The Sun.
London, England, 1844-06-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The Bill for provoking commercial war-
fare, and promoting commercial perjury, comes on this
evening for a third reading. The House of Commons
has one more opportunity-, if it sees proper, of rescind-
ing its past votes. Of course we have no expectation
so salutary a repetition of that recent process. It is
lit the less our duty, even at this, the eleventh hour,
to repeat our protest against the passing of such a
measure as this Sugar Bill. We protest against it on
the plainest grounds of international policy—grounds
which, if admitted, must be held paramount to any an-
ticipated temporary benefit or relief. Admitted they
are, it seems, by an able weekly organ of that party,
whom Mr. Hume on Thursday described as " the free
traders par excellence, to whom the Right Honourable
Baronet was indebted for his majority." That
organ affirms that the only difference between free
and slave labour produce—but admitting both on the
same terms—is, that " We shall by this measure
give just cause of offence and estrangement to
many of the largest and best customers we have, and
provoke measures of a retaliatory kind." Is it not an
ominous sign of the times, that clear-headed men should
begin by describing a measure in these terms, and end by
applauding their friends for voting for it ?—for maintaining
by their vote Ministers guilty of a measure meriting the
above description! A measures which gives just cause of
offence must be a measure which infringes justice. The
measure in question is confessedly one of unprecedented
commercial innovation. It is, according to the above autho-
rity, one of injustice as well as innovation. It is, never-
theless, to be voted for. Why?—Answer : Forty thou-
sand tons of sugar. It is a measure, as Lord Palmerston
observed, authorising Government to " take to them-
selves the power of investigating and judging the in-
ternal institutions of all the different colonies and
tropical countries, and under the pretence of maintaining
the protection of West India produce, they were to be
allowed to open the market to the produce of any country
the institutions of which they should determine to be suffi-
ciently tinged with freedom."—What can justify the con-
sent of Parliament to such an unheard-of internationa-
inquisition ?—Answer : Forty thousand tons of sugarl
It is a measure, as Mr. Labouchere observed, in effec•
otinounting to " a proclamation of commercial war with
Braizil and Cuba, which called on the people of this
country to take great sacrifices for no practicable
or intelligible object, to exhibit themselves in the eyes
of the world as a people who were unable to carry
their own principles into effect, introducing a system
of extensive fraud in the commercial world without in
any degree benefiting the negro population held in sla-
very in foreign countries." What can blunt the edge of
independent opposition to such a measure ? Answer—
Forty thousand tons of sugar. It is a measure, as
Mr. lilawes observed, imposing on British Consuls
duties of a novel and objectionable nature :—" The
Consul was not on!), to receive the foreign declara-
tion as to the origin of the sugars about to be
shipped for consumption in England, but he was to make
a declaration upon that declaration—that he believed it
to be true. Now, this was not a duty which ought to be
imposed on a British Consul ; it was a totally new and
nit unprecedentedly onerous duty, and, moreover, it
would, he apprehended, give rise to much fraud, or at
all eve Ats create a vast temptation to persons to lend
their sanction to fraudulent shipments of sugar." What
can justify a measure imposing these odious, one-
rous, and it was shown useless functions? Answer—
Forty thousand tons of sugar. Now; we do
not pretend to any extraordinary pitch of
heroic virtue. We have never denied ourselves a lump
-of sugar, from childhood up, on the African argument,
or any other. But had the alternative been offered us—
will you mortify your sweet tooth till this day twelve-
month—will you abjure all part and lot in these forty
thousand tons, which, it seems, outweigh, in the minds
of some parties, every higher, every moral and inter-
national consideration of policy—will you bear your
share, or double or quadruple your share, in whatever
burthen such temporary obstruction of this particular
import might have entailed, as a matter of revenue—
would you risk such, or tenfold such consequences—
accept your own share, or tenfold your share in them—
or will you make yourself an actor in this solemn faree?
—will you aid in dragging down this majestic England
to the level of this miserable cabal—this wretched hud-
dle of hypocrites and their dupes P—we affect no sublime
public spirit ; but we think we know our answer. And
we think it would not be—Forty thousand tons of sugar.
There is short-sightedness in this materialism.
STANDARD.—Fourteen or fifteen years ago the
constitution of the House of Commons, how conveniently
soever it worked for Ministers and parties had become
intolerable to the people. The Reform Bill was intro-
duced with a bad design, and with many gross defects;
but the people eagerly snatched at anything which
would relieve them from the system that placed
them under the necessity of choosing between
one of two great parties of the aristocracy,
and left them (as in 1829) absolutely with-
out the slightest power to remonstrate upon any occa-
sion-, when these two great parties might happen to agree.
