The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-24 00:00:00

fourti)Wbition

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

GLORIOUS RECEPTION OF LORD PALMERS-

TILE

Mr. B. DENISON rose to order.
The SPEAKER intimated that the Hon. Baronet
he Member for the University of Oxford was entirely

in order in his remarks.
Sir R. H. INGLIS thought that the Honourable
Member had not read the title of the Bill, or he would
not have interrupted him. As he was saying,
he did not wish to provoke any disunion between
two houses or two individuals, but be did maintain that
for a man at home in his own country, and his own
house, deliberately to insult a stranger and a guest,
and that guest being the representative of a
Sovereign most closely united to our own be-
loved Queen was highly unbecoming. He could not
call this individual an inoffensive individual, because that
would be degrading to him, he was one of the most
actively benevolent men that this country contained.
His Hon. Friend had bees dragged before another
assembly in violation, he would not say of the rules of
the House, but of all the ordinary courtesies of life, and
that, too, in the presence of many of her Majesty's Minis-
-1 ters ; and, under these circumstances, he felt he was not
encroaching on the time of the House in making refer-
ence to one so attacked and so little sustained in another
place.—(Hear, hear.) lie would add, in conclusion,
that in his opinion the explanation which had been
given elsewhere added insult to injury, for
Chevalier Bunsen had been accused of not un-
derstanding the English language, whereas he un-
derstood and wrote it as well as the individual who
had chosen to attack him.—(Laughter and cheers.) Ile
would give his cordial support to the Bill now under

discussion.
Mr. ROEBUCK said his Noble and Learned Friend
(Lord Brougham), who was supposed to have made
the attack, stated distinctly that he informed Chevalier
Bunsen, in very courteous terms, that he was sitting in
the place which had been appropriated to the ladies,
and requested him to retire—(Hear)—but, to the asto-
nishment of the Noble Lord, Chevalier Bun-
sen, whom the Hon. Member for the University
of Oxford called his friend, looked him in the face and
said nothing. On the fourth occasion Lord Brougham
said, " Thea I shall be obliged to have you turned out;"
and receiving no answer, he certainly did put in force
the orders of the House to have that gentleman ejected

from the gallery.—(Elear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL could not state which of
the Honourable „Members' account was correct; but
he must say, for himself, that the learning and repu-
tation of Chevalier Bunsen were such as to secure
for him the respect of every individual.—(Cheers.) Ile
was very sorry that anything unpleasant should
have trauspiredLin the House of Lords, but, whatever
feelings might be entertained in respect to that occur-
rence, he was sure that the Members of both Houses
Parliament entertained the greatest possible respect for
Chevalier Bunsen, not only for his diplomatic position,
but for his private and personal character.
The Bill was then agreed to.
CONSIDERATION OF BILLS.

The following Bills as amended were considered and
agreed to:—
River Dee Conservancy and Improvement.
Timber Preserving Company.
Westminster Improvements.
SECOND READINGS.
The National Gallery (Edinburgh) Bill was read a
second time, and ordered to be committed.
PETITIONS.

An Hort. MEMBER presented a petition from Dundee
against the Weights and Measures Bill.
Sir R. H'INGLIS presented 33 petitions against the
admission of Jews into Parliament.
Sir J. TROLLOPE presented similar petitions from
places in Lineolnshire.
An Hort. MEMBER presented a similar petition from
Sherborne, in Dursetshire.
Mr.. HOPE presented a petition to the same,effect
from Gloucestershire.
Mr. MUNDY presented a similar petition from 'a
place in Derbyshire.
Sir J. DUCKWORTH presented a similar petition
from Bristol.
Mr. B. DENISON presented a similar petition from
the West Riding.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR presented a petition from some
individual, complaining of the conduct of Mr. Commis-
sioner ionblanque in a recent case, and praying the
House to institute an inquiry into it.
Mr. BUCK presented a petition from North Devon
against the admission of Jews to Parliament.
Mr. CAYLEY presented a similar petition from the
East Riding of Yorkshire.
Mr. ANSTEY presented petitions from the city of
London, and from Clerkenwell, Southwark, and the
'rower Hamlets, in favour of the Marriage Bill.
GAOLS IN IRELAND.

