The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVEN

the Radicals to bring forward such a charge is
not a little amusing. Their manoeuvres during
election seasons to secure the return of their
chosen candidates are certainly not such as to
qualify them for censorship of others. The charge
of violating the Constitution brought against the
PRESIDENT by those very men who have themselves
laboured assiduously to undermine and overthrow
the old Conutitutional laws and doctrines is another
instance of inconsistency which would be ridiculous
if the issues involved were not so momentous. As
Lord STANLEY said the other evening of Mr.
SEWARD'S indignation respecting the use of the very
term he employed in his own despatches, we might
almost ask the Radicals whether they could with
gravity prefer such a charge. The Constitution in
their hands is nothing more than a string of Acts
of Congress, to be repeated, overridden, or set
aside in any way the caprices and passions of the
moment may dictate. The Tenure-of-Office Bill,
neglect or infraction of which constitutes one of
Mr. JOHNSON'S chief offences, is of itself unconstitu-
tional, and has been so declared by competent
judges and legal authorities. Yet the Articles of
Impeachment are based on these grounds.
The PRESIDENT, meanwhile, has ordered a writ
to be prepared, requiring Mr. STANTON to show
cause why he holds possession of the War Depart-
ment, so that he is resolved to bring this quarrel
at least to a legal issue. Mr. STANTON will find
it a different thing to vindicate his conduct before
a legal tribunal and to put forward
arrogant pretensions which Congress is stare to
support. In regard to General Dumas, too, Mr.
STANTON seems likely to get into trouble. It will
be remembered that he had caused the arrest of the
General, on the ground that he intended to take
forcible possession of the War-office. Whether be
found his evidence fail him, or whether he thought
discretion the better part of valour, it seems that
when the trial came on STANTON failed to appear
against the prisoner, who was discharged by the
Court. General THOMAS upon this immediately
instituted proceedings against his adversary for
false and malicious imprisonment, laying the
damages at $150,000.
The American people, who are fond of excite-
ment, are certainly likely to have enough of it just
now. This affair of STANTON and THOMAS would,
in less troublous times, afford topic for debate and
discussion all through the States. Now, however,
public attention is engrossed by the Impeachment,
and meetings indicative of popular feeling are being
held in all directions. The preponderance of the
Radical Conventions, under the recent legislation,
naturally gives a good deal of support to the Radi-
cal party in Congress, but we must re-
member that where the feeling of the
country is fairly shown and tested the
result is very different. In some directions
the provincial bodies appear apprehensive of an
actual collision between the contending authorities.
In Pennsylvania, whose Senate passed a resolution
in favour of the Impeachment, numerous Demo-
cratic bodies are effecting military organisation.
The New Jersey House of Representatives have
inquired into the condition of the State armament,
in view of the peril in which the country is placed.
In New York itself there are ominous signs. The
police have seized the muster-roll of a society called
the " Johnson Club," on the ground of a breach of
the peace being threatened. What their real intention
was may be:questioned. The PRESIDENT as heretofore
stands firm in his old footing. He has recently
addressed some delegates from Baltimore, and he
declared that he thought no personal sacrifice too
great to bear in defence of the Constitution ; and
yet a breach of the Constitution is one of the
charges against him ! In his speech to the Balti-
more delegates, Mr. JOHNSON expressed his belief
that the intelligence and patriotism of the people
would yet rescue the country from the threatened
ruin, and we must hope that this confidence which
he has maintained unshaken through all vicissitudes
will net p rove to be misplaced.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS, SUNDAY, March S.

