The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-01 00:00:00

ASTLEY'S THEATRE.

Great praise is due to Mr. Batty for his admirable manage-
ment of this theatre, not only with respect to the scenery,
dresses, and decorations, but especially for the variety of the
• entertainments. Crowds nightly assemble to admire those
Wondrous feats of horsemanship, so ably performed alike by
steed and rider—to laugh at the frolics of Clown and Panta-
loon; and view Tam o' Shanter watching the gambols of the
toldnight fairies, even as when drawn by the pen of Burns—
, but above all, to behold this magic stage "revive the spirits of
the mighty dead," and recal those stirring scenes which il-
lumine the commencement of this century. The Battle
(-)1' Waterloo is a theme which ever finds an echo
in the heart of a Briton, and calls to his cheek the honest
glow of patriotism and delight. Not only do we behold the
crowds of British faces kindling with joy at the remembrance
of their victory, but we witness a far higher and nobler senti-
hlent, we see them applauding the acts of an enemy. Napo-
' 4°ll, he who while he lived was, if possible, hated in Eng-
land, even as he was loved in France ; he whose
naalle was once the watchword of battle and de-
. struction, now walks the English stage amid the
plaudits Of his former enemies. When he exclaimed
that all must own he was called to the throne by the voice
• of the nation, thunders of applause proclaimed the sympathy
of a British audience with the power of the People—when
he gave the cross of honour to the Highlander refusing to
betray his country—when he declared, though he believed iu
destiny, he depended on himself—and when he confessed the
Courage and intrepidity of his foemen, again and again the
voice of the audience illustrated the proverb, " The brave
can never hate the brave." Though the renowned Waterloo
wag but a stage, though Gomersall and not Napoleon stood
there, though the audience comprised but a few out of mil-
11°119, yet their conduct is a sample of the feeling of this
Country, towards hiM whom she vanquished in the field
and towards whom, alas she neglected to extend the cle-
rnency worthy alike of herself and him. So it ever is with
genius, in life thwarted, opposed, and hated.
But when his bark is buried deep,
Will envy be the first to weep."

In the cold tomb that incloses the remains of the hero lies
buried all the animosity of England, and now she only feels
admiration for his genius and respect for his memory. We
again repeat that great praise is due to Mr. Batty for thus
exciting enthusiasm and awaking remembrance. We heartily
wish him all the success he deserves—'twere unnecessary to
wish him more.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]
THREE SUPPLEMENTS GRATIS,

WITH THE "DISPATCH."
GREAT NATIONAL TRIAL AT DUBLIN.
The immense size of THE WEEKLY DISPATCH has,
hitherto, enabled its Proprietors on all occasions to preset* a
rf ' s and, at the same time, interesting account of the events
,; each week. It is, however, now found utterly impossible to
;le anything like a faithful report of the Trial of Mr. O'Con-
; e and his Repeal associates, without excluding a great mass of
11teresting domestic and foreign intelligence • the Proprietors,
Inerefore feel that their journal, which has been for years, and
-s new, honoured with more patronage than any other in ex-
istence, should be, in all respects, complete ; and, with that
view, they intend to insert a summary of the proceedings
(luring the progress of the trial in their usual columns, and
present to their friends and subscribers

THREE SUPPLEMENTS. GRATIS,
'Which will be published in the following order, viz.:—
Columns,
The first on SUNDAY NEXT, February 4,
containing Mr. Shell's speech, which may be 16
,considered the gem of oratory, Sixteen columns
„_The second the FULL SIZE of thel
MEEKLY DISPATCH, on the Sunday suc-
ceeding the delivery of the Verdict, containinz
Vepeeches of Mr. O'Con, Sir
, the Attorney-General nell
and otherO leading
rnasel; together with the Summing up of the 48
"lidge, the Verdict of the Jury, and other matters I
hour,ptance that may arise up to the latest
for which the services of several short-hand
writers of eminence have been engaged, Forty-
eight columns
The third on the Sunday following (also of the
411 size of THE WEEKLY DISPATCH)
'Which will form the early portion of the trial, and
ezabrace the proceedings from the commence-
bent to that stage at which the first begins;
that every subscriber to THE WEEKLY 48
`DISPATCH will be in possession of a corn-
Idete and faithful report of this great national
trial which must become a natter of
history, and ever be regarded as an event of no
ordinary importance in after time

112
A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MR. O'CON-
r-
-1,1„ICL will
precede the account of the Trial, which will
be written by a gentleman intimately acquainted with the
great Agitator," and consequently one who has treasured up
nlauY reminiscences that will render the Biography a paper of
Beneral and-absorbing interest.
c_The Three Supplements, forming One Hundred and Twelv
._°!ltrans, will be printed uniformly with THE DISPATCH
7",1 contain a quantity of matter equal to at least an octav
'-°-'unie of 600 pages.

