The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS:

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The County Courts' Bill stands in the
notice-paper of the House of Commons for this even-
ing. The further consideration of the Report" will
be entered upon, should the adjourned debate on the
Factory Bill terminate sufficiently early to allow of
its being entertained, or a further adjournment of
the debate be agreed upon, in order that this
highly important Bill—which has been, in our
view, improperly delayed may be proceeded
with. Further delay will render its passing in the
present session unlikely, if not impossible. A sus-
picion will thus be strengthened—it has already
arisen—that the Government is not sincere in its ex-
pressed wish for effecting this substantial improve-
ment in the administration of justice. It has been
said, we hope without foundation, that the introducs
tion of the Bill was rather intended by Ministers to
relieve themselves from respon ibility, than with any
intention to urge the Bill forward through its seve-
ral stages, so that it might come into early operation.
The provisions of the Bill are such as to approve
themselves to the general body of the commercial
part of the community—especially to that portion of
it which most feels the inconvenience of consi-
derable outlay, associated with the hazard of reco-
vering nothing from the debtor—entailed by the
existing laws for the recovery of small debts.
A debt under forty shillings is; in general,
recoverable only by application to those ano-
malous tribunals, the Courts of Request, or, as
they are generally designated, Courts of Conscience.
" Confusion gorse confounded" pervades these clumsy
expedients created by the legislature for settling the
multifarious claims of patty shopkeepers upon their
customers for default ; of servants and work-
men upon their masters and employers for wages,
payment of which is refusad or withheld; and of every
other imaginable pecuniary dispute which may arise
between such parties. The confusion of tongues was
harmony itself compared with these Babels ; while
Shakspeare's inimitable !description of "crowner's
law" is the perfection of reason compared with the
discussions and decisions of the Commissioners—
chosen by the parishes assigned to the districts within
which the jurisdiction of these Courts extends—who
"settle and determine" the matters brought before
them. These reproaches upon the law, and fre-
quently outrages upon justice will be got rid of,
" at one fell swoop," by this Bill. The " Mayors'
Courts," which exist in some of the larger
boroughs"—and by which the inhabitants may sue
and be sued for sums under 201.—are less ob-
noxious to censure, although far from approaching to
what the present state of society requires. These
will also be abolished by this Bill. They will merge
in the new and more prompt and efficient tribunals
now proposed to be established. We need hardly
state that, with the exception of the tribunals
we have named, the existing law for the recovery
of small debts is so expensive in its operation as to
amount, in most cases, to a virtual prohibition of its
use. What man—having the most remote concep-
tion of the expense, and with a reasonable acquaint-
ance with the " glorious uncertainty" of the law,
together with the chances against obtaining his debt
and costs from the defendant—would ever think of
giving instructions to his attorney to bring an ac-
tion for the recovery of a.sum of moderate amount ?
If under 201., the Courts at 'Westminster will
transmit it for trial before the Sheriff; but
then the costs—even though there be no mo-
tion in the superior Court to deprive the
plaintiff of his verdict—will be considerably
more than the amount of which the Sheriff can take
cognizmce. The merits of the Bill for remedying
the perplexities and confusion, arising out of the delay
and expense of the exising state of the law, will be
seen by a brief outline of its provisions. It proposes
to provide "one rule and manner" for recovering debts
not exceeding 151., and for the trial of " personal ac-
tions" throughout England. For this purpose County
Courts are to be established, which, however, may be
separated into districts. A judge, who at the time
of his appointment must be a barrister of seven, or an
attorney of ten years' standing, is to preside. All
proceedings in cases assigned to their jurisdiction are
to be brought before these Courts for decision. No '
writ or pleadings are requisite ; but a plaint, in
writing, must be served on the defendant; in some cases
seven, and in others ten days must elapse between
the service of the plaint and the trial. If the
amount sought to be recovered be less than 51., the
judge may decide the claim without the intervention
of a jury ; if above that sum, a jury of five (of whom
a majority may decide and return the verdict) may
be obtained on the application of either party. The
parties may address the Court in person, and may be
themselves examined. Execution will be as effectually