The publication of the evidence with respect to the
charges of corruption against the Paris newspapers is the
topic of to-day. There was a regular hurricane here yes•
terday, and the rain descended in torrents ; nevertheless,
the people kept crowding round the kiosques where the
newspapers are sold, eager to get early copies of the Pao.
The paper is usually to be had by four o'clock, but it vyto
more than au hour late, and the would-he purchasers were
not a little sulky at being kept out in the rain all that
time without their eagerly-anticipated morsel. When
they did get it, they could scarcely have been much better
pleased. Two of the papers which had been implicated—
the Avenir National and the Liberte—were at once placed
out of the list. The only despatch referring to them
was one professing to have been written in 1860,
i.e., from five to six years before those journals
were started. The other publications mentioned
in the same despatch are the Siecle, Debuts,
Opinion Nationale, and Revue des Deux Moncles. Of course
the accusation fails, so far as this despatch is concerned.
It bears jute nal evidence of being a forgery, and must be
set aside altogether. The other documents are twenty
in number. The first is a letter from the chief
editor of a French journal not named, to M. do La
Varenne, giving him carte blanche for all moral, political,
and other arrangements, and acknowledging the receipt of
I,ooof. No. 2 is a letter from Rattazzi to La Varenne, telling
him that the arrangements with the press cannot be settled
by correspondence, and that he had better come to Turin.
The letter concludes thus : "I am certain that you will do
all that you can to give the journals a direction favourable
to the new Ministry." No. 3 is the spurious letter already
referred to. No. 4is undated and unsigned (two very sus-
picious circumstances), and says only, " We thank you for
having appointed the Siecle our official Moniteur." No. 5
is a letter from Palermo (no year is given), in which the
writer asks La Varenne to arrange with the Opinion
Nationale to make its letters from Sicily favourable to the
Government. No. 6 simply tells La Varenne to give a
denial of some reported event, beginning especially with
the Opinion Nationale. But I need not weary your readers
with going through the list. A large number of the docu-
ments aro simply advices of, or receipts for, money which
passed between the Italian Government and La Varenne,
indicating that this person certainly had relations with that
Government, but by no means sheaving what he did with
the funds he received. The only paper against which thero
seems any suspicion is the Opinion Nationale.
The Siecle publishes some very severe remarks upon this
affair. Addressing the author of these accusations, it says :
"As for you, M. de Kerv6guen, we will say to you only
one word. Since the commencement of this affair you
have failed in all your duties. You ought not to have
given the publicity of the tribune to your base calumnies
before being assured of' their truth. Having done so,
you ought not to have shamefully declined the responsi-
bility of your act. After the condemnation pronounced
against you by five men of honour, you ought to have con-
cealed your disgrace in private life. You ,believed that
you could save yourself by audacity and by new indig.
nities. You will be deceived in your hope ; for whatever
you do, and whatever your unscrupulous accomplices do
for you, France will always read upon the first page of
your deputy's certificate that ' in reading from the tribune
of the Corps L6gislatif an article containing false and
calumnious facts you have rendered yourself morally
responsible for them.' No one will envy you that title of
nobility." _

The Government has made an important concession in
oehalf of the Press. M. Pinard, the new Minister of the
Interior, announced that Article 11 of the new Press Law
which had been passed would be withdrawn. This clause
gave the Government power to inflict a fine of £3,000 for
one offence. On the other hand, the Chamber has passed a
clause which will tell heavily against the chroniqueurs and
fidneurs of the Paris papers. As originally worded, it pro-
posed that all malevolent publication of any facts in the
private life of any person should be forbidden, and an
offence against this law should be punished with a fine of
from £2O to £2OO. But the word "malevolent" has been
omitted, and the clause in its present stringent form was
passed by 132 votes to 104. For some reason not explained
the Opposition as a body did not vote on this clause ; if
they had voted against it they would have thrown it out.
As the first result of this new law, the Libertlf declares that
it will not henceforth publish its column of gossip, Le
Monde Parisien.

