The Sun.
London, England, 1868-08-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 27, 1868.

IHE ANGLO-COIVTINENTAL SOCIEIY.

The following letter has been addressed to
the Guardian :

Sin,—l recommend Mr. Meyrick and his
henchman, Mr. Clay, to consult their friend
Prota before they publish any more letters in
his behalf ; for the account which they have

given of his expulsion from the Convent of
S. Domenico Maggiore does not agree with
his own account of the matter ; in fact, the
two accounts, like the pots in the fable which
went sailing together down the stream, crack
each other, and are mutually destructive.

Prota's account is, or was at the time, that

he was not expelled at all, but resigned. It is
something to have an admission from his
patrons at last that he really was expelled ;
but I beg them to observe that their admission
places me in a very unpleasant dilemma. If
I believe Messrs. Meyrick and Clay, I am bound
to conclude that Signor Prota is a liar ; and
vice versd. The Signor's account—namely,
that he was not expelled, but resigned—is a
deliberate untruth ; and I should like to know
what Mr. Clay, who is perfectly cognizant of
the fact, has to say to it, and how he recon-
ciles it with his letter to the Guardian.

I say, moreover, that the account which
Messrs. Meyrick and Clay have given of the
matter is just as unfounded as Signor Prota's.
Let me quote their 7:psissinia, verba, for they
are important.
"In the autumn of 1866," says Mr. Clay,
"an arrangement was made between the Courts
of Italy and Rome, and the fugitive Bishops
were to return to their sees. A new Prefect
was appointed to Naples, to prepare the way
for the return of the Archbishop."
Here Mr. Clay deliberately states that the
new Prefect, the Marchese Gualterio, was
appointed subsequently to, and in consequence
of; Ricasoli's circular, permitting the return
of the exiled Bishops. Now Ricasoli's cir-
cular is dated November 26, 1866, and Gual-

terio was appointed Prefect of Naples in
March, 1866, and took formal possession of
his office about the middle of April. I have
no wish to retort on Mr. Clay his charges of
" Pharisaical words," and " suppression of
important circumstances;" but I will ask him
to explain the inscrutable process of esoteric
reasoning by which he seeks to persuade your
readers that an event which happened in
March was the result of an event which hap-
pened at the end of the following November.
He is good enough to say that my " mind
is in a state of hopeless confusion ;" but I
venture to suggest that a gentleman who is
given to turn logical somersaults is not a very
good judge of what constitutes " confusion of
mind."
Mr. Clay says that Signor Prota received
notice to quit " soon after the appointment of
the Marchese."
" Soon after" means five months, and Gual-
terio's appointment had no more to do with it
than it had to do with the eruption of Vesuvius.
I have before me a number of the Emancipatore
Cattolica, in which Prota welcomes Gualterio
in the following language :—" Il nuovo Pre-
fetto della nostra Citta e Provincia, Sig. Gual-
terio, prendendo possesso della sua carica di-
resse ai nostri concittadini ii Seguente pro-
ciama, the not ammiriamo per it nobile patrio-
tismo da cui e ispirato, e per le precise nome
in esso tracciate della, sua amministrazione."

This seems to me very odd language from a
victim to his persecutor. But perhaps Mr.
Clay will tell me that this is but one instance
of the cordiality between Prota and Gualterio.
Well, I take up a later number of the E »tanci-
patore, and I find a paragraph entitled "Arresti
di Borbonici." On looking over the paragraph,
I see that it gives an account of the arrest of
several Bourbonists, among them " a monk "