INCENDIARY FIRE NEAR IPSIVIC 11.—Intelligence
reached town yesterday, that shortly after eleven o'clock on
es-.3- night some stacks of wheat were set fire to in a
,fillm yard at Winham, nine miles from Ipswich, and which
watunicated to the farm-house and other buildings. The
. mount of damage is at present unknown.
• INQUESTS.—SUDDEN DEA.TA S.—On Tuesday last
t.t.
inquests were held before Mr. Wakley, M.P., at tie sign
.h()f the Red House College-place, Chelsea, on view of the
h•-oodituesofof Mrs. Frances' Baillie and Thomas Forder Hawkes,
at Plymouth Dockyard, late master shipwright
whose deaths suddenly took place within a few
_ours, and within a few doors of each other. Martha
. Baillie, a single woman, said she was sister-in-law of the
first-named deceased (Mrs. Baillie), who was in her 44th
and who resided in Whitehead's-grove, Chelsea.
'leas, with the deceased rand her husband (who is a
,cfi.achinaker) had been out on the previous afternoon to
-flinlico, and returned home about ten. They went into the
back of where deceased began to complain of a pain in -
came
of her head, and seemed to wish to lie down. She ie
e much worse and was placed upon a cushion in the
'adnur• A medical man was called in, but she died at two
‘)'clock. Mr. John Baillie, husband of the deceased, gave
prvhi deuce to the same effect ; the attack was apoplectic.
, jury returned a verdict of Natural Death. Miss Sarah
',ns (who was deeply affected whilst giving her
teyidence). said she had resided at No. 23, Pelham-
,tl,ce, Brompton, and that the second-named deceased
Thomas Forder Hawkes, Esq.) was her uncle, who had
lvaalso resided in Pelham-place, but at the time of his death
s at 20, Whitehead's-grove Chelsea, whither he had gone
I°F change of air. Deceased had been master-shipwright at
Pl3mou
Dockyard.. He was seventy years of age.
.0n
evening last he was in his arm-chair, and whilst
t_n_l_k,ein; to her he gasped, fell back, and became very ill. She
ce4()a.3r\ sedit"icl some restoratives, and then ran out and asked two
nigofor a doctor. Ten minutes before his death de-
_ee.c_ncoinplained of a pain in his side. He had taken sonic
quite
that da, and appeared much.better. Deceased was `4l;teed,a before medical assistance arrived. Mr. Perkins,
44, said he had no doubt deceased had died from aneu-
or some other disease of the heart. A verdict of natu-
ral
.....,eath was returned.
r. Ai Charles Nodier, a distinguished member of the
Saturdayrencademy, and chief librarian of the arsenal, died on
Inorning, of consumption, in his sixty-fourth year.
--‘• other's death makes a third vacancy in the academy.

THE EXPRESS
TWITION.

SUN OFFICE, Half-past Eight.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.
THE ADDRESS.

