The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-19 00:00:00

labour even to eight. Was the Hon. Gentleman willing
to bring in a Bill for the repeal of that Act ?
Mr.: HIN DLEY—I objected to it.
Sir R. PEEL—It would be very gratifying to the
manufacturers to be told that the Hon. Gentleman had
opposed the wish of bOth Houses of Parliament.—(A
laugh.) The lion. Gentleman said that, if the hours of
labour were restricted, the
.wage 3 of labour must be in-
creased. Why, surely
.that was the natural come;
quence of restriction. The manufacturer might in-
crease his wages—but for how long a period?—(Loud
cries of "Hear, hear.") When they entered into
competition with a foreign rival, would not the
increased expense of 'manufacture operate against
them, and give a new stimulus to. the 'foreigner?
The fact was that the material would not be increased
in price, and he would come into competition with the
manufacturers of this country while the House would
have raised the price of manufactures by their inter-
ference with labour.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentle-
man haddescribed the Mastur manufacturers as being in-
clined to reduce the wages of their workmen. Thatmight
be so, but he did not believe such was the case; but sup-
posing it to be so could it for one moment be supposed
that for ten hours' labour as much wages would be given
as for Wel% e ?—(Hear, hear.) It was repugnant to
common sense to suppose snch a thing.--(Hear, hear.)
There could be no doubt that the great sufferers, if
the -present proposed measure was to pass, would be
the workmen, who would have to give a less
amount of labour than before. If .he thought that that
would add to the comfort of the workmen, he would at
once adopt it.—(Bear, hear.) But when he heard the
account given by the Hon. Member for Durham of the
state of the workmen, when he stated that they were
getting 931. a year, he felt bound to .pause before he
consented to a measure that would mulct them of a
great part of the - wages they now received.—(Hear,
hear.) Then it was said that they ought to separate
the consideration of. the comforts of the people from
pecuniary gain. How, he would ask, could that be
done ?—(hear, hear.) It was impossible. It was tried
in 'Scotland, and what was the result? Why, he
should never forget the state of Paisley some
years ago, when no less than 50,000 persons
were out of employ there.— (Hear, hear.) If his
wishes could prevail he would have women now working
eight hours a day, but wishes could not prevail on this
question. It must be looked to in a commercial point of
view. It was impossible to say that they could disregard
commerce and consider humanity alone. If ten hours
was the natural amount of labour, that might •be true
with a certain class of agricultural labourers, because at
certain periods of the year women could not work more.
than ten hours a day on account of the night coming on.
k Hear, bear.) He was sure that it was not for the ad-
vantage of the manufacturer or the working man that a
Ten Hours' Bill should be passed. Why such a measure
would impose an ineOme• tax. of 15 per cent. on labour,
and it was his firm belief that the workmen themselves
cherished a hope the measure would not pass into a law.

He thought there never was an impression more errone-
ous than that by which the supporters of the Noble Lord
were actuated. He would prove that there were other
great manufacturing branches which required legislative
restrictions quite as much as those contemplated by the
present measure. He asked why, if a really tangible
case was proved to exist, he should not correct it
because another existed ? He was sure that if he cor-
rected the evils existing in one branch of labour he would
do harm if he left untouched any other. It had been said
that after he had imposed restrictions on one description
of labour, he was bound to do the same with re
speet £to others, or he should give a premium to
those who were excepted, and also that he would disturb
capital. What were those descriptions of employment
which he left untouched ? The agricultural labourers.
