The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-25 00:00:00

. ~- -...! or)
different states composing the Republic of Stylize . !. ‘.. •y ~.
one haqd the Sonderbund, on the other the ultra -i'.:;.•:,-.
cans—and of the part acted in reference thereto • ra :,4', ..aw...._
and England. Guizot was in favour of the So bunr(VA S' (-2:
or moderate Repubiicans. and for checking the So er1.1114..----g. (---, I
At that time M. Morier Was wi!hdrawn, end Mr e -• 4 ~..4 I , ,
Pointect outzjiiii--gCil'afraires. It was proposed by 'e, ,
...,:rati.A ~,s4i. . 4
railer .IfAneri t'h'at a ridte Should be signed by th'e tilt., itoi:t7o.--‘4 i,.;, 1
end a ,dean or the note was prepared by the puke-delft 1124:-.1.' '7......2...e,.' /
On the 6EII of November the note WAS tendered by the \ 44,/
kite
de Bi,iglie.to the Noble Lord, Who kept it till the 16th, with:".--."'
1 out any communication relating thereto. On the 16th he
sent it. suggesting stlerations, to Paris,' and -from the:lGth
i to the 26th of November was consumed in agreeing to and
signing the note. On the 22d of November MrPeel wrote
to flie Noble Lord from Basle, stating that General Dufour
bad advanc don Latrianne, where the-Sonderhund was col-.
lected/ - His letter was' received on the 26th, the day the
note was signed; and on the 27th the NobleiLord aldresied
bitii instructions to the effect, that Von arriving at litsle, he
found the Sonderbund dissolved after a complete victory, in
that case he must net present the note. Mr. Peel, in conse-
quence of private instructions - from the Noble Lord, sent to
General Dufour, directing him to lose no time, but to make
haste in his operations.
Lord PALMERSTON—That is not true. L., (Cheers.)
Sir J. GRAHAM—The confidence of the Government was
not, loWeVer,' withdrawn from Mr. Peel.. -He remained
Chargé d'affaires, and was, he believed, still in the employ-
ment.of the Government. ,

Lord PALMERSTON—I-sent no such message._ (Cheers
and a laugh.) ' -
Sir J. GRAllAlf—Then the. Noble Lord meant to convey
that the
,Ministers of France and Spain in so stating were
guilty of Saying what was not borne out by fact. (We un-
derstood Lord Palmbrston to assent.) The misunderetand-
ing that arose between M. Guizot and the Noble Lord in re-
ference to that transaction led to a degree of animosity on the
part of the Noble Lord which pursued M. Guizot to his fall.
—(Oh, oh.)' He evai compelled, however; to charge upon
the Noble Lord 'a mtech heavier responsibility— the over-
throw of a Monarchy and the establishment of a Republic,
which the authors of it now desired to modify. .He eves
sure it would be to the end of the Noble Lord's life a source
of regret to him that, whereas he only intended to overthrow
M. Guizot, in his efforts to do so he effected a 'change the
results of which it was impossible to calculate.e-e(Ceies of
" Oh.") Then', with' regard to Austria., In Februaryo 1848,
the Noble Lord laid on the table a short correspondetelf, con-
taining a dispatch' to Lord Ponsonby, which impl eerne Abet
Austria was engaged in designs inconsistent with the-ince,.
pendence of Piedmont, and in which the Noble Lord.said
diatinctly that the execution of any such purpose wouldenot
be regarded with indifference by her Majesty's Government.
It was a fact beyond all doubt, that the Noble Lord.received
in answer to that dispatch a note from Prince Metternich at
Vienna, containing a solemn denial of any such, intention,
and stating that the policy of Austrialtowards Italy was
purely defensive, that least ot all did she entertain theallegai
intention towards Piedmont, 'and that so far from it she was
ready to enter into an arrangement'to maintain herindepen-
dence. That correspondence took place in August-and Sep-
tember, 1847, and in February, 1848, the Noble Lord pre-
sented a paper to that House containing the letter-of-accusa-
tion, but not accompanying it with the letter of Prince Met-
ternich in reply. It was not until the month of Angust,
when Lord Brougham moved for a copy of it, that the dis-
patch was produced. Such was the transaction with Austria
which had been so loudly complained of, and which he must
say redounded little-to the honour of this country. The very
fact of that dispatch was a cause of excitement. Piedmont
became the assailant, and then the question arose—did her
Majesty's Government do all in their power to restrain her
attacks ? Their exertions, he regretted to say, amounted to
a simple suggestion that Austria was strong and Piedmont
was weak. Austria applied to the Noble Lord for his media-
tion, and the Noble Lord refused it unless Austria consented
to the surrender of Venice as well as Lombardy. It was impos-
sible to divine the amount of mischief which had flowed from
that refusal. Well, Rome was in the occupation of the. French
army.; Lombardy was again occupied by the abselute power
of Russia ; Venice had been reconquered ; so that, in point of
fact, there- was not to be seen a vestige of that liberty
which the Noble Lord said lie was so anxious to preserve.
