The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDOS, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 16, 188.

VOLCANIC ERUPTION AT NICARAGUA.

LEON, NICARAGUA, Dec. 4, 1867.

On the 14thiNovember last a new volcano broke
out in Nicaragqa, about eight leagues to the east of
the city of Leon, on a crowded line of volcanoes
running through the State, parallel with the Pacific
coast. It commenced about one o'clock in the
morning, with a succession of explosions, which
were very distinctly felt and heard at Leon. These
explosions opened a fissure through the earth's crust,
about half a mile in length, running from the old
fissure in a south-west direction, about midway
between the extinct volcanoes of Las Pilas and
Orota, two of the numerous cones which stud
the ancient fissure. Before daylight on the morn-
ing of the 14th fire was seen issuing from the new
volcano in various places. The explosions con-
tinued irregularly during the whole time that the
volcano was in a state of eruption—sometimes in
rapid succession, and at other times at intervals of
half an hour. Low, rumbling sounds were heard
almost incessantly. In the course of a few days
two craters were opened on the new fissure, about a
thousand feet apart--one on the south-western ex-
tremity discharging perpendicularly, and the other
shooting out toward the north-east at an angle of
45 degrees. The flames from these two craters
steadily increased in size and height, while jets of
flame and slighter discharges were emitted from two
or three other side fissures.

On the morning of Nov. 22 I went out to the
new volcano for the purpose of observing it more
closely, though I had seen and heard it, and felt the
concussions very plainly each day and night at
Leon. The best view which I obtained of it on this
occasion was before daylight, from a mountain sum-
mit about one mile to the north-west of the fissure,
and at right angles with it. The main crater at the
right hand was actively at work, throwing out flames
and half-melted cinders through a circular orifice
about 60 feet in diameter, which was constantly
filled to its utmost capacity with the fiery contents
from below. A regular cone, built up entirely by the
falling cinders, to the height of about 200 feet,
had already formed outside the crater. The rim and
throat of the cone were white with heat, the out-
side red-hot half way down, and the remainder black,
but glistening to its base with innumerable glowing
sparks. It was puffing out smoke regularly about
once a second, with a strong, constant blast, which
kept up a column of flame filled with flying cinders
to the height of about 500 feet above the mouth of
the crater. Irregular explosions occurred at inter-
vals, varying from 10 to 30 minutes, increasing the
force and volume of the discharge, and sending
them far up into the black rolling clouds above.
The cinders went up in half-fused blazing masses
from one to three feet in diameter, and came rat-
tling down upon the cone hardened, and striking
with a clinking metallic sound. After daylight
the red appearance of the cone changed to a bluish
black. _ _

The left-hand crater was shooting out oblique
discharges of flame and cinders of a similar charac-
ter, at an angle of 45 degrees from the other, and
evidently communicated with it about 1,000 feet
below the surface, the two orifices being that dis-
tance apart, and both discharging simultaneously.
This half-horizontal crater was about 20 feet in dia-
meter. On the afternoon of the 27th, after a series
of explosions, which seemed to shake the earth to its
centre, the volcano commenced discharging vast
quantities of black sand in connection with the
heavier rocks. The column of flame at night was con-
siderably increased in height, and bright meteor-like
spots were ascending in the flames to the height of not
less than 3,000 feet. These were large spherical
stones from four to five feet in diameter. The next
morning the streets and housetops of Leon were
covered with a heavy coating of fine black sand
from the volcano, and a vast luminous cloud of
raining sand overspread the whole of the surround-
ing country. The rain of sand continued until the
morning of the 30th, when the volcano gradually
died away; apparently smothered by its accumulated
eruptions. The sand now covers the whole of the
surrounding country from the volcano to the Paci-
fic, which is more than 50 miles from it. At Leon
it lies from an eighth to a quarter of an inch in depth.
As we approach the volcano it gradually grows deeper
and coarser. For a mile round the crater it lies
about a foot in depth, and in particles from three-
eighths to half an inch in diameter. Still nearer to
the cone the sand increases to several feet in depth,
and the particles gradually increase in siz,3 till they
become small broken rocks. Around the base of
the cone round heavy rocks from 4ft. to sft. in
diameter lie thickly scattered ; but much the larger
portion of them have broken into fragments. The
cone itself is 200 feet high, with a crater in the top
200 feet in diameter, and about the same number
of feet in depth. The inside of the crater is covered,
the same as the outside, with hard broken rocks,
generally less than a foot in diameter. The throat
of the crater appears to be entirely filled up. A
long ridge of black scoria leads out from the smaller
crater, in a north-easterly direction. The slaggy,
lava-like scoria which first issued from the main
crater is now principally covered up by the hard
plutonic rocks which came out with the later dis-
charges from profounder depths. The forests for
leagues around are scarred and maimed by the
heavy showers of keen-edged sand, and for half a
mile around the cone the trees are levelled with the
ground, and their scattered fragments being buried
under the broken rocks. The volcano was an
active and interesting sight for sixteen days, and
now in its repose affords an ample and instructive
field for the geologist.

