The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORN'IN'tII,__MA 1' 14, lgti4.

" If the story about Mr. Calhoun be true he will not re- t of business which this Bill will throw into their hands. 1
main long in the Cabinet, but there will be-a regular blow- If they are now allowed to charge one or two guineas
up before long. If, indeed, he stays there, it is not expected a day for attendingc, in Court upon the trial of one
that any definite action can be obtained this session in regard
cause, they may
to the question of the Oregon boundary. It is believed that
be satisfied
with 10s., or in some
Mr. Packenham has positive instructions to do nothing at cases ids., when five or six causes may fall to their
all in the matter this year if possible i but delay by every share in one day.
possible means in his power. At all events, Mr. Calhoun STAN DARD.—We find ourselves in a position in
will not allow the boundary line to be run below 49 north .
which we owe to those who honour us wills their
latitude ; and he may insist on retaining the whole of -Van-
couver's Island for the United States. These terms it isliot notice an explanation of the ground that we take, and
likely that the British Minister will accede to;, and Mr. Cal- the conduct that we are pursuing. The country has,
houn will give no better, unless he can get fur us part of , for now nearly two years, had the benefit.of what we
California. So, therefore, it is not likely that anything will I
be done." i firmly believe to be the wisest, the most patriotic, and,
in every respect, the best Adminstration, that the
The negotiations on the Oregon question bstween the British
Minister and the American Government have been suspended men of our generation have ever seen occupying
for the present, and it is understood that no further action will the councils of the Sovereign. The triumphs of its
take place during the present session. It is said to have policy abroad and at home, which it has been al-
been the wish of the American Government to offer a most our daily, and assuredly not ungrateful, task to
treaty to- the Senate simultaneously -with the annexation
treaty, but tistere was a of on the art of th detail the uninterrupted succession, attest the excel-
British Minh re Minster to tat uponwant p sis the basisprop
osed p
by Mr. Cal-e lence of the present Government. To Sir R. Peel's Ad-
boon, which was the parallel of 49 on the northern boundary ministration we have heartily and without reserve given
of the United States, and which Mr. Packenham's instructions our humble support, until its enemies and our enemies
did not allow him to accept. The Hon. H. King, present
United States' Servator, from Alabama, had been nominated have not scrupled to impute our attachment to venality.
by President Tyler, and confirmed by the Senate Minister charge we scorned to make y other
Against that n a
Plenipotentiary to France, and his Excellency William reply than a reference to the character of this journal
Shannon, Minister to Mexico. and of all connected with it—scorned more especially
Later advices had been received from New Orleans. to make a show of independence by captious
Mr. Bankhead, the new British Minister, arrived at Vera objections and impertinent sneers, directed against
Cruz on the 12th of March, and proceeded immediately to true
residence of Santa Anna. An official circular from the Mexi- the measures of the Government and its
can Foreign Department wai published on the 13th of March members. We felt, and we still feel, that
virtually announcing that the regulations concerning Englishmen prove their independence by very
foreigners engaged in retail trade will be adhered to. different means, and that in questions of
The terms of the armistice between Mexico and Texas, as independence Englishmen will look for a different
agreed upon by the Commissioners of the two republics, were
class of proofs from those small quarrels of the
published on the 10th of March. They provide fur a total
