The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS,

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
ADVERTISER.—Next in importance to corn.law repea
which is a question immediately affecting the condition of the
country, and more especially the employment and food of the
large masses of the industrious classes—next in importance to that
grave practical question stands the question touching the character
and constitution of the House of Commons as a representative
assembly. Both these questions must occupy the chief attention
of the Legislature in the present session, How they are dealt with
dopends, in a great measure, upon the people themselves. Nobody
can reasonably expect that the Legislature, or either branch of the
Legislature, will take the initiative in reforming itself. The
farther it is off from possessing the character it should sustain, the
farther off is the probability of any voluntary movement by it in
that direction. Reform of the Legislature, like all other reforms
of importance to the country, must come from without. It must
be forced upon reluctant, because interested men—men interested,
directly and indirectly, in the present system ; a system which
barely preserves the semblance of constitutional liberty,
while it, in fact, utterly destroys it, making the
country at large the slaves of a small, ignorant,
selfish, and reckless clique. Is it not a truly strange and startling
phenomenon, that a comparative handful of country people should
actually rule this commercial empire? Both Houses of Parliament,
the Cabinet, the Privy Council—all the high offices of State, are
composed of and possessed, almost exclusively—and certainly for
all practical purposes—by the landed interest. It is true, that
large towns and cities send Members to the lower House, but what
then ? The county and borough representation, which is almost
wholly in the hands of the landocracy, added to their power over
the limited constituencies in many of the larger towns, gives them
a large numerical majority, which is as efficient for all practical pur.
poses, as if they had no dissentients in the assembly. It has:been
confessed by Lord John Russell Cproh pudor ! ) that the landed in.
terest has the " preponderance" in the House of Com.
mons; and, furthermore, that such preponderance was
intended to be given to it by the Reform Bill of 1832 d.
Just see how they have managed it. In England an
Wales there is one Member for every 30,000 of the population .
In manufacturing Lancashire there is one Member for every
51,000 of the population. In agricultural Rutland there is one
Member for every 9,000 ; in agricultural Dorsetshire there is one
for every 13,000; and in agricultural Buckinghamshire there is
one for every 11,000. Was that all accidental? Look at it in an-
other light. The county of Buckingham, with 115,989 inhabitants,
sends eleven members to the House of Commons, while Manchester
and Salford, with 353,390 inhabitants, send three members !
While the land interest is thus overwhelmingly preponderant, hav-
ing one branch of the Legislature to itself, and swamping the other,
is it in the nature of things that the interests of trade and com-
merce—the interests and well.bcing of the masses—can be fairly
looked after and attended to ? If they could even be understood by
the dominant party—which they cannot—they would be delibe-
rately contemned, as standing in the way of their own immediate
aggrandisement. It has been by plundering the people at
large, through the operation of corn monopolies, and sugar mono.
polies, and coffhe monopolies, and money monopolies, and various
other monopolies, some of which have been recently wrung from
them ;—it has been by processes carried on under these monopo-
lies, avowedly for the good of the community, that the landocracy
and its adherents and abettors have hitherto filled their coffers
and built up their fortunes. And they imagine, that because they
have bled John Bull so long, he can bear to be bled for ever. His
constitution, however, is bejinning to show symptoms of suffering
and of weakness; and if their phlebotomy be not stopped, their
victim will soon be found in a state of syncope, if not of abso—
lute death. How are they to be stopped in their mischievous
course ? Expostulation, remonstrance, entreaty, are alike vain.
So long as they have the power, they have given abundant evi-
dence that they will:use it. That power must be taken from them.
The representation of the country must be taken out of their
hands. The House of Commons must be made, in fact, what it is
in theory—a reflex of the public mind, a representative of public
opinion.
HL&ALD.—The Duke of Wellington last night gave a signi-
ficant hint to such Noble Lords as might be disposed to amuse
themselves with " State of Ireland" speeches, while the trial of
the repeaters is still in progress. It is but justice to Earl Fitz-
william, to whom the intimation was addressed, to say that it was
well received and properly acquiesced in. Had the House of
Commons anticipated the advice. it would have escaped the exhibi-
tion of a scene little indicative of respect for the administration of
justice. We scarcely need to say that we refer to the scene of
Friday night—the Reformed House of Commons, however, seems
to be doomed to exhibit strange scenes ; as for example, last night
Mr. Blewitt, who, we suppose to the honour of that place, repre-
sents 'Monmouth, proved his loyalty and that " reverence for
sex and station," which Mr. Burke has described as the attri-
bute of a well-bred gentleman, by solemnly interrogating
the Premier as to the state of the Queen's private
affairs, observing that he had heard from common
rumour that her Majesty is deeply in debt, and likely to apply to
Parliament for relief. We can imagine how the friends of any
other lady in England would treat such an inquiry, and we do not
see why the position of our beloved Queen should expose her to
—we are at a loss for a Parliamentary word, and will therefore
say—intrusions into her domestic concerns from which every
other lAdy is protected. Surely Mr. Blewitt, without much com-
promise of his patriot zeal, might have waited for her Majesty's
application, or, at least, for some more trustworthy informant than
common rumour, before committing the—intrusion of which he
was guilty. Sir Robert Peel, however, set the matter at rest, by
assuring the Member for Monmouth that, in instructing him, com.
mon rumour had very consistently maintained her character of a

The numerous alterations and very great improve-
ments which have been lately made in arming vessels in
her Majesty's navy, has rendered it advisable to make
similar improvements in arming boats attached to ships
and war steamers, and the following is the proportion of
guns and carriages which have been resolved upon by
the authorities to be used in the boats of each class of
ship and vessel in her Majesty's service. The ammuni-
tion and stores for the same to be prepared at Wool-
wich similar to a plan submitted by Colonel Lacy, In-
spector of the Royal Carriage Department ; Lieut.-
Colonel Dundas, C. 8., Inspector of Artillery ; and the
Storekeeper and Deputy Storekeeper at the Royal
Arsenal ; and approved by Captain Sir Thomas Hast-
ings, Kut.. of the Excellent, gunnery ship, Portsmouth :
BOATS OF FIRST, SECOND, AND THIRD RATES.
. .

One 24-pounder brass howitzer, weighing 13 cwt., on
field marine travelling carriage complete, with limber.
Top to be used in boats, fitted also for mounting and
dismounting on an inclined plane, and if it cannot be
fitted for both purposes a second top will be required.
One 6-pounder light brass gun, 6 cwt., on field marine
travelling carriage complete, with limber. Top to be
used in boat, with bottom to receive the top for firing
into ships' tops.
One 24-pounder iron carronade, 13 cwt. Top to be
used in boat for mounting and dismounting on an in-
clined plane.
Two 12-pounder iron carronades, 6 cwt., each. Top
to be used in boat for each, and one bottom in each
boat to receive the top, for firing into ships' tops.