THE SENATE ON NATURALIZA2ION.

The debate in the Senate on the petition pre-
sented by Mr. SHERMAN, of Ohio, of the City
Council of Cincinnati, asking that American citi-
zens, when abroad, should be protected in their
rights, showed how strongly the members held
that a foreign nation, when trying a criminal, has
no right to take cognisance of anything said '
or done if he be a citizen within the United
States which is not punishable by their laws.
Senator SHERMAN, in reply to Mr. CONNESS, of
California, after stating that it was not the duty of
the United States to interfere in favour of any
naturalised citizen who went abroad and committed
an offence against the law s of a foreign country,
added--" But the case of political offenders
against the laws of another country who go
abroad and are arraigned for what they have done
in this country or elsewhere was different, and
called for inquiry." Senator CONNESS said " that
the whole case had not been stated against Great
Britain. Her courts were not only engaged in con-
victing citizens of the United States for acts done,
but for words spoken, within its limits and not
punishable by its laws. A citizen of the United
States had been convicted, sentenced, and incar-
cerated in Great Britain for the crime of having
spoken in this country." Senator CONKLING,
Republican, of New York, " would go further
than either of the Senators had gone ; even if
such acts were punishable by our laws, foreign
nations hal no shadow of authority to take
jurisdiction of them. It was a sheer invasion of
our rights in either case." The general tone of
the remarks was in keeping with this principle, and
although the naturalisation question was treated
with sense and moderation, yet if tacked to this
absurdity it could not practically be carried out
in international law. Suppose for instance that
the conspiracy formed in Canada against the United
States during the Civil War had employed as agents
foreign subjects who notoriously took part in it—was
the Uni ed States to be barred from making arrests
and bringing forward well-known and easily-proved
facts, and its action stopped against designs hitting at
the life of the nation because the conspiracy was not
hatched on its own territory ? If such an inter-
national law as that laid down by Senator CONK LING
were established, an ORSINI might in London con-
spire to assassinate NAPOLEON, and yet be exempt
from arrest when he had proceeded to Paris to
carry out his purpose. So also a SunuArr might
throw off his allegiance to the United States, and
then plot in Canada to assassinate a LINCOLN, and
yet, by the law as interpreted by Mr. CONKLING,
he might claim the protection of his adopted
country if arrested before executing the design.

It is extraordinary to find men like REVERDY
JOHNSON asserting the right of the Fenian pri-
soners at recent trials to a mixed jury, and
that war could only be avoided by negotiation
when this right was denied. Were such a doctrine
carried to its extreme it would simply amount to
the assertion that Congress had a right to legislate
for the world. The mode by which either the
United States, or Great Britain, or any other
country, tries aliens is a matter for the consideration
of its own Legislature. The mixed jury in Eng-
land was, we believe, a concession to foreigners,
that the prisoner might have the advantage of
some jurors who understood his language, laws,
and customs. This is an English habit of which
no foreign Legislature can take cognisance. All
that international law allows is, that the Go-
vernment that claims the allegiance of the prisoner
may insist upon a fair trial according to the laws
of the foreign country. It cannot dictate how that
trial is to be conducted ; it cannot take cognisance
for instance of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act in Ireland, nor in case of an outbreak which
in the opinion of Her MAJESTY'S Government neces-
sitated the proclamation of martial law, could it pro-
test against any prisoner arrested in that island being
tried by court-martial. The more distinctly the doc-
trine be laid down that naturalization absolves from
former allegiance, and gives to the adopted citizen
at home and abroad the rights of natives of the
country adopted, the more is it necessary such fal-
lacies should be exposed. A country which takes
into her arms as her children all corners, over whom
she throws her protection, becomes responsible for
their acts, and is bound to control their movements.
If nations agreed to the principle that a citizen
could only acknowledge one Government, and by
his own act select that one, nations in self-defence
would be compelled to introduce stringent measures
to prevent the abuse of such a law, and the terri-
tory of one country being made a base for hostilities
against another, under the shelter of naturalisation.