Lord '..ELDON (in continuation from our Third Edition)
said—He would read in a few words the contents of a letter
which was of a very different character from those usually
quoted in that House. It was not written for the purpose of
answering any questions which had been put in that House, in
order to make up a case, but it was simply a narrative of dis •
tress that cannot be pictured in words. The writer mentioned
that in the part of the country in which he lived there was
the most peaceful tranquillity, but that it was not the case
in the neighbouring district, where many people nightly
fortified their houses in expectation of a nightly mas-
sacre. She stated that her father frequently received bless-
ings from the poor people in walking along the roads pro-
nounced in a very striking manner, and these tco from persons
with whom he was totally unacquainted, almost seeming as if
they thought that something dreadful was about to happen to him,
and that he needed those blessings. Such was the description
of a clergyman among his own parishioners. It was not the
actual evil of which he complained, but the apprehen-
sion that evils .were about to ensue, from the alarming
state of the country—the real source of the misery was
that he could not receive blessings from his own parish-
ioners, without an apprehension in the minds of himself
and of his family being created—that there was too much reason
for those blessings, and for invoking Providence to protect
them. He would now proceed to speak of the other subjects
in her Majesty's speech. Her Majesty spoke of the improved
state of trade, and of the manufacturing districts—that they
were in a considerably better state than they had been
some time ago. He felt the truth of these observations
though there might be some few exceptions which he was un-
willing to notice specifically. Among the blessings for which
they had reason to thank Providence, and which had been men-
tioned by her Majesty, was the improved condition of the
people and the increased demand for labour : that was a cir-
cumstance which would give them the greatest possible satis-
faction. A great blessing had been conferred upon them by Pro-
vidence in the very favourable harvest of last year. There was
another subject, which, though not distinctly mentioned in the
speech, he would say a few words upon. Her Majesty had
not alluded to the corn-laws, and it was not therefore neces-
sary for him to enter upon the question at any length, but he
hoped and believed that the protection which the agriculturists
now received would be long continued to them.—( Cheers and
" Hear," from the Ministerial benches.) For several successive
years the annual produce was falling alive, and it was ex-
tremely gratifying to find that the prospects which had been
held out by her Majesty's Ministers last year had been realised.
Another very gratifying circumstance was, that the revenue
had increased during the last quarter, and during the
last year, and from this beneficial results might be
hoped and expected. Among other sources which had
added considerably to the revenue was the income-
tax which had been most successful in operation. Their
Lordships had great reason to feel that the country fully appre-
ciated the sacrifice which their Lordships had made in consent-
ing to this tax. Their Lordships had shown an interest in the
welfare of the country, and a desire not to oppress
the working classes, which must secure for them the
gratitude and affection of the country. This tax had
enabled the Government to go on without con-
tracting any further debts during peace—to make the
necessary financial arrangements, the Bank Charter was then
renewable, and their Lordships should devote as much of
their attention as possible to those financial questions which
had come more immediately under the attention of the House
of Commons. Among the measures which were passed
last year, and which may be considered as tending
greatly to the happiness of this country were these
measures connected with church endowment, and other ques-
tions bearing on that subject. Her Majesty called upon their
Lordships in thanking Divine Providence for the blessings
which the Church had conferred upon the country. The
Church had made all the exertions that it could have made,
and it was gratifying to perceive that in these matters
upon which the Legislature had interfered—that in-
terference had been eminently successful. Within the
last few days it had come to his knowledge that a gen-
tleman from the North (Dr. Cooke), the vicar of Leeds, who
had been his own school-fellow, had done all he could to carry
out, in the full spirit, every wish their Lordships could enter-
tain. He had given up one half of his income, and reiired into
a smaller house than he before occupied. He had engaged to do
everything by which a district, so large as Leeds, might be formed
into twenty or thirty different parishes. He proposed to make
exertion, that every poor man might have his pastor, and
every poor child his school—this was highly creditable in
itself, and must draw down blessings on his head. There
were other circumstances connected with national education
which were highly gratifying. Within three months
114, 000/. had been received, a circumstance which
spoke highly for the people of this country, and
which must draw down the blessings of Providence
There was another subject which had not been mentioned in
the speech from the throne, but which was of so important a
nature that he was unwilling to pass it over. Their Lordships
would recollect the dreadful occurrenoe which took place last
year of an officer, high in her Majesty's service, falling by the
hand of his brother officer, who was nearly related to him. He
feared there was little prospect of any measure being carried to
prevent the reeurence of this evil. He perceived that the officer
was obliged to leave her Majesty's service—or what was tanta-
mount to it. He was sure that if any measure could be brought
into that House to prevent the recurrence of such a calamity as
that which he had alluded to, it would be thankfully received by
the country, and the service would not be deprived of many
excellent officers. It was hardly possible to conceive anything
more distressing than the condition of a man returning
to his own home—to the sister of the woman whom
he had made a widow. Even if their Lordships would not pass
any measure, the expression of their dissatisfaction would be
very thankfully received by all classes. He should not trouble
them with further observations, and would conclude by
moving that an humble address be presented to her Majesty,
in conformity with the address which had been read to their
Lordships. -
Lord HILL felt great gratification in seconding the address.
It must be very pie :sing to their Lordships that her Majesty