and a " Spanish priest." The paragraph also
states "that it has been already decided to send
out of the kingdom ten Bishops and Monsignori."
"We applaud these measures," says the per-
secuted Prota, "by means of which the Govern-
ment seeks to banish the conspirators against
the actual order of things, and the declared
enemies of the Kingdom of Italy." And then
he complains of " the doings of some of the
parochial clergy," and by way of example says
that he " read the day before a placard on
the door" of a church, which " invited the
faithful to the preachings " of a certain Padre
Borghi "in this month of May." The last
word of the question is italicised in the origi-
nal, and the meek, loving Prota asks, "Is this
or is it not that Padre Borghi who has fre-
quently been banished from Naples ? Let the
police keep their eyes open."
And it is this truculent fellow, who rejoices
at the expulsion of ten Bishops, and hounds
on the police against a brother priest for
simply " inviting the faithful to his preach-
ing," whom Messrs. Clay and Meyrick parade
as a gentle suffering martyr ! Mr. Clay speaks
of Gualterio's " aptness to do the work of
persecutor." The above extract shows that
he was, at least, a persecutor after Prota's own
heart, and not against Prota.
Mr. Meyrick's account of Prota's expulsion
is as follows :
"If Mr. Mac Coll were not utterly ignorant
of the subject with which he is dealing, he
would know that the time when Prota lost his
appointment, and was required to leave S.
Domenico Maggiore, was when Ricasoli's policy
was suddenly changed from opposition to the
Papacy to a reconciliation party," resulting
in " the sacrifice of the reforming priests,
and the untying of the hands of their enemy,
the Marchese Gualterio, Prefect of Naples, who
co-operated with Cardinal Sforza in crushing
them. The brunt of the persecution naturally
fell upon Signor Prota and the staff of the
Emancipatore," &c.
I wish I could honestly believe that Mr.
Meyrick "is utterly ignorant of the subject
with which he is dealing." Let the facts speak
for themselves. Prota and his staff were ex-
pelled from S. Domenico Maggiore about the
end of August, 1866 ; " Ricasoli's policy was
suddenly changed" in the end of November
of the same year; and Cardinal .Sforza made
his first appearance in Naples on the Bth of
the follo wing December. And yet Mr. Meyrick
would have your readers believe that the ex-
pulsion of Prota and his staff was the result
of Ricasoli's policy and Cardinal Sforza's resto-
ration !

Nor is this all. In the Anglo-Continental
Society's report for 1866, p. 39, Mr. Meyrick
speaks of Ricasoli as follows :
" Baron Ricasoli having become Premier,
gives good hopes of the latter (opposition to
the Papacy) and better policy being adopted.
There is no statesman in Italy whose eyes. are
soopen to the need which his country has of
an independent national Church as Baron
Ricasoli. His return to power we regard as
of the happiest omen for the Church of Italy."
Now, this was published after the expul-
sion of Prota, which expulsion, Mr. Meyrick
now tells us, was caused by the retrograde
policy of Raron Ricasoli. Which am I to
believe—the Mr. Meyrick of the Anglo-Conti-
nental Report, or the Mr. Meyrick of the
Guardian, ! Has Mr. Meyrick, too, possessed
himself of an " historical conscience" to re-
concile his inconsistencies ?
Mr. Clay accuses me of having " either pre-
sumptuously written without a knowledge of
my subject, or else wilfully suppressed all men-
tion" of certain " documents' in which Prota
is highly praised by the very persons who sub-
sequently cut off all connection with him. My
conclusion would be that the gentlemen in
question must have had some exceedingly good
reason for standing aloof from a man of whom
they once thought so highly. But Mr. Clay
has the happy faculty of being able to deduce
any conclusion that suits him from contradic-
tory premises.
" The Anglo-Continental Society," Mr. Clay
says, "is not connected with this (Emanci-
patrice) -society, nor with any of its members."
Then, pray, what means the following notice
in the Anglo-Continental Society's report for
1865 ?
" The (Anglo-Continental) Society is desir-
ous of funds for the payment of a resident
agent in Naples, whose services might be of

the utmost use in relation to the Societa Eman-
cipatrice, as well as otherwise." Moreover,
the President of the Societa Emancipatrice is
in the pay of the Anglo-Continental Society.
But it is hopeless to get Mr. Clay to see the
necessary connection between a conclusion and
its premises.
Mr. Clay attempts to be funny at the ex-
pense of a member of the Naples municipality,
who, he says, had stated that " Prota had
been turned out of the building for immo-
rality," but had " declined to put his accusa-
tion on paper."
Mr. Clay received this information in confi-
dence, and he has taken unwarrantable liberty
in publishing it. But having taken that liberty,
he ought not to have stated what is literally
untrue—namely, that the gentleman in ques-
tion declined to guarantee his information (not
" accusation") in writing.
There is only one more point which it is
worth while to notice.