It was said he could not touch them. It was true if he
could control those matters he would most willingly
prohibit the employment of women in many of the agri-
cultural occupations in which they were at present em-
ployed—where women were employed working for eight
or ten hours with wet raiment and without shelter, he
would be disposed, provided he could do so without in-
juriag any other interest, to interfere legislatively. Now,
he was about to • leave untouched, according to Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, all the other manufacturing inte-
rests. He shouldrefer to the manufacture of earthenware,
of calico, hosiery, rope-twisting, but, above all, dress-
making—of all those he. should say that the was not going
to touch one. He was going to leave to the masters
the employment of women and children in what manner
they pleased. He thought if Hon. Gentlemen carefully
read the Report of the Commissioners, they would con-
clude that, by any undue restrictions, so far as the
cotton-manufacturers are concerned, they would
be giving a premium to over-employment in
other branches of manufactures. In that Report
it was stated that in a great number of the dif-
ferent manufactures which were not included in
this Bill, almost the whole employed were women and
children. It appeared from the Report, that in the ma-
nufacture of metal wares women and children were em-
ployed to a great extent. In the manufacture of screws
alone, it appeared that the proportion of females em-
ployed far exceeded that of the males. In one screw

manufactory there were only 50 males employed, while
there were 300 females. In the chain manufactories

there were ten times as many girls employed as there
were men. He alluded to those Reports to • show the
extreme difficulty there was in legislating upon this,
subject, for if they said that all should be subject
to the same law, then he would advise them
to
_contemplate the results. _ Let them look

:o other manufactories where females were employed—

let them take calico. In that branch there were 13y far
more females employed than men. In the earthenware
manufactories a vast number of children were employed,
who were compelled, in the carriage of the plates and
saucers to and from the furnace, to undergo a tempera-
ture of nearly 143 degrees, and (according to the Re-
port) the instances were rare in which the regular hours
of work were less than twelve hours nominally, but some-
times it exceeded sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen hours
—(Hear, hear)—and he was called on to restrain labour
in cotton manufactories alone, while calico and the various
others were to be left untouched He could not have
credited it, without the strongest proof of its,accuracy,
that human nature could undergo such toil as that de-
scribed in the evidence given in that report. One per-
son, named Thomas Whitbread, stated that on a Wed-
nesday he began to work between eight and nine o'clock,
and never stopped until Saturday. A boy who assisted
him, from excessive fatigue, became almost insensible, and
to enable him to carry on his work, he tied him to a pOst.
The Right Hon. Baronet then read another extract
from the evidence of a man employed in a cotton print.
ing-works, who, having worked from six in the morn-
ing till nine at night, was asked by the foreman of the
works if he could not return to work again at twelve.
Now, hero was a case (continued the Right Hon.
Baronet) in which the hours of work were from six
o'clock till nine, and yet the man was asked to come
again at twelve at night, thus allowing him only three
hours' interval for repose. The man said, " I did not
go, because I considered it rather unfeeling of them to
expect me, as my child had worked with me all these
hours, and he was only eleven years old." Now let them
read the accounts of the lace manufactory; let them go
from the lace manufactory to the accounts of the hosiery
trade ; but, above all, let them read the accounts of the
dress-makers and milliners who were employed in this
very town—(Hear, hear)—and then let him ask, was it
right to subject to such new and peculiar restrictions the
labour in factories, and leave untouched all other de-
partments of labour in which the female child and the
adult woman were frequently employed fourteen, fifteen,
and sixteen hours a-day ?—(Loud cheers.) If they were
prepared to legislate for them—(Renewed cheers)—they
would then be prepared to legislate on the labour in
factories. They must not legislate for factory labour
only, but for all the labour in this country that came
within the same principle. (Hear, hear.) They
were not about to legislate on the labour that af-
fected only women) and children, but to provide
regulations which should apply to children, that
should apply to adults, in respect 'of every kind
of labour where they might think it more severe
than the human frame ought justly to undergo.
That principle he certainly could understand. If, then,
this were the commencement of that work, he could
not make an objection to it as being an unjust inter-
ference with a peculiar class of labour. But if, as it
now seemed to be, their impression, and perhaps a just
one, that they were imposing these restrictions upon
adult labour, they would engender the necessity of fur-
ther restrictions applicable to all labour(Hear, hear)
—and he saw not why they should not extend those
restrictions to agricultural labour.—(Loud cheers.)