cessation of hostilities until the Ist of May, 1844; or longer if coquette, which are, indeed, but • arts to preserve
there seems to be a probability of agreeing upon a permanent an interest by exciting alarm ; and are always
arrangement.. employed to win or preserve, not to repel, favour.
. .
The New York Herald of the 17th ult., says :—" Our local Even now, when we are compelled by an irre-
trade is rapidly improving. The business portion of our sistible necessity to place ourselves in strong.
city exhibits great activity. Country merchants are swarm
and distinct opposition to
ing into this market. The recent heavy importations of Sir Robert Peel's
foreign goods and the competition that exists among our dry Government, our only fear is that we may be sus-
goods merchants, enable merchants from all parts to lay in petted of such unworthy arts; but here again we cast
their Stocks of these goods more profitably in this than in any our reliance upon character. . The question which
other city in the Union." • forces us into this painful opposition to the Queen's
~ The same paper adds :—" The cotton markets of this coun-
Iry will for a time experience considerable depression from Ministers is, as our readers have already antici-
this news, but their recovery will be gradual and permanent. pated, the question of Lord Ashley's propositions.
The result of thy year's sales will undoubtedly be more pro- This is a great question, and as such it is appre-
fitable to the country at large than if speculations were car- ciated by.her Majesty's Ministers, or they would not
reed to a great extent." take upon it the line that they have taken—a line
The businessllone at the New York Stock Board on the
16th was to a fair extent, but at a small decline in price. which they must see, for they are wise and sagacious
The rate of exchange on London stood at 109 to 10S4, men, will seriously affect their just popularity in
with a fair business doing. the country, materially impair the strength of the
Conservative party that has placed them in office,
and render almost certain the heavy calamity of
a change in the Government at no distant day
Upon any question less than a vital one, a
Government such as Sir Robert Peel's would not
encounter these sacrifices; and these are, in truth,
consequences of the line taken by Ministers which
no - man who sincerely loves his country can
Contemplate without pain. Be this, however, as it
may, the Ministers have resolved to confront them,
and it would be equally absurd and unjust to sup-
pose that they embark in the .risk- without a power-
ful; 'motive of consi;ience. On the other side we,
and most of Lord Ashley's supporters, estimate
the full • magnitude of the question in issue. If
our object were merely to steal popular favour
for a measure, to underrate its importance would
be an obvious artifice to resort to; but this is not
our Firpose. The proposition of Lord Ashley, if
successful, must establish the principle that the
Legislature will henceforth, as far as a legis-
lature can, protect the labouring classes from
the power of wealth, how peaceably and openly
soever that power may be exercised, as the
. laws already protect all classes from the power of vio-
lence and fraud. This is a great question, but it is
right in justice to' all parties that it be perfectly un-
derstood. The introduction of the protective principle
spoken of must work an important, and,. as we
believe, a most beneficial change in the whole social
system of the country ; but we think that its ope-
ration will be at-first slow, almost insensible indeed,
except by those immediately to be benefited, corn
paratively a few, while through all its progress the
reform will be mild and healing. The Ministers, on
the other side, see the magnitude of the change, and
charged as they are with the peace and prosperity of
the country, and therefore justly cautious, if not
timid, they dread the risk of so bold an experiment in
their time.