Mr. P. SCROPE asked whether the Government in-
tended to bring in a Bill to remedy the grievances inci-
dent to the over-crowding of gaols in Ireland, founded
on the report of the Inspector-General of Gauls in Ire-
land ?
Sir G. GREY was not aware that any alteration in
the law was necessary. The reason of the gaols in Ire-
land being so crowded was the great number of convicts
sentenced to transportation, who could not be forwarded
to their destination so soon as could be required.
MONTHLY PUBLICATIONS AND THE STAMP

DUTY.
Mr. M. GIBSON wished to ask the Chancellor of the
Exchequer whether monthly publications containing
news were liable to the stamp duty; and whether it was
true that the authorities at the Stamp-oflice bad inter-
fered with a monthly publication called the Freeholder;
and if so, why that publication had been singled out for
such interference?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER !mid it

was true that a monthly publication was Liable to the
stamp duty as a newspaper, although it was published
once a month. He could assure the House that the same
course had been pursued with respect to the Freeholder
as with respect to all other papers.
FOREIGN POLICY.—MR. ROEBUCK'S MOTION.
On the motion for reading the orders of the day.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that as the Hon. and
Learned Member for Sheffield had given notice of a mo-
tion for to-night, he was quite ready to move
that the orders of the day should be postponed. At the
same time, as the Government wished that a full
and fair discussion should take place on the subject, he
should leave it to the lion. Gentlemen who had amend-
ments upon the motion to say what course they would
pursue.
Mr. ANSTEY. intimated that he should not press his
amendment.
Mr. HUME said he should exercise his own discre-
tion upon the subject.
Mr. ROEBUCK then moved: "That the principles on
which the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government
have been regulated have been such as were calculated
to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and
in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace be-
tween England and the various nations of the world."
He said it was his duty towards the House to offer an
explanation of the reason why he made this motion.
In his opinion, a Government constituted like ours, a
large portion of whose policy had been condemned by
one great branch of the Legislature, was unable to main-
tain the interests of this country intact, and to consult
the great interests of the people of England, or to hold
the reins of power, without affording any explanation
to the other House. When any one portion of our
Legislature had expressed an opinion so direct and so
plain, it became the duty of this House to ascertain
what was the conduct to be pursued by the Go-
vernment of the country, and to express their opi-
nion upon the same point. Ho was quite prepared
to admit that no Government was called upon to
resign upon a vote of the House of Lords.
Ile quite agreed with the Noble Lord in that.—(Hear,
hear.) But in a constitution like ours, in which it was
thought necessary to have a House of Lords, when they
had explained their own feelings, it was right that this
House should step forward and say what the people of
England thought upon the matter. If the
Noble Lordj had determined after that re-
solution to go on with the Administration,
and bad permitted the matter to drop without any fur-
ther inquiry, the present Government would be like
Governments he had seen supported by opinion which
was scarcely an opinion, and impotent as regarded the
country and Europe in general. It was for this reason
that he had come forward upon the recent occasion, and
be was sure no one was more desirous for an ex-
planation than the Noble Lord himself.—(Hear, hear.)
He would now address himself to the question before
the House. The House of Lords, in that mode which
suited their peculiar habits, Chad, in as strong a phrase
as was generally used in that House, made a
plain, simple, and clear declaration, condemning
the foreign policy of the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
Notwithstanding the nisi prius fashion in which the whole
matter was considered by the House of Lords—(Hear)—
in spite of all the small technicalities which would have
made the fortune of a young man at a quarter sessions,
or in the Queen's Bench, while investigating an affidavit—
in spite, he would say, of the modejn which the proposi-
tion was dealt with in the House of Lords, it amounted to a
condemnation, in general terms, of the spirit and foreign
policy which had been adopted by the Government. In
eponeliict:intothtihse consideration of this subject he confessed
he was inclined to come to a favourable conclusion re-
specting the Noble Lord who was at the head of the foreign
that he country,expecteda il but it was not to be understood
sped to the Noble Lord, feeling
of approbation with re-
any other Member d, fur he had as frequently as
lie quarrelled with particular acts
le of the Noble Lord's policy of his policy. agreed
Lolliacy, though in many
entirely. with the prin-
y Government,
and deprecate.
Theninstnces he had seen much
peoplementhosheeappre.
foreign policy of ever
appre-
hended, affected two classes of
re-
garded individual rights and wrongs, and those whowho
r and, h re-
garded of
country. He believed, as regarded individual rights
garded the general interest, dignity,
their
and wrongs in reference to foreign nations, the object of
the Noble Lord had been to extend the protection and
shield of England to her wandering sons, who were
carried
or pleasure, or necessity, to
various
the world—to extend over
b rye
go ns commerce,
o t,
Item as much as the roles of civilized
nations would permit the broad shield of English pro-
tection.—(Cheers.) Whether they went to the despotic
country of Russia, the free country of America, or to
insignificant or helpless,
the confines of any power,
with regard to the interests of this country as a people,
he believed the policy of the Noble Lord had
been in the first place to maintain the peace of the world
—(Cheers)—not by truckling to despotism—(Cheers)—
but by teaching all foreign countries with whom we had
any relations, that England, as far as could be permitted
by the rules which regulated international communica-
tion, would bring the great moral power of her name to the
maintaining of constitutional liberty, as against treachery
on the one hand or despotism on the other.—(Cheers.)
He could not suppose that there could be a Minister in
this country who was .the4ivOc.ate oklegitimacy, which,
after all was another, though a softened expression of a