Before he adopted a principle which necessarily led to
such extensive consequences, namely, an invariable and
almost universal interference with labour in this country
—before he adopted this principle, although he admitted
that an universality of application was not inconsistent
with justice, as showing no preference of one descrip-
tion of labour to another, yet, foreseeing that he
was involving himself in a duty lie should never
be able satisfactorily to perform— seeing that
although it was possible perhaps to deal with the labour
of factories, yet where he was called on to enter the pri-
vate shops, and the private houses, and to impose obli-
gations upon every individual, as to the degree of labour
which he should impose, not upon 300 or 400 children,
but upon every individual, as to the degree of labour he
should impose upon the members of his family
whom he•employed—if he was to be involved in such a
difficult, and, as he thought such a perilous enterprise—
(Cheers)—if he was to understand that it would be his
duty to prescribe by legislation, not only how long the
steam-engine should work, but to inculcate to every pri-
vate establishment, and every private family, the
duty of humanity by legislation—then he thought
he should be involved in a task above all
human strength, and full, as he believed, of individual
injustice.—(Cheers.) His wishes and feelings would be
as much in concurrence with effecting that object, as
those of any man ; he should like to see the father more
proud of the education, the instruction, and moral train-
ing of his child, than anxious to increase his earnings
by his labour. Could be effect that by law ? If they
once undertook it, they must not be deterred by diffi-
culty in individual cases. The more he extended legis-
lation, if he went from factories to the potteries, from
the:potteries to the manufacturing of hosiery, and from
the hosiery trade to the lace manufactories—by that
which he left incomplete, he should give a fresh encou-
ragement to excessive labour. It was not the magnitude
of great establishments only they had to contend with ; if
they carried out the principle fully and fairly, they must
descend to all the details of daily occupation? that was
admitted. The principle of a due interference with
labour involved that question. What, then, would be
the effect on the general employmeut of the country
from such interference? It was pregnant with most
imptirtant consequence's. After that legislation should
have been carried into effect, see what other conse-
quences must follow. He believed that upon the whole
they had attempted as much of legislation with these
great branches of manufactures as it was safe and wise
to attempt for the welfare of the country and the
manufactures, but above all • for the interests
and the comforti of the working • classes. He

if they legislated in a course to 'undertake the
guardianship of one hundred thousand persons undergoing severe
hardships, they ought to make that interference effectual.
( Hear, hear.) It was difficult for him to speak of foreign
countries, but his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Taunton
quoted an example of an American factory in which they
were allowed to work more than twelve hours in the course of
the day, but in a subsequent part of the evidence it
seemed that the children and the young persons employed
went away for three or four months in the year to attend a
school. That was a totally different state of things. It very
much weighed with him that a great number of the manufac-
turers themselves were in favour of the amendment, and he
was very much struck with the statement of the Hon. Member
for Leeds, that out of seventy owners of mills forty were ready
to agree to a Ten Hours' Bill—at least they petitioned for it.
They were told that at a moment when trade was reviving
there would be a great objection to legislating upon this sub-
ject, on account of the tendency of this Bill. But they found
such laws produced good as well as bad effects, and this Bill
might have the good effect of more equalising the quan-
tity of employment, seeing the prodigious power of
machinery in this country, and the immense quantity
of goods that could be turned out in a few weeks.
More continuous employment at ten hours per day throughout
the year might be secured to the operative by it than occa-
sional employment at twelve, fourteen, or fifteen hours per day
at one time, and only six or eight at another, according to the
present system. There was another part of the subject, or ra-
ther it was the subject which was naturally allied to the present
one, which had been touched upon by Members on that (the
Opposition) side of the House. Those said, that if the
Government wished to benefit the working classes,
they ought rather to take off the restrictions upon food. He
(Lord J. Russell) was one of those who took it that the con-
sequence of the proposal of the Noble Lord (Lord Ashley), if
adopted, would be a diminution in the wages of the working
classes. That was not quite certain, but it had been as nearly
proved as anything could be, and he had had some doubts as to
whether he would give a vote for a measure under the sup•
position that the wages of the operative would
be reduced from their present rate by it.—( Hear,
hear.) But he thought that in taking a view of
this subject, the question of the corn•laws ought not
to be kept out of sight. It was one which they might well
consider in conjunction with this question, particularly if the
operative could obtain a greater supply of food when earning
12s. per week on those restrictions being removed, than he
could now when earning 16s. per week. For it was his belief
that in this country the people had too much toil and a defi-
ciency of food. Certainly it was difficult to try to interfere
with the subject by legislation; but he believed they were
under the necessity of so doing. But there was another task
which they ought likewise to undertake—he meant the admit-
ting a greater supply of food into the country, so that they
might look fora ard to the people having less toil and a greater
abundance of food. He should give his vote in favour of the
Noble Lord's amendment.