Mr. CONNESS (himself a naturalized citizen) said
he felt strongly on the subject. "He did not ask
the Committee to favour any organisation engaged
in illicit proceedings, but that it was a shame and a
scandal that the rights of guiltless American citi-
zens should be interfered with abroad." Of course
it was, if true ; and the diplomatic and Consular
officers residing in the country would be to blame if
they permitted, except under the strongest protest,
any such interference. This is a question which
Mr. ADAMS is best able to answer. But the law of
citizenship as it now stands is alike in the United
States and in Great Britain ; and although the Go-
vernment at Washington in its executive capacity
has always endeavoured to shield the naturalised
citizen from the claim on his allegiance by his native
sovereign, yet it has done so not in conformity with,
but against, the common law of the country. For
instance if Southerners concocted a conspiracy in
Great Britain, and remained there long enough to
become naturalised citizens, on attempting to carry
their scheme into execution in the Southern States,
United States law would not recognise them as
British subjects, but take cognisance of them as
Americans engaged in conspiring against their
lawful Government. It is thus that members of
Congress should view this question, at the same
time that they adhere to the broad principle of the
one allegiance, and that one, the choice of the citi-
zen. In effecting so desirable a change, it is gene-
rally allowed that Congress will make a move in
the right direction, an I confer a great boon on
mankind. That Governments will also benefit by
such a measure we have no doubt, if met according
to the views of Senator SUMNER, and treated in the
broad spirit of universal good. Mr. SUMNER is the
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs in
the Senate, a body in every
way qualified to deal
with the subject. It is a pity that this cannot be
said for the House Committee, whom the Repre-
sentatives ordered last Monday to take iinme liate
action on the maltreatment of American citizens by
the British authorities in Ireland. The Fenian ele-
ment will, we doubt not, endeavour to give as hos-
tile an aspect as possible to that Vranch of Con-
gress, knowing that England is not in a mood to
stand much provocation. If there be a strong
party in America who favour war with Great
Britain, there is a strong party in England
who would far prefer an open war to the
present state of underground treason. It is
well for both countries that there are many calm,
right-minded men whose influence is strongly felt,
or the question might assume very serious dimen-
sions, although without a particle of excuse ; for all
the American Executive contends for can, without
difficulty, be arranged, as far all Great Britain is
concerned, if brought forward by such men as
Senator SUMNER. OHO thing is certain, that
native Americans desire the settlement of the ques-
tion of naturalisation on the rules of common sense,
and its adjustment would be easy but for an evil
influence in the way. The United States Execu-
tive, as well as its Legislature, will have to with-
stand a strong pressure in settling this matter amic-
ably, and if they give way it will doubtless tend to
retard instead of advance the attainment of the ob-
ject aimed at. Nor would any settlement be other-
wise than injurious to the United States in com-
mon with all nations, that based the international
law regulating this subject on other grounds than
those giving the best guarantee for the security of
established Governments.—Anglo-American Times.

EIGHTEEN 1101 DRED AND SIXTY -SEVEN.

From the Nation.