SUN,

LONDON,

much harder thing, the object of which was to make
tyranny safer in Europe.'— (Hear, hear.) He
believed these antagonistic principles were now
on their trial.—(Hear, hear.) lie believed the
House of Commons was now called upon toAdecide

....
not the Ministerial existence, for that, as far as he was

concerned, mattered mighty little—(A laugh)—but upon
those two principles, that was, whether England should
oppose or support despotism—should oppose or sup-
port abroad the principle of the Government that
prevailed at home?—(Cheers.) England did not
seek by polemical force to thrust its pro-
postions upon any people, but it did seek by its
moral influence—which was every day growing in
Europe, which had already shattered down many
thrones, and would shatter down some that still existed,
to extend peace and civilization—to say to the world,
" We are favourable to those splendid truths which in

the hands of enlightened and confident men have
made nations great and people happy."—(Cheers.)
He looked at the large results which had followed that
policy since the Noble Lord had held office, and taking
those large result, what did he find? Let him com-

pare, in a' few words, the results of the policy that had
been pursued by England from the year 1830 to the pre-
sent time with the results of the policy which was pur.
. . . _

sued by England from 1790 to 1815 --(Hear.) In 1789
first broke out that grand result, which he said was the
increased enlightenment of Europe against despotism. In
1789 commenced tho French Revolution, and the whole
_ .

result of that event depended upon the view which Eng-
land took of what was even then calltd legitimac).