( Hear, hear.) That question came to this—if they found
themselves pressed in foreign competition, if they found them-
selves obliged either to admit food at a low duty, or without
any duty at all, or to make these young women work more
hours than their health enabled them to bear, the question
was to which alternative did they incline? Were these persons
to go on working these two hours a-day for ever
in order to maintain the corn-laws 1—( Hear, hear.) Or would
they say they would rather give up the corn .laws than enforce
these hours of labour ? If that was the question, only let thent
consider in how odious a light they would put these restrictions
on foreign corn,
_ if they kept the people at work solely for these
restrictions. He felt called on to state these opinions, because
he had been taunted with having changed his views on this
question. He avowed that he had done so ; on reflection and
consideration he avowed that his opinions were changed.—
( Hear, hear.) But then the first consideration was, had he, in
this change of opinion, been influenced by any unworthy motive ?
—( Hear, hear.) There was but one Hon. and Learned Member
who, in the course of this debate had insinuated such motives
against him, and those who sat with him. With respect to
that Hon. and Learned Member, he had nothing to reply to
him, for he had taken himself completely out of the sphere of
our mortal and peccable naturel—( Great laughter and cheers.)
That Hon. and Learned Gentleman, with great candour and
great modesty, said that
"Fools rush in where"
declining to give the rest of the line—(Cheers)—thus it
was very clear—insinuating by way of what the lawyers
call inuendo—that the Noble Lord the Member for Sunder-
laud, who did meddle with the subject, was " a fool,"
and that " angels," thereby meaning such as the Hon.
and Learned Member for Bath himself, were afraid to touch
the subject, thus claiming for himself the benefit of the line.
—( Great laughter and cheers,) Putting aside, therefore, any
dispute with the Hon. and Learned Member, because he (Lord
J. Russell) only pretended to be fallible and erring on the
subject, he came next to the Right Hon. Secretary for the
Home Department, because he had stated to the House what
were his (Lord J. Russell's) views formerly on this subject.
He had stated those views in office, and he had stated them out
of it. Did the Right Hen. Gentleman mean to say that per-
fect consistency on every subject was absolutely neces-
sary to the character of a politician ?—(Great cheer-
ing and laughter.) He might refer to great examples
of former days, to men who were not afraid to state that they
were inconsistent, and had changed their opinions on certain
subjects. He regretted that he was compelled to detain the
House at such a late hour with these remarks, but he felt
convinced that the opinions and convictions which he had ex-
pressed upon this subject were the best that could be come at,
and he thought, whatever consequences might be pro-
phesied to follow from the adoption of the proposition,
of the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire, there were
some others of equal importance. In saying this he was not at
all actuated by an anxiety or courting for popular demonstra-
tion.—( Hear, hear.) He bought they were bound to
consider what were the results which would be likely
to accrue to the commercial and manufacturing interests
of the country ; but still that was not the only thing which
was to be considered. The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated
that there were 450,000 persons dependent upon manufactures,
and it was on account of that large number being crammed
together in large towns, who had not sufficient time to
devote to educational purposes that he (Lord J. Russell) was
in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for
Dorsetshire. What he (Lord J. Russell) sought was that the
people should have an opportunity of gaining such secular
knowledge as would make them good citizens ; persons
who had reasons for respecting the institutions of the
country. Ile asserted that if they neglected this subject,
if they looked at nothing except the accumulation of manufac-
turing wealth—if they acted thus, some day or other they
would awake from their present pleasant dream, and find the
terrible reality of an immense population estranged from the
Government of the country; and open to the incentives of the
wildest demagogues, and to the most mischievous doctrines.
He was in favour of a proposition which would enable the
young of both sexes to receive that groundwork, by which
their domestic affections would be strengthened, and to gain
that education to which the people of every free State were
entitled. For those reasons, and in this spirit, he felt bound
to give his vote in favour of the proposition of the Noble Lord,
the Member for Dorsetshire.—( Cheers. )
Sir R. H. INGLIS rose amidst loud cries of " Divide,
divide," and was for several minutes quite inaudible in the
gallery. As soon as order was partially restored we understood
the Hon. Baronet to be pronouncing an eulogy upon Lord
Ashley's proposal, because he thought it was reconcileable with
the present principles of Christianity and philantbrophY.
( The cries of " Divide, divide," here became so loud that
the Hon. Baronet was compelled to resume his seat. )
Mr. COLLETT ( Athlone) rose amidst loud cries of " Di-
vide, divide." He said he should say but one word.—( Hear. )
He was opposed to all interference with the hours of labour, and
for this reason he voted for the proposition of the Hen. and
Learned Member for Bath. He would vote against the third
reading of the Bill, and for .the same reason he would vote for
the motion of the Noble Lord.—( Great laughter and cries of
" Divide.") He thought a Ten Hours' Bill was better than a
Twelve Hours' Bill, and he hoped the amendment, if carried,
ould get rid of this improper and pernicious Bill.—(Cries of
" Divide, divide.")
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided, when there appeared—
For Lord Ashley's clause - 159
Against it
Majority against the clause
The announcement of the result was received with loud
cheering, and with Shoats of laughter.
On our re-admission to the gallery, we found Mr. Brother-
, ton and Lord Ashley on their legs, each attempting to address
the Speaker, but with their voices completely drowned in the
: boisterous laughter. At length silence was obtained, Lord

