The Sun.
London, England, 1868-04-11 00:00:00

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de
uflo4

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 11, 1868.

The redoubtable THEODORE of Abyssinia, who
has succeeded among his other achievements in ex-
citing more comment in Europe than any of his
predecessors on the semi-barbaric throne, is safely
ensconced at Magdala. Happily the great anxiety
which was naturally felt on account of the captives,
on the first receipt of this news, lias: been a good
deal allayed by the intelligence that he treats them
with marked courtesy, freely discussing the par-
ticulars of the British advance without giving the
slightest hint of his own intentions. It would seem
that he intends offering strong resistance, since he
is entrenching himself, and getting stores, &c.
Possibly he is relying on his big gun to keep the
obnoxious invaders at bay, but he has yet to learn
what can be done by a daring and well-directed
attack. He has had to change his plan of
defence, owing to an unexpected change in the
movements of the British. A blunder has been
made, accidentally, of course, in the selection of
the road from Antalo to Muzno. Colonel PHAYRE,
who is no incompetent or inexperienced judge,
selected the route by which the pioneer force
were to travel from Antalo to Muzno,
owing to incorrect information supplied him,
by WALDA YASONS, an Abyssinian chief. What
his reasons were for directing the Colonel to take
the longer instead of the shorter route are not cer-
tain ; but it has been suggested that the shorter
route led too near his own fortress ; and, again,
that he thought that the longer the army
was on the road, the more profit he and his
people would gain by furnishing supplies.
the march, according to WALDA'S route, was most
arduous and tedious, and eight or ten days at least
have been lost by the mistake. The best proof of
the loss of time is that Sir ROBERT NAPIER by a
double march suddenly arrived at Muzno, leaving
every one behind him, and astonishing those who were
waiting there, and it is believed intends to keep to
the front. Of course in a strange country it is
necessary to depend in a great measure on the in-
formation received, but it would be well, if possible,
to get it from more than one source, so as to check
one story by another. It is said, though we do not
know with how much truth, that a few hours'
ride by an exploring officer might have saved
the force all the delay and trouble, and
it would certainly be wiser another time to
adopt that course. At any rate Sir ROBERT NAPIER
ii fairly en route for Magdala, and since TIIOWDORE
seems at present to think discretion the better part
of valour, we may yet come to terms without blood-
shed, and we may hear before long that the cap-
tives will be safe in the charge of their European

rescuers.

The intelligence which we receive by the Java
mail steamer respecting the progress of the Im-
peachment trial is full of interest, and we are glad
to find that the Senate has in some measure vindi-
cated its own character as an independent legisla-
tive assembly, and preserved something of the
dignity belonging to a high judicial court. The
Impeachment trial, as we know, recommenced on
March 30th, when Mr. BUTLER, formerly the
General of more notoriety than fame, opened the
prosecution in a long speech. We may easily guess
with what eager animosity and virulence Mr.
BUTLER would pour forth the vials of his wrath
upon the offending PRESIDENT. No two men could
he more diametrically opposed in character or in
sentiments. We all know what were General
BUTLER'S views with regard to the treat-
ment of the conquered Southerners, and even allow-
ing a good deal for the angry passions belonging
to civil war, we cannot suppose that had BENJAMIN
BUTLER ruled at the White House instead of
ANDREW JOHNSON there would have been any
ground for complaint of his excessive leniency. Mr.
BUTLER, in his speech, declared that Mr. JOHNSON
had no authority to question the constitutionality
of the acts of Congress, but was bound to enforce
them. BUTLER, like other leading Radicals, seems
inclined to paraphrase the Grand Monarque's
famous aphorism, and to affirm that the Congress
is the Constitution. Whatever laws it makes,
whatever changes it introduces, whatever old tradi-
tions it overthrows, or fundamental principles
it outrages, its acts are still constitutional. What
is more, like CASAR'S wife, it is above suspicion,
and he who dares to question its constitutionality
puts himself in the wrong. These gentlemen had
better refer to their dictionaries and learn the mean-
ing of the word " President," which they appear
to believe means an inferior, not a superior—a
subordinate official, not the acting head of a State.
BUTLER contends that Mr. LINCOLN'S appointment
of Mr. STANTON was binding upon his successor, as
Mr. JOHNSON was only serving out Mr. LINCOLN'S
unexpired term. BUTLER objectB to compliance
with anything like the ordinary forms of civil law.
The Senate, he says, during the trial, ought to be
governed by Parliamentary rules only ; and the
Chief Justice during the trial acted only as
presiding officer, without judicial powers. This
question, however, has been settled, and in
a manner which reflects credit on the
Senate. The day after BUTLER'S speech a
dispute arose !respecting the admission of certain
evidence. Chief-Justice CHASE gave his decision
on the point, whereupon several Senators appealed
from it, and denied that he could claim judicial
powers. A division took place, in which the Chief-
Justice was supported by 31 against 19 votes, and
a rule was adopted giving him power to direct all

the forms and procedure of the trial, to rule on
questions of evidence, and at his option to submit
them to the Senate. This is an important gain, in-
asmuch as it elevates the trial from a mere party
gathering, whose proceedings are only worthy of
contempt, to a constitutional assembly deliberatin g
on a grave national question. It shows, too, th t
the noisy and unscrupulous party have not the
ascendancy in the Senate which they unfortunately
still maintain in the House of Representatives, and
there are consequently less grounds for apprehend-
ing that the long talked-of trial will either bring
the American Constitution into contempt or open
anew the floodgates of civil war.

Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH has been figuring away at
Manchester before the Reform Club of that city.
The chairman, Mr. RAwsoN, contrived, in the
course of his remarks, to give a little salutary
advice to the members of the Reform party, and
told them that if they had supported Mr. GLAD-
STONE more efficiently they would have had a better
Reform Bill than the one which has lately obtained
the sanction of Parliament. He regretted the mi-
nority scheme in the representation, concluding by
the astounding remark-that Manchester would very
probably stand as one in the next Parliament,
whereas by right she ought to have five or six mem-
bers in the House. Mr. JACOB BRIGHT'S speech
was in the usual style, and he dwelt at some length
upon the recent decision that had taken place on
Mr. GLADSTONE'S Resolutions. After discoursing
some time upon the question of the future majori-
ties which Mr. GLADSTONE could hope for,
Mr. BRIGHT treated his hearers to some
of his own views on the subject of the resignation
of the Government. The great majority of the
Liberal side think that Mr. DISRAELI should make
way for Mr. GLADSTONE, but some believe that it
was not necessary to be " too ardent" on that
point. After stating that he himself had no
anxiety, because he firmly believed that the pre-
sent Administration would not long remain as they
were, the hon. member proceeded to do his best to
expedite their departure by a series of taunts and
invectives, most damaging, no doubt, in the opinion
of the assembly to which they were addressed, but
which we daresay the Government will survive.
It was at any rate amusing to hear that the Minis-
try were put in a minority because they had no
policy, because Mr. GLADSTONE only had the start
in this respect by a week or so. As for their
having no control whatever over the legislation
of the House, that is very ridiculous, when
they carried a Reform Bill through it,
which successive Liberal Administrations found
themselves incompetent to perform. It would be
more the truth if we affirmed that the present Go-
vernment had only too much policy to please cer-
tain parties, and that they entertained grave sus-
picions as to obtaining too much popular favour.
Mr. JACOB BRIGHT concluded his very impressive
observations by asserting that he should be very
happy to give a vote that would put an end to the
existence of the present Government, which no
doubt was the passage in his speech most to be relied
on, and which he felt most deeply.

Mr. GoLDwaT SMITH evidently had his cue, and
contrived to please his audience by saying that the
men who passed the Reform Bill did not know
what they were doing. He must say that for origi-
nality of idea and extreme intolerance of opinion, no
one can do better than listen to the speeches delivered
by:those who would set the world to rights their own
Iway, and are disappointed if any one else succeeds in
outwitting them. The minorities clause was framed
in order that the Upper House of Parliament might
show the " exceeding goodwill which they enter-
tained towards the great constituencies which
return Mr. JOHN and Mr. JACOB BRIGHT." There
is one thing particularly noticeable in all these
speeches, and that is the extraordinary way in
which different things appear, though viewed ap-
parently through the same medium. Thus a
majority for Mr. GLADSTONE like a thing of beauty
is a joy for ever, and must always influence public
opinion, and form a region in political history and
Parliamentary records ; but the triumph of the
Government, whenever it took place is a transient
thing, a mere mistake, and only to be looked upon
with doubt and suspicion. Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH
found himself in a sort of dilemma, but he
boldly plunged forward, and to the argument put
forth against the Liberals, as to why they did
not introduce the question of the Irish Church
before, he answered that Lord STANLEY brought
forward an amendment, and why did he not say
before what he said in that amendment ?
Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH spoke very sensibly in one
passage of his speech, where he declared that the
case should not be put too strongly against our
own country, for that the conduct of the English
people towards Ireland since the time of the Catho-
lic Emancipation had, on the whole, been kind and
good, "in intention at least." The Prince of
WALES'S Visit will not do much good to Ireland,
Mr. SMITH thinks, because the Irish are clear-
sighted enough to see that it is done to conci-
liate them, and that argument may truly apply
to the necessary reforms which Mr. GLADSTONE'S
policy would hasten on ; but we agree with the
speaker in this, that it would have been better if
these Royal visits had not so closely resembled
those of angels, for the Irish are just the kind of
people to take umbrage at this sort of thing, or
consider it an oversight.
Concerning the education question, Mr. GOLDWIN
SMITH was against the compulsory mode proposed
by some, and popular to some extent in Manchester.
" You cannot devise a system," he said, "worked
by the Central Government, which shall suit all
parts of the country," and if you put a child to
school instead of work there will " be disadvantages
at home which will counteract the benefit acquired
at school." Improving our local institutions will no
doubt be a very desirable thing to do, and if more
political knowledge could be diffused among the com-
munity, no doubt important results would follow on
it. Mr. GOLDWINSMITH led his remarks again to Mr.
GLADSTONE, declaring that he had the greatest
confidence in him, and that he showed himself the
" man," because it was the " hour ;" rather an
equivocal compliment, some might say, who were
inclined to be rational. He also uttered some
truths about the Liberal party, intimating that
they had become thoroughly demoralised by a long
tenure of power, but that in Opposition they had
recovered their virtue, and he is consequently in
no hurry to see them restored to power for their
own sakes. He is compelled, however, to desire
the exodus of the present Government, because they
are sapping the roots of English honour by their
conduct; they carried a Reform Bill, but by means so
demoralising that it greatly detracted from the value
of the measure. It is always a sure sign that there is
something wrong when such a line of argument as
this has to be kept up, and if we are to lGok for the
real explanation of this talk about the insincerity of
the Conservative leaders, we should find it in the fact
that they have done good service to their country,
and continued to carry measures which their oppo-
nents could not and would not. That is an un-
pardonable offence, and has called forth the indig-
nation of all zealous and extreme partisans, but a
quiet reflection would show themselves and others
that they are acting an inconsistent part themselves,