The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, I'HUBSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 23, 18,68.

Now:ready, in 2 vols., Bvo., with Portrait,
SPIRITUAL WIVES.
By W. HEPWORTH DIXON,

Author of "New America," &c.
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NEW NOVEL BY THE AUTHOR OF ST. OLAVE'S.
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JEANIE'S QUIET LIFE.
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THE BRISTOL CONSERVATIVE

BANQUET.

Last night a grand banquet was given to her
Majesty's Ministers by the Bristol Conservative
oAfsstohceiation.
Exchequer were
TheEarlof Duenrabvyoiadnadblty absent,heCbanc butellor
among those present were Lord Stanley, M.P., Mr.
G. Hardy, M.P., Sir J. Pakington, M.P., and
Colonel Taylor, M.P., Lord Tredegar, Lord North-
wick, Sir L. Palk,
M.P., &c. The Duke of Beau •
fort, K.G., presided. The banquet took place in
the hall of the Bristol Volunteer Corps. Covers
were laid for 1,400 persons. The usual loyal toasts
having been enthusiastically responded to,
The CHAIRMAN proposed "The Army, Navy,
Yeomanry, and Volunteers."
Sir J. PAKINGTON, who was received with loud
cheers, in responding to the toast, said—lt would ill
become me to remind you of the long-established
claims of the army and navy to the gratitude and
good feeling of their countrymen. I may say, with-
out indulging in any idle boast or in any undue na-
tional partiality—l may say that which I sincerely
believe, that so far as their numerical strength goes,
thel()ri
armyof England is not inferior to that of any
othernation of the world; but, gentlemen, the
g
esand the triumphs of the British army have
not been achieved alone upon the battlefield of
Europe. There is no quarter of the globe, there is
no climate in which these troops have not fought
and conquered; and now at this very moment a
large division of the British army is engaged in a
most arduous service in maintaining the honour of
the country. (Cheers.) It is possible that that
division of the army may not be exposes to any
great amount of the usual dangers of war. We
have read of late in some of the public journals that
King Theodore of Abyssinia with some difficulty
has possessed himself of one great gun, and that
now he is unable to move it. (Laughter.) This
certainly looks as if the ordnance department of
his Majesty was not in the most flourishing condi-
tion. (Laughter.) But, on the other hand, we
don't yet know that our gallant troop 3 may not
have to contend with great—l trust not overpower-
ing—numbers, and certainly with men of indivi-
dual bravery. We are certain they will have to
make long marches in an unknown country ; that
they will have to submit to difficulties and priva-
tions and dangers of climate in a country many
parts of which are most unfavourable to Euro-
peans ; and that, whatever may be the re-
sult of that expedition, our troops will have
to call into exercise those great powers
of endurance which have always distinguished the
British soldier. ' (Cheers.) Let me ask you, there-
fore, whilst you are drinking the health of the
British army, to join me in expression of the earnest
hope that our gallant men who have gone to Abys-
sinia may speedily return to their country, having
achieved the righteous and great object for which
they have gone--(cheers)----and that, whatever may
have bean the exertions they have been called upon
to make, they will return with an untarnished, if
not an increased, reputation. (Cheers.)
Admiral TRY ON acknowledged the toast on behalf
of the navy.
Colonel HOGG, M.P., then, in highly eulogistic
terms, proposed the toast of the evening, " The
Health of her Majesty's Ministers," which was re-
ceived with great enthusiasm, three cheers being
given for Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli.
Lord STANLEY, on rising to acknowledge the i
ton t, was warmly cheered. He said--My lords,

