The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EV

reserved in communicating details. At any rate,
there seems no reason to suppose that the conse-
quence of this visit of his Imperial Highness to the
capital of Prussia will be the rupture of the friendly
relations between the two countries most im-
mediately concerned in the matter, and hence
the chief subject of anxiety respecting it is removed.
We may speculate upon the meaning of the affair
to our hearts' content, and listen to all kinds oaf
suggestions possible or impossible, as the case may
be, without exciting ourselves, as we should if the
issues of the affair were likely to be serious. What
is likely the true version of the strange story is that
the Prince's mission related to the Eastern question,
and that he went to Berlin in the hope and expec-
tation of doing something decided iu that matter.
Prussia has a good deal to do with the settlement of
this awkward question, and hence the very natural
desire to propitiate her, and gain her influence to be
exerted in the right direction. The policy of Count
BISMARCK has led him for some time past to culti-
vate the friendship of the Cabinet of St. Peters-
burg, doubtless believing that this alliance would
serve him in good stead if Franco and Austria were
leagued against him. The danger being practically
cleared, the Prussian statesman very probably holds
it to be the safest course to attend to the wishes of the
French EMPEROR, and, therefore, Prince NAPO-
LEON'S efforts may have been directed to this end,
and he may have been the medium of communica-
tion with the Prussian Government in a manner
more direct, and yet not so compromising as if
formal communications were exchanged between
Ambassadors and Ministers. It shows the very un-
certain state of public affairs that a journey like
that of Prince NAPOLEON'S should have given rise
to so many rumours ; but, although productive of
anxiety in itself, its result may, in reality, remove
some of the unfavourable impressions now enter-
tained.

The intelligence which the Cuba brings us from
New York, dated March 6, tells us, of course,
nothing more than we already know through the
medium of the Cable, but it gives us fuller and
more ample details of the movements of the con-
tending parties. The House of Representatives
has adopted twelve Articles of Impeachment, charg-
ing President JOHNSON with high crimes and mis-
demeanours in violating the Tenure-of-Office Law,
by the removal of STANTON and the appointment
of THOMAS without the advice and consent of the
Senate ; in violating the Army Bill, by trying to in-
duce General EMORY to obey orders not sent through
General GRANT; in denying the legality of Congress;
in denouncing Congress in public speeches ; in at-
tempting to devise means to defeat the execution of
the Reconstruction Laws. All the other charges
are merely variations or amplifications of these lead-
ing ones. The salient points are the removal of
STANTON and the disrespect shown to Congress ;
and upon these, apparently, the PRESIDENT'S ene-
mies mean to take their stand. It says something
for Mr. JOHNSON'S administration of public affairs
that all the offences charged against him are purely
personal and partisan. There is no mention of any
dereliction of public duty except so far as the
direct interests of the Radicals are concerned.
In the eyes of Messrs. STEVENS, SUMNER, and their
associates, no doubt such crimes are of the deepest
dye ; but we must not measure political judgments
in accordance with the estimates of interested
parties. The spirit which actuates the House of
Representatives has been elearly shown throughout
the whole of the proceedings, most especially in the
haste with which affairs have been hurried on ; and
we are not surprised to find the Democratic party
making a protest, though it is fully in keep-
ing with the injustice and intolerance of the
Radical party that they have refused to re-
ceive that protest. Congress is nominally a
deliberative assembly, i❑ which all opinions
are represented, all parties are to find a voice ; but,
in point of fact, for the last eighteen months there
has been but one form of policy which has had a
chance of a hearing. The Radicals, always impa-
tient of opposition, have grown since their tempo-
rary ascendancy absolutely intolerant, and have
contrived to reduce the small party which resists
their oppression to almost absolute silence in Con-
gress. It is manifest that where such a spirit
exists there is little real protection for public
liberty. If the voice of opposition may not be
heard a legislative and deliberative assembly be-
comes nothing more than a sinecure. In The case
of the Impeachment it is no great wonder
that the dominant party should refuse to listen to
the reasonable and indignant protest of the Demo-
crats. 'The latter declare that the majority acted
with tyranny in limiting the debate upon the Articles
of Impeachment, and with indecent haste in press-
ing the Impeachment under a strict party vote, and
they denounce the whole affair of the Impeachment
as a partisan attempt to break down a co-ordinate
branch of the Government. This protest, as we
have said, the House refuse to receive, but it is
nevertheless heard by the country. It is a proof
of the weakness of a cause when its promoters dare
not hear an adverse opinion, and it is sufficiently
evident that the Radicals fear that should they allow
breathing time their last chance would be lost. It
is not in such a spirit that a grave constitutional
matter, in which all ranks and classes, all sects, and
parties in the State are more or less interested
should be treated. If there really is ground
for charging the chief ruler of the State with
an infraction of his solemn duties, a misuse
of his high powers, the charge should be
made with all due gravity and caution, and exa-
mined with the deliberation and the impartiality
suited to its national importance. The Radicals
could hardly adopt a surer method of displaying
their malignity and their injustice than by openly
acknowleiging that it is only by hurrying ou the
trial and silencing all remonstrance and inquiry that
they can hope for success.

The retirement of Mr. ADAMS from his arduous
and responsible diplomatic duties is a matter of
general regret. More especially is it felt to be a
public loss at a juncture like the present, when so
many weighty questions are left unsettled, and so
many important interests are involved in the cor-
respondence between this country and America.
We may hope that Mr. ADAMS' successor may be as
wise, as temperate, as well fitted to deal with intri-
cate and irritating controversies as he has shown
himself to be, but it is merely matter for hope or
speculation that he should be so not a case of abso-
lute- certainty, as with an old and tried diplomatic
friend. The members of the International League of
Peace and Liberty have taken the opportunity of his
departure to present an address to Mr. ADAMS, and
to assure them of the anxious desire of themselves
and their countrymen to maintain friendly relations
with the great Republic which he represents. Pro-
bably Mr. ADAMS did not require to learn this fact
through the agency of Mr. BEALES or Mr. POTTER,
and probably, too, he can form his own estimate of
the sympathies of the English people. He
must have heard with some surprise of
the " clemency " with which the people of
America crowned their " splendid victory"
over their fellow-countrymen, and he may have
thought it a singular time to choose for congratu-
lating the Americans on " the wise and noble

example" which they are setting the Old World and
its Kings and Emperors. No doubt, however,
Mr. ADAMS has not been so long among us without
understanding something of the character of those
politicians with whom distance lends enchantment
to the view, and who, if they had not the American
people and Constitution to worship, would expatiate
on the untrammelled freedom of the Ojibbeways or
the paternal watchfulness of the King of DAHomEY
rather than allow their own countrymen to believe
themselves worthy of approval.