If Mr. Meyrick thinks that a frock-coat and
the absence of a cassock necessarily constitute
" the garb of a layman," I don't. But if Mr.
-Meyrick had himself addressed as "F. Mey-
rick, Esq.," and habitually wore a shooting
jacket, a coloured tie, and coloured trousers, I,
for one, should not hesitate to say that he had,
as far as his own act could do it, " abjured
his clerical character." And this is precisely
what some of the " reforming" priests of Italy
have done.

M. MACCoLL.

THE HUSH LAND LAIVS.

Arbitrary power in the hands of an ill-con-
ditioned man like Mr. William Scully, has
resulted in the death of two innocent men in
the discharge of an office imposed upon them
by the temper of Mr. Scully and the permis-
sion of the law. Not only the tenants who
resisted the service of a notice of ejectment,
but the landlord, who, by his harshness and by
the flagrantly unjust terms of his leases pro-
voked the murderous assault, must be ac-
counted guilty of the deaths of thetwo hapless
policemen.
It is time that legislation should take from
the hands of Irish landlords the arbitrary
power they now possess, and which such land-
lords as Mr. W. Scully are not slow to exer-
cise, of reducing the tenants to a state of
semi-serfdom. Such power is degrading, not
only to the tenant who suffers from its exercise,
but to the landlord who is tempted, by its pos-
session, to treat his tenants like mere chattel,
and to eject them at will as if they had no inte-
rest and no rights in the soil they cultivate.
The relations subsisting between Mr. Scully
and his tenants are, as we learn on all sides,
quite exceptional. They need be so ; for if
there were many men who behaved towards
their tenants with a like harshness and wanton
disregard of what is due to their rights and
interests and feelings, as Mr. Scully so ob-
stinately and offensively exhibited, there would
be an end to the hope of restoring order and
goodwill between the owners and the cultivators
of the soil in Ireland.
As it is, in this exceptional case, a harsh and
unjust landlord and a violent and irritated ten-
antry are guilty, between them, of shedding in-
nocent blood. That such a lamentable and
guilty occurrence will direct attention anew
to the land laws cannot be doubted ; it is
well, therefore, that the tyranny possible to be
exercised under the existing laws should be
illustrated by the production before the new
Parliament of the leases actually attempted to
be enforced by Mr. Scully: The stringent
character of these leases will be sufficiently
exemplified by the following abstract of their
chief clauses :-
1. Binding the tenant to pay the rent, free
of, all deductions on account of rates and
taxes, excepting quit rent and rent charge, but
not excepting poor rate, notwithstanding any
Act of Parliament to the contrary. 2. De-
priving the tenant of any claim for imple-
ments or any growing crops. 3. Forbidding
the cutting of timber, and requiring the tenant
to keep the lands and premises in good tenant-
able order, and to deliver it up on the Ist of
December, Ist of March, Ist of June, and Ist
of September next following the receipt of a
21 days' notice demanding possession. 4.
Stipulating that the posting of such notice on
tide door of the dwelling-house shall be deemed
good service. 5. Containing a covenant against
alienating or in any way disposing of the lands
without the landlords consent in writing. 6.
Forbidding the erection of " any house, build-
ing, hedge, ditch, fence, dyke, or drain what-
soever," unless authorised in writing. 7.
or breaking up of
qinug of more than a
iring that all game
Prohibitingpthrees csroi
prescribed
dorp thertitlieo
nbu:urae
nanddi
onrwge
tenant a corresponding right
,
shall be protected. There is a further cove-
nant giving the
to give a 21 days notice of surrender.
Can we be surprised that tenants who had
been on the generations before Mr.
Scullyhadblnoaugd for
tirt refused to accept such
unjust and barbarous stipulations ? And yet
it was for this reasonable refusal that whole-
sale ejectments were attempted by Mr. Scully.
This system of causeless ejectment is the point
to which the attention of statesmen ought to
b
put an end to deeds
ofe directed,
toed, which are too surely
to be o
peecdei
nenddorder
of lo
od
such
u
h intemperate and high-
handedabuse of the rights of ownership to the
soil. But it is not only exceptional violence,
as in this unfortunate instance, that has to
be attended to, so much as the widespread
and deepseated discontent which unjust and
oppressive land laws have done more than
anything else to create and foster. In the
leases which Mr. Scully attempted to enforce,
and the resistance t 9 which he punished by
summary ejectment, it is agreed that 21 days'
notice shall suffice to terminate a, tenant's
holding, which, at the mere will of the land-
lord, he has to quit without any compensation
whatever. What land can thrive when such
a system is permitted by law ? What en-
couragement, what security does a tenant
derive from such leases ?
_He is almost reduced