The Governments of Europe took the bide of the Legi-
timatists, and unfortunately England supported them.
The consequences might be seen, might be read in the
most terrible conflicts that ever disgraced the history of
man.—(Hear, hear.) Blood was shed like water, and
wealth scattered about with an extravagance the
like of which no record exists—(Hear, hear)
in the annals of any nation on the face of the earth.—
(Hear.) :From 1789 to 1815 all the great bonds that
cemented nations together were broken up—nations
were separated into enemy and enemy, and relations of
every kind depended upon force—he who was the migh-
tiest in the field was alone to be respected.—(Hear.)
mankind looked on with absolute astonishment and
horror at the devastation, strife, and confusion, that
followed, and it was only when the exigencies of
numerous nations induced them to unite their energies
and power in overthrowing the mighty Napoleon that
peace was again restored to mankind.—(Cheers.)
Legitimacy was once more established again in France,
and from 1815 to 1830 there was a constant tide moving
against it amongst the great body of the French people.
—(Hear, bear.) At length in 1830 the volcano burst,
and the legs timacy of the Bourbons was scattered to the
winds for ever.—(Hear, hear.) He felt it due to the
great man who was then at the head of the Councils of
England to state that the principles which now actuated
the British Government owed their origin to him. The
Duke of Wellington was then at the head of the English
Councils, and he of all men was the most fitting to deal
with the crisis.—(Cheers.) His position, his capacity,
his powers, and his history and knowledge of Europe
rendered him peculiarly fitting 'for the occa-
sion, and it would ever be a source of benefit to
Europe that he bad the courage to take upon himself the
responsibility of dealing with it.—(Hear, hear.) Eng-
land sided with the French people, and it was
therefore to be expected that the revolution of
France should be followed by imilar occurrences
in Belgium, Poland, and other nations; but England at
this time set an example to the world, by accomplishing
a peaceful revolution—England dispossessed the House
of Lords of the power of ruling the House of
Commons.—(Cheers.) The revolution of France
was carried by barricade, by the revolution of England
was carried through the forms of the House of Commons.
That affected not merely a change in our Government
in that particular, but changed the Government itself'.
The first question submitted to the Noble Lord was the
revolution of Belgium, and he could say there was no
part of the Noble Lord's policy which more deserved
commendation than the foresight he evinced on that oc-
casion.—(Hear, bear.) If the Noble Lord had followed

the suggestions of many around him he would have pro-
posed a separation of Belgium from Holland. The
people in this country were careless of foreign politics;
they were insular by their position and their habits, and
the Foreign Minister was more than any other man re-
sponsible to this country, simply because the people of
England were careless of foreign politics. Therefore he
said the noble Lord on that occasion, if he bad listened
to some around, would have separated Belgium from
Holland. (If he had done so he (Mr. Roebuck) believed a
universal war in Europe would have been the consequence,
and he was certain that, in 1848, Belgium, and the other
dominions of Holland, would have at once wrested her-
self from all unnatural alliances, and seized on France,
which she would have called her natural friend and ally.
—(Hear, hear.) And then down again would have come
the Northern Powers, and we would have had repeated
the scenes which characterised the period between 1790
and 1815. Therefore, he said, not wasting the time
of that House on little-minded technicalities, but
judging of :the Noble Lord's policy on the
broad principles of wisdom and justice, that
policy on that occasion was iestrumental in preventing
a fruitful source of misery to mankind. Ile (Mr. Roe-
buck) believed that to have been the type of the Nobly
Lord's government. On a sudden that House had beet
surprised by a revolution in Greece. There were three
parties to that revolution. There was Greece, which re
presented thy. despotism of Europe on the one hand, ann
France and England on the other. In Greece he found
a monarch coming from Bavaria and educated in a smal
German Court. He (Mr. Roebuck) felt degrade°
when he saw the name of England prostituted in
such a discussion. lie wanted no representative in the
shape of an ambassador to protect our interests at Fo-
reign courts, but the great name of England instead
Th French wishing to get rid of that which did not
represent the French people, which did nor
represent French feelings, which was simply a bane
of men who were gathered together for a special one
and purpose, one set working under-hand and over-hand.
for the purpose of asserting legitimate monarchy, and
another set under the prostituted name of order, en-
deavouring to maintain their own individual ministerial
existence. these were the men who had been
aided by the worst of men, the wild band of men, who,
under the shield of Liberty, endeavour to introduce
their wild anarchichal ideas into society, the Socialists
and Communists of France. These were the men who
had lent their aid to the Monarchical party, who had
dared to try to reduce France again to her former
state. Such was the position of affairs when
on a sudden the people of England were told
that Admiral Parker had received orders to proceed
to the PirMl.l9. And then that celebrated power in an-
other place, which was always ready to oppose anything
liberal in government, at any time, stepped forward
with the majority which, indeed, they always had,
though they did not always think fit to use it, though
they orten threatened. He did not know how many
times ho had beard this session, " Ministers will be in a
minority in the Lords ;" and the ordinary answer, he must
say was—" Who cares. Well, there was a curious cir-
cumstance with regard to these orders of Admiral
Parker's, and he would ask the House to bear it
in mind. The people of Hungary had risen against
the despotism of Austria. In a glorious but unfor-
tunate conflict they bad succumbed to the united
forces, of Austria and Russia. The patriots—he would
presume to call them so—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers)—fled, and where did they go for succour?
To Turkey. With that bloodhound pertinacity which
always distinguish despotic Governments, they.
were tracked slowly and surely to their hidings
place. And then was sent to an independent
Government the most insulting demand that ever was
sent by an insulting Governmen. But the the Noble Lord
nobly representing two nations, stepped in an said
" This shall not be."—(Great cheering.) All glory to
France, who had assisted us at this time, and the sight
of a British fleet in the famous bay of Salamis,
stopped these wretches, and vindicated the law of nations.
Now, was there anything in the claim itself unusual
or contrary to the law of nations, He would first take
the case of France. The law of nations he took
to be,correctly speaking, no law; it was a sys-
tem of general morality, in which the rules
were necessary vague, and depended rather
on the expression of a country than any thing
which bad been settled by a tribunal. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman then referred to the assertion
which bad been made, that the proceedings of the English
Government with regard to Greece were without prece.
dent, and mentioned several instances in which France
had demanded compensation for injured French subjects.
residing in foreign states, but had refused to accept the
mediation of this or any other country. He alluded
to those instances as striking lessons, not only
to members in that House, but to members in the Cham-
ber of Deputies who spoke without knowing what had
been done by their own country.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

