regularity of pratique. That of the
expenses is preserved in the local bureau.
" E. MONTEZUNOLO, Local Commandant."
No. 7.

To the President of the Council of Ministers,
Florence.

" Narin, Oct. 18.

" Prevent the departure of volunteers ; they are
a trouble, and no use. We have too many, and do
not know what to do with them. " Clusri."

THE FRENCH ARMY.

After an interesting debate, the Army Bill
has now been passed by the Corps Legislatif.
The clause, increasing the time of service from
seven to nine years, met with much opposition ;
its opponents maintaining that eight years' ser-
vice was sufficient, and that an annual contingent
of 100,000 men, after the usual deductions, would
enable France to dispose of 500,000 men for a
foreign war. The Government, on the other hand,
insists on nine years' service, and on an effective
force of 800,000, and has carried the clause. The
time of service is to be five years in the active
army, and four in the reserve—instead of seven
years as hitherto. This diminution of constant
service with the colours will be, in our opinion, in-
jurious to the efficiency of the regiments. The
bill, on the other hand, will increase the available
strength of the army, and will, on the whole, weigh
less heavily on the population. It was against
this short service system that one of the French
Generals warned the Chamber, saying that how-
ever great might be the valour of the Prussian
army, there was not a General in France who
would not greatly prefer to encounter 100,000
Prussians than the same number of British troops.
The annual contingent is fixed at 100,000 men,
of which 15,000 are exempted for various reasons;
9,000 are drafted into the navy, leaving 76,000
recruits for the army; of which, however, only
63,000 are sent to the regiments. The remaining
13,000 are merely drilled at the depots for a short
time each year, and form what is called the young
reserve. They are liable to be enrolled in the ac-
tive army at any time during the nine years, and
number upwards of 100,000, so that it is obvious
that the reserve of the French army is only in part
composed of old soldiers. The prohibition as to
marriage is to be maintained until the end of the
second year's service in the reserve, or until twenty-
eight years of age, for all young men drawn for
service either in the army or reserve. There was
an animated discussion on this question Marshal
Niel playfully saying that the men who were ex-
empted for defects in their eye-sight, for squinting,
loss of a hand, or lameness, would make most excel-
lent husbands though bad soldiers ; and if the
young women insisted on having the fine young
men for their husbands, they must wait patiently
until he had done with them. We do not know what
the charmantes files de France will say to the un-
gallant Marshal.

But Marshal Niel seems to forget that this com-
pulsory defering of marriage until the soldier in
the army as well as in the reserve has reached his
twenty-eighth year, is open to grave objections
both on social and moral grounds. We object on
principle to the interference of the State in a matter
so closely connected with morality. Such a prohi-
bition, especially as regards soldiers in the reserve,
is but too likely to lead to immorality, and to serve
as a pretext for a dissolute life. After this protest
in passing, let us return to the consideration of the
clauses of the Bill.

The clause creating a Nationale Garde Mobile,
tolconsist of all young men not drawn for the army,
or who have been exempted for weakly constitutions
(with the exception of workmen in the dockyards
and Government officials), and to serve for five
years, was passed almost unanimously. No substi-
tutes are to be allowed in this force, which is esti-
mated at 485,000 men, and only twenty days' drill
are to be required in the year. If properly orga-
nized and drilled it might, no doubt, be made a
valuable reserve for the defence of fortresses and
coasts ; indeed, it was on the supposition of the
National Guard being available for the internal de-
fence of France that the partisans of an eight-
years' service mainly rested their case. The Go-
vernment, it seems to ins, intends it rather as an
organized nucleus for a general levee in case of an
actual invasion, and in time of peace to do merely
nominal service. The details of the Bill, after much
discussion, have been finally settled. At present
the French army consists of 620,000 men, including
the reserve, and is described by the Minister of
War as being in the highest state of efficiency.
The following official statement of the strength
of the army at the time of the Italian war was laid
before the Chambers :

The total strength was 639,000
Recruits just raised 73,000
Troops in Algeria
I, Rome
Gendarmerie, prisoners, military
departments, &c 84,000
Depots
Frontier garrisons
324,000

Leaving available ..315,000
Of these 315,000 men 229,000 were sent to Italy,
leaving a reserve in France of 96,000. At the
battle of Solferino the French could only bring
107,000 into line. The Minister gave the follow-
ing returns :
Detached corps in Tuscany 23,000
Ditto for blockade of Venice B,OOO
Reserve at Alessandria
Artillery reserve
A reserve division at Milan B,OOO
Men of the reserve on their way to join the _ _ _

army - 30,000
Depot of the same at Genoa

96,000
Loss in killed, wounded, and in hospita... 26,000

Total 122,000
Thus leaving of 229,000 only 107,000 present at
the battle of Solferino.

We have given the above official returns, as they
well exhibit what large deductions an army is
subject to before it takes the field, as well as the
number of men which must be allowed for depots,
reserves, and detached service afterwards. When
we call to mind the fact that the Prussians suc-
ceeded in bringing 280,000 into line at lionig-
griaz, besides having a reserve in Saxony and
another army in South Germany, we must allow
the French have good reason to increase their
army.--Westminster Gazette.