Mr. HINDLEY, amidst cries of " Divide, divide," moved
that the Chairman report progress.
Lord ASIILEY requested that the Hon. Member would
withdraw his motion, and proceed to address the Committee.
Mr. HINDLEY said he would yield to the request of the
Noble Lord and withdraw his proposition, but in following the
Prime Minister and the Noble Lord the late Secretary for the
Colonies, he could scarcely hope to command.the attention of the
House. Never did he feel more anxiety in addressing the House
than at the present moment—not that he was in any doubt, like
the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland (Lord Howick),
as to the vote he ought to give, but it was a question in his
mind of vital importance to the interests of the country. The
interests of humanity ought to be attended to before those of
commerce.—( Hear, hear.) Practical men were in favour
of the proposition of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear.)
As to the evils resulting from the system of long hours, no
difference of opinion prevailed. His Hon. Friend the Mem-
ber for Durham admitted that there were great evils; but he
said the Noble Lord took a telescope and looked the right way
when he examined the evils arising from the factory system,
whereas he reversed the evils resulting from agricultural labour.
The Right Hon. Gentleman ( Sir J. Graham) had informed
the House that a deputation bad waited upon him to state their
opinions on this subject, and that one of them was a person
who had formerly been an operative, but who had now raised
himself above that condition.—( Sir James Graham—
He has a share in a factory.") I3ut was this
an argument in favour of the present system ?
As well might it be contended that there was no danger in a
rapid stream, because some strong and brawny individual had
been able to breast it. It had been his privilege to take part
with others in efforts for the improvement of the working
people of his own locality ; and he had always found that long
hours offered a great impediment to improvement. Though
the women as well as the men earned more money
by working so many hours, they were so ignorant
of the commonest domestic pursuits that a large portion of the
money, under their management, was completely thrown away.
—( Hear, hear.) A friend of his, a magistrate, had gone
round to the houses in his locality on a Sunday, for the purpose
of ascertaining what proportion of persons attended public
worship. Meeting a woman in a cell, he asked her whether her
daughter had gone to attend public worship. The reply was that
she was asleep in bed. It appeared that this girl, who was fourteen
or fifteen years of age, had been employed in a factory from
six o'clock on Friday morning, during the whole of Friday
night, and until six o'clock on Saturday evening.—(Hear,
hear.) This was neither consistent with Christianity, nor
with the real interests of the country. With regard to what
had been said of improvements having lately taken
place—he was prepared to admit that there had been im-
provements, but there was still room for a good deal, and
what had been effected should encourage the House in future
legislation.—( Cries of " Divide, divide," and " Oh, oh.") He
had himself been at the head of a concern, where children of
nine years of age were worked twelve hours of positive
work, which, with two hours' interval for food, made
fourteen hours ; and then many of them were occupied three
hours in walking to and from the factory, making seventeen
hours, which left only seven hours for sleep, recreation, and
education. He did not allow that system to be carried on by
his own choice, or for the purpose of making money at the
expense of their suffering; hut he was compelled to carry on
his works upon the system that prevailed, and there was a

believed they had (lone all they could safely I neighbouring, house that employed the people an hour mare
attempt at the present time. If he were to , daily —( Rerewed and continued cries of " Oh, oh," and
aittliorise the forcible restriction of labour to the extent " Diiide, divide.") It had been said that the gentlemen
of I:revolting the adult in cotton factories, in silk engaged in trade should make some arrangement amongst
tbe hemselves to put an end to the system.—(Divide, divide. )
factories, in the lace and woollen factories, to ten boon; ;
would. ttehad hopes that the gentleman could d? so,. nor
whateTer hies yniptities might wlntever nti;;:tt.