had received assurances of continued peace from foreign powers.
His Lordship then alluded to the state of Ireland. He said he
hoped the landed proprietors of that country would assert the
Government, in probing to the bottom the hidden grievances
which most afflicts it. After a few further observations, his
Lordship concluded by expressing his sincere hope that the
union between the two countries might be preserved inviolate
—that the Protestant institutions might be strengthened in
Ireland, to restore tranquillity.
Lord NORMANBY said that the Noble Mover of the ad-
dress had not confined himself to the mention of Ireland which
had been made in the speech from the throne, but had ex-
pressed himself with what he feared must be termed an indis-
cretion in reference to the present trials going on in that
country, as he (Lord Norrmanby) was of opinion that
it was the wisest, most becoming, and most dignified
course to preserve silence on tho subject. He would not at-
tempt to follow the Noble Earl, although he felt the deepest
interest in the condition of the people of Ireland. His former
connexion with that country had endeared them to him as
warmly as if the accident of birth had strengthened
the ties of affect ion which bound them to him.
[The Noble Marquis then ma le some allusion to the conduct of
the Noble Earl's grandfather, in respect to the claims of the
Roman Catholics, which was not distinctly heard in the gal-
lery:but excited considerable laughter in the House . ]—He was
happy to say although he differed from no man more in his
political opinions, than from the great grandfather of the Noble
Earl—(Laughter)—h e begged pardon, the grandfather—
in whom the Noble Duke opposite had found so in-
convenient an ally, in the campaign of emancipa-
tion—( Loud Cheers)—yet there was no person from
whom he had experienced greater respect, or inva-
riably greater personal kindness.—( Hear, hear.) There were
some topics connected with Ireland, upon which the speech
did not touch, and upon which he did not intend to
detain their Lordships, although he should have wished
that they had not been altogether omitted. There was
one subject, however, which was referred to rather more freely
than usual in a speech from the throne, he meant the registra-
tion of voters, which was mentioned in connexion with its effect
upon the limitation of the franchise. If the Government
brought forward in relation to that subject the measures which
the exigencies of the case, and the circumstances of
the country, required, no one would more cordially
support such measures than he There was an-
other subject on which he wished to say one word,
and which he still felt considerable difficulty in approach-
ing. It was the appointment of the commission to inquire into
the laws relating to landlord and tenant. There was no one
who attended to the proceedings of that House but would ad-
mit that he (the Marquis of Normanby) took no light view of
the subject of that inquiry, and that he was the person who
wrote a letter to the magistrates of Tipperary, from which
more than one of their Lordships had charged him with taking
erroneous views. Yet the opinions which he expressed in that
letter were echoed in the last session of Parliament by the
highest member of her Majesty's Government. He would,
howevor, have much preferred that the Government had in-
formed itself upon the points in which it was necessary to alter
the relation of landlord and tenant, and had then brought
in a Bill to effect a specific remedy. The speech
told them that the Commission had full authority
to investigate the question and to suggest remedies ; but
he much regretted the extent of time, during which public
expectation was to be kept in excitement. He thought that
some declaration ought to be made as to the specific points to
which the attention of the Commission was to be directed.
Something ought to be done to counteract impressions which
when once made it would be dangerous to disappoint.— ( Hear. )
He was sorry to feel himself obliged to say so much. But he
thought that it was most desirable that something specific
should be announced upon a subject respecting which there
was so much misapprehension. He thought that in such a
country as Ireland, where the means of information were much
within the reach of the Government, no step ought to
have been taken which could havo a tendency to mislead
the public mind. lie had risen solely because he felt that from
the situation which he had occupied in Ireland he ought to
state the grounds upon which he did not, on the present oc-
casion, enter fully into the case of that unhappy country. He
trusted that whatever evil might flow from present proceedings
in that—he would repeat—unhappy country, it was accompanied
with this good—that it turned the attention of the people of
England to the manner in which the sister kingdom had been
governed—(Hear, hear)—for he believed that up to this
time the people of England were more ignorant of
the actual condition of Ireland than of that of
any other country in the world.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that there was no man of any country whatever who visited
Ireland, but returned with the most friendly feelings ; and he
therefore thought that the ignorance of this country respect.
ing Ireland was the more unfortunate, as it served to keep up
those distinctions which were the cause of all the discontent, to
allay which every expedient had been tried, except to do justice.
He might differ with the Noble Lord as to the terms. Every
other means had been tried, except that of doing strict justice
to Ireland; hut he hoped those who had hitherto supported the
Catholic claims would now join in removing any invidious
distinction, religious or political, and endeavour to place the
two countries en the same footing. He had a little departed
from the strict line he had laid down to himself, of not giving
any opinion or raising any question in connection with Ireland
that might cause any difference, till the proper opportunity should
occur. He should, therefore, say no more on this subject ; but
being on his legs, he should merely say, as to the other points
of the address, that he was never one of those who despaired
of the resources of the country, though he thought that the
Noble Earl had rather unfortunately alluded to one explana-
tion of the source of the present excess of revenue over ex-
penditure. He should not venture on another question which
the Noble Lord had introduced, and which called a cheer from
some of their Lordships, and which subject had been carefully
excluded from the Royal speech—he meant the question of
thereforeeorn. On nh thate s
h oquestionnot he
enter differed from
into the
any
discussion
ofLord,i and
t t
The speech, in reference to the affairs of Sinde, had been so
judiciously and carefully worded that they might concur in it