To shew under what difficulties French journalism is
carried on, I may mention that it was stated during the
debate on the Press Law that in three years the Liberte
had cost M. Emile de Girardin £12,000 out of pocket,
although it is said to have a circulation of 30,000. The
Temps, which has been in existence eight years, and has
12,000 subscribers, has involved a loss to its proprietors of
£38,000. The reduction of the stamp duty by something
less than one-tenth of a penny will effect a saving of £l4l
per 1,000 copies per annum ; so that M. Girardin will
now rather more than pay his expenses.
There has been an election to fill the vacancy in the
Academy of Moral and Political Science, caused by
the death of Victor Cousin. There were three candi-
dates, whom the AVC7ii-r National thus describes.
I\l. Vacherot, who represented free philosophic thought ;
M. Caro, who represented official and university
philosophy ; and M. Nourrison, who represented
religious philosophy. The clerical party, of course,
supported the last-mentioned candidate. M. Vacherot
had been condemned by the bishops as one whose writings
should be rejected with horror. Nevertheless, or perhaps
in spite of that, Vachcrot had 18 votes to 9 given to each
of his competitors. He was supported by Thiers, Ednisat,
Simon, Michel Chevalier, and other well-known members.

The Morning Post states that Lord Mayo will to-morrow
night, on the part of her Majesty's Government, propose
the House of Commons-1. The postponement of the
Irish Church question until such time as the present Com-
mission shall have reported. 2. The issue of a Royal
Commission to inquire into the relations of landlord and
tenant in Ireland. 3. The grant of a charter for the
establishment of a Catholic University. 4. To subsidise
the Irish railways. Assuming. this information to be cor-
rect, the Post points out that the first two measures
are useless postponements, while the last two raise ques-
tions peculiarly obnoxious to the British taxpayer, though
both may suit the purchase of vote system in favour with
the new Prime Minister.

The Herald comes forward on the question of the com-
pound householder, and gives a party explanation of the
difficulties w: ich ars engaging the attention of parochial
authorities in many towns. Our contemporary lays the
whole blame of what it admits is a blunder on the
shoulders of the Opposition, and appeals to the history ot
last session in support of its charge. Objection was taker
to Mr. Disracli's original bill, that it would leave the
occupier at the mercy of the landlord as to whether he
should have a vote or not. From the Opposition benches
came the first proposal to abolish the compound householder,
and in accepting Mr. Hodgkinson's amendment Mr. Disraeli
also accepted a rider drawn up Mr. Childers, which pro.
vided for a permissive system of voluntary composition.
When he embodied the latter into clauses, however, he
was charged with a breach of faith, and a meeting at St.
James's Hall was held, attended by Mr. Mill, this charge
being embodied in one of the resolutions. On the follow
ing Monday a general explanation took place, at which
the then Chancellor of the Exchequer denied the author-
ship of the clause. The result was that the compound
householder was extinguished. The Heectid asks what
right the Liberal organs have to lay the abolition of the
compound householder at the door of the Tory party.
ALLEGED INSULT TO THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.
—The protest of the French Consul at Newport against
the publication upon the wars of the town of a coloured
poster, representing Mr. Howard Paul in the charactem
of the Emperor of the French, has been made the sub
ject of debate at a special meeting of the Town Coun-
cil, when the correspondence between the consul
and the mayor was read. The following is a copy
of the consul's letter, addressed to his worship :
" Sir, My attention has been called this morning t(,
a placard posted in various parts of the town, and
purporting to represent his Majesty the Emperor Napo-
leon in connection with an entertainment which is to be
given shortly by a man known miler the name of Howard
Paul. It is scarcely needful for me to remark how unbe-
coming, not to say scandalous, is the parading in the
public thoroughfares of Newport of the pretended likeness
of the sovereign of a country which is on the most
friendly terms with England. lam therefore convinced
that you will think it your duty (if it is in your
power) to have the said placards suppressed as soon
as possible.—l have the honour to be, sir, your most
obedient servant, le Consul de France, M. H. BOUR-
DILLON." The Mayor promptly replied, assuring M. Dour-
dillon that the posters in question were not intended to
create any feeling of disrespect towards his Imperial master,
and that they were " simply pictorial advertisements, to
attract attention and lure persons to the entertainment,
such as is often done at exhibitions of waxwork and the
like." Here the correspondence ended, but the obnoxious
hills were subsequently pasted over, and the committee
of management of the hall where the entertainment was
to have been given, " viewing the act with indignation,
and considering it an unwarrantable interference with the
liberty of the subject," wrote to the chairman of the
Watch Committee demanding explanations. The expla-
nation given was to the effect that the Mayor, understand-
ing from the sergeant of police that the committee of
management would have no objection to the posters being
quietly put up out of sight, had directed the bill-stickers
to cover them over. Eventually the committee expressed
themselves satisfied with the explanation offered, and thy
subject was permitted to drop,