to the position of a serf. Where is the com-
munity of interests that is the real bond be-
tween landlord and tenant ? Mutual forbear-
ance that can alone beget goodwill is not
encouraged by laws which hand the tenant
over, bound hand and foot, to the land-
lord. The existing conditions of the law are
such as to render the i elations between land-
lord and tenant very precarious, and this rela-
tion is still farther jeopardized by difference in
religion. If it is true that the laws regarding
the tenure of land in Ireland act with a mis-
chievous effect on the natural relations between
landlord and tenant, it is also true that this
effect is heightened by the fact that the owners
of the soil, for the most part, belong to an
alien and oppressive Church. This twofold
evil, therefore, ought to increase the anxiety to
remedy or remove the oppressive and unequal
laws relating to the occupancy of land.
We trust that, simultaneously with the aboli-
tion of the Irish Church Establishment, a fair
and equitable adjustment of the land laws
will be enacted by the new Parliament. If
this reform is carried out in a large and liberal
spirit, and with a generous consideration for
the rights of those who cultivate the soil, the
new and more popular House of Commons
will have commenced at least a work of real
union between the sister countries.—Westmin-
ster Gazette.

The retail sales of intoxicating drinks in the
United States it is estimated, amount every year to the
total value of all the railroads in the Union—about 1,500
million dollars

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1119tOgnilt2.

THE POLIIICAL BE7 TING MARKET.

(From the Spirit of the Times.)

On the 25th July we reprinted the following
article from the Philadelphia Sunday Mercury of
July 19 :
" ' PUT UP OR SHUT UP !'—A blatant Radical,
a few days since, happening to be in company with
some gentlemen in this city, offered to bet $lOO that
Governor Seymour would not carry his own State
(New York.) One of the company, a responsible
and well-known citizen, agreed to take it, and
offered the following open to all Radicals :—He will
name 12 States, and he willbetslo,ooo on each State
that Seymour will carry them; $20,000 that Seymour,
if he lives, will be the next President ; and $5,000
that no Radical will dare to accept the proposition,
and put up the money. This is a fine chance for
NVilkes, of New York." To this we appended the
following response :—" This is a fine chile M-
I deed, but it significantly measures the true fears of
Seymour and his friends.' The first proposition
is simply a bet that Seymour will carry six States ;
because, every State got by Seymour beyond that
number would be $lO,OOO in the pocket of the
Mercury's man. Taking this to be a concession of
Seymour's defeat, the supplementary bet of $20,000
that he will be the next President, if he lives,
only increases the six States to eight, while the
$5,000 extra merely adds a fraction, and makes the
whole a bet that Seymour will carry eight and a half
States in the November election. Now, though our
polite friend of the Mercury thinks this to be so
very liberal that it ought to make us shut up,' we
will do a little better : we will bet the Mercury, or
its man, that we will name thirty States (which are
twice as many and half as many more as he agrees
to name), and will bet $lO,OOO on each State we
name that Grant will carry it. We will then bet
$20,000 to $lO,OOO that Grant will be the next
President, and give $5,000 to the Mercury if it will
get any one to accept these propositions, and put
up the money. This is a much finer chance for the
Mercury and its man than the Mercury's offer is
for Wilkes ; for, in place of the twelve States it
will name for Seymour, we will name thirty for
Grant, and give two to one in the remainingbet in-
stead of betting even. We await the Mercury's reply."
To this the Mercury has made no answer, having
concluded to " shut up" itself. We also reprinted,
in connection with the above, the following para-
graph from the New York World of July 21 :
We have received a note from a person who offers
to bet from $5OO to $5,000 that Governor Seymour
will carry this State by 70,000 majority; and the
same sum that Governor Seymour will be the next
President of the United States. If the enthusiastic
bettor desires us to hold the stakes, he has addressed
the wrong journal. His note should be addressed
to Mr. Theodore Tilton, editor of the Independent,
who was mentioned in the Washington telegrams
as a prominent bottle and stakeholder during the
impeachment farce." To this paragraph we made
the following response :—" The above offers can be
met and covered, at this office, for the highest sums
named,—to wit, for £5,000 each,—and we will then
; bet $5,000 to $3,000 we will win the first bet, and
$lO,OOO to $5,000 that we will win the second—
, that is to say, that Grant will be next President in-
, stead of Seymour. We have no objection that either
the editor of the Worldor Mr.Tilton shall be the holder
of thestakes. Will the World please name its man ?"
The World, however, has not named its man, and
we do not expect that it will. The offers it heralded
may therefore be regarded as withdrawn. As to
the State of New York the betting may be quoted
even. The last transactions we have heard of were