enforced as by process from the superior Courts. The
necessity of personal service upon the defendant, by
which the creditor is at present so frequently obstructed
and the law defied, is rendered unnecessary. Thus a
prompt adjudication is secured, and when obtained,
the order of the Court is speedily enforced. Provis
sion is made by the Bill for obtaining new trials ;
but in order to guard against such applications being
made to the superior Courts for the purposes of delay,
security for costs must be given by the applicant.
As the Bill now stands, execution may be issued
against the person, as well as against the property, of
the debtor. This provision will, of course, be dependent
on the adoption of Lord Cottenham's Bill, for the
abolition of imprisonment for debt in all cases decided
by the Civil Courts. This Bill has passed the House
of Lords with singular unanimity. After such
a recognition of the principle, we scarcely see
how the clause in the Cour ty Courts Bill,
which gives the plaintiff a power to issue pro-
cess against the person of the debtor, can be re-
tained. The Bill provides for compensation to "exist-
ing interests." This is, unhappily, one of the results of
long-continued evils from which the public interests
have suffered, until the grievances have grown to an
extent so great as to render their removal indispens-
able. Those who have fastened themselves upon the
system, and fattened upon the spoils, set up a claim to
compensation fsr the loss of that which they ought
never to have possesssed. The price of the remedy
may be high; but better to pay high for a removal of
the evil, than continue a system which preys upon the
best interests of the community. From two or three
pamphlets which have been put forth on the sub-
ject, we perceive that the Bill has little favour
with the attorneys. It is threatened with op-
position in Parliament, from the influence which many
of these gentlemen exercise over members of the
Legislature. Attorneys may, by permission of the
judge, appear, and conduct causes brought before
the Court ; but their fees, as fixed by the Bill, are,
it is said, too low to remunerate them. They may,
however, fairly look for remuneration to the amount
of business which this Bill will throw intotheir hands.
If they are now allowed to charge one or two guireas
a day for attending in Court upon the trial of one
cause, they may be satisfied with 10s., or in some
cases 155., when five or six causes may fall to their
share in one day.
STANDARD.—We find ourselves in a position in
which we owe to those who honour us with their.
notice an explanation of the ground that we take, and
the conduct that we are pursuing. The country has,
for now nearly two years, had the benefit of what we
firmly believe to be the wisest, the most patriotic, and,
in every respect, the best Adminstration, that the
men of our generation have ever seen occupying
the councils of the Sovereign. The triumphs of its
policy abroad and at home, which it has been al-
most our daily, and assuredly not ungrateful, task to
detail the uninterrupted succession, attest the excel-
lence of the present Government. To Sir R. Peel's
rAd-
ministration we have heartily and without reserve given
ou
humble support, until its enemies and our enemies
have not scrupled to impute our attachment to venality.
Against that charge we .scorned to make any other
reply than a reference to the character of this journal
and of all connected with it—scorned more especially
to make a show of independence
ndependence by captious
objections and impertinent sneers, directed against
the measures of the Government and its
members. We felt, and
Englishmen prove their we still feel, that
independence by very
different means, and that in questions
di
ffc of
independence Englishmen will look fora
class of proofs from those small quarrels of the
coquette, which are, indeed, but arts to preserve
an interest by exoiting alarm ; and are always
employed to win or preserve, not to repel, favour.
Even now, when we are compelled by an irre-
sistibt'e necessity to place ourselves in strong
and distinct opposition to Sir Robert Peel's
Government, our only fear is that we may be sus-
pe led of such unworthy arts ; but here again we cast
our reliance upon character. The question which
forces us into this painful opposition to the Queen's
Ministers is, as our readers have already antici-
pated, the question of Lord Ashley's propositions.
This is a great question, and as such it is appre-
ciated 'by her Majesty's Ministers, or they would not
take upon it the line that they have taken—a line
which they must see, for they are wise and sagacious
men, will seriously affect their just popularity in
the country, materially impair the strength of the
Conservative party that has placed them in office,
and render almost certain the heavy calamity of
a change in the Government at no distant day
less than a vital one, a
"'sir Robert Peel's would not
:s; and these are, in truth,
taken by Ministers which