any thing effective be done by the freedom of individu it
his lie, NI 1.,1 other motive industry.—( Conlin:ion cries of " Oh, oh
then that of proinotinw wliat lie believed most con,littent" and " Divide.") ne
oncratives Lancashire' had banded themselves like the people
with the public: welfare; and acting, from that, motive, he of Ireland—(Oh, oh)—to force their employers ; but such a
crlul(l not acqu3esee in the proposal of his Noble Friend state of things was pregnant with the greatest evils
for forcibly limiting labour to the extent of ten hours in ( Extraordinary interruption, with cries of "
htetol:o If he were cot interrupted, he would not detain the
Lord J. RUSSELL said he had listel,ed with great anxiety House long.—(Cries of Divide,"and "Go on, go on.'')
to the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite; there Ile (Mr. Ilindley) wished it to be understood by the House
was never a question on which he felt it more difficult to conic i that the working men were quite alive to the probable conse-
to a conclusion, or one the issue of which was more important. quences of the proposed abridgment of the hours of labour, and
He would not attempt to give an answer to what the Right Hon. were quite prepared and willing to abide by them. It should
Baronet, ( SZir J. Graham) had laid some stress upon. as to his be recollected that in 1833 they were warned of the fearful
( Lord J. Russell's) having taken a part on a former occasion consequences that might arise to families, their employment,
inconsistent with his support of the present motion. He did their wages, and their comfort, by the interference with chid-
not think this was an opportunity to return any taunt what- dren's labour, which then commenced. But in spite of these
ever.— ( Sir James Graham intimated it was not meant warnings and prophecies, control and interference were or-
es a taunt.) if it was not so mea-it he should dained, and at the present moment there were more children
certainly say, whatever might he the apparent inconsistency of in factories than ever.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that
taking that course, where the interest of so many thousands of same of those Honourable Members who intended to
the working classes was involved,hc shouldle ashamed of himself support the amendment of the Noble Lord ( Ashley) still
were he not ready to exproe himself to any charge of incon- were perplexed with doubts as to the working out of the prin.
sisteney, if he were persuaded that those interests would induce ciple ; but, for his own part, he had no fears whatever either
him to take one course now, rather than another that he bad of its soundness or its results in practise. There was proved
taken formerly. He was not satisfied with the statement, to exist in the factory system a great moral and physical nui-
able as it was, of the Noble Lord, the Member for D. rset. sance, and therefore it was the duty of that-House to interfere
He was of opinion that the argument of the Noble Lord was for its abatement. He asked the House to give a security to
liable to the reply of the Right Hots. Gentleman, that the con- the country, that the comforts of the labouring classes should
elusion he ought to come to was, that women and children, at not be further abridged, and their condition rendered still more
all events, should be totally excluded from working in factories, miserable.
and that the system ought to be altered, if not abridged in es. Mr. COLLETT and Mr. Hardy rose at the same time, amid
sential details. But he must say that the course which the loud cries of Divide, divide." Both Hon. Members remained
discussion had taken, and the various speeches made by gentle- for a considerable time on their legs, at length the latter gen-
men thoroughly acquainted with the details of the factory system, tleman gave way, and Mr. Collett attempted to address the
very much tended to clear the question of the difficulties in which House, but a scene of indescribable confusion ensued. At
the too comprehensive statement of the Noble Lord had in- length the Hon. Member was understood to say that he was
valved it. Let him consider for a moment what the amount of opposed to the motion, on the ground of its interfering with the
difference was in the proposition made by successive Govern- rights and freedom of labour, and with the liberty of the
ments, and that proposed by the present Government, and the subject.
course which the Noble Lord now proposed.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. HARDY then rose, but his attempt to address the
He must say that, listening to the Right lion. Gentleman's House was the signal for a renewal of the confusion which pre-
speech, and his arguments on the subject that night, he would viously prevailed. There were loud cries of " Oh, oh," " Di-
suppose that he objected to any legislation on the subject.— vide, divide," and the Hon. Member finding it impossible to
( Hear, hear.) When he told them that persons were employed obtain a hearing, said be would move the adjournment of the
for sixteen and eighteen hours in calico printing and in the house. He then moved the adjournment amidst most mani.
manufacture of silk, it would be supposed that he was an fest and vociferously expressed signs of disapprobation, and sat
enemy to all interference ; yet the Right Honourable Gen- down. There were loud cries of "Go on, go on," *he Hon.
