The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE- OF LORDS, June 27.
Their Lorthhip3 met at Fire o'clock.
PETITIONS.

The Earl of lIARROWBY presented a petition
against infringement on the hours of factory labour,
fixed at ten hours in 1847.

L-,rd STANLEY presented a petition with a similar
prayer.

firl TALBOT presented a petition from Kensington
against the erection in Hyde Park of the building for
the Exposition of 1851.

Lord BROUGHAM complained of tho unsightly brick
building erected in the open space near St. Margaret's
Church, which he hoped was only for a temporary pur-
pose, but in finding fault with this they were straining
at a gnat and swallowing a camel, while they were au-
thoriiing the erection of 'a huge brick building in Hyde
Park. He should either to-morrow or Tuesday give notice
of his intention to draw the attention of their Lordships
to this subject.
IRISH FRANCHISE BILL.

Lord STANLEY wished to know whether it was
the intention of the Noble Marquis to postpone the mo-
tion for the commitment of the Irish Franchise Bill,
which stood for to-morrow,

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was understood to
postpone the Bill to Monday, if the Noble Earl opposite
would postpone the motion of which ha had given notice
for Monday.
The Earl of HARROWBY would postpone his mo-
tion for Monday, if the Noble Marquis would secure
him some other day.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would accede to the
proposal.
AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL.
Earl GREY would propose to bring up the report of
this Bill to-morrow.

In reply to Lord STANLEY,
Earl GREY stated that he proposed to omit those
clauses which related to the formation of a federal Go-
vernment.