NG, MARCR 9, 1868.

RE-ELECTION OF THE CHANCELLOR OF
THE EXCHEQUER.

KETTERING, Saturday.

The election for North Northamptonshire, occa-
sioned by the appointment of Mr. G. Ward-Hunt
as Chancellor of the Exchequer, took place to-day
—the High Sheriff (Mr. H. de Stafford O'Brien)
presiding as returning officer. Dr. F. R. Lees, who
had suddenly appeared as a candidate in the ad-
vanced Liberal interest, bad placarded the town with
his address, which was of great length, but it was
never seriously supposed that he would go to the
poll.
The HIGII SHERIFF, who created some amusement
by referring to Northamptonshire as " this splendid
and aristocratic county," having briefly opened the
proceedings,
Mr. T. TRYON proposed, and Mr. WATTS Rus-
SELL seconded, the nomination of Mr. G. Ward-
Hunt.

Mr. F. WALLIS proposed, and Mr. W. WELLS
seconded, the nomination of Dr. F. R. Lees.
Mr. J. T. STOCKBURN proposed (but only with a
view to put himself in order) the Hon. Fitzpatrick
Vernon. Mr. Stockburn said he did this to enable
him to ask Mr. Hunt what his opinions were upon
the Irish question, the education question, and Mr.
Coleridge's bill for more freely opening the univer-
sities to the middle classes.
The nomination of Mr. Vernon was not seconded.
Mr. WARD-HUNT, who was received with loud
cheers and groans, said when be last solicited the
suffrages of the constituency, he little thought that
within so short a space of time he should appear
before the electors in the character of Chancellor of
the Exchequer ; and he had no doubt that no one
would have ventured to predict that this would
have been the case. It had been a curious combi-
nation of circumstances which had limited the
choice of the First Minister of the Crown in filling
up the post which he (Mr. Ward-Hunt) now occu-
pied. He could not pretend that any merits of his
would have pointed him out to the public as the
person most specially fitted for that appointment,
and when be looked at those who had preceded him
in office—those intellectual giants who filled such a
large space in the eyes of the public—he must own
that his qualifications would compare very badly
with those of the Ministers who had preceded him.
lie could only say he should approach the task which
now devolved on him with no feeling of triumph at
his rapid elevation, but with great anxiety whether
he should be able to discharge with competence
the duties which he should have to perform,
and he should look forward with confidence to that
which he was sure every one who endeavoured to do
his duty always received—viz., a fair trial from the
country. The time in which he had to undertake
his duties was one of no ordinary anxiety. We had
had a commercial panic in this country from which
we had not yet recovered ; we had had two harvests
of inferior quality ; and as it was his duty to an-
nounce to the House of Commons, in the tempo-
rary absence of his predecessor, the revenue had for
the first time for many years lost its elasticity. lie
believed that the trade and commerce of the country
were now in a sounder state than they had been for
a long time past ; and he considered that that over-
trading and over-speculation which had brought
about so much distress was now looked upon by the
commercial world as a thing no longer to be pur-
sued. He consequently looked forward to a sounder
state of things, which would enable the revenue to
rise again to that favourable position which it had
lately occupied. In addition to the adverse circum-
stances that he had mentioned, we had at the present
time a costly expedition to Abyssinia; he hoped
it would not prove a costly war. (Cries of " Whose
fault is it?" " Russell's ;" and " No, no.") He was
asked whose fault it was. He never wished to
make charges against opponents when they were
not present to answer him ; and, therefore, he
would not attribute the Abyssinian war to any one,
but he would venture to say that it was not the
fault of the present Government. Mr. Wells had
sought to fix blame upon the present Government
for having sent an expedition for the relief of our
fellow-countrymen in Abyssinia, and he spoke of
risking the lives of 10,000 men for the sake of a few.
But he (Mr. Ward-Hunt) would ask Mr. Wells, if
