The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-18 00:00:00

Mr. 11. GRATTAN seconded the motion, and wished,
in doing so, to ask their Chairman whether he had heard
of any communication or announcement from the Go-
vernment of compensation to his Hon. and Learned
Friend and his brother prisoners for the great injustice
clone them, or of redress to the constitution of
their country, that had been so grossly violated in
their persons? He saw in the late proceedings an im-
provement on the old principle of one law for the rich
and another for the poor, for he there saw that the
Government had one law for England, and another for
Ireland. He was deterinined never to sleep in quiet, or
to feel a moment's peace of mind, until he saw signal
punishment inflicted on the perpetrators of such out-
rages on the constitution. He would say that it was
impossible the proceedings that had taken place in the
law courts in that country could be justified. It was,
he would say, folly to suppose that the Recorder, sitting
in his court, could not know or find out who it was that
had stolen the jury list. Would the people of England
then assist them in insisting on the impeachment of the
Ministers and the others concerned in such injustice ?
' He would maintain that the proceedings that had re-
cently taken place had brought disgrace on the adminis-
tration of justice, and that no man could at this moment
enter the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland, and feel
for an instant that his life, his liberty, or his property,
was safe under such management as they saw there car-
ried on. If such proceedings had been attempted in Eng-
land, the perpetrators know that their heads would pay
the forfeit of their crimes. After some further remarks
in a similar strain, the Hon. Gentleman continued to
state that he would intentionally abstain from referring
to other exciting topics that pressed upon his mind, and
that prudence cautioned him against approaching. He
then quoted the opinion of Lord Erskine on the value
and importance of maintaining inviolate the sacredness
of trial by jury, and expressed his decided opinion that
the rebellion of 1798 had been intentionally fomented and
brought about in Ireland by the Government of the day,
for the purpose of effecting the legislative union between
the two countries.

A deputation, consisting of three gentlemen from
Liverpool, here presented an address to Mr. O'Connell,
congratulatory on his liberation.
At Mr. O'Connell's request, the reading of the address
did not take place in the Association.
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose amidst loud cheers, and
proceeded to say that it was his duty to call the atten-
tion of the Association to the matters of which he had
given notice on the last day of meeting. They were,
perhaps, too buoyant in their spirits on that day to re-
gulate with care and consideration the mighty concerns
of the nation ; for the concerns of Ireland were now in
their hands.—(Hear, and cheers.) They were arrived
at a period when, if they acted with discretion, and pru-
dence, and propriety, the repeal of the union was not
only certain, but near at hand.—(Cheers.) He even
doubted whether they were able to spoil their cause; in any
case it was in a prominent and a powerful situation, and he
also knew that an awful responsibility hung over them.
The liberty of Ireland was at stake ; the prosperity of
the people of Ireland was at stake ; the restoration to
Ireland of her national Parliament was at stake. All
the blessings that the Constitution can give, and, above
all, the combination of the different sects and persuasions
in one bond of Christian charity and affection, all these
important concerns were now at stake. They had ar-
rived at a time when they could be free if they deserved
it, and conducted themselves accordingly.—(Cheers.)
They were then somewhat more sober than they had
been last week.—(Laughter.) They had been, then,
naturally warm with the triumph which they had ob-
tained, but more sober thoughts had come upon them
since. Every thought and reflection which he since had
convinced him more and more that the hour of liberty
was at hand, and that they should bo free, if they con-
ducted themselves as freemen ought to do.—(Cheers.)
Their Chairman had said well, that their first duty was
conciliation. They had every encouragement to conci-
liate those who were opposed to them. If they looked
at the transactions of the last twelve months, they would
see that there we.; springing up at every aide a disposi-
tion amongst Irishmen to combine one with another. He
would take his own individual case. When the verdict
was found against him, in a manner which he need not
then describe, there was no triumph exhibited on the
part of those who were called the Orange faction. There
was no Orange lodge illuminated—no Orange proces-
sion searched forth, in commemoration of the triumph—
there were no drunken orgies—no toasts of " To hell
with the Pope and O'Connell."—(Laughter.) There
was nothing of that kind done ; but three years ago
the thing would have been very different. It was
but a little more than that time since he risked
his life in going along the Queen's highway to
Belfast.—(hear, and cheers.) Three years ago the
North would have been in a blaze of triumph
at his conviction. Now there was no triumph of the
slightest kind. Such neutrality, if it went no further,
was a matter that they ought to hail as a harbinger or
better days to Ireland.—(Cheers.) Ire rejoiced in that
neutrality. He was grateful for it. lie thanked the
Orangemen for their forbearance, and he expressed his
strongest gratitude to them for that proof that they were
becoming more Irish than they had been formerly, and
that they, at least to his sense, held out a prospect of
better days fur their common country.—(Hear.) But
what had since occurred ? Since he had been libeeated
had the popular triumph been marked by any discontent
on the part of those who opposed them ? Had there
been any meeting held to express their resentment at the
manner in which the ultimate success of the cause of the
prisoners had been attained, or to disparage the conduct
of those through whom that success had been announced?