that Seymour would carry the State by 20,000, and
au contraire. This, however, was ten days ago,
since which time we have heard of no more bets
upon the State. On Grant, however, bets of two
to one are constantly offered, with no takers.
This accurately gauges the pretended confidence of
Seymour and his friends.

WHERE SHALL HONEST MEN GO ?

(From the Nation.)

We have no disposition to underrate or excuse
the faults of the Republican party or of its leaders ;
indeed some of our readers think we err in the op-
posite direction. Certainly no one can accuse us
of blind partisan zeal. We can fully appreciate the
doubts and difficulties which trouble many of the ,
best men who ordinarily vote the Republican
ticket, and sometimes cause them to hesitate in re-
gard to their political course. And before answer-
ing their objections, it is only fair to mention some
of the principal ones. It is alleged that the Re-
publican party, as an organization, has become as
corrupt as the Democratic ; that its managers are
lobbyists and its chosen legislators venal ; that
Republican revenue officers defraud the Treasury
of millions and a Republican Senate keeps them .in
office, while a Republican House of Representa-
tives kills every proposition for reform in the civil
service, and Republican newspapers strive to abolish
the only court which is a terror to the whisky
ring. It is further alleged that even the honest
portion of the party is so ignorant of political eco-
nomy, and so blind to the corrupting influence of
government expenditure, that any scheme which
pretends to foster the interests of the country finds
favour with it, while it is always ready to applaud
such follies as the Gold Bill of 1861 in the hope of
violently checking the operation of the laws of •
trade. And, in substance, the Republican party
must plead guilty to these charges. It has an army
of corruptionists in its midst, and it has inherited
from the old Whig party a disposition to tinker at
the business of the country and to spend the public
funds liberally, which makes it easy to be deceived
by men whose schemes contemplate a return of $1
to the nation, and a hundred dollars for themselves.
Having admitted this much, let us consider what is
the prospect for reform offered by the character of
the Democratic party, and what an honest citizen
may reasonably hope to accomplish for the public
good through that means. Ignoring for the present
the overshadowing question of reconstruction, we
ask any one to tell us what measure of political re-
form can be hoped from the restoration of the De-
mocrats to power. The Republican party, for a
temporary purpose, debased the currency and un-
settled the business of the country. The Demo-
cratic party is enthusiastic in favour of perpetuating
this debasement, and thus annihilating all legitimate
business. The Republican party of New York and
Pennsylvania evaded the just obligations of those
States to foreign creditors by paying their interest
in a depreciated currency. The Democratic party
proposes to repeat the operation on a scale a thou-
sand times larger, and with a currency that will
thus be made absolutely worthless. Republican
officials in this State plunder it through the Canal
Department and otherwise, it is estimated, of pos-.
sibly a million dollars a year. We never heard of a
higher estimate. The Democratic officials who
control New York City extract at least three times
that amount annually from the funds of that city
alone, probably very much more. There are many
dishonest Republican officials, but there are also
many honest ones. An honest Democratic official
(we speak now of executive officers in minor de-
partments) is a thing scarcely known within our
sphere of observation. The Democratic party is
steadily growing worse. For years past its increase
has been derived mainly from the lowest class of
the immigrant population ; and this class, pro-
foundly ignorant, selfish, blind to considerations of
public good, and destitute of that foresight which
enables men to see their own ultimate advantage
in the olservance of moral law, are constantly gain-
ing more control of the party. No amount of cor-
ruption in their leaders shakes their confidence in
them. No argument ever reaches them. There
was a time when there were Democratic Congress-
men of inflexible integrity, who were the unsparing
foes of every device for public plunder. There are
absolutely none such now. There is scarcely a
single Democrat in either branch of Congress who
even votes against such schemes, and there is not
one who is known as their active and zealous oppo-
nent. So at Albany and • Trenton it is found
that bad as Republican Legislatures are, they are
made respectable by their -Democratic successors.,
A. critical examination of the personnel of the party
will have a still more discouraging elect upon those
-.who think of accomplishing any reform by its
means, Let any ono count up all the Democrats