tleman himself proposed that the hours during which young Member again rose, but was again received with the same dis-
persons should labour, should be limited to twelve. Let it be couraging symptoms of impatience ; he again sat down, but
recollected likewise that they had limited the time of labour to rose a third time and begged that he might be heard for a few
eight hours for children between the ages of nine and thirteen, minutes, if only for the sake of those who sent him there.—
to twelve hours fur young persons from thirteen to eighteen (Loud cries of " Hear," " Oh, oh," and " Divide, divide.")
years. The Government were not satisfied with the No arguments hart been adduced to convince him that the
extent of this limitation.—( Hear, hear.) They pro- Noble Lord who had brought forward this motion was not
posed a still further restriction, limiting the time of pursuing the right course.—( The Hon. Member was repeatedly
labour to six and a half hours, for children from nine to thir- interrupted by cries of " Divide, divide.")
teen years of age, and limiting, by a very important change in Mr. MUNTZ would vote in favour of the motion of the
the law, the hours of labour or adult females. Now he must Noble Lord, not because he believed it sound—( Hear, hoar)
say that if a new principle was to be introduced, this was a very —for he thought the whole measure unsound—( Hear, hear)—
doubtful one.—( Hear, hear.) They gave some sanction but because he thought, if they intended to try a principle,
to it by their legislation with regard to mines two years they should try it well.—( Hear, hear.) For his own part, he
ago. It was no great encouragement to them to proceed thought the whole subject was out of the reach of legislation.—
in that course, if what had been told was true, that ( Hear, bear.) He believed that it was not the disposition of
the Act was evaded in Scotland, and that women there the working classes to overwork themselves or their children.
dressed themselves as men to evade the Act. At all It was their necessities made them overwork. He thought all
events it was a principle which it was very difficult to justify. the people in this country were worked beyond what they
—( Hear, hear.) It was interfering with the natural guar- ought to be.
dians of the children to prevent their being employed in a Lord ASHLEY rose to reply amid cries of " Divide,
wanner destructive not only to health and life, but which pro- divide." If he succeeded in the motion he had brought for-
darted contortions, deformity, decay, disease, and death at an ward, he should be most happy to agree to the preposition of
early period. The Legislature undertook the charge of chil- his Hon. Friend the Member for Leeds. His reason for
dren and young persons, but with regard to females of 25 advocating this amendment was because he thought it would
and 30 years of age, it seemed hard to justify a departure tend considerably to promote the permanent prosperity, happi7
from the principle, so far that these women were not ness, and stability of the empire.
restricted as to the number of hours they worked. That was Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the Committee
not in the proposition of the Noble Lord—it was introduced divided, when the numbers were—
for the first time in factory legislation by the Government For the amendment ..
themselves, and let it be observed, that the introduction of Against it
women, who were above 18 years, formed one of the objet- Majority against Ministers —9
tions to the proposition of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear.) On the gallery being re-opened we found that
The proposition of the Noble Lord was, that the hours of Mr. COLLEI'T had moved an amendment, for inserting
labour should be reduced from twelve hours to ten, but the the hour of " six o'clock" in the clause, instead of " eight
Right Hon. Gentleman said that if they entertained such a o'clock."
restriction they must introduce it for all who laboured in mills, On this the Committee again divided, and the numbers
and not for those alone to whom the Bill applied.—( Hear, were—
hear.) Why ? Because the Bill applied generally to women. For the amendment
It appeared from the Report of the Commissioners that though Against it ... 153
the law as it stood at present confined the time of labour to Majority for the amendment — 8
twelve hours for those between the ages of thirteen and eighteen, On the opening of the gallery,
it did not prevent the working of adults for. fifteen and sixteen Sir J. GRAHAM was en his legs. He said that the Corn-
hours. Mr. Horner referred to cases of this kind which mittee having, at that late hour, decided that they would
he said ought not to be permitted. There was one point adopt a Ten Hours' Bill without any modification, to which he
which appeared to him to be the main point in which he must confess, with all due respect to the decision to which
thought the arguments of the two Right Hon. Gentlemen the Committee had come, he had an insuperable objection—
were unsatisfactory. If they limited the right of adult males ( Cheers)—he still did not think it necessary to drop the Bill
to labour any number of hours they thought proper, and upon the Bth clause. The Committee would have an op-
placed any undue restriction on adult labour, it would be quite portunity of reconsidering the question in a form more sub-
against all sound principles of legislation ; hut it would be too stantial than that which they had now discussed. He would
much to say that, to obtain that labour from adults, they therefore, proceed with the Bil_ up to the Bth clause, when he
thereby injured the health of young persons. If they found thought that his Noble Friend, consistently with the decision
it necessary for their physical health and moral well-being, and to which the Cornmittee had just come, would move that a Ten
in order to make them good members of society, to place certain Hours' Bill be stitistituted for a Twelve Hours' Bill. Having
restrictions upon them, he did not think it could be argued stated this to the Committee he would now move that the
as any decisive reason against those restrictions, that they Chairman report progress, and ask leave to sit again on Fri.