PORTUGAL.

SOUTHAMPTON, MAY 11.—The Peninsular and Oriental
Company's steamer, Lady Mary Wood, Captain E. Cooper,
arrived this morning at five o'clock from the Peninsula,
bringing all the mails. Her dates of departure are as fol-
low :—From Gibraltar, May 3 -; Cadiz, .4 ; Lisbon, 7 ; off
Oporto, 8 ; Vigo, 8.
. Ships of war lying at Gibraltar—Locust steamer, and Ame-
rican frigate Plymouth. Lisbon—Her Majesty's ship Al-
bion ; French brigs of war, Argus and Volage. ' Vessels
passed off—Exchanged signals with the Company's steam-
ship Oriental, being to the sonthWard and westward of Cape
Espichel, under all canvass, steering to the southward. The
Company's steam-ship Pacha arrived at Lisbon with the
mails from England early on the 7th. Specie en board—
Twelve packages of specie and bullion, full cargo of fruit, and
eleven head of cattle from Vigo.
The Great Liverpool arrived at the Motherbank early yes-
terday morning, where she is performing quarantine. She
will be here ell Tuesday.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS
FROM TIM EVENING PIPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLQBE.—The County Courts' Bill stands in the
notice-paper of the House of Commons for this even-
ing; ".The further consideration of the Report" will
be entered upon, should the adjourned debate on the
Factory Bill terminate sufficiently early to allow of
its being entertained, or a further adjournment of
the debate be agreed upon, in order that this
highly important Bill—which has been, in our
view, improperly delayed may be proceeded
with. Further delay, will render its passing in the
present session unlikely, if not impossible. A sus-
picion will thus be strengthened—it has already
arisen—that the Government is not sincere in its ex-
pressed wish for effecting this substantial improve-
ment in the administration of justice. It has been
said, we hope without foundation, that the introduc-
tion of the Bill was rather intended by Ministers to
relieve themselves from responsibility, than with any
intention to urge the Bill forward through its seve-
ral stages, so that it might come into early operation.
The provisions of the Bill are such as to approve
themselves to the General body of :the commercial
part of the community—especially to that portion of
it which most feels the inconvenience, of consi-
derable outlay, associated with the hazard of reco-
vering nothing from the debtor—entailed by the
existing laws for the recovery of small debts.
A. debt under forty shillings is, in general,
recoverable only by application to those ano-
malous tribunals, the Courts of, Request, or, as
they are generally designated, Courts of Conscience.
"Confusion worse confounded" pervades these clumsy
expedients created by the Legislatuire for settling the
multifarious claims of petty shopkeepers upon their
customers for default ; of servants arid work-
men upon their masters and employers for wages,
payment of which is refussd or withheld; and of every
other imaginable pecuniary dispute which may arise
between such parties. The confusion of tongues was
harmony itself compared with these ,Babels ; while
S
speirnfctn
inimitable
/description of " crowner's
law" a
of reason compared with the
h s pi
is
at r
the '
discussions and decisions of the Commissioners—
chosen by the parishes assigned to,the districts within
which the jurisdiction of these Courts extends—who
" settle and determine" the matters brought before
them. These reproaches upon the law, and fre-
quently outrages upon justice will be got rid of,
at one fell swoop,' by this Bill. The " Mayors'
Courts," which exist in some of the larger
boroughs—and by which the inhabitants may sue
and be sued for sums under 20/.—are less ob-
noxiouswwlial
t also
the
ht
eob
ecens abolished
presentr e
state of society requires. These
by this Bill. They will merge, although far from approaching to
in the new and more prompt and efficient tribunals
now proposed to be established. We need hardly
state that, with the exception of the tribunals
we have named, the existing law for the recovery
of small debts is so expensive in its operation as to
