The Sun.
London, England, 1868-08-12 00:00:00

SOUTH.

North Carolina 9 Louisiana ... 7
Texas ... ... 6 Georgia ...
Arkansas ... 5 Florida 3
Virginia ... 10 49
194

Total Republican Vote
DEMOCRATIC ELECTORAL VOTES.
NORTH.
Connecticut ... 6 New York ...
Now Jersey ... 7 Pennsylvania
Delaware ... 3 Maryland ..
:ky 11 California .•

26

Kentucl
Oregon

~. 3
SOUTH.

-101

-----
Alabama ••• ••• 8 South Carolina ... 6
Mississippi ... 7 21
Total Democratic vote ... ... —122
Republican majority 72
But a change of less than 10,000 in the popular
vote will turn the vote to the Democratic side,
6,000 giving Indiana, 2,000 New Hampshire, and
13,000 Ohio. The Times considers that " Kansas,
Nebraska, Michigan, Wisconsin, Georgia, and
Florida quoted as Republican—are as nearly ba-
lanced, but these three are sufficient to elect Sey-
mour by six majority in the College. For two years
the tide has been running that way, and if it con-
tinues, the folly will be shown, once again, of con-
sidering future success assured because there has
been success in the past. In this cgnnexion neither
the merits of the candidates, nor of the parties sup-
porting them, is considered, attenticn being only
drawn to the nearly even balance of the parties,
which at the elections above referred to showed that
the Republican total in the popular vote of the
North was very little greater than the Democratic
total. 'Whether the tide is still running as it has
done, however, there will be plenty of opportunity
to discover before the final test comes. Maine
holds a State election in September, so does Cali-
fornia ; and Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and
others vote for State officers in October." It
asserts that the country is so large that parties
can support different and opposite politics in widely
separated sections. " The Democrats will preach
Free Trade in the West and Protection in the
East ; the Republicans will do likewise. The De-
mocrats on the Atlantic seaboard will forget their
platform, and point the bondholders to Seymour's
speeches favouring gold payment ; while in the
West they will preach the greenback gospel to the
echo. The Republicans in the East will, in the
same way, talk of fidelity to the national obliga-
tions, while in the Mississippi Valley their orators
will quote Thaddeus Stevens and General Butler to
show that good faith means greenbacks. . . .
These, however, are what may be regarded as
the side issues of the contest—questions about
which each party is itself divided in opinion. The
great issues of the election are two—whe-
ther there shall or shall not be be universal negro
suffrage, and whether the reconstruction of
the South according to the Congressional plan
shall or shall not stand. Grant represents the
, affirmative of these questions, and Seymour the

negative ; and according as men feel about them
will they enroll themselves in support of the one or
the other, with very little reference to the bonds or

the tariff, or the past history of either candidate.
It is about these matters that the election is to be
fought, and about which the States will be stirred

up into frenzy long before November. The people
not only decide who shall be President at the elec-
tions this fall, but they also vote for members of
Congress to go into office on the 4th of March next
with the incoming President. This will add to the

interest of the contest, for all the great Congres-
sional leaders will be personally in the field, advo-
cating their own clai►rs for re-election. It is itn-

possible for the Democrats, however, in any event
to get a majority of Congress, whether they elect
their President or not. The Congressional districts
throughout the North are so arranged as to secure
a majority of the members of the House of Repre-
sentatives. for the Republicans, even if that party
be in the minority. The Senate will have a Repub-
lican majority, owing to the long terms of the
Senators, for at least two years to come. It is pro-

liable, however, that the Thrnoerats, whether suc-
cessful with their Presilmt or not, will secure a
much larger representation in Congress than they
now have, and certainly control m-)re than one-
third of the House."

The New York Nation July 23, differs materially

from the London Times in its estimate. It rejects
Mississippi, as being thrown out by the refusal of
the State to accept the new Constitution, as well
as Texas, where it has not yet been framed. It is
probable that Virginia will also be excluded by its
delay in ratifying the Constitutional Amendment.
This makes the electoral votes 294, or including
Virginia 304, which it divides as follows :