ABOLITION OF THE OFFICE OF LORD-LIEU-

TENANT OF IRELAND.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented peti-
tions from the Lord Mayor, corporation, and trades of
Dublin against the proposed abolition of the office of Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland, which he desired might be read in
extenso by the clerk at the table.
The petitions having been read,
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, after regretting
that the petitions had not been placed i❑ the hands of
some Noble Lord more adequate to do justice to the sub-
ject, and stating that a considerable difficulty had existed
in inducing any other Noble Lord to present these peti-
tions, as several of them had refused to do so, proceeded
to move the following resolutions:—" I. That to abolish
the office of Lord Lieutenant is contrary to the ex-
pectations held out by the statesmen who carried the
legislative union between the two countries, and
who declared that though her Parliament was re-
mow d Ireland should still retain her Court. 2 . That
if ever a period were inauspicious for any great change
in the accustomed executive of Ireland, it is at a time
when three years of famine have reduced her to the
utmost ♦erge of despair; when large numbers of the resi-
dent proprietors are ruined ; when the burden of new poor-
laws is in operation; when the forced sales of estates is
carrying on; when a rebellion has bean only recently sup-
pressed; when agitations of land questions excite to
violence and illegal proceedings; and when the
great controversy of free trade and protection con-
vulses the agricultural interests of the country. 3. That
considering Dublin is one of the handsomest cities in
Europe, and justly the pride of all Irishmen, with a popu-
lation 0f300,000, a trade improving between 1833 and 1848
from 600 to 980,000, and a navigation augmenting from
1843 to 1848 by 92,803 registered tons; that it is the
head-quarters of a large army, with law courts presided
over by twelve judges, a high court of equity adminis-
tered by a Lord Chancellor, a college of heralds, an opu-
lent university, and an archiepiscopal see, and abounding
itself in scientific, literary, and charitable institutions;
and considering that it differs from Edinburgh by being
separated from the Imperial metropolis by a bois-
terous channel, while it possesses a Privy Council
prepared to take all steps which a public exigency may
require, it appears that Dublin is a capital competent to
give the civil and military direction which a crisis may
requre—a crisis which, notwithstanding the increased
facilities of communication, may demand instant and local
interposition, and which the office of Lord-Lieutenant,
now existing for upwards of half a century, has hitherto
been found able successfully to cope with and control."
As the brother of the statesman who bad negotiated the
Union he felt bound to draw the attention of their Lord-
ships to this subject. He had carefully studied
the debates which had taken place elsewhere, but
he had not found in them any sufficient argu-
ments to authorise the abolition of the office of
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. The case of Ire-
land was by no means a parallel case to that of Scot-
land. Ireland was separated from England by the sea,
and if they deprived Ireland of the local administration,
they would find themselves involved in difficul-
ties, particularly in time of war. (Hear, hear.).
He should like to know what was the opinion
of the illustrious Duke on this subject; he considered him
a much higher authority than Lord Somers or George
M., who were the only authorities quoted in favour of
this measure. He knew not what necessity there could
be for a fourth Secretary, seeing that at present the
Lord-Lieutenant was subjected entirely to the control of
the Home Secretary. What would have been the state
of Dublin two years since if they had not had Lord Cla-
rendon there as Lord-Lieutenant to take immediate
measures to prevent the city from emeute, in spite of the
opposition of the Lord Mayor of Dublin? Was it possible,
he would ask, that an Under• Secretary in Dublin, acting
under a fourth Secretary in London, could have acted with
such energy, or would have taken upon himself the re-
sponsibility of so doing? Ho objected to experimental
legislation, and this was merely experimental legislation.
Then with regard to jobbing, that was the act not of
the Lord-Lieutenant but of the Minister of the day, and
would continue tinder the rubs of the fourth Secretary
as much as it had done under the Lord-Lieutenant. It
had been said that the people of Ireland were
indifferent to this subject. It was true the
provincial cities had not made any great de-
monstration, but the citizens of Dublin had done all
they could against the Bill; and surely the loyal citi-
zens of Dublin had claim on the Government
of the country. This was only the first step ; if
they took away the Lord-Lieutenancy they would
soon take away the Four Courts and the Royal
Hospital. Then they talked about the Queen's
visit* ; but they were legislating for posterity, and
it was mere cajolery to hold forth these royal visits as
a substitute for the Lord-Lieutenant's Court. How was
her Majesty to be received at Phceaix Lodge when there
was no Lord-Lieutenant there? The place would be
uninhabited; it was in itself a miserable place. Who
was to receive her Majesty there? It was preposterous
to talk of these morning calls as a substitution for the
Court of the Lord-Lieutenant. He would urge upon the
Government the necessity of appointing a Commission
to take evidence on the subject before they determined
to abolish the office of Lord-Lieutenant. Besides
it was said that her Majesty was not so fond of the sea
now as she was at the period when she visited Ireland.
Nor, considering her Majesty's situation as regarded the
nursery—(Laughter)—was it either likely or desirable
that she should be asked to cross the Irish Channel so
often as it had been indicated she would after the aboli-
tion of the viceroyalty. Compensation to the people of
Ireland for the abolition of the viceregal court had been
talked of, but he should like to know the nature of that
compensation. He understood it had never been even
talked of in the Cabinet. The effect of the abolition on
the city of Dublin would be most disastrous; it would
become a city of desolation, its inhabitants would be
ruined, and ere long grass would grow in its streets.
The Government had not dared to bring forward such a
proposition while Mr. O'Connell was alive, because they
knew he would have roused the whole people of Ireland
against such an outrage.—(Hear, hear.) They waited
till he had been called from hence, and then, in the
midst of the severest misery and distress which had ever
afflicted that country, they brought in a measure which
would complete her destruction. It was said that this
was but a trifle, but if one stone of a decaying building
was removed the rest would soon follow. The Govern-
ment now wanted to abstract the Lord-Lieutenancy,
and if they were suffered to do that they woutd
next abolish the Commander-in-Chiefship, and then
the Four Courts would follow. ;At all events
he hoped the Government would see the neces-
sity of appointing a Commission to inquire into the
subject before deciding on so important a measure.
The question having been put,
Lord BROUGHAM said, as that question would come
before them in a tangible shape hereafter, he would not
then enter into the details of the question, which was a
very important one. There were many parts in the
speech of his Noble Friend with which he agreed. The
powers of patronage vested in the Lord-Lieutenant were
not such as he ought to possess.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the Noble
Marquis having had an opportunity of bringing forward
the subject to which his notice referred, and as the Bill
on that subject would soon be before their Lordships, he
hoped the Noble Marquis would not press his resolutions.
The Noble Marquis tnen referred to several authorities
to show that it had been considered one of the inevit-
able consequences of the union that the office of Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland should be abolished; but it was
essential under such circumstances that some person
should be responsible for the administration of Irish
affairs.

The Duke of WELLINGTON was not disposed to
go into the discussion raised by his Noble Friend, and
particularly as the Bill on the subject would soon come
under their Lordships' consideration. But he did hope
that the Government would consider well, and inquire
into all the proper results and consequences of the step
they were about to take.—([Tear, hear.) If they looked
back to the history of Ireland for the last 50 years—
nay, for the last 10 years—they would there see a conti-
nued series of military operations going on; and, accord.
ing to the constitution of this empire, such could only
take place under the civil power. During the last ten
years he had much communication with Ireland with
respect to military operations, and it was principally
with the Lord Lieutenant he had had such commu-
nication, and also with the Commander-in• Chief.
He had held such communications with his Noble
Friend Earl de Grey on the question of the
monster meetings. Then there were, more recently still,
other operations to be carried out against parties who
adopted the usual course of modern revolutionists, viz ,
that of publishing their designs. If there were not
some such chief officer, ho would ask with whom he
could communicate on such a matter.?—(Hear, hear.)
Was it with the chief authorities indifferent parts of the
country? Was he to have applied to the Lord Mayor
of Dublin on the subject of thosa military operations to
which he had referred?—(Elear, hear.) After these
monster meetings. also,-in attending her Majesty's Court;
ho had seen Mr. O'Connell and his suite presented to her