With regard to Sicily, it was open to bet Ma-
jesty's Government to give any advice; and „Sicily
had, moreover, 'peculiar claims upon our intervention.
But the interference that took place was in terms not very
complimentary to his Neapolitan Majesty; and not only in
the shape of advice, but the British fleet was actually em-
ployed on the coast ot Sicily. _ The SiCilian insurgents
thought for a moment of tendering the crown to the Duke
of Genoa, and they sent a messenger on board a British man-
of-war, and assurances were given that if the Duke of Genoa
would accept the crown he would be recognised by. En-
gland. 'The King of Naples asserted his power.' The insur-
gents had been encouraged by us;' they relied on our assist-
ance; they prolonged their resistance, relying on our assist-
ance ; they were overcome ; we left them, to their fate ;
and when a large body of these Sicilian refugees fled to Malta
they were refused admission by our Governor. These
matters he was' anxious to have explained by the Noble
Lord. With regard to the Hungarian refugees, he admitted
distinctly in terms as strong as could be used by any gentle-
man, that the message sent by the Emperor of Russia, through
an aide-de-camp, demanding either the expulsion cr the
surrender of the Hungarian refugees, was a harsh measure,
and one- which it became England to prevent. The
course taken by her Majesty's Government in the first
instance was not only unexceptionable, but right and
highly honourable; they appealed to the' generosity
and good faith of the Emperor, in a dispatch firm in its tone,
and yet conciliatory in its character while doing this. But
it was not wise to take any step which could be construed
into menace. To send a fleet toehe Dardanelles before an
answer was given to that message was imprudent in
the highest degree. By the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi,
it was provided that the. Dardanelles and the
Bosphorous should not, under any pretext, be passed
without a special firman from the Sultan. Tee English
fleet, however, not only proceeded to the mouth of the Dar-
danelles, but Sir Stratford Carmen etelled on the fleet to go
up to Constantinople.; ansieliflA Write hbt mistaken, the
fleet went part of the, way •, but, TeTtbat as it
may, it went inside the Dardanelles. ' When' the gmperor
of Russia heard that this hostile demenetreieen dierl'-been
Made •at the mouth of the Darclimelles,e,he was
naturally very indignant, and an _ excuse was made by
the British Government.—(Opposition cheers.) Now, this
was a question' which touched the bonofir of Ahe English
nation. Was the excuse which was made consistent with
the facts or nut? The excuse was that the fleet was driven
within the Dardanelles . by stress of weather,.. Now there
was a living witness, a Member of the House of Peers, who
stated in his place in Parliament, that, so far from' being
drives in by stress of 'weather, Sir William Parker weighed
anchor on a fine day, and entered the Dardanelles in smooth
water.--(llear, hear.) Now, this brought him to the affairs
of Greece., He had already said that the tone as umed by
'the Noble Lord to foreign Ministers was sometimes so offen-
sive that he was not surprised that hostile feelings should be
generated even where it was desirable that the relations
should be most amicable. He held in his hand a letter pur-
porting to be written by the i Noble,Lord to M. Pelararchi,
dated October, 1847, and' which had appeared in a Greel
paper. The French party was at that tithe' in . power at
Athens, and this letter was published there, and had not been
contradicted. (The Right Hon. Baronet then read the letter
in question, which stated that M. Delararchi woulddo well to
abstain from unfounded accusations againstqiieMejesty's
Government, and he ought not to forget that these were not
the means by which the relations of the British and Grecian
Governments could be placed on a more satisfactory footing.