ladies, and gentlemen,—On my own behalf, and
on that of my colleagues, absent as well as pre-
sent, I thank you all, and I only wish that our
friend the Chancellor of the'Exchequer had been
able to be present, that he might have seen and
heard the enthusiasm with which his name has been
received. •(Cheers.) I will not deny that, if a
mark of confidence is at all times welcome, it be-
comes peculiarly so under the circumstances in which
we are at present ',laced. We have passed through
a stormy and a crilcal period. We have been
placed in a position of more than ordinary respon-
sibility and difficulty. We have had to decide
matters of the gravest national importance, and
upon which harvest and intelligent men, itiling at
the same general results, may reasonably differ.
(Hear, hear.) We came to the conclusion, not,
perhaps, on the part of some of us without consider-
able hesitation ; but we came to the conclusion that
the course which we actually adopted was the best
and safest for the country and the best also for our
party, but we did not expect that that conclusion
would necessarily be shared by all who acted with
us, or that no difference of opinion would arise ;
and I need not say that, of all differences, none are
more painful than those which break out between
old political friends and allies. (Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances--and trying circum-
stances I think they were-=the Conservative party
stood by those whom it had chosen and recognised
as its leaders with a firm, a generous, and an un-
wearied confidence which I for one shall never
forget. In that I think they acted wisely ; and it
is to us no small gratification that you also share
the same conviction, and by your presence here to-
day, and by your cheers, and by the language of
your chairman, have declared that we had not
lightly abandoned the course which we undertook
to defend, but that we have simply exercised a wise
discretion in declining to place ourselves—and in
pldcing ourselves in placing yourselves too—in the
invidious and untenable position of antagonism to
the deliberately expressed wish of the nation. Ido
not wish to go back into old disputes, but, if there
be any, and there maybe even here those who think
the legislation of the last year involves a certain
amount of political changes, I ask them this—Do
they think there would have been no danger in
standing still? (Hear, hear.) Look at the circum-
stances of the moment. We cannot say that they
are in all respects satisfactory. We have a war on
our hands—a very little one, no doubt, but still a
war. We have commercial depression prevailing
in some places to an almost unprecedented
degree. We have distress, very severe and
protracted, among a large section- of the working
classes in London and elsewhere. We have discon-
tent—l fear I may say disaffection—rather widely
spread in Ireland. And does any man believe that
it would have been a little or an insignificant addi-
tion to these difficulties if, in every town of Eng-
land, you had had a large part of the poorer popu-
lation believing itself to be unjustly deprived of po-
litical rights, and ready, many of them, in the be-
lief to follow any unscrupulous agitator who might
find it his interest to trade on their passions ?
(Hear, hear.) I will not deny that the constitu-
tional change of last year is one of a serious charac-
ter. Nor do I affirm that any man can with abso-
lute certainty predict all its results. Butl certainly
do not look at them with the alarm which is ex-
pressed in some quarters, when it is said, " Work-
ing men are a majority in the new constituencies.
They can do what they please. Your are absolutely
in their hands." It naturally occurs to me to ask,
Who were the majority ? Who were the most nu-
merous class in the old constituencies ? Well, I
apprehend the answer would be, small tradesmen,
tenant farmers, and persons hi that rank of life ;
but I look in vain through the legislation of the
Lest thirty years for any indication that small trades-
men and tenant-farmers have directed in any pecu-
liar or exclusive sense either the making or adminis-
tration of our constitutional laws. (I lear, hear.)
Others say, Look at the colonies—see
how things
are managed there. My answer is, We are not a
colony—we are an old country, with ancient tradi-
tions and social habits deeply rooted; and I do not
believe wealth fairly used, and culture which is real
as well as showy, will easily lose in England the in-
fluence which they at present possess over the
English people. (Cheers.) Some of you may think
that I have been sanguine in what I have said, and
perhaps it is no less sanguine to hope,
as I do hope,
that the next two or three years may not pass away
without leaving behind them something which
shall be not less memorable than the Reform Bill
of 1867 in the social history of the country. (Hear.)
By that something I mean a wise, a large, and
a well-considered measure for the education
of the people. (Loud cheers.) That is a ques-
tion with which the Conservative party are not
one whit behind their opponents in the de•
sire, and, as I believe, in the
power, to deal.
(Cheers.) Lord Derby was the founder of that
system of national teaching which still, though in
a modified form, subsists in Ireland. My friend
Sir J. Pakington, who sits beside me, long ago
took up the question as it relates to England.
Others of us have helped according to the measure
of our ability, and I think the present time is
favourable. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, there is
another subject on which I fear I can't speak in an
equal tone. It is one which I suppose at the pre-
sent moment is hardly ever absent from the mind
of any person who takes part in public affairs. I
Mean the painful, the dangerous, and to us, in ap-
pearance at least, the discreditable state of things
which unhappily continues to exist in Ireland. We
have, indeed, in that country a strange and per-
plexing problem to solve. I suppose there was a
time when Englishmen of all parties and all classes
were more anxious to give all reasonable satis-
faction to Irish demands, and even, as far
as can be done, without national injury, to
humour the feelings and prejudices of the Irish
people. (Hear, hear.) The material condition of
Ireland is not bad; certainly it is far above the
average of what it has been in former years ; the
peasantry are better fed, better clothed, and better
paid than they were twenty years ago. (Hear,
hear.) The more educated class share absolutely,
and without restriction, the advantages of British
citizenship. Nothing is wanted excepEtnaglliistthlewpeeaaltch
hapeace
and security for uncounted millions of British
spouredcapital to
into
pour into
Scotland, that
country
and a
ass
it continues every
day to pour into colonies that are separated from
us by the breadth of the globe. Well, gentlemen,
if I were not wearying you—(cries of " No, Ile).—
there is that other question of the land upon which
I should like to say a word or two.
I want to see
pthaartiiqamuesentit, thoroughlyonwfiuthlloyutadnidsguiseonany side as to what
argued out in
mt of compensation
demand constantly
to be grantedy put forward as
iyoußm eaalltit.T
know,ishe d
that
to the tenant for improvements which he has made.
That, under proper safeguards, •is well enough.
We have admitted the principle. But, when
you have settled that point, the fundamental
cause of difference still remains. What, I won't
say the Irish peasant, but a considerable number
foofr improvements.
plrriosvhereanstas _which not one in a hundredntry, want, is not a compensation
ever make—but to be transformed, without pay-
ment, from yearly tenants into owners of -the soil.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) No, that is a dAnand
which I cannot conceive, under any circumstances,
that a British legislator can assent to. (Loud
cheers, and a voice, " Certainly not.") [f the
principle is good for Ireland it is good for England
also ; and more than that, if the operation is to be
performed once it will have to be repeated indefi-
nitely, for the tenant turned proprietor might, of
course, sublet, and if I know anything of Irish na-
ture, he certainly will—(hear, hear)—and then you
will have a fresh class of tenants at will under the
same conditions as those wh) existed before, with
only this difference, that you will have removed a