thereby restricted the labour of male adults, because their ar- day next.
gument was one to which there was no sufficient answer; and The House having resumed,
they were not to sacrifice your'', persons, in order that another Lord JOHN RUSSELL begged to know from the Noble
principle might have way. They found that an increase during Lord in what mode he intended to move for a Ten Hours' Bill ?
the last few years, according to the statement of the Sir JAMES GRAHAM suggested that the Noble Lord
Noble Lord, in the number of females employed; espe- ought to take time to consider the subject.
cially young females, had taken place, and they INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT BILL
had medical testimony that young girls of thirteen This Bill was read a second time.
and eighteen could not be employed for twelve hours together The Gaming Transactions ( Witnesses' Indemnity) Bill was
without serious injury to their constitutions, and without the read a third time and passed.
loss of those feelings which in after life would be likely to IRISH REGISTRATIONS.
render them good wives and good mothers. If this was as, it Lord ELIOT gave notice that, on Thursday, the 28th, he
was a principle that should be predominant with them. He would move for a Bill to regulate the Parliamentary franchise
could understand the principle that they ought not to in- in Ireland ; also, for a Bill to amend the Municipal Corpora-
fere on the subject—( Hear, hear)—that if they in- tiors (Leland) Act.
terfered in the subject at all it would lead to The House then adjourned at a Quarter to Two o'Clock.
an interference with all the employments into which this great
community was divided. That argument he could understand
if he had been opposed to any legislation with regard to facto-
ries; but if they ,began to legislate on the subject—if they
had a Bill proceeding on the principle of interference—

SALE OF THE DUKE OF DEVON-
SHIRE'S COLLECTION OF COINS AND
MEDALS.

Yesterday this splendid collection was submitted to
public competition by Messrs. Christie and Manson, at
their rooms, King-street, St. James's. All the well-
known Sevens and Antiquaries were present, and the
bidding continued very brisk during the entire day.
Mr. Manson, on opening the sale, observed that be
had to offer one of the most splendid collections ever
exhibited in this country, though many persons were of
opinion that such a collection ought not to be broken
up, yet he thought far greater advantage would be
afforded to science and the arts by its diffusion. The
collection was to be sold without reserve, with the ex-
ception of one lot.
The sale then commenced, in lots, of Greek copper
coins of the several cities of ancient Greece, but they
did not bring high prices, varying from one guinea to
two guineas and a half the lot. In the Greek silver
there were many beautiful specimens, particularly the
Syracuse medallion head of a female laureated, sur-
mounted by four dolphins—reverse figure, " Friga,
above a victory," below a lion running. This is very
fine, the old medallion of Syracuse is very rare, only one
having been sold in this Country, which brought 1251. ;
and it was only within the last three years the British
Museum possessed one. After great competition it was
' knocked down at forty-one guineas. There were many
beautiful specimens in Greek gold, amongst which were,
the Head of Apollo, on the reverse an Eagle standing
upon a thunderbolt. Agathocles, head of Pallas lid-
metted—reverse, thunderbolt, very fine. Those did not
bring high prices. The Imperial Greek copper coin
brought, in lots, very fair prices, varying from two
guineas to five. The Roman weights were a very cu-
rious collection. Upon each side of " The As" was
a thunderbolt, a fish, a helinetted head, a female head,
a tortoise, a wheel, the head of Mercury. These.brought
very fair prices.