1 CONSECRATION OF MISS BURDETT COUTTS' CHURCH,
WESTMINSTER. - To-day was appointed for the consecration,
by the Bishop of London, of the new church, in Rochester-
row, Westminster, erected through the liberality of Miss
I3urdett Coutts. In the grounds attached to the school a
large marquee, gaily decorated, had been erected, in which
all the workmen (about 500) engaged on the building were
regaled, after the ceremony, on the good old English fare,
roast beef and plum pudding. The school-rooms were taste-
fully decorated and set out with a cold collation, supplied by
Gunter, for the refreshment of the distinguished visitors.
The schools are adapted for the reception of 240 boys and
2CO girls. The total expense is estimated by the builders,
Messrs. Rigby, of Millbank, at about 30,0001. The church
is dedicated to St. Stephen, and the Rev. W. Tennant, M.A.,
has been appointed as incumbent. The company began to
arrive shortly atter ten o'clock, amongst whom was his Grace
the Duke of Wellington, Miss Burdett Coutts, the Duke and
Duchess of Sutherland, the Marquis and Marchioness of
Westminster, Lord and Lady Willoughby, Lady Antrobus,
&c. &c. The Lord Bishop of London was attended by the Rev.
Mr. Humphreys, the Rev. Lord John Thynne, the Dean of
Westminster, the Dean of Ripon, and the clergy of the dis•
trict. The solemn portion of the ceremony was performed
by the Right Rev. Prelate and the assistant clergy; after
which the company partook of the chjeune prepared for
them. A merry peal was rung from the church tower.
The houses in the neighbourhood were decorated with flags
and flowers.

EXTRAORDINARY FEAT.-011 Saturday last Mr.
John Milne, of Blackett- place, Newington, for a wager, went
from his house there to the summit of Arthur Seat and back
again within twenty-six minutes, being ten minutes less than
the stipulated time.— Scotsman.
ARRIVAL 6F GENERAL GARIBALDI IN LIVERPOOL.
will be interesting to our readers to learn that, on
Saturday, General Garibaldi, the celebrated defender of
Rome, arrived in this town by the steamer Queen from
Gibraltar, which reached the Mersey at three o'clock
in the afternoon. The General, who was accompa-
nied by an aide-de-camp, looked exceedingly well in
health, and appeared in excellent spirits. Indeed,
we are told that he was par`icularly cheerful and
agreeable during the voyage. We believe the General
will remain in Liverpool for a short time, and that he con-
templates a visit to America. A Paris letter, written some