The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-22 00:00:00

and rivals all temptation to insult or injure—let us add,
it relieves the nation themselves from the assaults of that
defensive pride which often makes collective bodies as
well as individuals tetchy and quarrelsome; because;
thinking themselves weak upon some point) they fancy
themselves despised. Nov, 'ranee is a great and gallant
nation, and she is a maritime nation, and therefore she
ought to have a great and gallant marine to hold her in
her proper sphere—to protect her from insult —may we
not say, also, recollecting what occurred in 1840, from
falsely supposing herself insulted where no offence is
intended ? From the side of England, as we firmly
believe, neither France nor any other country need ever
fear aggression or insult, except in the ease of some mad
man occupy ing the throne, and the nation going mad with
him—events not likely to occur, but still events which,
as they are possible, may be guarded against by our
neighbours without giving any just occasion of jealousy.
It is not from England alone, however, that France might
invite insult by neglecting her navy ; exposed without
defence to the attack of England, France would be ab-
solutely weaker, how good and friendly soever the dispo-
sitions of England might be, as we trust they always
will be good and friendly towards France. Other nations
might fall into the delusion by which, unhappily, too
many Frenchmen are possessed, and fancy that, as we
should wish for the humiliation of the neighlaArring king-
dom, we would, sooner or later, co-operate in any at-
tack they might make upon her. And thus we should
be, against our will, dragged into a war. We do not,
however, wish for the humiliation of France. We
would not put out the other eye of Europe, and
deeply should we regret to see France descend One iota
from her relative position in Europe ; but that position
she cannot maintain without a powerful navy. So far,
then, we go heart and hand with the Prince de Join-
ville. But the Prince, it would appear, illustrates his
argument by a frequent reference to the naval wars of
France and England, and by the opportunities to attack
us on our own soil afforded by steam-navigation. As
respects the first, we ask by what wars, if not by the
naval wars of France and England, could the Prince
illustrate his subject ? What enemy worthy of her
arm, except England. has France encountered at sea
for 150 years ? The other topic is one to which we
will not refer here minutely ; but we have ourselves
too often spoken of the necessary effect of the intro-
duction of steam navigation upod a war between the
two countries—certainly without the most dis-
tant purpose of offending Frenchmen—to quar-
rel with the Royal French sailor for follow-
ing the same line ; though he arrives, by that line, at a
conclusion very different from that V) which it has con-
ducted us ; but be it so ; the more that France confides
in that solid strength which she owes to her present
Sovereign's government, the less danger of her rashly
provoking, or being rashly provoked, to a war. But if
war should come—distant by the day—England may
confide in her high destiny and unconquerable people ;
and though war be possible, it shall not make us less
kindly disposed to cultivate the friendship that happily
exists, or to terminate that friendship in any ungenerous
spirit. And we would be disposed, in the possible but
most improbable event to address the Prince of Joinville
in the words of old " Bell-the-Cat "
" We have our sons in yonder field,
And if you meet them un,:er shield,
Upon them bravely do your worst,
And foul fall him that blenches first."

GLOBE.—The South Lancashire election is gradually
drawing to itself an amount of interest far greater than
any single contest has excited—that for the City of Lon-
don, perhaps, excepted—since the general election, on
the result of which the fate of the Melbourne Cabinet
was known to hang. Both parties are putting forth
their utmost energies ; and both express themselves
as confident of triumph. At a distance so considerable.
from the scene of contest, it would be vain for us to in-
dulge in predictions, which the result may show to have
been delusive. The vacant seat was filled by a Conser-
vative, whose majority, it is true, was small. A large
portion of the constituency at the close of the poll had
not voted ; and of these, it is said, the majority are of
Liberal politics. The registration has also been carefully
attended to ; and a large number of Tory voters have
been removed from the registry. Thus far the advantages
are on the side of the Liberal candidate ; and justify
the strong expectations entertained by Mr. Brown's sup-
porters, of returning him to Parliament by a decided
majority. We heartily wish that their most sanguine
hopes may be realised, and that the " heavy blow and
discouragement" which the monopolists sustained by
the defeat of Mr. Baring in London may be followed
by Mr. Entwisle's rejection in South Lancashire.