he had a child or a brother pining in the dungeons
of Abyssinia, would he complain that 10,000 men
had been sent to release him ? (A Voice : " Who
was it stopped the presents which were given to re-
deem the prisoners ?") Mr. Wells thought that we
ought not to risk the lives of 10,000 men for the
sake of a few, but if that had been the principle
upon which Great Britain had acted we should not
ne in the proud position in which we now stood. (A
Voice : " And we should not have had' a national
debt.") It was right that it should be understood
in foreign countries that the lives of the meanest of
her Majesty's subjects would be anxiously and
jealously guarded by those at home. (A Voice :
" Jamaica;" and laughter.) The knowledge that
a few persons of no great position and not many
in number would have the strong arm of Eng-
land raised to protect them would have the effect of
protecting the lives of hundreds of thousands of her
Majesty's subjects in all parts of the world. It
was, however, a great misfortune that there should
be any necessity for sending out the Abyssinian
expedition. Even in the subordinate position
which he bad lately filled, viz., that of Secre-
tary to the Treasury, the cost of the expedi-
tion had occasioned him great anxiety and very
great labour, and in the more responsible post to
which he had lately been called the immense ex-
penditure which was now taking place in Abys-
sinia must enhance the difficulties of the task which
he should have to perform. The present was the
first occasion on which he had been able to address
his constituents since the passing of a measure of
reform by the Government of which he had been a
member. (Voices—" Not by the Government ;"
" No, they are iu a minority ;" " The best clauses
were passed by the Liberals," &c.). Well, he
wished to say a few words upon the question. It
had been the fashion with some portion of the
press to speak of the Conservative party as having
been dragged against their will to support the mea-
sure. (Hear, hear.) lie wished to speak plainly
and honestly as to his own course in the
matter, and he could say that, so far from
being dragged unwillingly in support of the
measure, the main provisions of the bill had his
entire approval. He had watched with interest the dis-
cussions which took place on the Reform question
in 1866, and had come to the conclusion, after the
many promises made from the Throne of a reduq-
tion of the fronchise, that the question could no ,
longer be deferred. He had also come to the con-
clusion with regard to the borough franchise, which
was the principal bone of contention, that if you
went down to a lower figure than that at which it
was placed by the Reform Bill of 1832, there would
always be a new agitation to go still lower, and
that we could not consequently look forward to a
settlement of the question. (A. Voice—" It is no
settlement in the counties now.") Under these
circumstances he had come to the conclusion that
the only plan by which anything like a settlement
for the future could be secured was to make house-
hold suffrage in the boroughs with personal pay-
ment of rates and the condition of a certain resi-
dence. So far from his being converted suddenly
to this opinion when the bill of the Government was
introduced, he might say that although he was not
at the time a member of the Government, yet his
opinion on the subject was asked long before the
bill was introduced, and he gave it unhesitat-
ingly in favour of that borough franchise which
ultimately became law. (A Voice—" Why not
in the counties as well ?") Why, supposing
that it had been proposed for the counties, would
the great Liberal party have supported it? (Cries
of " Yes," and " No.") Why, what was the accu-
sation in the waggon that morning but that the
counties had been too long in the hands of the
squires and parsons. (hear, hear.) If there were
household suffrage in counties, would the influence
of the squires and parsons be greater or less?
(Voices : Try it, and their influence would be less
with the ballot.") lie had said before, and he said
it again now, that he should be sorry to see the
supreme power in the State vested iu any one class
all over the country, in counties and boroughs
alike, for the only way in which our couples Us-