amount, in most cases,' to a virtual prohibition of its
use. What man—having the most remote concep-
tion of the expense, and with a reasonable acquaint-
ance with the " glorious uncertainty" of the law,
together with the chances against obtaining his debt
and costs from the defendant—would ever think of
giving instructions to his attorney to bring an ac-
tionof a sum of moderate amount ?
If Courts at Westminster will
underfor the
201., recovery
the
e
transmit it for trial before the Sheriff; but
then the costs—even though there be no mo-
tion in the superior Court to deprive the
plaintiff of his verdict—will be considerably
more than the amount of which the Sheriff can take
cognizance. The merits of the Bill for .remedying
the perplexities and confusion, arising out of the delay
and expense of the existing state of the law, will be
seen by a brief outline of its provisions. It proposes
to provide " one rule and manner" for recovering debts
not exceeding la, and for the trial of " personal ac-
tions" throughout England. For this purpose County
Courts are to be established, which, however, may be
separated into districts. A judge, who at the time
of his appointment must be a barrister of seven, or an
attorney of ten years' standing, is to preside. All
proceedings in cases assigned to their jurisdiction are
to be brought before these Courts for decision. No
writ or pleadings. are requisite ; but a plaint, in
writing, must be served on the defendant; in some cases
seven, and in others ten days must elapse between
the service of the plaint and the trial. If the
amount sought to be recovered be less than 51., the
judge may decide the claim without the intervention
of a jury; if above that sum, a jury of five (of whom
a majority may decide and return the verdict) may
be obtained on the application of either party. The
parties may address the Court in person; and may be
themselves examined. Execution will be as.effectually
enforced as by process from the superior Courts. The
necessity of personal service upon the defendant, by
which the creditor is at present so frequently obstructed
and the law defied, is rendered unnecessary. Thus a
prompt adjudication is secured, and when obtained,
the order of the Court is speedily enforced. Provie
sion is made by the Bill for obtaining• new trials ;
but in order to guard against such applications being
made to the superior Courts for the purposes of delay,
security for costs must be given by the applicant.
As the Bill now stands, execution may be issued
against .the person, as well as against the.property, of
the debtor. This provision will, of course, be dependent
on the adoption of Lord Cottenham's Bill, for the
abolition of imprisonment for debt in all cases decided
by the Civil Courts. 'This Bill.has passed the House
of Lords with singular unanimity. - •After such
a recognition of the principle, we scarcely see
how the clause in the County Courts Bill,
which gives the plaintiff a power to, issue pro-
cess against the person of, the debior, t,ean be re-
tained. The Bill provides for compensation to "exist-
ing interests." This is, unhappily, one of the results of
long-continued evils from which the public interests
have suffered, until the grievances have grown to an
extent so great as to render their removal indispen-
sible, Those who have fastened thernselvjs upon the
system, and fattened upon the spoils, set up a claim to
compensation for the loss of that which they ought
never to have possesssed. The price of the remedy
may be high; but better to pay high fora removal of
-the evil, than continue a system which preys upon Cie
best interests of the community. From two or three
pamphlets which have been put forth on the sub-
ject, w.A; perceive that the Bill has little favour
with the attorneys. It is threatened with op-
position in Parliament, from the influence which many
of these gentlemen exercise over Members of the
Legislature. Attorneys may, by permission of the
judge, appear, and conduct causes brought before
-the Court ; but-their fees, as fixed •bY the- Bill, are,
it is said, too low to remunerate them. They may,
however, fairly look for remuneration to the amount

