The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-25 00:00:00

170 USE OF COMMONS, June 24.

FOREIGN POLICY.—MR. ROEBUCK'S MOTION,
On the motion for reading the orders of the day.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that as the Hon. and
Learned Member for Sheffield had given notice of a mo-
tion for to-night, he was quite ready to move
that the orders of the day should be postponed. At the
same time, as the Government wished that a full
and fair discussion should take place on the subject, he
should leave it to the Hon. Gentlemen who had amend-
ments upon the motion to say what course they would
pursue.
Mr. ANSTEY intimated that he should not press his
amendment.
Mr. HUME said he should exercise his own discre-
tion upon the subject.
Mr. ROEBUCK then moved: "That the principles on
which the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government
have been regulated have been such as were calculated
to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and
in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace be-
tween England and the various nations of the world."
He said it was his duty towards the House to offer an
explanation of the reason why he made this motion.
In his opinion, a Government constituted like ours, a
large portion of whose policy had been condemned by
one great branch of the Legislature, was unable to main-
tain the interests of this country intact, and to consult
the great interests of the people of England, or to hold
the reins of power, without affording any explanation
to the other House. When any one portion of our
Legislature bad expressed an opinion so direct and so
plain, it became the duty of this House to ascertain
what was the conduct to be pursued by the Go-
vernment of the country, and to express their opi-
nion upon the same point. He was quite prepared
to admit that no Government was called upon to
resign upon a vote of the House of Lords.
lie quite agreed with the Noble Lord in that.—(Hear,
hear.) But iu a constitution like ours, in which it was
thought necessary to have a House of Lords, when they
had explained their own feelings, it was right that this
House should step forward and say what the people of
England thought upon the matter. If the
Noble Lord had determined after that re-
solution to go on with the Administration,
and had permitted the matter to drop without any fur-
ther inquiry, the present Government would be like
Governments he bad seen supported by opinion which
was scarcely an opinion, and impotent as regarded the
country and Europe in general. It was for this reason
that he had come forward upon the recent occasion, and
he was sure no one was more desirous fur an ex-
planation than the Noble Lord himself.—(Hear, hear.)
He would now address himself to the question be fore
the House. The House of Lords, in that mode which
suited their peculiar habits, had, in as strong a phrase
as was generally used in that House, made a
plain, simple, and clear declaration, condemning
the foreign policy of the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
Notwithstanding the nisi prius fashion in which the whole
matter was considered by the House of Lorda—(Hear)—
iu spite of all the small technicalities which would have
made the fortune of a young man at a quarter sessions,
or in the Queen's Bench, while investigating an affidavit—
in spite, be would say, of the mode in which the proposi-
tion was dealt with in the Houseof Lords, it amounted to a
condemnation, in general terms, of the spirit and foreign
policy which had been adopted by the Government. in
coming to the consideration of this subject he confessed
he was inclined to come to a favourable conclusion re.:
specting the Noble Lord who was at the head of the foreign
policy in this country, bat it was not to be understood
that tie expected a blind feeling of approbation with re-
spect to the Noble Lord, for he had as • frequently as
any other Member quarrelled with particular acts
of his policy. He agreed entirely with the prin-
ciple of the Noble Lord's policy, though in many
instances he had seen much to lament and deprecate.
The foreign policy of every Government, he appre-
hended, affected two classes of people—those who re-
garded individual rights and wrongs, and those who re-
garded the general interest, dignity, and honour of
their country. Ile believed, as regarded individual rights
and wrongs in_referenee to foreign nations, the object of
the Noble Lord had been to extend the protection and
shield of England to her wandering sons, who were
carried by commerce, or pleasure, or necessity, to
various regions of the world—to extend over
them as much as the rules of civilized
nations would permit the broad shield of English pro-
teetion.—(Cheers.) Whether they went to the despotic
country of Russia, the free country of America, or to
the confines of any power, insignificant or helpless,
with regard to the interests of this country as a people,
he believed the policy of the Noble Lord had
been in the first place to maintain the peace of the world
—(Cheers)—not by truckling to despotism—(Cheers)—
but by teaching all foreign countries with whom we had
any relations, that England, as far as could be permitted
by the rules which regulated international communica-
tion, would bring the great moral power of her name to the
maintaining of, constitutional liberty, as against treachery
on the one hand or despotism on the other.—(Cheers.)
lie could not suppose that there could be a Minister in
this country who was the advocate of legitimacy, which,
after all was another, though a softened expression of a
much harder thing, the object of which was to make
tyranny safer in Europe. (Hear, hear.) He
believed these antagonistic principles were now
on their trial.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the
House of Commons was now called upon to decide
not the Ministerial existence, for that, as far as he was
concerned, mattered mighty ittle—(A laugh)—but upon
those two principles, that was, whether England should
oppose or support despotism—should oppose or sup-
port abroad the principle of the Government that
prevailed at home?—(Cheers.) England did not
seek by polemical force to thrust its pro-
poations upon any people, but it did seek by its
moral influence—which was every day growing in
Europe, which had already shattered down many
thrones, and would shatter down some that still existed,
to extend peace and civilization—to say to the world,
" We are favourable to those splendid truths which in
the hands of enlightened and confident men have
made nations great and people happy."—(Cheers.)
He looked at the large results which had followed that
policy since the Noble Lord had held office, and taking
those large results, what did he find? Let him com-
pare, in a fcw words, the results of the policy that had
been pursued by England from the year 1830 to the pre-
sent time with the results of the policy which was pur-
sued by England from 1790 to 1815 —(Hear.) In 1789
first broke out that grand result, which he said was the
increased enlightenment if Europe against despotism. In
1789 commenced the French Revolution, and the whole
result of that event depended upon the view which Eng-
land took of what was even then called legitimacy.
The Governments of Europe took the side of the Legi-
timatists, and unfortunately England supported them.
The consequences might be seen, might be read in the
most terrible conflicts that ever disgraced the history of
man.—(Hear, hear.) Blood was shed like water, and
wealth scattered about with an extravagance the
like of which no record exists—(Hear, hear)—
in the annals of any nation on the face of the earth.—
(Hear.) From 1789 to 1815 all the great bonds that
cemented nations together were broken up—nations
were separated into enemy and enemy, and relations of
users kind depended upon force—he who was the migh-
, tiest in .the field was alone to be respected.—(Rear.)