tern could work was the having different classes re-
presented. If supreme political power were once
put into the hands of any one class, some question
would sweep over the land and there would be no-
thing to stem it, so that to preserve the constitu-
tion handed down to us by our forefathers it was
most desirable that there should be a distinction be-
tween the county and borough franchise. (Hear,
hear.) It had been said with regard to the Reform
Bill that the Government had cared for nothing ex-
cept to keep their places—(A Voice : " True")—that
they did not care what they sacrificed so long as they
remained in office. It was very easy to make such a
charge, but he did not think, if one looked at the
conduct of public men on one side of the house or
the other, that it would be found that this kind of
morality really existed among them. Who was the
strongest supporter of the late Reform Bill outside
the Government in the House of Commons? Who
was it but his right hon. friend Mr. Henley ? Yet,
when a Reform Bill was brought in by Lord Derby's
second Government in 1859, Mr. Henley and Mr.
W-alpole, who were then members of the Cabinet,
disapproved of the bill, and they resigned office be-
cause they could not support it. In doing this they
gave the strongest proof that they were not persons
who would sacrifice their convictions for place; and
in 1867, no question of place being at stake, Mr.
Henley came forward and gave the strongest sup-
port to the bill then introduced, and particularly to
the principle of household ratepaying suffrage in
boroughs. There were two parties—or rather there
was a party and a small section—who disapproved
of the conduct of the Government upon the occasion
of the Reform Bill. First of all, there was the great
Liberal party, and what they said to the Conserva-
tives was—" It is your place to be obstructive and
to run your head against every wall you can find ;
we have long had a monopoly of power in
introducing measures that the country is desirous
of having, and you have no budness to come
forward and propose measures which will be accept-
able to the public." One could understand the
feelings of the great Liberal party ; they wished to
be always conducting the affairs of the country, and
to point to the Conservative party as an obsolete,
old-work set of people, who never got a ray of light
into their heads. There was also a small section of
the Conservative party who viewed the proceedings
of the Government with dislike, and he must say
that he honoured the course taken by his late friends
in the Government at the crisis of the Reform Bill.
He believed that they acted sincerely and according
to their convictions, and he always honoured a man
who did that ; at the same time he considered that
they took a wrong course, as they set their eyes too
much upon the past. and did not sufficiently regard
the present or look forward to the future. He was
convinced that if the Conservative party were to
look forward to the intelligent mind of the country
it must recognise the great progress which the coun-
try had made, not only materially but morally and
intellectually; and, recognising this fact, it was the
duty of Conservatives not to think that measures
which were right and proper in the days of our fore-
fathers might not have occasion to be altered in the
present day. He had always felt it was the beauty
of our constitution that, as we increased in intelli-
gence and wealth, and as knowledge permeated into
remote parts of the country, and got down to classes
among whom we could not expect to find it years
ago, our constitution was capable of expanding to
meet the requirements of the day, so that, without
violent changes, and preserving entirely the spirit
of our constitution, we must from time to time be
removing restrictions and giving priiileges which
in former times our ancestors might have been quite
wise in withholding. We could not look upon the
effects of the press in this country—effects which
had been greatly multiplied by the introduction of
steam—we could not look at the results of the rapid
communication which railways had given us from
one part of the country to another, we could not
look upon the increased knowledge of the mass of the
people without seeing that the country had made
great strides in intelligence. He had entered with
this feeling the Ministry which had been formed
under the presidency of his right hon. friend Mr.
Disraeli, and he thought that the Conservatives
must not be mere milestones to register the progress
of their opponents, but that they must approach
the different questions of the day in a candid spirit,
and with a desire to meet the requirements of the
age, without violating the principles handed down
to us by our forefathers, and without destroying
the great institutions of the country. (Hear, hear.)
The Conservatives had lost Lord Derby, whom they
had looked forward long to guide them by his
counsels and to support them with his advice ; this
was a great loss, and the Conservatives would long
feel it, but they had in Lord Derby's successor one
who had stood by his side for many years, shared
his confidence, and fought the battles of the Con-
servative party in the House of Commons. It was
a great comfort at the present time to find that the
Conservative party had rallied round their new
leader and given him their confidence. With that
confidence Mr. Disraeli would direct them in the
path they ought to pursue. He had been asked
certain questions, and he approved of the open-air
discussion which had taken place. Had he still
been an independent member of Parliament he
should have had no hesitation in giving a frank
answer to the questions put to him; but, as the
Ministerial policy would be announced upon these
questions in a few days, he thought it would not be
unreasonable if he asked Mr. Stockburn to wait till
then. With regard to education, the Government
had announced their intention to bring in a bill
upon the subject.
Mr. STOCKBURN—I. think there is one thing you
might answer, Mr. Hunt. Will you insist upon a
conscience clause being inserted in such a bill ?
Mr. WARD-HUNT believed that what Mr. Stock-
burn had called shrouding oneself in Ministerial re-
serve took place upon every hustings when a Cabi-
net Minister presented himself. Electors were
anxious to elicit a declaration of policy not yet
vouchsafed to the Legislature, and every Minister
always declined to satisfy that curiosity, on the
ground that an election was not the proper occasion
on which such an announcement should be made.
He hoped, therefore, that Mr. Stockburn would not
think he was treating him with rudeness when he
asked him to defer the question for a few days. In
conclusion, he had to thank his constituents for the
great confidence which they had reposed in him for
10 years ; and he should never forget that it was
to the electoors of North Northamptonshire that he
owed the distinction to which he had lately suc-
ceeded. (Cheers.)
Dr. LEES spoke at length, but intimated that on
the present occasion be should not go to the poll.
On a show of hands being taken, it was declared
to be in favour of Dr. Lees, but as that gentleman
retired, although he said he should possibly go to
the poll on some future occasion,
The HIGII SHERIFF declared Mr. Ward-Hunt
duly elected.
A. vote of thanks to the High Sheriff closed the
proceedings.