without expressing any opinion. He should only state
that he should join with great pleasure in any vote
of thanks to the officers engaged in some of the most distin-
guished feats of arms that had been performed in that part of
the world. He should do so with the more pleasure from his
personal acquaintance with the Gallant Commander, and with
Colonel Pcnnetather, of the 22d. Regiment, who was, unfor-
tunately, disabled by a wound at an early period of these events,
He could not but feel gratified at the reference which was
made in the Royal Speech to the late visit of her Majesty to the
King of the French. He would yield to no man in his firm belief
and conviction, that upon the good understanding between Great
Britain and France depended the future well being of the relations
of the various European nations. It was unnecessary for him
to trouble their Lordships further on that occasion, but in
conclusion he would intimate that he should probably on the
13th instant, call the attention of their Lordships to the sub •
ject of the present state of Ireland.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to express his great satisfaction at
the fact, as the Noble Lord the mover of the address had
correctly stated, of this being the first time within the experience
of their Lordships, that they had been called upon to present in
the language of truth to the House, an address which, from
the beginning to the end, contained nothing but congratula-
tion. He never recollected an instance when the state of the
country was such as to justify the Parliament in con-
gratulating the Sovereign on the fact, that no point of
the political horizon was at all obscured. He rejoiced
that the speech, and the consonant to the speech, the
address abstained from entering minutely into a discussion of
the affairs of Ireland. However great might be his wish
to discuss that subject, he was restrained by his sense of
justice—by a sense of justice towards the Crown—the party
prosecuting on the one hand, and his sense, above all,
of justice towards the defendants, whom he was bound to pre-
sume, until a vet diet of their countrymen should have pronounced
them guilty, were innocent of the charge laid to them, from
entering into that discussion without violating that necessary
principle of justice, which militated against all discussion of the
subject while legal proceedings were pending. Those proceed-
ings were inevitable—those proceeding were taken in the dis-
charge of duty on the part of the Crown. He would not enter into
the question of whether it might be necessary for the Govern.
ment to take further steps, seeing that he could only do so hypo-
thetically. But that Parliament would do its duty, should the
law be found insufficient to support the constitution as by law
established, he had no doubt—if the Government should be
found at any time not sufficiently armed with powers
to discharge their highest, their first, their most sacred
duty to preserve the peace of the realm, and to maintain the
constitution committed to their care. In such ease, Parliament
would discharge that high trust faithfully, and under such cir-
cumstances, they would never Le found wanting. Although
Parliament would not hesitate to arm the Government with
any power for the maintenance of the law, yet he would
much rather see the Government armed with power not for
the purpose of displaying mere force and strength towards
the people of Ireland ; not with a view of coercing, counselling,
constraing, and forcing, but with a power and disposition to
better the condition of the people of Ireland—to improve them
in all those things in which they might be required to be bet-
tered—to gain them over rather than force them to submission
—to show la parental and kindly feeling which a good
and beneficent Government ought to be inspired with
towards all its subjects, and perhaps most of all ought
to be inspired towards that part of its subjects•
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
THE ADDRESS.

