The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-11 00:00:00

BILL.

Mr. HATCHELL moved the third reading of this
Bill.

Sir J. WALSH moved that the Bill be read a third
time that day six months. He contended that the re
cent
settlement of the Irish constituency ought to be
final, if anything could be considered to be final—that
although the fixing of a property qualification was sup-
posei to increase the number of voters, that did not
happen to be the case'vritia respect to Ireland, where con-
stituencies had melted away and disappeared. When
the present measure was first laid on the table, it was
quite apparent that it was not a Bill to remedy the evils
which had arisen from the Reform Bill, but a measure
calculated to introduce a more democratic system. One
of the clauses was so objectionable that at one time the
Noble Lord (J. Russell) had almost made up his mind to
reject it. Ho would now point out to the House the
present state of the constituency, and the probable effect
of the new measure. It appeared that the total number
of electors in Ireland in 1837 was 80,286; in 1849 they
were reduced to 33,842; and by the proposed Bill they
would be increased to 334,771.—(Hear.) He should have
been quite ready to assent to such an increase in the
number of voters as should have raised the number
to what it was after the passing of the Reform Bill,
but he had strong objections to so sweeping a
measure as the present. The effect of the measure
would be to make the constituency of Ireland propor-
tionately muoh more numerous than the constituency of
either England or Scotland. By agreeing to a measure
like this they would be beginning a new career of re-
volution and change, and would be endangering the
principle of a property qualification. He principally ob-
jected to the 81. qualification—to the joint-rating clause
—to compulsory registration ; and he thought it very
doubtful policy to connect the franchise with a rating
for the poor. In fact, the Bill would create a cottier
constituency in Ireland, and would lead to what all who
knew the state of Ireland condemned—a subdivision of
the land. Not the landlords merely, but the priests,
would acquire a powerful influence by the Bill. He
believed the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
once gave it as his opinion that if the Irish Protestant
Church was destroyed the Established Church in Eng-
land would bo in peril. Was the Noble Lord not afraid
that there would be danger to the Church in the crea-
tion of a constituency
likely in a great degree to be con-
trolled by the priests ? He wished to impress upon
English members that the present was not more an Irish
question than it was an English one. Considering
the stride made by democracy in neighbouring countries,
it would have been prudent had 'Ministers paused before
introducing a men-Jure which must greatly increase de-
mocratic power in this country. As far as the experi-
ment had been tried, democracy did not appear to be
favourable either to the liberty, prosperity, or happiness
of mankind.—(Hear.) His belief was that democracy
was but the grossest formof despotism,
and aggravated all
the evils that afflicted society. There was no popular
feeling in favour of reform at present at all resembling
that !which carried the Reform Bill. On the. contrary.
reaction had long since taken place, and stall existed.
They had been told that if Slinisters were defeated they
would resign, and that if they resigned nobody knew
who would succeed them. They had even been menaced
with the advent of an Administration formed of the
Hon. Member for Manchester and the Hon. Member for
the West Riding, and others of that party. He believed
such a rumour groundless, and felt certain that such an
Administration would not hold together for six hours.
If there was any danger of such an Administration, it
the
present Bill,wouldaris arise not from rejecting, .but from passing
Entertaining these views, he could nut do
otherwise than move that the Bill be read a third time
that day six months.
The question having been put..
Mr. E. B. ROCHE was surprised at the opposition
offered at the eleventh hour to what he must call a tardy
measure of justice to Ireland. H was still more sur-
prised at the reasons offered by the Hon. Baronet, for
better reasons could not be given in favour of the mea-
sure than those which the Hon. Baronet had used against
it. Ireland was, he might almost say, disfranchised at
the present moment. He wanted to know why Hon.
Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House, who said
they were the friends of the Irish people, now came for-
ward at the eleventh hour to run amuck thus, as it were,
against a proposition for the enlargement of the fran-
chise of that country ? He did not think the Hon.
Baronet was very discreet in proposing that motion, nor
in the grounds upon which he rested his opposition to
the Bill. The lion. Baronet said that by that measure
they would enfranchise 300,000 persons, but he had
never stated that the population of Ireland amounted to
B,oBo.ooo.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet had said
that if they gave that franchise the people would turn
round and upset the Irish Church. Now, be did not
think the lion. Baronet could have used amore unhappy
argument in support of his motion. It might be a good
argument against the franchise, but it was a very
bad one in favour of the Church. If there was
one thing more than another, which trade the Establish-
ment unsavoury in the nostrils of the Irish people, it
was the fact that the Church was always made the cita-
del from which rushed out the bands who attacked every
liberty of and concession to the Irish people; and she
was ever made the plea against any proposition for im-
proving the social, moral, or -political condition of the.
people. It was said that that Bill would give power to
tqe priests in Ireland. Ile would suggest a remedy for
that. Let the Hon. Baronet join them in procuring the
ballot, Pot be oontended for it that the EMU cmho..