If we were asked to give the year which is just
ending a name which should indicate its leading
characteristic with some approach to accuracy, we
should call it a year of disenchantment. Of course
it has been remarkable for many other, and perhaps
better, things ; but the thing for which it has been
most remarkable has been the number and magni-
tude of illusions that have perished in it. It has
witnessed a process in polities somewhat analogous
to that which the year 1863 witnessed in the war.
Up to that year there lingered in the popular mind
a faith which, however mischievous, it was hard
altogether to avoid admiring, that the nation's sal-
vation would be effected by some heaven-born gene-
ral, some man sprung from the people, and able to
manage armies and win battles without the aid
either of school training or practical experience, or
any of the other slow and unromantic processes by
which men in the Old World win their way to
greatness.
It could not be, people felt, that in a country
which raised 25 bushels of wheat to the acre, and
doubled its population every 25 years, generals
could not be produced when they were wanted
without the cumbrous aid of military academies, or
that, when battalions were needed for the field,
citizens as intelligent and well educated as ours
would have to measure so many inches round the chest,
and have to learn and march and wheel and obey
painfully and laboriously like European peasants.
Horace Greeley retained nearly to the close of the
war the belief which most people cherished during
the first two years, that what was needed to bring
the unhappy business to an end was simply a
mighty rising of indignant farmers, each armed
with a musket and intent on getting to Richmond.
The truth dawned on people at last. Science in
the end asserted its sway, as it always does in the
affairs of men in the long run. The warriors who
went forth from every State in command of great
legions without other knowledge of war than what
they had got from popular histories, were slowly
but surely brought to nought. Many a volunteer
by beginning low acquired an education in the field
which at last fitted him for high positions ; but
nearly everybody who went out fancying that all
he needed to make him a general was the governor's
commission and the blessing of his fellow-citizens
found that he was mistaken. The plotting and
planning, the combining and organising, had, after
all, to be done by the much-abused, much-despised
West Pointers. No Cromwell c 1,1113 out of the
counting house or the farm, and if he had he would
not have found a Rupert to ride over. lie would
have broken both heart and head against Lee's and
Johnson's bayonets. . .

We have had an experience somewhat similar in
the political field since the war closed. Nothing
could persuade many of the Radical leaders during
the year 1866 that there was anything governmen-
tal which a majority in Congress could not accom-

plish. The task they set before themselves was
nothing less than the remodelling of Southern
society on their own theory of right ; and not sim-
ply this, but of doing it through the instrumenta-
tality of a majority in Congress merely, and with-
out reference to the opinions or feelings of people
out of doors. Now, the problem which meets every
statesman is not the realisation of his ideal, because
this is impossible, but the persuasion of his fellows
into accepting his ideal as something desirable.
The American people, in short, have to be legislated
for not as if they were all they ought to be, but
exactly as they are. On the question of negro suf-
frage, on the negro question generally, in fact, there
is a vast amount of stupid, unreasoning prejudice
and ignorance. But the reason why men are difficult
to govern is that they are prejudiced. If men were
all highly instructed and had no prejudices at all,
it would be as easy to rule them as to make im-
pressions on wax. Even despots cannot drive them
along without reference to their habits, traditions,
and weaknesses. To get them to behave with com-
mon justice or common honesty, to bear with any
restraint whatever on their passions and appe-
tites, there are but two instruments—force and
conviction. In a free country there is no place for
the one ; everything must be done by the other. It
is not enough to secure a majority in Congress, and
hurry bills through. Your bills must be such as
will stand the test of discussion, as will commend
themselves to the popular eye, jaundiced though it
be, as statesmanlike and wise ; and in your mode of
recommending them and getting them passed you
must play the advocate, and not the master.
This is an old story—as old as the world. It
may seem extraordinary that it should have been
forgotten ; and yet when we came out of the war it
seemed to be almost forgotten. Pascal has a. plea-
sant saying, that Plato and Aristotle were a pair
of good, sensible men who felt when they were
writing en politics that they were in reality draw-
ing up regulations for the Government of a mad-
house, the launatics, of course, having no voice in
the matter and not being entitled to any. Some of
those politicians who profess the profoundest re-
spect for the will of the people have, iu the re-
construction process, acted very much as if they
were of Pascal's way of thinking with regard to the
nature of the part played in public affairs by them-
selves. The past year has effectually waked them up
from their delusion. They have now to confess what
a year ago it was impossible to get them to
believe, that finding out what is right is only a
small part of a politician's duties, that the larger
part consists in persuading people to agree with
him. They have learned, moreover, that depar-
tures from the regular course of law and justice
almost invariably prove a two-edged sword. A
good many of the prominent Republicans who have
since clamoured most loudly against Mr. Johnson's
usurpations were violently opposed to calling Con-
gress together at the close of the war. They then
anted the President himself to reconstruct with a
high hand ; it was only when they found he would
not reconstruct in the right way that they fell back
on Congress, which was then, and has never ceased
to be, the rightful source of legislation. We hope
the lesson of the late crisis will never again be for-
gotten.
Moreover, we have learnt within the last year
that nothing in a Government like this is ever
gained by stifling discussion. It is what men think
and not what they say makes mischief ; and when
legislative measures of such importance and com-
plexity as those which have been before the country
during the past two years are under consideration
there can hardly be too much discussion. They
can hardly be too carefully drawn or have too many
holes picked in them before they are passed, and
the Opposition, instead of being gagged, ought to
be encouraged to speak out its mind. With regard
to legislation more than to any other work of life
is Burke's observation true, that " our antagonist is
our helper." Mr. Stevens and the majority last
winter could not be persuaded of this. Provided
the object of a measure were good, provided it were
intended to protect loyal men and punish rebels,
they seem to have firmly held that the less discussion
there was about its provisions after it left the com-
mittee, the better. Debate was stopped, therefore,
by every device known to Parliamentary tactics.
The " previous question" was used with a lavish-
ness and unscrupulousness never before witnessed,
although the smallness of the Democratic represen-
tation as compared to the size of the Democratic
party in the country gave the minority peculiar
claims to a patient hearing. It got no hearing at
all. The result has been that the Reconstruction
Bill was so badly drawn and so full of holes that it
has had to be twice amended. Moreover, the mo-
derate Republicans have been disgusted and alie-
nated, and the Democrats intensely exasperated,
and the elections all over the country are not only
lost, but Messrs. Stevens and Boutwell have been
seen within a few days crushed and silenced by that
very " previous question" which a year ago they
thought such au invaluable weapon. It is not often
that one witnesses in the political arena so marked
a case of poetic justice.

