The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-19 00:00:00

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mrJentn

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 19, 1844.

Lord DENMAN, in a brief speech, called the atten-
tion of the House of Lords to the sentence of death
passed upon an American for aiding in the escape of
a slave. He did not introduce the subject for the
purpose of interfering with the laws of foreign coun-
tries, but solely from feelings of humanity, and
trusted that the expression of public opinion in this
country, would not be without its effect in the
United States.

The Earl of RIPON moved the second reading of
the Three-and-a-Half per Cents. Annuities Bills.
Lord BROUGHAM cordially approved of the Bills,
and took an opportunity of contrasting the conduct
of European-Englishmen with that of their repu-
diating brethren on the other side of the Atlantic.
Lord MONTEAGLE cordially supported the motion,
and the Bills were read a second time.

Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petition from Glas-
gow, relative to the Established Church in Ireland,
which led to some remarks from the Duke of
WELLINGTON, and the Bishop of EXETER. The
petition was laid on the table, and the House ad-
journed at a Quarter to Seven o'Clock.

In the Commons, after the presentation of petitions,
Sir WM. BARRON moved for returns relative to
Charitable Bequests since 1830, which were ordered.
In answer to a question from Sir Wm. CLAY, the
Earl of LINCOLN said that most of the ground in-
• tended for the Victoria Park had been purchased.
The greater portion was in the hands of the Commis
sioners, but 83 of the 262 acres remained unpurchased,
and as the proprietors demanded an extravagant sum
as compensation, the Government were compelled to
refer the matter to a jury. He trusted, however, that
the whole property would be in the possession of
the Commissioners of Woods and Forests by the au-
tumn, when the Park would be laid out.

A Morning Contemporary contains an article on
he subject of our political relations with France,
which, to say, the least of it, is penned in a very per-
verse and crotchety spirit. After adducing the evidence
of some convenient anonymous gentleman to prove
that there never was a stronger feeling of national
hostility than that which the French entertain at the
present moment towards the English, our Contem-
porary goes on to remark—" Their Government may
mean very well towards us, but the French people do
not, and who can tell how soon all the powers and
resources of the nation may be put in action against
us ? We therefore say that if our Government
sees nothing to excite its watchful attentio,n in the
gathering elements of French force, our Government
ought to be warned to attend better to its duties.
The pretence, that our safety lies in the sound public
opinion of France, is as great nonsense as ever was
written." Nonsensical as this "pretence" may appear
-6181, in the eyes of the quick-witted, eagle-eyed Post, we
i: One of the greatest fallacies that mankind ever are among the number of those who place great faith in
latene4 to, and yet one to which the so-called it, and who hold it with the force of a strong moral
is, that the corn-laws benefit the f
" farmers friends" cling with the greatest desperation, conviction that there is an enlightened public opinion in
I arm- abourer. It France, daily increasing in soundness, energy, and
is said that with cheap bread, lower
wages would be intelligence, but which already is quite sound and
found—that the corn-laws raise and keep
up the price strong enough to prevent the likelihood of any serious
of labour—and that thus the farm-labourer has a
di-
rect interest in the corn-laws, which not only prevent
jealous, discontented, inflammable people in
a depreciation in his wages, but sustain in, their pre-
the neighbouring kingdom—sturdy Republicans, and
sent position, the weekly earnings of the agricul- soured ultra-Democrats, who would gladly see a
turist.
flame kindled between France and England, in the
Now, what is the fact as to the operation of the fond hope that their own political views would be
corn-laws upon the farm-labourer ? Shortly this : assisted by such an " untoward" event as a war ;
they lower the price of the commodity which but these, though a noisy set, constitute the minority;
he has to dispose of,— his labour ; and by far the more numerous, and respectable, and in-
they raise the price of the commodity which fluential portion of the French people are strongly in
he must buy,—bread. In truth, they • k the favour of the maintenance of
SID peace, well-knowing
rate of wages, and raise the rate of provisions. that while they could not gain much,
they would risk
Cheap food is the source of every comfort to the all by an outbreak between the two cou ri ht '
es, and
farm labourer, and, above all, cheap bread; for one might in the end see themselves consigned over once
half of the whole expenditure of the poor labourer is again to the tender mercies of some such fierce
in bread. When bread is cheap, he has less to ex- democracy—the most exacting of all despotisms—as
pend out of his weekly earnings for bread, and of enslaved and demoralised them during the memorable
course more to lay out in the comforts of life. Ile Reign of Terror. Time was when Paris was France,
can buy more meat, more tea, more coffee, and enjoy and Club-law the law of the nation; but though it is not
more of the pleasures of existence than when bread to be denied that the opinions of the capital still exer-
is dear. cise great influence in the provinces ; yet that influence
And as to the rate of wages : when was it ever is no longer paramount ; a rich, steady; thinking, power-
known, that wages rose with the price of corn, and ful middle class has sprung up in all the towns in the
that the farm labourer received an advance of remu- kingdom, who are quite capable of forming a sound
aeration for his work, in proportion to the price of judgment of things for themselves, instead of taking
the corn grown on the' land he tilled ? Never was their impressions from the political coteries of the
such a connection ever yet formed between the price metropolis ; and this class—the ~ Bourgeoisie," as
of corn and the rate of wages; the price of corn Mr. L. Blanc calls them—are to a man opposed to a
never yet had any influence upon the wages of the war
1
between France and England. Besides, it
labourer, which always have been, and always I must be borne in mind that our neighbour is now,
will be, regulated by circumstances of a totally what she never
was before, a commercial, as well
different nature. The amount of wages depends ,as an agricultural, country ; since the battle
upon the supply and the demand. If the of Waterloo her commerce has increased tenfold,
supply of agricultural labour be plentiful, , and continues on the yearly
increase; and these are

Mr. WARBURTON resumed the debate on Lord
ASHLEY'S motion for restricting the hours of labour
in factories, and controverted many of the state-
ments made by the Noble Lord ; and, after speeches
from Mr. BECKETT, Sir GEORGE GREY, Sir JAMES
GRAHAM, Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
and other Hon. Members, the Committee divided,
when Lord ASHLEY'S amendment was carried, leaving
Ministers in a minority of 9.
The House shortly afterwards resumed, and ad-
journed at a Quarter to Two o'Clock.