Mr. HUME (in continuation from our Third Edition) said—
The Right Honourable Baronet ought to have come forward
with further information on this subject at the close of the last
session ; and if he had done so, he would have removed a great
deal of the strife and bloodshed that had taken place in that
country.—(Hear, hear.) Now it might be curious for the
House to know the statements that had been made in King's
and Queen's speeches for the last twenty-five years; for that
time, both in war and peace, the same statement was made
with respect to the estimates. They were always told
that they had been framed with strict economy, regard
being had to the public service. Now he thought
the House ought not to take such a statement from
a Minister of the Crown, unless they had a control over
the estimates, which they had not. It was impossible for the
House, or any other person, to believe that they would have
suitable estimates laid before them while these things con-
tinued, and, for the purpose of obviating such a state of things,
he should move an amendment.—(Laughter.) lie had no
doubt the adoption of such a course would not be, very
pleasurable to many, for they thought, as long as they
got money, or money's worth, it was all right.
If once the money left the Exchequer it flowed through so
many rivulets that there was no knowing how many persons
enjoyed a share of the public money. It was the most im-
portant duty of Parliament—it was the only duty that Parlia-
ment was capable of executing efficiently—(A laugh)—to
keep a guard upon the public expenditure. With regard tothe
estimates they ought to adopt the plan which was adopted
in France and Belgium. There every estimate was sub-
mitted to a Committee. The Committee had the head
of the department before them, and called upon him for
any explanations ihiy might require. These explanations
were laid before the Chambers before the estimates were ap-
proved of or rejected. In this country we had erred in not
adopting a similar course. He was pleased to observe from the
next paragraph that there was an improvement in several of
the branches of the revenue. He admitted that there had been
an improvement in some articles of commerce, but he feared
that that improvement was only partial. He believed it de-
pended upon openithperovement in g ofihe the ports
of Ain
ofCehriincan:
ad on the improvement
but he could not see any prospect of its continuance. But,
whatever might be the improvement, it was impossible to deny
the existence of great distress and destitution. One of the
causes to which he attributed the evils of the country, was the
want of the means for the people to exchange the products of
their industry for the means of support. In short, he attri-
buted those evils to our restrictive commercial policy. The
Right Hon. Baronet had very acutely left out of the speech
all allusion to the corn-laws. Now when the Right Hon.
Baronet, in bringing forward the tariff, had so ably and clearly
expounded the doctrines on which the commercial policy of this
country ought to be conducted, he was either right or wrong.
He (Mr. Hume) believed that he was right, but he asked the
Right Hon. Baronet why had he stopped short ? The con-
duct which the Right Hon. Baronet was pursuing in doing
so was sure to give general dissatisfaction. He was to glad to
see opposite several gentlemen who had taken part in a meet-
ing got up to oppose the Anti-Corn-law League. They could
not be ignorant of the operations and influence of the League.
They now admitted that the League was a great fact, and they
got up meetings to oppose it. The Right Hon. Baronet had
admitted that the time might come when the principles of the
League might be carried out ; he had never said that free trade
in corn should never be granted. He had acted unwisely in
thus leaving the subject in doubt and difficulty. Those inte-
rested in support of the law got up meetings to oppose the
League. One of them had been held at Steyning ;it had been
called a meeting of tenant farmers. Among the names of
those present he read those of the Earl of Egmont, the Earl of
Winchilsea, the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Gage, Sir C.
Clifford, Sir C. Burrell, Colonel Wyndham ; there was
a whole page filled with the names of Noble Lords and Hon.
Members, and these were all tenant farmers.—( A laugh.) Why
had there ever before been exhibited such a farce.—(A laugh.)
He accused them at these tenant farmer meetings, of abuse the
most foul; and of language, the most discreditable. Now, he
would venture to say, that in all the Anti-Corn-law meetings
that had been held in England and Scotland—and how
numerous they bad been wassknown to all—( Hear, hear)
—no language to be compared for its vulgarity and
discreditableness to that employed at the tenant-farmers' assem-
blages had ever been uttered. But what he had to maintain
was that the Right Hon. Bart. at the head of the Government
was doing great injustice to these tenant-farmers in leaving
them in the state of uncertainty which he did, and
not telling them of his determination to propose
a total repeal.—(Laughter.) Why he hoped he would do that,
for, from a proposal or an advocacy of a fixed duty he had