body of landlords who were tolerably well to do,
and substituted for them others who will be needy,
and consequently very exacting. (Cheers.) Nor
must you forget this, that under a. system of innu-
merable small ownerships you would have the very
worst evil of the Ireland of old days repeated—l
mean the continual subdivision of holdings, and the
consequent indefinite -multipliation of paupers.
Then there is the Abyssinian wnr, and very vexa-
tious it is, but we are beginning, I think, to see the
difficulties of that expedition have been greatly over-
rated in the public opinion, and though I am afraid
that in point of money it will be very expensive, yet
I think we have every reason to believe not merely
that success will be attained, but that it will b. at-
tained at a comparatively small cost o! life.
(Cheers.) If we look to Europe, I would say that
notwithstanding that vast increase of continental
armaments which we have all observed, and which
we must all regret—notwithstanding that, I do not
think that there is any reason to fear an early dis-
turbance of the general peace. (Hear, hear, and.
cheers.) Great armaments may sometimes be in-
tended as a menace to other States, but very often,
also, they are merely a sign of distrust, a pre-
caution taken against real or imaginary danger.
Even these wretched Fenian troubles are not
altogether without their compensation. They
have called out the English spirit of loyalty
and order ; they have shown us how few and

feeble are those would-be disturbeis of the public
peace ; and they have shown us something which is
not less important—that together with a firm' de-
termination to put down outbreaks if they should
occur, there is in the English mind no feeling of
blind anger, no hasty or indiscriminate panic, but
r,ather, a feeling of mingled perplexity and pity—
pity for the ignorant men who have been duped and
misled into crime; perplexity to understand how
and why we should be so much detested by persons
to whom we wish nothing but good. (Cheers.) It
only remains for me to thank you, in my own name
and that of my colleagues, for the reception of this
evening, and to assure you that what is here seen
and heard in Bristol will not be soon forgotten.
(The noble lord resumed his seat amidst loud and
prolonged cheers.)
Sir GEO. JENKINSON proposed " The House of
Lords," which was acknowledged by Earl BA-
THURST.

Sir W. MILES proposed "The House of Com-

mons."