It was quite the contrary. He was proud to say that he
hal received the congratulations of persons who had been
formerly opposed to him, and whose polities were even
yet not identified with his. He was proud to say that
many who would formerly rejoice in his conviction, had
joined in the illuminations that had followed his libera-
tion.—(Cheers.) These were excellent symptoms, and
they ought to do everything to ensure a continuance of
them, by reciprocating the kindliness that was extended
towards them by those who were formerly opposed to
them. But in addition, had they not the most perfect
tranquillity on the part of the people ? He saw his
Learned Friend (Mr. O'Hea) near him, who had at-
tended a case at the Tullamore sessions, reported in the
Freeman's Journal of that morning, which served as an
instance of that feeling. The people had been lighting
a bonfire in a place where the law permitted them to
light it, when a single policeman interfered to prevent
them. The people at once obeyed him, even though he
was acting illegally, and separated peaceably towards
their homes. The case would come before the Go-
vernment, as it could not rest where it then was, but
he mentioned it as showing that the people of Tulla-
more were deserving of the warmest thanks of the
country for their conduct.—(hear, hear.) The first
subject which lie had to bring before the Association, in
pursuance of the notice of motion which ho had given on
the last day of meeting, was, that it be referred to the
Committee to report on the necessity of holding the
Clontarf meeting.—(Cheers.) He had preceded the an-
nouncement of that subject by describing the increasing
disposition of mutual forbearance among all classes of
the community as one of the strongest motives for regu-
lating the future conduct of the Association in calling
that meeting. His own opinion was, that the Clontarf
meeting was now unnecessary, and he was sure, if it be
not necessary, it ought not to be persevered in, as it'
would be considered to have too much the appearance of
triumph and defiance. That meeting had been legally
convened—its purposes and its objects were legal, and
its suppression was unjustified by law and unsanctioned
by any constitutional principle. Need they now vindi-
cate that principle ? lie thought not ; and that fur this
reason, that the indictment itself had done so. The five
first counts of the indictment declared their meetings to
be illegal, but the counsel for the Crown were obliged,
in open Court, to consent that these counts should be
pronounced falsehoods, and that they should be acquitted
of the charges of holding illegal meetings. The princi-
ple was, therefore, already established, and they were,
therefore, under no necessity of vindicating it. They
would thus show to their fellow-countrymen, of every
religious persuasion, their anxiety to take no step in
promoting the repeal cause that is not absolutely neces-
sary for its success. He would impress this upon his
Protestant fellow-countrymen. But why should he
mention them, when he had more Protestant gentlemen
sitting near him than Catholics?—(Hear, and Cheers.)—
They had forty-one monster meetings. They held them
with perfect tranquillity and the absence of the slight-
est breaches of the peace or violation of order. -Net
even a single accident occurred at any of them—their
purpose being to show to the British Parliament and to
the people of England the conviction of the great ma-
jority of the Irish nation that their country was misgo-
verned, and that the union ought to be repealed. They
had demonstrated that completely, and, therefore, though
he would go through the form of referring the sub-
ject to the Committee on account of its importance, it
would be with the anticipation that the Committee would
decide as he had done, that the Clontarf meeting would
not now be necessary.—(Hear, hear.) The next subject
to which he had to refer was the formation of a Preser-
vative Society. He: thought that society ought to be
formed of men who would make a sacrifice for the ser
vice of their country, and he thought it would be well
that they should be entirely distinct from and uncon-
trolled by the other. He wanted to give the principle
of fixity to their arrangements, and to remove the im-
pression that any of the institutions of the country were
to be injured or disturbed by the repeal of the Act of
Union. If there was one thing that would tend more
than another to inspire confidence, it would be in having
persons of property formed together in an association for
the re-establishment.. of an Irish Parliament. Ile agreed
with his friends Mr. Grattan and Mr. O'Brien, that a
continuance of the union would cause a real danger to
property, but he did not go so far as Mr. O'Brien when
he said that he would resist separation as long as he
could resist it. For his (Mr. O'Connell's) part he would
never consent to separation under any circumstances,
and he would give up the repeal to-morrow if he thought
itwouldsleecl to such a result. On the contrary, ono of
his reasons for working for the repeal was, that he was
most firmly convinced that it would bo the only means of
maintaining the connexion I;ketween the two countries.