The Sun.
London, England, 1868-02-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 24, 1868.

-which they can find no prototype in either the
despotic or the constitutional Governments of other
nations. According to this new reading of con-
stitutional doctrines the Legislative body is the
supreme power in the realm, and is virtually the
Executive as well. What we understand by the
functions of the Executive belong in the United
States to the Legislative body, beside which Pug-
DENT, Cabinet, and even Judges are mere ciphers.
It is the business of Congress not only to
frame the laws, but to see them enforced,
to keep guard over the defaulters, and call them
to account, to appoint (virtually) the members
of the Cabinet, the diplomatic agents of the coun-
try, the administration of the finances. The
wildest theories of Republicanism never intrusted
the discharge of such duties to a body of such un-
wieldy proportions. Councils, Tribunes, Consuls,
were appointed, all administrations being framed
on the sound and well-tried principle that the few
who rule should be chosen by the many who do not
rule. It is the inevitable tendency of all adminis-
trative power to become centralised ; and the result
of attempting to rule the country by a body com-
posed of several hundred members would infallibly
be the ultimate domination of a few. For the head of
a Government to be denied the power of choosing
his own colleagues is a new and preposterous theory,
and one which even a few months back would have
been ridiculed in the States. Supposing the new
PRESIDENT to be chosen from among the Radicals,
how soon should we hear it condemned, and how
rapid would be the alteration in the treatment of
the nominal head ! But as matters now stand, it is
evident that a crisis of no slight importance has
been reached. Both parties are prepared for a
trial of strength, and there are not wanting
symptoms which foretel a change in the political
relations. We have by the almost simultaneous
arrival of three mails very full intelligence re-
specting the transactions of eight or ten days
back, and the details which we gather from it in-
dicate a settled purpose on the part of both PRE-
SIDENT and Congress. The impeachment question,
as we have said, has been reopened, and the evi-
dence collected by the Judiciary Committee re-
ferred to the Reconstruction Committee. An amend-
ment of the Appropriation Bill has also been in-
troduced into the House of Representatives,
whereby soldiers from the garrison may be sub-
stituted in place of the capitol police. This
is a dangerous innovation on the part
of a body whose avowed preference for
military over civil authority augurs ill for
the constitutional liberties of the people. The
substitution of soldiers for police at the capital
especially, now that General GRANT has proved
himself to be their ally, is au ominous proposal, and
one which seems to be as taken the advent of that
forcible collision between the heads of the State,
whose end no one can foresee. On the other hand,
a movement on the part of the PRESIDENT has some
significance. Mr. JOIINSON has created a new
Military Department, named the Atlantic, compris-
ing the department of the East and of the Lakes,
the headquarters being at Washington. General
SHERMAN holds the command, and he is the friend and
supporter of the PRESIDENT. His headquarters are at
Washington, so that he can be in constant commu-
nication with his chief. Now that GRANT has
failed him, Mr. JOIINSON has apparently sought and
found the powerful aid which he needs elsewhere,
and SHERMAN would probably be very willing to
oppose his old rival in renown. In the correspon-
dence which the PRESIDENT has sent to the House
of Representatives concerning the transactions at
the War-office, he accuses GRANT of insubordina-
tion, and of accepting the portfolio of War in the
innatme rvensiti
ionfg STANTON,paE s with
T. theG ais:Nt eTn tdi oenn
noaf
ac inr-
the y
such intention, and declares his readiness to
obey the PRESIDENT'S orders when legally commu-
nicated. But it is no case for bandying words.
Acts speak for themselves, and there is too much
reason to fear that the interests and the schemes
now swaying the movements of American states-
men will result in an open and serious collision.

The French Chambers will have had enough, and
more than enough, of the Press Bill before it is done,
we should think, but they do not always do the best
they can in the matter. The result of their last dis-
cussions was that the proposition to allow of publish-
ing summaries of debates was rejected. The several
attempts which have been made to alter the pre-
sent most objectionable rule in this respect have
hitherto proved unsuccessful, which is much to be
regretted in every sense of the question. We really
cannot see the consistency of M. ROUHER keeping
on his assertion of their being a " full and consti-
tutional" Government while things go on
is this way. It will be idle to talk of the
advantages that have occurred in consequence
of this bill, if so important a change as this is not
made in it. As to the proposal made that the jour-
nals should only publish the analytical report that
is given by the Government, it may be better than
not hing, but only that. The constant attempt to
conceal something gives rise to all sorts of unplea-
sant notions, and in most cases far worse is ima-
gined than what really exists. It must be borne in
mind also, that the French always say a great deal
more than they mean, and therefore what would
be serious and alarming among ourselves, is of little
or no account among them. M. GIRARDIN has
written an article in the Debats which is worthy of
notice, and shows how the feeling is working in
France about the duties of statesmen and the rights
of the Press. " Ministerial responsibility" is the
great topic of consideration just now, and its
comment and criticism engages all circles. It is
indeed time that a little more regard was paid to
this part of the affair. Under the shadow of the
Imperial rule a great deal has been done by the
Ministers during the last fifteen years that one
could have wished to see otherwise, and hence
the Corps Legislatif and the people at large
cannot but benefit by this theory being put into
practice. Perhaps the case could not be better put
than it is in this article just referred to, when I\l.
GIRARDIN declares that true Ministerial responsibility
consists in the Ministers acting in the Chambers
and with them, and not seeking to govern except
by their assistance and approval. Whenever the
authority of the Chambers has been set at defiance,
and the Government has taken its own course, it has
always been the worse for the country, and the
cause of progress has suffered. The " force of
things" of late has called for strong expressions
on the part of some ; and Mr. .ROUNER'S
speeches in particular will not readily be forgotten.
Having admitted that the Chamber has the right
to " iuterpellate the members of the Government,"
he has gone a long way in the right direction, and,
what is more significant, he has done the sort of
thing which may be looked upon as final. There
will be no drawing back from. such a proposition
when once laid down, and the Ellellee of the EMPEROR
on the point has given all the consent that was ne-
cessary in the matter. It remains for U 3 to see the
consequences of all this new regime being intro-
duced into the old order of things.

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