Her 'Majesty's Government had heard with great 'regret
the declaration that M. Delararchi had resolved on 1 ur-
suing the same course which had been pursued by M. Co-
letti ; that system had been i'system of illegality, of cor-
ruption, of violence; injustice, and tyranny, oppressive and
disgusting to the Greek nation. Her ]Majesty's Government
had hoped that this iniquitous iystem• would have ;ceased
with the life of a Minister who was considered as its author,
but as M. Delararchi declared that he meant to • continue
the same systems it was evident that he was acting under an
influence' equally -.hostile to the welfare of Greece and
to this country.) Was it not quite natural that there should
be some difficulty in preserving amicable arrangements
after a letter so addressed? The Noble Lord took great
credit to himself for furthering free institutions. It so hap-
pened that after the demise of Mr. Canning, the question of
the independence of Greece was unsettled. It was net until
1829, when the Earl of Aberdeen was Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, that the independence of Greece was established,
and it was not until 1845, he thought, that there was any
constitutional government, and it was when his Right Hon.
Friend (Sir Robert .Peel) was in power, and Lord Aberdeen
was at the head of the Foreign department, and very much
in' consequence of representations from our Government,
that the constitutional government was established. Well
now, ho imagined that, after all, truth and plain dealing
were the best. Well now, he had every reason to be-
lieve that Greece was not innocent of cJvert inter-
ference and fomentiag insurrection in the lonian Islands.
Had 'there been any evidence to sustain the charge, there
was no length to which we might not have pushed our
hostility. Now Sir Henry Ward, in 'a speech addressed to
his senate, preferred the charge in direct terms. It was met
indignantly by King Otho ; S;!' Henry .Ward then retracted
it, but in the peers presented to the French Chambers in a
dispatch dated the 14th of March, by M. Drouyn de I'lluys,
that complaint was again referred to by the Minister of Fo-
reign Affairs. Now with respect to these Grecian claims,
the claims of M. Pacifico and of Mr. Finlay, and more espe-
cially in respect of an English boat's crew that bad been
seized, much had been said in vindication of them, but he
must say these appeared to him to be the least important
part ot this matter. The Honourable and Learncl- Mem-
berfor Sheffiele, who, he hoped, would excuse • him fur
saying so, had with great address taken the part of an
able advocate, but passed entirely over the claims; of the
themtwo iwslasandisu.dispSuitrabille.enrNyuNwV,arhde said that our.
,a claim to
more
difficult arie doubtful case did not exist.—(Hear, hear.)
It depended, in fact, whether these islands belonged to
Venice, when Venice was conquered by France, and as to
whether they had been transferred to Venice by a previous
treaty. Now it was by the merest accident that these
islands were not seized in October last, according to an
order from the Foreign-office to the Admiralty, and an order
from the Admiralty to Sir William Parker. Neither of
these documents was given in these papers, but there was a
g answeri pg the .
was receipt
dated
of
A m
letterufarter
umu
ti
ur
sWilliams
ePpatrekme rb
ew
al!ikannodw..hl eisd
October. hasty and ill-advised order as never
given, and
been executed it was quite plain that
France and
hadß it been
would, from a casus federis, have had a
casus bell!.
By the prudence of Sir William Parker, in hesi-
tilting to execute that order, this complication of Affitirs with
1, and Russia had been avoided. This hronglat him to
th'rreceduct earlis country towards France e
again he said he deeply regretted the
et-00-u-Grsroeenetaceke;n by her Majesty's Government. Some Gentle-
men bad expressed an opinion that it was right to
refuse the mediation of France, and also her
goad offices. Perhaps he might agree in the prudence of re-
fusing mediation because the affair had advanced so far, and
we had asserted our rights with so high a hated, that to
have accepted the mediation of France .might have been
hardly consistent with an independent position; but be must
say, France having tendered her mediation, to 'accept her
good offices appeared to him to be the surest course to lead
to a misunderstanding. But when the conven ion in London
had been signed, the natural course would have been, when
from some misunderstanding another arrangement had
been extorted by force of arms, the natural course,
and the wise course, would have been that the
convention in London should , have been accepted,
and he thought it a great misfortune that that course
was not taken. 01 course it would . have been said tha
we attempted to obtain conditions less derogatory to the
dignity of England ; but the transaction had ended ex-
actly in our accepting the worst of the conditions that could
have been obtained from -use Well now, consequent upon
that some negotiation had taken place, and perhaps to make
a point in the House of Lords, some portions of a correspon-
dence had been published charging Baron Gros with a breach
of faith. Then another dispatch of Lord Normanby's was in-
troduced explaining how the mistake had arisen. Then at
last, he was surd to the joy of that House and of the country,
notwithstanding all these charges and the jeopardiof a good
understanding with France, the negotiations had terminated
favourably, the convention of London had been accepted, and
that which was likely to end with such fatal consequences
had terminated in' peace. Something had been said with
regard to Denmark, and its relations with Prussia.

maw