GRANT.-Alabama 8, Florida 3, Illinois 16,
Indiana 13, lowa 8, Kansas 3, Louisiana 7, Maine
7, Massachusetts 12, Michigan 8, Minnesota 4,
Missouri 11, Nebraska 3, Nevada 3, New Hamp-
shire 5, North Carolina 9, Ohio 21, Pennsylvania
26, Rhode Island 4, South Carolina 6, Tennessee
10, Vermont 5, West Virginia 5, Wisconsin 8.
Total, 205.
SEYMOUR.-Arkansas 5, California 5, Connec-
ticut 6, Delaware 3, Kentucky 11, Maryland 7,
New Jersey 7, New York 33, Oregon 3, Georgia 9,
Virginia (if restored) 10. Total, 99.
Some interesting information is given of the in-
side working of the Tammany Convention. "On
the morning of the nomination the New York dele-
gation had agreed to present the name of Chief
Justice Chase as soon as the vote for Mr. Hen-
dricks should fall off. But, contrary to their ex-
pectation, the vote for Hendricks did not decline,
and he regained all that he had lost the day before.
This arose in part from the willingness of many de-
legates to vote for any one rather than Chase. It
soon became evident that Hancock had no chance,
and a bargain was struck between his friends and
those of Hendricks, to combine un the latter for
President and the former for Vice-President.
While arrangements were being made to secure a
two-thirds vote for this combination, the Pendleton
men hastily resolved to do anything which would
prevent its success, partly from indignation with the
betrayal of Pendleton by the friends of Hendricks,
and partly to keep the field clear for Pendle-
ton in 1872, by the nomination of an Eastern
man [at this time. Obviously there was
only one name with which this could be success-
fully done, and although it was a bitter pill to
nominate the one man who had made Pendleton's
nomination impossible, yet common sense pointed
out the necessity of such a course, and perhaps com-
forted the Ohio delegation with the thought that
the honour was, after all, a barren one. At any
rate, the nomination was resolved upon, and the fact
was privately communicated to Governor Seymour
by Mr. Vallandighatn. Governor Seymour resisted
to the utmost, but in vain. He was assured that
his remonstrances would be disregarded, as they
were. And no one who witnessed the uproar of
enthusiasm with which the Convention received the
nomination, and the terrific clamour with which it

drowned the candidate's objections, could wonder
that he lost courage to resist it. We have ourselves
no doubt of his sincerity in declining the nomina-
tion. Ile is sagacious enough to know that he can-
not be elected, and yet he will be tormented
for months by a natural hope that some lucky
chance will give him success—a hope which his rea-
son will alway 3 condemn, but cannot banish. The can-
vass will wear upon his mind, therefore, just as much

as if he were ultimately elected, yet will end in dis-
appointment and comparative obscurity. It is no
kindness to Horatio Seymour to make him a Presi-
dential candidate, and he knows this as well as we
do. Mr. Seymour cannot be elected, for the simple
reason that he will get no votes worth mentioning,
except from the regular Democratic party ; and the
next election is notoriously to be decided by the
votes of lukewarm Republicans. But if other rea-
sons were necessary for his defeat, they may be
found in the fact (highly creditable to him) that he
cannot arouse the enthusiasm of the Western De-
mocracy, who are more interested in effecting a
covert repudiation of the national debt than in any
other issue of the day. He is the chief of that wing
of the party which has all along opposed such
schemes. He is well known to be in favour of a
return to specie payments. He lives in the midst
of a community which would be ruined by national
repudiation. The savings banks of this State are
alone a guaranty that Horatio Seymour can never
consent to a breach of the public faith. His assent
to the platform makes no difference. Every repu-
diator instinctively feels that he can receive no
practical aid from the favourite of New York bankers,
the intimate friend of Belmont, the relentless oppo-
nent of Pendleton." The Nation considers the
nomination of Frank Blair as a singular freak of
party necessity. A Western soldier was wanted,
and the most prominent favoured Grant. M'Cler-
nand and Ewing were brought forward, showing to
what straits the party was reduced. It asserts Blair's
military record respectable, but his political vagaries
have destroyed his influence, and while repelling
many votes, he will bring none to the support of
the ticket. Tile Nation considers that the Conven-
tion, on the whole, acted wisely in choosing Sey-
mour. Chief Justice Chase would have lost every-
thing in the West, Pendleton everything in the
East, while Hendricks would have aroused enthu-
siasm nowhere. Besides, Governor Seymour's
strength, which makes Pennsylvania more than
doubtful to the Republican party, the Democrats
will come out of the contest unbroken, well orga-
nized, and with a fair prospect for the future.
Finally, the Nation congratulates the Republi-
cans on the failure of Impeachment, which has
saved their party. Had Wade been installed in
the White House, he would have destroyed every
chance, anticipating Grant's appointments, dragging
down the tickets by his candidacy for the second
office, with Butler a:3 Minister to England, and
other equally appropriate selections for the leading
offices—all certain to have been inaugurated, and
as certain to be in the highest degree injurious.