The Reform Bill, pruned of some of its defects, but not
of all, was carried ; and the Duke of Wellington, fore-
seeing consequences which occurred to the minds of very
few among its opponents or supporters, asked the signi-
. ficant question, "How, under the new law, the King's
Government was to be carried on ?" The question was
- understood, arrd perhaps with reason, as an interrogative
argument against the Bill ; but, however understood, it
involved this very just assumption, that the Government
must be carried on in some manner very different from
that manner of which the country had experience. Be-
' fore the passing of the Bilk in question, a large amount
of Borough influence—in the hands of Tory and Whig
noblemen respectively—formed the nucleus of two great
parties, and poseessed sufficient power to render impossible
the formation of a third. The utmost that the inde-
• pendent representatives of the people could accom-
plish was, to adjust the balance of these two parties,
or, as public opinion prevailed, give preponderante
to the one or the other. This arrangement won-
derfully facilitated and simplified the conduct of
the Government. A minister remained in office
while his party numbered a majority, and while
in office he was sure of the support of that
majority. Divisions or mutinies on either side
of the House were rarely heard of, for this obvious
• reason, that it was impossible to damage the Minister,
• or party leader, without, in a greater degree, damaging
the party to which the mutineer or malcontent belonged.
The Reform Bill totally changed - this state. Interests
and opinions out of doors became the rallying points of
parties, which of course became as numerous and hete-
.. rogeneous as these interests and opinions ; and in order
< Ats.arrange the simply two-fold division in the House of
Commons, it became necessary to marshal on the
two sides of the House respectively such parties as
• most nearly approached each other, in interest and
opinion, without too rigorously exacting what it was
• impossible to obtain. Thus, all who wished to maintain
all the institutions of the country, or any one of them,
. though indifferent to the fate of the rest, constituted the
Conservative party, while all that sought violent changes
in any institution (if indifferent as to others), or in all,
• fell into the opposite ranks. 'This was, unquestion-
• ably, for the people, a better division than that of
the Tory and Whig days ; but it is one greatly
more difficult for a Minister to deal with. In such a
division. the Minister or party leader has absolutely no
power of his own—nothine. but the opinion of his parti-
• sans to support him, and no means of influencing their
conduct, except by plainly. announcing his purpose 'to
. abdicate, if he do not receive a confiding and a cordial
support. It is most unjust to treat such announce-
ment as a threat—it is the declaration. which eve'ey
' honest man makes in parallel circumstances lin
tile most ordinary transactions of life. If the
lawyer's instructions are not attended to he throws
• up his brief; if the physician's prescriptions are °lair-
- ruled he takes leave of his patient. If the pilot is pushed
. from the helm, he hails his boat, and bids good bye. In
the same way the Minister, or party leader, must either
have a confiding support or he must retire. Since the
Reform Bill, he must be a bona fide leader of his party,
or he must be its implicit slave. The Reform Bill,
• which has thus seriously diminished the power of a
Minister over his party, reducing- him from the absollite
' master that he once was, to a director upon sufferance,
• has immeasurably increased the amount and difficultyiof
the work to be done by him with this diminished power.
, lie has not only to reconcile conflicting interests and ad-
, • verse opinions in his own ranks—of which there will be
▪ a plenty, let the party agree never so well on a geneia-
• principle—lie has to satisfy that large portion of t!h(
public, who think that the great constitutional change'a
• 1832 is not to be absolutely barren of practical results
'Tanta within the last 12 or 15 years the domestic govern-
• tnent Of the, country was a business almost of routi .e,
lint now it has become, whether for good or for evil n
. great task of reconstruction, from which no Minister n
:withhold his hand. There is not a party or section o a
• party in the country which will dispute this as a gene al
• necessity, though each has, no doubt, a cherisl ed
somethiug which, in its opinion; ought not to be
touched. Such is the precarious and arduous posit n
ofb, Minister since the Reform Bill, and such it, to so e
extent, must remain, thought its difficulties will no dotibt
diminish, when, if ever, the work of reconstruction s 11
be complete. The authors of the Reform Bill tr ed
to evade, as Ministers, the terrible - inbarrassiee is
which they had provided for themselves and th it
- successors, by yielding in turn to the most n-
". reasonable and mischievous suggestions of th it
ItisPseuPlptoakrt rsa,
- supporters until they had thoroughly disgraced th
selves, and disgusted tdho-eeesonuontt7l;
ldSitro
' different course. He
but places his continuance in office at their disposal.
Which is the more manly, and honest, and gentleinanle
line ? We suppose all will admit that the Ine
adopted by Sir 'Robert Peel is generally—we canpot
allow it to) be tried by particular instances where
these are sb many conflicting interests and repugnant
opinions—the more honourable than patriotie. PPut
it is pia that the Minister who takes this llne
must, lit- the present constitution of the HoOse
- -of Common; have frequent occasion to complain* of
likp desertion of sections of his usual adherents, tee
.quent hints to prepare for retirement, and no less plin
is it that in- present circumstances, men, if they
would act honestly and for the public good, will some-
times find themselves compelled to rescind votes hastily
given, or given without a full knowledge of their necessary
effect In the actual condition of affairs, that which, fill r
a different state of- things, would be imperiousness in
a Minister, is modest duty—that which would be
inconsistency in a party or an individual, is honour le
and faithful adherence to prieciple. The sacrifice;, *hat
have lately been made to Sir 4ob9rt Peel prove the'fin-
. imense importance attached to the pYftservation of his
services by the Conservative party, and hp tgeuld not
better prove his claim to this high appreciation than., by
the disinterested firmness which hP made such sacrifices
necessary.

fi
,fu Governor of the Bank of England bad an intey-
view with tb Chance-11or of the Ezetwinor, yesterday,
it his official residence in Downing-street.