no man who sincerely loves his country can
contemplate without pain. Be this, however, as it
-may, the Ministers have resolved to confront them,
and it would be equally absurd and unjust to sup-
pose that they embark in :the risk without a power-
ful motive of conscience. On the other side we,
and most of Lord Ashley's supporters, estimate
the full magnitude of the question in issue. If
our object were merely to steal popular favour
for a measure, to underrate its importance would
be an obvious artifice to resort to; but this is not
our purpose. The proposition of Lord Ashley, if
successful, must establish the principle that the
L-gislature will henceforth, as far as a legis-
lature can, protect the labouring classes from
the power of wealth, how peaceably and openly
soever that power may be exercised, as the
laws already protect all classes from the-power of vio-
lence and fraud. This is a great question, but it is
right in justice to all parties that it be perfectly un-
derstood. The introduction of the protective principle
spoken of must work an important, and, as we
believe, a most beneficial change in the whole social
system of the country ; but we think that its ope-
ration will be at first slow, almost insensible indeed,
except by those immediately to be benefited, com •
paratively a few, while through all its progress the
reform will be mild and healing. The Ministers, on
the other side, see the magnitude of the change, and
charged as they are with the peace and prosperity of
the country, and therefore justly cautious, if not
timid, they dread the risk of so bold an experiment in
their time.

EXTENSIVE CONFLAGRATION

AT LYME REGIS.

LYME REGIS, MAY 11.—We have to record a most de-
structive fire which occurred in this town to-day. The firs
broke out about half-past 8 A.M., on the premises of Mr. G.
Selleq, baker, residing in George's-court. By some means
unknown some furze in an adjoing loft became ignited, and
wasi speedily in a blaze, which quickly communicated to the
stables of the George Inn, the roofs of which, being com-
posed of thatch, were soon in a complete blaze ; and the
dwelling-house of Mr. Sellers, the George Inn, the house
of Mr. J. Channon, and the whole of the premises
adjoining were quickly burnt to the ground, the
inmates having scarcely time to save any of their
effects. As we have been destitute of rain nearly two
months everything was excessively dry ; and the flames,
aided by a fresh breeze at N.E., spread with the greatest
rapidity, and quickly crossed the streets. to the
opposite premises, when the: Victoria inn and the
adjoining premises fell a prey to the devouring
element, the whole of the furniture and stock
being entirely consumed. Nothing could now ar-
rest the progress of tha flames. Both sides of
Coombe street being on fire, the greatest consternation
and alarm prevailed. The scene became truly awful,
as several houses caught fire at once, and women and
•children were seen running about the streets in a
state of distraction, endeavouring to save some por-
tion of their goods. The wind had now carried the
flames to the stables of the Cups Hotel, which, being
all thatched, burned with the greatest fury, and soon
communicated to the dwelling-house, and the whole of
the extensive premises of the head inn in the town
were soon reduced to a heap of ruins, with barely suffi-
cien time to save the horses and different vehicles
in the yard. Meanwhile the fire continued to pro-
ceed through Coombe-street, the houses on each side
being entirely destroyed, as far as Mr. Munden's on one
side, and the Crown Inn on the other—both being pre-
served by pulling down a house between each and the
fire. The Pilot-boat Inn had by this time caught fire,
and, the flames spreading rapidly, was soon burnt down,
together with the whole of the adjoining houses on the
left band, and also behind, with the salt and coal cellars
of Messrs. Prosser. The custom-house next followed,
being levelled with the ground; but all the books and
papers belonging thereto were fortunately preserved.
In spite of the exertions of the firemen, and the
plentiful supply of water to the engines, the fire pro-
ceeded the street, and the Commercial Reading-
rooms, the houses of Mr. Bowring, Captain Urquhart,
Mrs. Fox, Mrs. Sellers, Mr. Hooks, Mr. Landrays,
the Conservative Reading-room, the extensive premises
of Mr. J. Sellers, mister and brewer, the New Inn,
with the buildings behind, were all burnt to the ground.
The only house not wholly burnt being that of Mr.
Templeman's, which is only partially destroyed • whilst
the shambles oppositeis entirely unroofed, and the clock,
with the spire and vane, totally demolished. In the
afternoon the wind gradually subsided, and the progress
of the flames was fortunately arrested. The amount of
damage done is immense.
The lower part of the town presents a scene of de-
struction and desolation never witnessed here since the
memorable fire of Nov. 5, 1803, when the whole of Mill-
green was destroyed. . About forty houses have now
been burnt down, amongst which is the head inn,
and five other public-houses. The greater part,
we believe, are insured, but many have lost their
all, whilst vast numbers have their goods torn to
pieces and lost by removing to a place of safety. Great
praise is due to the officers and crews of her Majesty's
cutters Adelaide, Eagle, and Asp, which happened to be
in the roads at the time, and whose exertions to stop the
progress of the flames, both by assisting in pulling down
the houses and at the engines, were highly meritorious,
as were also those of the inspecting commander and the
coast-guard. Had the fire happened in the night the
consequences must have been much more disastrous, and
probably attended with loss of life.—Shipping Gazette.

TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING
QUARTER TO SIX O'CLOCK.
DERBY.
8 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lot
5 to 2 agst Ugly Buck
7 to 2 agst Ratan
16 to 1 agst Orlando
20 to I agst Running Rein
20 to 1 agst Bay Momus
20 to 1 agst T'Auld. 'Squire
20 to 1 agst lonian
25 to 1 agst Akbar
40 to 1 agst Campanero
30 to 1 agst Mount Charles
32.t0 1 agst Qui Tam

OAKS.

8 to 1 agst Princess
10 to 1 agst Sister to Martingale
12 to 1 agst Merope
12 to 1 agst Crenoline
20 to 1 agst All-round-my-Hat

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL (Mr. Thesiger)
took the oaths and his seat for Abingdon.
Mr. SCOTT MURRAY, who has lately embraced
the Catholic religion, took the oath required to be
taken by Roman Catholic Members on taking their
seats.

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY l3, 1844.

interference. He instanced the late interference with
the operation of Art-Unions, and the stopping of the
old system of lotteries. Again, the very violent, but
very proper interference of the police the other night
with the gaming-houses at the West-end. Was not
that an interference with labour ?—(Great laughter.)
It was an interference with policy if not with labour.
In the present case it was the people who called on
them to.interfere. With respect to the effect of inter-
ference on wages, he understood that one of the largest
firms existing in England had come to the
conclusion that they could work their machinery
sixteen hours a day by two relays of men of eight
hours each, and that they would be enabled to make
the same profits as they now did, and to give the same
wages for eight hours' labour as they now did for twelve.
The manufacturers might at first be unwilling to pay
the same amount of wages when the time was re-
duced, but he believed they would do so in the end,
and the labourers were themselves willing to chance
the reduction of wages. If he had studied political
economy at all—(A laugh)—he knew of how much
importance it was to ascertain the limits of the
subject, and that there were some questions to which
it was inapplicable. If a reduction of two hours took
place, it would be of little use to the labourers, if
means were not devised by which they might spend
them profitably; and he was confident that the eminent
manufacturers of the country—such men as the Mar-
shalls, the Greggs, the Ashtons—would find a means
of making it profitable to them. The importance of
the foreign market had been dwelt upon, but from
the improvements which were every day taking place
in machinery, and the facilities which were af-
forded for its exportation, it would be impos-
sible for them to hold the exclusive market of the
world. If the Government thought it of
such importance, Ai/by do they not take off the duty on
raw notton ? The GOvernment had placed themselves
in a wrong position before the country with regard
to this measure. They were accused of inhumanity,
and want of feeling towards the working classes,
but how much was this at variance with the great
provisions of the present Bill. By taking a different
course, they might have avoided placing temselves in
such a position. Protection to the factory worker
was now equivalent to a Ten Hours Bill, and a Ten
Hours Bill they deetared they.would have. Petitions
had been presented to that House against such a mea-
sure by. 360 masters. What must be the feelings of
the workmen towards those 360 masters who
petitioned against them. The Government declared
they had gone far ei2ougli, and would not go any further.
It would have been better for the Government to
withdraw the Factory Bill than refuse to go further.
But they knew the necessity for having this Factory
Bill • they knew that all the assertions about non-
interference were unmeaning and vague, and that a
Factory Bill was as necessary for the country
as any Bill , which could be brought before
the House. Bellying, confidently, therefore, in
the successful result of this measure, whether then