Mr. G. HARDY, who met with a most hearty re-
fe saidpil tois:Tif
ohrrae stvhre tnhoda
which he has been. pleased to allude to any services
entdhd.asonmkTehmeaynrdi gkliifintadthteforrnii
on.
ngdg,etnestrinierims nn.
that I have rendered in the office which I have had
the honour to hold. lam glad to have beard those
hearty accents, which were never heard in the
retainedt
House of. Commons without gaining
over
ad-
hesionpoooots. of hiscc ohowenrsp.)artyr
am
tharest
hpeechtas
of h
hise
op
to this time the heartiness which made him, when
in the House of Commons, the type of a county
member, and which I hope will continue to be as
well)
msior
rsr emi pn r. et
Milesl h
wiansh
isfep
ouh tkuaernoey Parliaments. lteiha
owm
heffon
House
sui.
ss
a(otCf
ahclel eo ramse.
erms
ruaani snatce tdi own si t ho
f toP
wa
ui
al ci
ellastes.
there has been practically no great change
h had the
sat long
lcoaßnl lgee
fdoartgnho
and bas shown thati
notwithstandingwi-lbeh
which
which has separated one House of Commons
from another; but that, in spite of advancing
changes, one House of Commons is bound by a na-
tural tie to that which has gone before, and that
every House of Commons has represented the
prevailing opinion of the country, as I believe it did
in the last century, as I am sure it did previous to
1832, as it has done since that time, and as I be-
lieve it will do after 1869. (Cheers.) My noble
friend has spoken of the reasons which rendered it
necessary to introduce a measure of Parliamentary
Reform. Parliament itself had made a Reform Bill
absolut4 necessary ; in 1859 the Conservative
party were themselves parties to a Reform Bill ;
and but for the course of procedure which was then
adopted—a coarse which I will not now characterise
—a settlement of the question might then have been
arrived at which would have lasted for many
years. (Cheers). When we took office—or
rather I may say when we were forced into
office by the peculiar circumstances of 1866—a
Reform Bill had become an absolute necessity.
Every party in Parliament was pledged to it.
Every bill that had been proposed on the subject
had been read a second time, and what is more, the
House of Commons was pledged to a reduction. of
the franchise, the only point remaining to be settled
on this question being whether that reduction should
be made on the principle of a fixed rental or of a
rating franchise. In considering this question we
had to decide whether we should undertake so great
a task with
ea determination to bring it to a perma-
nent conclusion, or whether we should only effect
such a settlement as would be made the ground-work
of a renewed and even dangerous agitation. We
determined to fix it on a basis which we believe
would be durable and permanent. (Cheers.) We have
lately been told that attempts will be made to remove
what I believe to be the fundamental principle of the
Act, viz., that clause under which every voter will
bear a portion of the burdens of the country ; but
I believe the good sense of the country will decide
that the residuum which cannot pay its rates
must still remain a residuum, and justly so.
(Cheers.) It is not in such a presence as this that it
is necessary to vindicate our course. When it is
necessary to do so we shall be ready. But not to
linger any more on the past, I hope we shall receive
from this occasion such encouragement for the
future as may tend to bring about results which
will long have a beneficial influence on the pros-
perity and happiness of the country. If you have
come to this banquet merely to cheer, and then re-
turn to yuur homes and become the idle and apa-
thetic Conservative party—if you withdraw your-
selves from the masses about to be enfranchised,
you will bring about the very danger which has been
so much deprecated, of separating class from class,
as if I and my noble friends were not every bit as
hard-working men as any of you. (Cheers.) Let
us blend and unite ourselves together, and go down
into the great arena which has been opened up
by the new Act of Parliament ; you will there
have a great audience, and, if you fight for
your principles like men, you will find that you
will derive far greater support from it than
many of us are at present disposed to expect.
But we are told we have swept away all the
barriers, and that chaos will come again. I will
repeat the lines welch have been used by a working
man :

" In other lands, by slightest shock,
The civil fabric falls ;
In ours, eternal' as the rock,
It rears its massive walls—
A barrier to convulsion firm,
Firm as our island shore,
Which has rolled back ten thousand storms,
And shall ten thousand more."
Not like chaos, and not like the bursting of a reser-
voir, which breaks its banks from want of attention
or from improper construction, but like the flooding
of the Nile, which the Egyptian awaits, and as it
spreads over the land hopes that it will fertilise
the soil;, so I trust the result with us may be
the spread of peace, religion, and contentment.
(Cheers.)
A number of other toasts followed, and protracted
the proceedings, which were of the most enthu-
siastic character, to a late hour.

STORAGE OF GUNPOWDER IN LIVERPOOL.—A com-
mittee of the Liverpo I Chamber of Commerce reported to
the meeting of the council yesterday that they had made
inquiries into rumours, which had caused much anxiety,
that considerable quantities of gunpowder were stored in
Liverpool, and they had ascertained that there was no cause
for alarm, and that the arrangements for storing and de-
livering palmy* were pufficieut to prevent Acchltmt.