entirely precluded himself, as well by his votes as his speeches.
He thought all classes, but more especially the tenant farmers,
had a right to complain of the Right Honourable Baronet
for not mentioning the subject of the corn-laws in the
speech from the Throne. The question was, did the Right
Hon. Gentleman mean to do something this session in refer-
ence to the corn-law, or; did he not?—(Hear, and a laugh.)
He (Mr. Hume) believed that he did not intend
to do anything this session, for in the yer.r 1841 he
had brought to book the Noble Lord near him (Lord
John Russell) because he had not introduced into the
speech from the throne the subject of the corn-laws, and
yet, at a subsequent period of that session, he had brought it
under their consideration. He said, why not put that into the
speech from the throne as the advice tendered by Ministers,
and then broach the subject afterwards? and from this he (Sir
Robert Peel) had volunteered the expression of his convic-
tion that the subject of the corn-laws was an after-thought
of the then Ministers, and resolved suddenly upon by them.
Though then the Right Hon. Baronet might have no intention
of interfering with the corn-law, still the country had a right
to expect him to say something in reference to them and to the
Ministerial intentions. What said the Duke of Richmond?
He said that they were entitled to know distinctly the inten-
tions of the Government—that it was their duty to ask,
not in the language of threat, or even of reproach, what was
meant by them, and that they were entitled to tell the Minis-
ters of the Crown that suspense was the worst of all evils, the
cruellest of all punishments, and that they required to know
whether the protection they now enjoyed was to be continued
or not.—(Hear, bear.) Now his (I'ir. Hume's) complaint
against the; speech from the throne was, that in it no
notice whatever was taken of that important inte-
rest. This course of conduct on the part of the
Government was more to the detriment of the landed interest
than of any other. If the landed interest thought itself thi
great interest which it did—and that it was a great interest be
was ready enough to concede—then it had a very just
ground of complaint indeed. He would refer to other
meetings of tenant-farmers—the, one at Northampton.
",The Anti-Corn-law League," said Sir C. Knightley, " rank
among them the whole refuse of mankind."—(Laughter.)
The House might suppose that that included everything, but
such was not the case. " This League, called the Anti-Corn-
law League, is, I think, the most pestiferous soviet}
since the Jacobin Club, in the days of the French
Revolution." (Great laughter.) " The object of one
section of those gentlemen is to overthrow the present Go-
vernment." He denied it.— (Laughter. ) He did not belong
to the Anti. Corn-law League, but he repelled that charge
with indignation. "Of another section, the Radicals, the
object is to overthrow:the Constitution." He gave the lie
direct to that.—(Laughter.) He was a Radical, he had been
a Radical, and he still avowed himself one ; and he
declared that any man who stated what he had just read
was a calumniatiation of himself, and of all with whom he
acted.—(Hear, hear.) He went on to :ay, " I conceive
there is about as much affection between the one party and
the other, as there was between Jonathan Wild and Jack Shep-
herd.—( Great laughter.) What was the affection that existec
between the Right Hon. Baronet and many of those from
whom he received support he would not then inquire.
Sir Charles then went on to accuse the League of
issuing blasphemous publications, and indecext publications,
and scattering them all round the country. Now the Anti-
Corn-law League contained, he believed, many of that class
who were more careful of public morals than almost any other
class in the country.—( Cries of " Oh, oh.") He thought this
attempt was highly discreditable to Sir Charles Knightley,
and those with whom he was connected. There were other
meetings at which the language used, and the mode of speaking
of particular individuals, were equally unjustifiable. Hi
thought such things were in a great measure attributable to the
situation in which the Right Honourable Baronet had
placed himself, by not carrying out his own inten-

tions. He was not ignorant, v indeed, of the diffi-
culties of the Right Honourable Baronet's position.
He recollected a speech made in that House by the Right
Hon. Baronet opposite, in which he told the Noble Lord be-
low that if he knew any measures which he believed to be
essential to the presperity and welfare of the country, he was
bound, as a Minister of the Crown, having taken an oath to
promote the interests of the country , to bring forward
such measures ; and if he abstained from doing so
for fear of not carrying them, he ought not
bold his situation a moment. Let the Right Hon. Baronet
now do !what he asked the Noble Lord to do. If the Right
Hon. Baronet believes that the principles of free trade are the
proper principles for a free country—and who can doubt it--
why not propose them.—(Hear, hear.) But he left
the country in a state of excitement—league agains,
league—while the country was torn in pieces He said