or at some future period ; and agreeing with
the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland that
!he people of England had never determined to have
any great measure, of a social or political nature
which they did not ultimately gain, he hailed this
Bill as the harbinger of a better system of legislation
than had hitherto prevailed. He hailed that confusion
of parties which they then witnessed as something
better than the binding of Honourable Mem-
bers for the . purpose of misrepresenting their
opponents. He saw binded together on that
occasion a large body_ of men, who were more
regardful of the social interests of the people
than of any political consequences. He did be-
lieve that that Bill would lead to many im-
portant results. He did believe that if, en the
question of the corn-laws, it were distinctly made out
that the repeal of those laws would be for the benefit
of the mass of the people, the corn-laws would
be repealed.—(Cheers from the Opposition benches)
He believed that that and all other great social
questions which came before them would have a
better chance of coming within the dominion of argu-
ment, and that the people would repose in that Ilouse
such confidence as had never been reposed in it
since the time of the Reform Bill. 11 here was one
other subject upon which he would touch.
very lightly on account of its delicacy. Some Hon.
Members had declared their intention of voting that
night differently from what they had voted on other
occasions. He was not going to make himself
their censor ; but he implored them to remember
that in the opinion of the whole country, they would
for the future be marked men, and that the factory
question would henceforth be regarded in con-
nexion with their names.—(Hear.) The Right Hon.
Baronet at the bead of her Majesty's Government had
told them that three months hence all those Hon.
Members who abraided her ' Majesty's Government
with their obstinacy would admire ther firm-
ness, and applauded their consistency. Now he
believed that her Majesty's Government would regard
with more respect those hon. gentlemen who held fast
to their purposes, and maintained their principles,
than those who, for the mere sake of saving them
from some momentary- inconvenience, should that
night either remain away, or register their votes
against the proposal which they had supported on
former occasions.—(lear, hear.)
Mr. WARD said the Hon. Gentleman who had
just addressed the House had resorted to a most con-
venient mode of settling this vexata questio. He had
assumed that an a priori case had been made out in
favour of his Noble Friend's Bill. He said that
men on both sides agreed, that if the Bill could be
passed without reducing the remuneration of labour,
or diminishing the wealth of the country, it was
most desirable that it should be passed. Why that
was a truism in which Members on both sides of
the House concurred; bet the question was, whe-
ther the proposed remedy would not aggravate the
evil. The Honourable Gentleman said the question of
adult labour had been settled by a majority of that
House. Why the House had formerly decided that a
pound note and a shilling were worth 275. It had for-
merly settled the wages of tailors at 2s. 51d. under or-
dinary circumstances, and ss. 7id. in cases ofmourning.
tsoixtheyeianrtserestthsis was repudiated as in-
of all. The Honourable
IGBueurnitotuleisnman opposite (Mr. Milnes) justified his ar-
dent desire to interfere, because the House had
the power. But was it not necessary to look to
the right before they exercised the power—(Hear)—
and ought they not to look also to the probable con-
sequences.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman
said that political economy was a very ill-used science
—that few understood the proper limits within
which it should be restrained.
LZFT SPEAKING.)

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