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

• HOUSE- OF LORDS, May 13.
Their Lordships sat to-day at twelve o'clock, in a Com-
mittee for Privileges, Among the Peers present were the
Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Shaftesbury, Lord Brougham,
Lord Campbell, Viscount Strangford, Lora Sudeley, and Lord
Kenyon.

Ashley gave way, and
Mr. BROTHERTON moved- the introduction of a clause,
which
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said was rendered unnecessary by
the amendments that had been made in Committee.
The clause was then negatived without a division.
Mr. GRAN GER moved several additions and alterations
in clauses 4, 45, 69, and 70, relating to appeals against
convictions. .
After a few observations from Mr. AGLIONBY, in which
he begged of the Hon. Member not to divide on the clause, as
they had seen what could be done that night,
Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided
on the clause, when there appeared—
For the motion
1 Against it ' ... 29
Majority
On the question that the Bill do pass,
The House again divided, when their appeared—
For the motion
Against it 7
Majority -129
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Two o'Clock.

IRELAND.

THE POLICE SPY SYSTEM-EXTRAORDINARY

DISCLOSURES.
DUBLIN, MAY 11.—Revington, the principal witness against
the police, who had been spirited away from the investiga-
tion ordered by the Government at Shinrone, is now in Dub-
lin Castle, having arrived in town from the King's County
on Thursday, under the surveillance of Mr. Lynar, son of
Mr. Lynar, the stipendiary Magistrate. Ogle and Lyndon,
two of the police at Shinrone, implicated in this affair, are
also-at the Castle, where Mr. Manley, Q.C., has resumed the
inquiry he had commenced at Shinrone. A female, stated to
have been employed by the police, to cause outrages'to be
committed, fur the ulterior purpose of prosecution, is also in
attendance at the Castle. It appears that revelations of the
most extraordinary kind have been made by Revington, who
has implicated several more policemen in the King's County.
It is stated that more than thirty innocent persons in that
district, within a few years, have been transported through
the agency of policemen or their agents in this most nefa-
rious business. Several of those prosecutions were for the
possession of Ribbon 'documents, which, it seems, had been
surreptitiously conveyed into the pockets of the parties se-
lected for prosecution.
Since the present Government came into office, this vil-
lanous system has often been exposed; but the authorities
did not deem it necessary to take any step' to check the ter-
rible evil. At length the police spy system has been actually
forced upon the Government.
The following statement appears in the Leinster Express
We stated in our last that Revington, the principal wit-
' ness in the development of the atrocious system pursued by.
Ogle, and screened by his superiors, had returned to Shin-
rone the day after the investigation. We have since heard
that he again absconded, but was again brought back, and
is now in Dublin, for examination at the Castle. Peggy Di-
vany, the wretched woman at whose instigation the unfor-
tunate creatures named Brien set fire to a house, for which
she was transported at Tullamore assizes, has, notwithstand-
ing her asseveration in open court,-that ' the Peelers were
gentlemen,' since come forward and acknowledged the part
she took in the poor woman's ruin, stating that she was put
up to it by Ogle, who arranged the plot, and had the deed
committed at a time when he should be lying in wait. Di•
vany also has been sent to Dublin. Comment further than
appeared in our last is needless, respecting these awful dis-
closures. We can only further express our hope, that no-
thing will be left undone for the conviction and punishment
of all who have had any hand in these fiendish transactions ;
and that; Government will, in this manner, restore that
public confidence in the channels of justice, which the Libe-
ral journals are endeavouring to bring into disrepute, cer-
tainly not upon slight or isolated grounds, as several other
cases of a similar nature--whether well founded or otherwise
we will not now presume to say—appear in Tipperary papers
of this week."

UNITED STATES.
LIVERPOOL, SUNDAY EVENING,

ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.

The packet-ship New York, Captain Cropper, has reached
here to-day from New York, whence she sailed on the 17th
ult. This arrival brings us papers of five days later date
than those received this morning by the Samuel Hicks.
The news is-somewhat important, inasmuch as we are fur-
nished with some particulars respecting the treaty for the
annexation of Texas to the United States. It really appears
that the annexation of Texas to the United States is likely
soon to be accomplished.
The New York Journal of Commerce of the 17th ult. pub-
lishes a letter from the Hon. Mr. Wilkins, Secretary of state,
to his late constituents, announcing that the treaty had been
signed, and giving his reasons for acquiescing in the mea-
sure. He, of course, does not state the terms of the treaty ;
but the Washington correspondent of the New York Sun of
the 16th, says :
" At last we are to have the treaty for the . annexation of
Texas. The President and high contracting parties signed
the treaty yesterday. It is of course impossible to get at the
terms of the treaty with anything like accuracy—as every
one has been sworn to secrecy that has had anything to do
with the drawing up of the treaty. But still some facts will
leak out in relation to it. Among others, these are alleged to
form certain features in the matter. There is nothing inserted
in the treaty about the boundary. The 'public lands of Texas
are to be surrendered to the United States, and the United
States is to pay the debts of Texas. These are to be all
limited to a sum somewhere about ten millions of dollars.
Texas is to be admitted as a territory, to enjoy equal pri-
vileges with Florida and no more ; to send one representative
to the next session of this twenty-eighth Congress, and to
every other Congress, until Texas has either been admitted
into the Union as a State, or else, divided into two or more
territories. These are the main features of the treaty as they
are talked of in the House of Representatives to-day."
The same paper of the following day adds :
" The treaty for the annexation of Texas will be sent: in a
day or two. It is said that a report by Mr. Calhoun will ac-
company it, and that he will send documents that will show
conclusively that Great Britain has designs upon Texas, and
that that nation has endeavoured and will endeavour to get
possession of Texas, or suck an influence over her as to be
equivalent to possession.
" Out of doors and an Congress it is universally stated that
Texas is to come in as a territory, with one delegate to Con-
gress, to be elected next October. That a Board of Commis-
tachllaleoiwineds
sioners is to be formed, who are to examine all claims and
evidences of debt against Texas ; and to allow onlythe just
nominalothnlayt valueoi eif dollar
ao fm fiavfnoer
it.dollarsreceived‘hfeo
for one
boundary
puinecd
ae dollar,of l Texas xh.a se
ry me to be left
isser:Op bo ef
oppii for future negotiation; and' that. Mexico is to be paid
several millions—say five or ten millions—as an equivalent
for her claim on the territory. These are the current rumours
out of doors. I give them for what they are worth.