The Sun.
London, England, 1850-08-02 00:00:00

TIN UANCE BILL.

On the motion for the second reading of this Bill,
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said, that as the Bill in-
volved forfeitures and penalties, it should have originated
in the House of Commons, and not in the Lords, and
as the present Bill was first introduced in the Lords it
ought to be rejected.

The SPEAKER was of opinion that the Bill should
be rejected, and another measure brought in.
Lord J. RUSSELL thought after what had fallen
from the Speaker it would not be advisable to proceed
with this Bill.

The Bill was then laid aside by order of the House.

Lord J. RUSSELL then asked for leave to bring in a
similar Bill.

Mr. HUME said he had come down to the House
prepared tl vote against the measure, and he thought
the Government ought to state the grounds on which
they proposed to extend the provisions of the Bill to
Ireland for a further period.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE said he bad no objection to
state the reasons which induced the Government to pro-
pose the continuance of the Act. It was a gratifying
circumstance that he was not able to point, as was done
when the original Bill was introduced, to a long list of
crimes and outrages.—(Hear.) On the contrary, the
eoudition of Ireland as regarded crimes and outrages had
greatly improved since the Act was passed.—(Hear.) Still
there were circumstances which made it necessary that
they should not deprive Ireland of the benefits of the
measure. The two objections which had been urged to
the measure were, that it was of a coercive character,
and would not answer the object for which it was intro-
duced. Now neither of those prophecies had been ful,-
filled; on the contrary, it had not proved to be a severe
measure of coercion to any party except evil doers,
while it bad been completely efficient in checking crimes
and outrages.—(Hear.) The judges had at the last as-
sizes alluded in gratifying terms to the pre-
sent tranquillity of Ireland, and there could be
no doubt that a great part of that tranquillity
was owing to the operations of this measure.—(Hear.)
It would be an act of great indiscretion to allow arms to
fall into the hands of improper persons, and permit the
peace rind general tranquillity which prevailed to be dis-
turbed by the commission of fresh crimes. If there was
anything to complain of it was that the provisions of the
Bill had been administered temperately and firmly, and,
he believed, wisely; and he would say again that it
would be unwise on the part of the House to risk the
existing tranquillity; by removing from the Lord
Lieutenant those powers which he thought it neces-
sary to be entrusted with, and through the continuance
of which the tranquillity of the country might be placed
on a more permanent basis.—(Hear.) The Right Hon.
Gentleman concluded with a motion for leave to bring
in a Bill on the subject.
Colonel DUNNE said he would not oppose the Bill if
the Government considered it necessary for the safety of
Ireland, but he thought the period for its continuance
should be as limited as was consistent with the public
safety.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD felt himself under the necessity
of opposing the re-introduction of the Bill, which it
would be recollected he opposed on a former occa•
sion as being a measure of coercion that ought not
to be placed over the people of Ireland. The extermi-
nations and clearances which had taken place in that
country were the chief cause of the outrages and crimes
committed by the people, and anti! the present system of
tenant right was placed on a better footing much