The unequivocal expression of public opinion in the
metropolis in favour of commercial freedom, has, doubt-
less, very materially aided the cause of free trade, both
in the country, and in the Cabinet. Let South Lan-
cashire, the centre of the manufacturing interests, merge,
every minor political distinction in the one great essen-
tial for maintaining . Britain's commercial posi-
tion on which the interests of every class of
the community depends and the Ministry
will be compelled to relax or entirely remove,
the existing restrictions upon commerce, or will
be driven to resign their posts to those who will have
the honesty and firmness of purpose to do so. While
the battle between the two candidates will be
mainly fought on the ground of the great commer-
cial controversy—Free, or Restricted, Trade—there are
questions relating to Educational systems, and to Reli-
gious Freedom, which will have considerable influence
upon tne Wesleyan Methodists, and the other denomina-
tions of Dissenters with which South Lancashire
abounds. The Factory Education Bill of Sir J. Graham,
as it struck alike at the educational institutions of the
Wesleyans and those of the regular Dissenters, brought
these numerous and powerful bodies into closer union than
ir they had ever been at any former period of their history.
The Sunday and day schools of the Wesleyrns are
their distinguishing glory, as a connexion. They are
the nurseries of their system—the seminaries of their
societies ; in which the younger members of their body
are initiated into the doctrines, and prepared for the
performance of duties, which pertain to the several
gradations of official and ministerial labour. To narrow
the limits of those schools—in many instances to break
them up, and disperse the elements of which they
are composed to the winds—was the object of that
measure. It was prevented from passing into law
solely by the force of public opinion. The combined
opposition of the Wesleyans, acting in close and friendly
co operation with the various denominations of regular
Dissenters, accomplished its defeat. Ministers—who
would have willingly conciliated the High Church
party by this " effective check upon the active and
aggressive spirit of dissent"—were compelled to with-
draw the measure. They abandoned their Bill.
They retired, discomfited and confounded, before the
power they had provoked, and of the formidable num-
bers and influence of which in the country they were
manifestly ignorant. But the disposition which pro-
duced, and pertinaciously persisted in pressing the Bill
upon the House of Commons, to the latest moment that
there existed a possibility of carrying it, will not be
soon forgotten by the religious bodies whose schools
and societies it assailed, and threatened with extinc-
tion. The sectaries, thus exasperated, will not be
easily propitiated. Recently delivered from so great
peril and danger, were the Wesleyans to give their sup-
part to a candidate pledged to the policy of the Govern-
ment which devised that insidious and effective engine
a:;-ainst their schools, they would be inviting a repetition
Of the attempt, and would also provide the means of
rendering it successful. This influential body, and, in
South Lancashire, comparatively numerous portion of
the county constituency, are too wise in their
generation to act so foolishly. Besides, on
the present occasion, the Conservative candidate
is not merely committed to the policy of the
Ministry which brought forward that illiberal and
odious Bill ; he has personally avowed principles, and
delivered himself of sentiments, which plainly show
that he; at least, is prepared, whenever opportunity
offers, to originate, or aid in carrying out, the very
purposes of the—in more senses than one—abandoned
Factory Education Bill. We refer to a re-publication,
most opportunely put forth, of Mr. Entwistle's opi-
nions, as explained by that gentleman at the Man-
chester election in 1841, when he was a defeated can-
didate. Mr. Entwisle's opinions on those subjects have
undergone no change. And yet, with a courage
truly admirable—with a dependence on the forget-
fulness, or forgiveness, of the religious denominations
he has there unchristianised —Mr. Entwisle now
comes fortis and and asks their votes. He seeks a scat in
the Legislature. For what? Why, if there be any
truth, or consistency, in him, that he may increase
the power of the Church, by aiding the Government to
discourage, limit an, if possible, destroy the educational
institutions and the religious operations of the sectaries
throughout the land. Such a candidate may solicit aid
to his views from such quarters. The answer will be
an indignant refusal, accompanied by an avowed deter-
mination to vote fur the friend of religious as well as of
commercial freedom, from every man who knows and
feels his duty to the religious denomination of which he
is a member.