DEATH OF MR. CROSLAND, M.P.—(By Tele-
graph.)—A vacancy has just occurred in the representa-
tion of Huthlersfield. Mr. T. P. Crosland, M.P. for that
borough, died at his residence, Gledholt, near that town
yesterday afternoon. He had for some time been in a de-
clining state of health. Ho was 52 years of age.
THE BISHOP OF WINCIIESTER.—A slight improve-
ment was manifest in the health of the Bishop of Win-
chester on Saturday, and still further yesterday, in conga-
(pence of quiet and refreshing sleep. His Lordship is still,
however, in a critical condition, and prayers, of which
printed forms have been circulated, wore offered yesterday
on his behalf in almost every church within his extensive
diocese. The confirmations arranged to bo held by his
Lordship during the past week wore performed by Dr.
Hobliouse, late Bishop of Nelson Island, New Zealand;
and Dr. Ryan, Bishop of the Mauritius, has undertaken to
hold confirmations iu the Channel Islands and the Isle of
Wight, commencing his tour on Tuesday next.

BURNT AT SEA.—There s eems every reason to
believe that the new bark the Canaradzo, of Sunderland,
which sailed on her first voyage from the west on the
21st of Juno last, for Valparaiso, and after leaving the
Downs has not since been heard of, has been destroyed by
fire. The master of the Otorsa, which arrived at Valparaiso
in September, reported having seen a vessel on lire while
rounding Capo Horn, and there is every reason to b;:lieve
that she was the one missing. The Canaradzo was in com-
mand of Mr. Thomas Robertson, of Kirkcaldy, and had a
crow of lO §oamon all told.