of the existing abuses would be continued. The Hon.
Gentleman alluded to the letters of " G. S. 0." in the
Times, for the purpose of showing the wretched condition
of the peasantry (many of whom he found lying in
ditches under the straw and rubbish of their demolished
houses), and that a very large amount of their misery was
occatioued by the wanton and unf,eling acts °fiend° wners.
Government ought to take some steps to put down the
evictions which are constantly wearing in Ireland before
they called upon the House to pass a Crime and Out-
rage Bill, at a time when the country was perfectly
tranquil. It was far better to remove the cause
of. crime than to enact laws for its punishment.
One of the most exciting causes was the
absence of a tenant right recognized by the law, and he
must decline to support any Bill of this nature till the
landlord and tenant question had been satisfactorily
set at rest. The late Sir Robert Peel, when he attempted
to pass. a Bill of a similar character to this, /vas told by
the Noble Lord at the head of the present Government
that coercion Bills should not be sent to Ireland unaccom-
panied by measures of relief, and since that declaration
carried the Noble Lord into power, he insisted upon his
now acting upon it. He might, however, be told that
already Government had done all they could to improve
the cludition of Ireland, and perhaps he would be re-
minded of the Encumbered Estates Act, but though the
improvement of Ireland ass the ohj.ct of that Act, it
had served to promote evictions, and increase the miseries
of the people. Filteen years ago the House recognized
the right of Irish tenants to something in the shape of
protection against his landlord, and repeated, though
futile, had been the attempts since then to establish the
right by legislative enactment. But, in the mean time,
Arms Acts and Coercion Bills had been carried without
end. The time had, however, arrived when a stop must
be put to this mode of proceeding; and now that
the hopes of the Irish tenantry had been excited by the
promises of her Majesty's Government, he warned
them that the pausing of this Bill in the place of some
remedial measure would be productive of end-
less discontent and insurmountable difficulties.
But, independently of all this, there was no
necessity for this Bill; the country was tranquil,
and comparatively free from extensive crime, why then
persist in passing a bill of coercion!? The other day
when it was proposed to renew the Alien Act, the House
of Lords refused the motion; there was no necessity for
it, they said, but if, hereafter, any occasion for it should
arise, then would be the time to ask for its
renewal. Now, why could not the same course be
adopted with reference to this Bill? He con-
cluded by moving the following amendment;—That the
distressed people of Ireland have borne unexampled suf-
ferings, produced by famine, and by evictions from the
soil, with praiseworthy submission to the laws; and it is
Mee opinion of this House, that it is not just to renew and
continue measures of coercion subversive of the consti-

tutional rights of the Irish people as British subjects,
whilst the redress of acknowledged grievances connected
with the laws which regulate the relations of landlord
and tenant recommended to the consideration of Parlia-
ment in her Majesty's Speech, has been neglected or
postponed.
Mr. REYNOLDS seconded the amendment. The
Right Hon. Baronet (Sir W. Somerville) had on this
occasion adopted a different course to that of his prede-
cessor in office when asking permission to suspend the
constitution of Ireland, and to curtail the liberties of
the Irish people. The habit on former occasions watt,to
relate a lung list of crime and outrage; but
the habit of the present Secretary for Ireland
was to ask permission to re-enact the Act of the 110th
December, 1847, and in doing so he said ho was free to
admit he could give no list of crime and outrage. There
were indications of such things, the Right Honourable
Gentleman said, but he had not condescended to
favour the House with any translation of the word in•
dication. He (Mr. Reynolds) denied that there was
any political disturbance in Dublin, or any agi.
tation in Ireland at present. All agitation in
Ireland was at an end; and because those pleasing re-
sults had followed the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir W.
Somerville) came into that House, with about forty
Members present, and demanded a suspension of the
constitution of Ireland for four years, and the only
excuse he gave was that Lord Clarendon had not
abused the provisions of that Act. He (Mr.
Reynolds) would ask her Majesty's Government
if they had kept any of the royal promises
they had made to the people of Ireland? Echo
answered " No."— (Lifughter.) That might be an
ec:.o in the Paddy Blake sense—(Renewed laughter)
—but it was true, nevertheless. He submitted that
this 13111 was an insult to the people of Ire-
land, whom the Queen had declared were loyal and
a tached to her ; and the reward they were to get
fur th4t loyalty and attachment was, the
suspension of the constitution, which suspension would
hand them os, r to the ten,.er mercies of whoever
might represent the Queen in Ireland. He (Mr. Rey-
nolds) was n, I prepared to place the liberties of the
poi,pie of Ireland in the hands of Lord Clarendon or any-
body wise. A man holding the office of Lord-Lieutenant
was snide of flesh and blood, and, like other men, he
might ahuse the powers which the law entrusted to
him—(Cris of " ar, hear")—and, therefore, the
won o: Lord Cl,l. ndon ought not to have been

troduced in connexion with this question. lie
(Mr. Reynolds) asked in the name of common justice if