in his own neighbourhood, and unless his experience
is widely dissimilar from ours, he will find that
those who are externally the most respectable are
precisely the ones from whom the least co-operation
in reform may be expected. The Democratic party
of former days had some definite principles, and
afforded a legitimate channel for the activity of all
men who believed in those principles. But it has
now abandoned all its old doctrines, and takes no
interest in any questions other than the reduction
of the negro to political servitude, and the repudia-
tion of the public debt. Its members are more
ignorant of, and more indifferent to, the teachings
of political economy than the most narrow-minded
Republican can be. Their whole attention is de-
voted to the perpetration of a huge national swindle.
Robbery, and that (as we sail in our first com-
ments on their platform) a robbery out of which
few of them can make five dollars each, is the ab-
sorbing vision of their dreams, the goal of their
ambition. You might as well talk political economy
or social reform to a party of cracksmen on their
way to a burglary as to the Democratic party of
to-day. The descent of the Democratic organ in
this city offers a striking illustration of the irresis-
tible tendency of the party. The World, in 1862,
was in many respects the best newspaper in New
York. it haul some of the best writing that has
been seen in our political press. It has still
upon its staff some of the best writers in their line,
but the paper has been dragged through the mire
until there is nothing too mean and vulgar for it,
and it has on the same day published—in fact, we
may say it now habitually publishes--a column of
able and dignified argument, with another column of
mingled scurrility and obscenity. Why is this, but
because the readers whom it must now please will have
it so. We do not pretend that it is easy to reform and
purify the Republican party. It takes hard work
to keep any organization decent. Ask a candid
minister whether it is easy to keep up the moral
tone of his church. Ask a teacher whether it is easy
to excite his school to diligence in study. No good
work can be effected, even under the most favour-
able circumstances, without zeal and industry.
But we do affirm, and we think what we say will
be assented to by every man of practical experience
in the details of politics, that hard work for reform
within the lines of the Republican party always
produces encouraging results, and rarely fails of
entire success. Nothing but fraud and violence
ever defeat it; and these would not, if they did not
prematurely discourage those who engage in the
good work. The development of correct ideas on
finance, revenue, and general political economy
among Republicans, is, we admit, a more tedious
process. They are much more ready to respond to
moral considerations than to intellectual or pru-
dential arguments. But they are not so obtuse as
they are often supposed to be. Very little has been
done in this direction ; but the fruit of what has
been done has been much greater among Republi-
cans than among Democrats. No reasonable man
can feel greatly discouraged in view of the facts.
In conclusion, we exhort every one who desires the
growth of a sound public sentiment in respect to
the management of public affairs to do as we intend
to do—work with and in the Republican party,
submitting to its mistakes of judgment, voting
against its candidates when they are personally un-
worthy of confidence, and voting for them when
worthy, denouncing corruption in our own party
more unsparingly than anywhere else, exposing its
misthkes and regretting them more deeply than the
mistakes of an adverse party, and in every way
striving to make it a wise and a pure organization.
Drawbacks and discouragements we expect ; entire
success we do not expect ; but we feel entirely cer-
tain that no other path lies open to any man who
loves liberty, wha hates corruption, and who seeks
to establish the honour of his country by means
which shall leave his own honour unsullied.