In the Roman middle brass there were many fine em-
blematic specimens ofancient Rome, such as Mark Antony
and Cleopatra face to face, with Augustus on the reverse,
all of which brought high prices. The Roman large
brass comprised many exquisite, specimens, and the
prices they brought was but a due estimate of their
value. Amongst them were the heads of Pompey, Julius
Caesar, Augustus Tiberius, new and many others. The
Roman Consular silver sold well, particularly that of
Emilia, the restored coin by Trajan, scarce and rare,
and those legionary coins of Antonia. The Roman
Imperial silver were objects of great competition, and
brought very high prices and were greatly admired.
The Roman silver , medallions bearing the heads of
Augustus, Claudius, Domitia, Titus, and Nerve, with
the head of Julia ; and on the reverse Vesta seated, were
specimens of great curiosity. The last lot was the one
of the greatest interest. It was the Roman Consular
and Imperial coins in gold, the sale of which excited the
greatest competition, the coins bearing
,the head of
Brutus, which was not much larger than a half sove-
reign, brought from 16 to 40 guineas ; and even at those
prices were most eagerly sought after. The day's sale
amounted to upwards of 730/.

ENTERTAINMENT AT THE MANSION-HOUSE.—On
Saturday the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor gave a very.
splendid entertainment to several of the members of the
Court of Common Council and their ladies. The company
sat down at half- past six o'clock to a table covered with the
most delicious dishes. The long parlour was magnificently
illuminated, and decorated upon the occasion, and there was
some admirable singing by professional persons of both sexes.
his Lordship will give dinners on the 19th, the 21st, the
26th, the 28th, and the 30th, to the other Common CQuncil-
men and their ladies.
THE AUTHORSHIP OF " CHATSWORTII."—Can any
one answer the question that everybody is asking—" Who
is the author of Chatsworth ?' " It is evidently a " secret
worth knowing," for we have it on the authority of the ae-
knowledged oracles of the day in such matters, that, whoever
he may be, he is, as a writer, " made up of every creature's
best." One writer says that his work displays "the wisdom,
wordly knowledge, and book learning of the author of
"fremaine ;' " another, that it " unites the ideal beauty of
"Beck,' the ever fresh nature and charming simplicity of
Boccacio,' and the sparkling brilliancy of Mrs. Gore;' "
a third says, of a single tale of its contents, that it has "more
cleverness in the very simplicity 'of its construction than
scores of three-volume pretenders ; more beauty and tender-
ness of design than as many poems ;" a fourth declares that
" Chatsworth," of its class, is " among the most remarkable
productions of the day, if not the most remarkable." Who
then, we again ask, is the author of " Chatsworth ?"
The most experienced and practised critic of the day has pro-
nounced him, from internal evidence, to be no other than
" The author of Tremaine ' " himself ; but this Mr. Ward
has expressly denied, though without in any manner hinting ,
at the real author, beyond speaking of him as a " valued
friend," and "one in point of ability far beyond any assis-•
tance from me." The motive for this mystery, however, we
can guess—when we recollect that the work contains many
brilliant Portraits, which everybody says are likenisses.—
Court Journal.
To LADIES.—The high and universal celebrity
which Rowland's Kalydor continues to maintain, as an active
yet mild and soothing extirpator of all impurities of the
skin, is, during the period of Spring, most pleasingly evinced.
This preparation, eminently balsamic, restorative, and invi- .
gorating, is equally celebrated for safety in application, as for
unfailing efficacy in removing all impurities and discoloura-
tion ; and imparting a healthy freshness and transparency
to the Skin and Complexion. Its universally great demand
excites the cupidity of unprincipled shopkeepers, who give
the title of " Genuine" Kalydor to compounds of their own
manufacture, of the most deleterious character, containing
mineral astringents utterly ruinous to the Complexion, and,
by their repellant action endangering health. It is, there-
fore, imperative on purchasers to see that the words " Row-
land's Kalydor" are on the wrapper.--A.ll others are; fraudu-
lent Counterfeits. _