The Sun.
London, England, 1868-10-10 00:00:00

MR. GLADSTONE'S ADDRESS.

The following is Mr. Gladstone's address to the electors
of South-West Lancashire :

" Gentlemen,—From you, the electors of the South.
western Division of the County of Lancashire, I solicit a
renewal of the trust which was confided to me in 1865,
in a manner demanding from me peculiar gratitude; by
the constituency of the entire southern division.
" 1 then came before you as the advocate of a policy of
trust in the people, tempered by prudence, and averse to
violent and hasty change. _ _

" In the spirit of that profession, I was a party in 1866
to proposals for the extension of the franchise, which I
thought the smallest that could meet the just claims of
the unenfranchised classes, and which were studiously
limited, in order, if possible, to disarm jealousy, prejudice
and fear.

" We were met by an opposition, not indeed as direct,
but yet as persevering and detrimental, as was ever offered
to any measure. At length a point was reached at which
the G overnment of Earl Russell found that the resigna-
tion of their offices appeared to be the most becoming
method by which they could secure the early triumph of
Reform.

'We resigned accordingly. The result was, that the
opponents of reduction in the franchise took office, and
found themselves compelled by the public sentiment, after
much vacillation, to make proposals on that subject which,
though not only narrow, but strongly reactionary in the
shape in which they were presented to Parliament, issued
in the passing of a measure larger and more democratic
than the bill which, in 186 G, we were told by the highest
authority, would reduce our institutions to the pattern of
the American Republic.
"From the extensive though unequal enfranchisement
which has thus been secured for the people, past expe-
rience and all present signs lead me to anticipate in-
creased strength for our institutions, and a more vigorous
march both of legislative and administrative policy.
" The bills which have been passed, and especially that
relating to England, introduced by the Government, but
amended and almost transformed by the Opposition,
present the marks of conflicting handiwork, and lend a
doubtful aspect to a settlement which ought to have been
conclusive. One point, indeed, I fear that the expe-
rience of the present year already proves to be, not
only of great, but also of pressing importance. In 1867
289 gentlemen voted that the borough franchise, founded

on rated occupation, should be enjoyed alike, whether the
rate were laid on the owner or on the occupier. The
rejection of this proposal by Parliament, under the menace
of the Government to drop the bill if it were carried, has
led to grievous inconvenience and vexation in a large num-
ber of boroughs. This, you will readily believe, that we,
who struggled hard to avert them, shall be not less anxious
under more favourable auspices, to remove.
" The rapid growth of wealth, especially among the
classes of the greatest activity and enterprise, has led, for
a number of years past, to a diminished watchfulness,
outside the walls of Parliament, respecting the great and
cardinal subject of economy in the public charges, and
the relation between the income of the State and
its expenditure. I earnestly desire that the paramount
interest of the lately enfranchised classes in thrifty
administration may operate powerfully to bring about a
change. This tendency cannot but be strengthened
by the present decline of the permanent revenue,
and by the addition, since the present Government
took office, of three millions (in round numbers) to the
public charges, apart from the demands of the Abyssinian
war. This increase has extended not less to the civil than
in the military and naval departments. In my opinion it
has not been justified, either by the wishes of the country
or by the demands of the public service.
" I perceive with satisfaction that attention has of late
been increasingly directed to the local charges of the
country. Their amount, the manner of their incidence,
and the means provided for their administration and
control, appear to demand careful consideration. It will,
in my opinion, be just and politic to allow the ratepayers,
by the principle of representation, a control over county
expenditure.
" No question is at the present day more complicated by
differences of opinion than that of primary education.
But all are agreed both upon its vital importance and
upon its pressing urgency. In the year 1839, Earl Russell,
for the Government of Lord Melbourne, placed upon
official record the desire of her Majesty that the rights of
conscience should be respected, and that the youth of this
country should be religiously brought up. Further
measures are certainly required to establish and secure
the first of these great principles ; and they need
not in my opinion involve the slightest disparage-
ment to the second. I think that the declaration
of Earl Russell still marks the proper basis of national
policy in education for the three kingdoms. But it has
become increasingly desirable that the State should stand
clearly apart from responsibility for the teaching of
particular and conflicting creeds in schools aided by grants
from any national fund.
"There are many subjects of public moment, some oz
tnem especially affecting your great and varied interests,
which I am unable to notice within the limits of this
address.