The Government has signified to the Bishops of
Linz and Brunn that should they not give up in a
fortnight to the civil authorities the registers of
marriages, which they refuse to deliver, the new
constitutional laws will be executed by force.
The Deputy Genero, accused of complicity in
counterfeiting money, has become insane.
C. Deverigaz, the Hawaiian Minister of Foreign
Affairs, has arrived in San Francisco on his way to Europe,
where he goes with full powers to procure a revision of
treaties with the Sandwich Islands.

The " Regents of the University of the State of
New York"-19 in numbor - are a body created by the
Legislature in 1787. They are charged with the establish-
ment of all the higher educational institutions of the
State ; and also with the distribution of 540,000 annually.
Tho Hon. J. V. L. Prnyn is the Chancellor of the
University, and the Hon. Gulian C. Verplanck the Vice-
Chancellor.

Colonel Annenkow, aide-de-camp of the Em-
peror and chief of the chancery of the military transports
by rail, has organised through Russia the local military
staff, whose mission is to ensure in the Empire the rapid
transport of the troops. The service for appropriating the
railways to war exigencies is now in operation. A thou-
sand engineers of the army are to be employed on the
several lines as engineers, conductors, &c.

The Church Congress will be held this year in
Dublin, and commence proceedings on Tuesday, Sept. 29.
On Thursday, October 1, among other subjects, the Ame-
rican and Canadian Churches, their organisation and prac-
tical working, will b 3 discussed.
The Nashville Gazette of July 25 tells of the
discovery of a robber's cave not far from Carthago. A
party of boys on the river bank opposite the cave were
attracted by baskets being lowered by ropes from above
They watched till near night, when a suspicious-looking
man was drawn to the top, then they gavo information,
and the place next morning was surrounded by armed
men. Concealed by a pile of old logs an immense cave
was discovered. Many articles were found, and a man in a
most emaciated condition stretched on a heap of straw
and securely tied with ropes. He was at once carried to
the hospital, but as yet no information had been obtained
from him.

The New Postal Law adopted by both houses of
Congress is an important measure, containing twenty
sections. It provides for the return of all letters on which
the name of the sender is endorsed, if not called for in
thirty days; reduces fees on money orders ; doubles the
compensation of postmasters for payment of money orders ;
allows weekly newspspers, sent to regular subscribers in
the county where published, to be delivered free of postage
from the post-office nearest the place of publication ; autho-
rizes the issue of duplicate money orders for such as have been
lost ; makes it felony to counterfeit money orders ; autho-
rises the postmaster- general to appoint a route agent, whh
a salary of £2,000, on the line from San Francisco to
Japan, and another, with the same salary, on the line from
San Francisco to Honolulu ; directs him to establish, at
reasonable compensation, a general postal agency at
Shanghai, China, with branch agencies at other posts in
said country ; gives him power to create, in his own
department, a foreign mail service bureau, at a yearly
expense of $B,OOO ; gives him another chief division,
at a salary of $2,500 ; makes it felony of a high cha-
racter to use postage stamps a second time knowingly ;
declares it shall be unlawful to deposit in the Post-
office any letters or circulars concerning lotteries
or gift enterprises of any kind on any pretext whatever;
establishes a blank agency in the Post-office Department,
at an expense of $9,500 annually, and abolishes all other
blank agencies ; empowers the Postmaster-General to
negotiate and conclude an international money order
arrangement; provides that sureties on bonds of default-
, ing postmasters shall not be liable unless the Government
institutes a suit within three years after the final settle-
ment of account; allows certified copies of postmasters'
returns to be used as evidence in courts in criminal pro-
secutions ; authorises the Postmaster-General to prescribe
a uniform for letter carriers, and makes it a misdemeanour
for any ono else to wear the same.
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Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts,
of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits,
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authority. Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached. -
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for 576 cups at-Ole. Being about one penny per cup. The 30s
and 555. tins are sent free of carriage in England on, receipt
of Post Office ' Ofder.:—.llA.aav DU BARRY and Co., No. 77,
Relent-street, Lyncl9n; .and all farQcor4. mid Qlnzaisto.