There has, moreover, during the past year been a
great awakening from financial delusions. We
could name a good many prominent men who,
during the war, were amongst the loudest in making
light of the national debt, and are now amongst the
loudest in dwelling on its burdensomeness. The
country sees, and we believe profits by seeing, some
of those who delighted in telling people who had
money to lend how many ways we had of paying
our debts in gold and silver without trouble or in-
convenience, now chuckling with delight over the
new plan of paying them off in paper. It sees, too,
thousands who, two years ago, laughed at the idea
that we should ever have to groan under our debt
like the effete nations of Europe, now deliberately
proposing to get rid of it by means of which the
poorest and most degraded European nations
would be ashamed. The past year has made it
very clear that the laws of human nature and
the laws of political economy which are based upon
them are much the same in America as elsewhere,
and that the burdens of life have to be supported
by much the same helps and appliances.
It may seem from the foregoing as if we had
' done nothing during the year but become sensible
of past errors, and that there is in this little or no
progress. If politics be, however, as its wisest
masters hold it to be, an empirical art, becoming
sensible of past errors is simply a synonym for the
acquisition of new light, by which we can walk
more steadily and securely in the future. Looking
at the matter in this way, the mistakes of the last
four years have been lessons of the highest value.
They have supplied what more than all else was
needed to make the national life and national pro-
gress what they ought to be. The unbroken pro-
sperity which the country had enjoyed down to
1860, with little or no trouble to statesmen, had
done much to depreciate knowledge ; the trials
through which we have been passing ever since have
exalted it as nothing else could have done. In fact
—and we admit that the reflection seems somewhat
depressing—the history of moral and political pro-
gress, if examined closely, will be found thas far to
consist mainly in the detection and exposure of de-
lusions and fallacies; it is only in the natural
sciences that we can be said to have opened up new
fields of truth. In the present condition of the
world the political reformer is simply a sort of
scavenger whose duty it is to • remove mud
and rubbish. To the man of science falls the
seemingly fin 1r task of digging after concealed
treasures. But the aim of the politician is,
after all, as noble a one as labourer can desire. He
who sees social and political abuses perish under his
hands knows that he hastens the reign of " nobler
manners and of purer laws," and he who does this
is engaged in the highest work the world has to
offer. There were never so many men engaged in
it as at this moment. There are more this year
than last; there were more last year than the year
before. We never hear of a wrong or delusion that
we do not see ten men assailing it for the one who
ever assailed it before. There is no field of human
activity, tor), in which men are so active, and there
has never been a time in which to labour in it
zealously brought with it so much honour.

CRYSTAL P ALACE. —One Shilling Day, Wednes-
day, Jan. 15.—Admissions oa payment, 3,826 ; ditto by
season tickets, 2,001; total visitors, 5,827.