" For at this time one question, or group of questions,
overshadows all the rest. The state of Ireland, and the
actual temper of no small portion of its people towards the
Throne and Government of the United Kingdom, impera-
tively demand the care of all public men, and of all good
citizens who would seek, not merely to live by expedients
from day to day, but, looking onwards into the future, to
make provision, as far as human means avail, for the
strength, concord, and stability of the empire.
"The object of a truly liberal policy is by equitable but
decided measures to make the name of law in Ireland
respected as it is in Great Britain ; to make it respected
by making it loved ; and to create this attachment by
creating in the national mind the conviction that law is a
friend and not an enemy; the friend of every class, but
especially of those classes which have the greatest need of
its protection.
" The present House of Commons has four times been
called upon to suspend the Act for securing personal
liberty in Ireland, but it has not forgotten the work of
improvement. in that country.
" In 1866 the Government of Earl Russell addressee
itself to one absolutely vital portion of this work by intro-
ducing a Land Bill, for securing to tenants the value of
their improvements, which the obstruction of the
Ministers now in power prevented from passing into
saw.

" But this year, those Ministers, rightly judging tnat
the necessity of coercion did not impair the obligations of
justice, very deliberately proposed a policy for Ireland ;
did not shrink from the questions of education and reli-
gion ; asked to establish at the charge of the exchequer a
Roman Catholic University; and declared their readiness
to recognise the principle of religious equality in Ireland
by a great change in the status of the unendowed clergy
of that country, provided always that the Established
Church should be maintained in its integrity. In this state-
ment, for the sake of accuracy, I have adhered, as nearly
as may be, to the language which they used.
"We thought that Ministers had mistaken alike the
interests and the convictions of the country. We refused
to open a new source of discord through the establishment
by the State of any denominational university. We
repudiated the policy of universal endowment. But,
'agreeing with the Government that the subject was
. ripe, we proposed a counter plan of disestablishment
of the existing Church, with strict regard to the rights of
Property and to vested interests, but without establishing
any other Church, and with a general cessation of State
' endowments for religion in Ireland.

" The Church of Ireland is the Church of a minority,
insignificant in numbers. True, while insignificant in
numbers, that minority is great in property, in education,
and in power. All this does not amend, but aggravates
'the case. For if a national Church be not the Church of
the nation, it should at least be the Church of the poor.
Every argument which can now be used in favour of civil
establishments of religion is a satire on the existence of the
,Church in Ireland.

" But while that Establishment is thus negative for
good, it misapplies the funds meant for the advantage of
the nation at large. It remains as the memorial of every
past mischief and oppression. It embitters religious con-
troversy by infusing into it the sense or the spirit of
political injustice; and it carries the polemical temper
into the sphere of social life and public affairs. Nor need
we feel surprise when we find that, since the penal laws
began to be repealed, the relative number of Protestants
in Ireland appears to have declined.

"In the removal of this Establishment I see the dis-
charge of a debt of civil justice, the disappearance of a
national, almost a world-wide reproach, a condition indis-
pensable to the success of every effort to secure the peace
and contentment of that country ; finally, relief to a
devoted clergy from a false position, cramped and beset by
hopeless prejudice, and the opening of a freer career to
their sacred ministry.
" This is a great change, and it can only be effected
with the aid of much energetic and much considerate
support. _ _ _

the manner of proceeding we ought, I think, to be
governed by three considerations : a regard for Irish inte-
rests and feelings, an enlarged equity towards those who
would lose in point of civil privilege, and a careful heed
to the spirit of equal dealing throughout the detailed
arrangements.

"After all that these rules can warrant has been done,
there may remain a considerable property at the disposal
of the State. The mode of its application can only, in
roy judgment, be suggested to Parliament by those who,
as a Government, may have means and authority to
examine fully the provisions now made by law for the
v,arit)it, InWic 444 social yiwto of lolAud, 444 tcs.comtve