The Sun.
London, England, 1868-10-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LOND ON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 15, 1868,

THE CHARGE OF MURDERING A
JIUSBAND AT LEAMINGTON.

On Wednesday, at theiLeamington Petty Sessions, Laura
Court, a besotted-looking woman, was charged with
having wilfully and of malice aforethought killed and
murdered her husband, Isaac Edwin Court, at Learning-
4on,

The prisoner said, in reply to the charge, her husband
'ell downstairs himself.

The post-mortem examination of the body, it was stated,
had not been completed. The first witness calltd was
Inspector Horswill, who said that about half-past ten
o'clock on Monday night he went to the deceased's house ;
he saw a light in the shop, and after Police-constable Hunt
had kicked at the door for some time the prisoner appeared
at the bedroom window. She was dressed, but professed
she was in bed. She said she did not know where her
husband was, and refused to admit them into the house.
By and by the prisoner came downstairs, turned the gas
off in the shop, and opened the street door. He and
Hunt went into the house, and on looking down the
cellar stairs, which open out of a passage between the shop
and kitchen, they found the deceased lying dead on the
floor at the bottom. He apprehended the prisoner on the
charge of being concerned in the death of her husband,
when she said, " I couldn't help it ; he came in
drunk. I said, Don't fall on me,' and he went
towards the cellar steps, put his hand out as if to reach
something from the shelf, and fell down the steps." She
was not drunk at this time, but seemed under the influence
of liquor. He asked her when her husband came in
drunk, and she said " To-day." When in custody at the
police-station she made a similar statement as to her hus-
band's falling downstairs, but said it occurred three or four
days ago, in the daytime—she believed the previous Friday.
A. thimble was found near the body.
The prisoner declined to ask any questions, but said she
tried with all her might to pull her husband up when he
fell down the cellar-stairs.

Mrs. Ruth Payne, the wife of a car-driver, living next
door to the deceased, deposed that on Thursday night last
the prisoner and the deceased came home drunk. Shortly
after twelve o'clock she heard a heavy fall in Court's
house, apparently as of some one falling on the floor of
the kitchen at the back of the shop. On Friday the
prisoner told her her husband had gone away. On Sunday
morning prisoner was crying, but witness did not know
what about.

Mrs. Julia Daly, who lived opposite to the shop of tne
deceased, said the prisoner told her that her husband had
gone to Birmingham for a spree. On Sunday she went to
the prisoner's house, and saw her crying and washing her
face. Witness wanted to go into the cellar to look for the
deceased, when prisoner replied, " He's not there ; I was
there this morning myself." On Monday prisoner said she
Sad written two letters to Birmingham to her sister,
.nquiring about her husband, and was going to write
another. The same night she said, " He's gone and 'listed
ror a soldier."

Mrs. Charlotte Poulton, of the Black Dog Inn, Satch-
well-street, said the priscner and deceased were at her
use on Thursday night. They were both drunk, but
%eft about nine o'clock, apparently on very friendly terms.
On Saturday night prisoner came and asked if her husband
was in the taproom. She told her he was not, and she
eplied, " Then he's at home asleep." On Sunday night
prisoner came again, when witness accused her of having
lone something to her husband, and threatened to send for
k policeman to see where he was. Prisoner said he was
tone for a soldier. 'Witness told her servant to go
'or a policeman, but the prisoner pushed her back, said
;he would not have a policeman about her place, left the
louse, went home, and locked the door. She was more or
ess under the influence of drink every time witness saw
ler. She seemed more sober on Monday night.
The Bench remanded the, prisoner for a week. It is
stated that there are injuries on the body of the deceased
which cannot be accounted for by a fall downstairs,
although they are not the actual cause of death.

MR. GLADS 7 ONE'S POLICY.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)

Mn. GLADSTONE has opened the campaign with
spirit. Even his bitterest opponents cannot accuse
him of want of courage or indefiniteness of purpose.
As soon as he has formed a resolution he announces
it with distinctness, and pursues it with unfaltering
energy. In his speech at Warrington on Monday
night he declared battle against the Ministry on
two points—their expenditure and their Irish
policy. Having first pledged himself to remove
at the earliest opportunity the ratepaying
clause from the Reform Bill, and thus to establish
household suffrage pure and simple, he went on to
maintain and to prove that statement of his which
has caused so much disquietude and controversy—
that the Conservative party have added £3,000,000
to the public expenditure during the two years they
have been in office. At the same time he answered
the counter-charge which had been brought against
him of excessive expenditure eight years ago.
In 1860 Mr. GLADSTONE found that he had to
provide for an excess of Conservative expendi-
ture over the estimates, and had also to defray
the cost of a war in China which was the result of
Lord DERBY'S foreign policy—the policy of sending
Lord ELGIN to the Peiho to sign a treaty of peace,
with a large fleet to guide his pen. Moreover, great
as was the expenditure in 1860 and 1861—lamentably
great, as Mr. GLADSTONE admits—it was only by
" the utmost efforts and the most desperate struggles"
that the expenditure was not still further increased
through the constant and persevering efforts of the
Opposition leaders (many of them now Cabinet
Ministers) to augment the expenditure. Now it was
post-office clerks, now naval captains, whom they
wished to enrich at the expense of the nation ; now
it was harbours of refuge, now packet contracts, into
which they wished to force the Government at the
cost of the taxpayers. The very fortifications which
the Conservatives are now bringing up against
Lord PALMERSTON, that " Radical, forsooth !"
as a proof of Radical extravagance, were
forced upon the Government of that day
partly by the impatience of the people, partly
by the perseverance of the Conservatives. The last
would, indeed, have compelled the Government to
provide the money for the works in such a way that
it should not be subject to the control of Parliament.
Since they have been in office they have been pur-
suing the same policy. This policy consists in yield-
ing to the suggestions of those "knots and groups
j and classes who have a constant and unsleeping
interest in feeding themselves on the produce of the
public industry." What these public enemies are
like we may see in the recent report of Mr.
SEELY'S Admiralty Accounts Committee. They
are met with in all departments, and they
never sleep, though Governments do. Thus there is
a constant tendency to increase the expenditure
which it requires the hearty will of a powerful
Ministry to repress. The present Ministry is at least
not powerful. No Conservative Administration for
twenty-five years has been powerful. Hence Con-
servative candidates are appealing to the electors
of the Government dockyard towns with a promise
that ships shall be built in those yards instead of in
private yards ; although Mr. SEELY'S report has
shewn that we have in seven years spent two
millions more upon Government-yard-built ships
than we ought to have spent. The present Govern-
ment cannot help itself. It is in a minority. It has
to convert itself into a majority, and one of its means
for doing this is imperial bribery.

Passing to the Irish Church, Mr. GLADSTONE said
a good deal that was true, but nothing that was very
new. Ile completely exonerated himself from the
charge of rashly raising this question, by shewing, as
indeed we have done times without number, that it
was raised by the Conservative party. They pro-
posed to endow all the chief religious bodies in
Ireland. It was necessary to accept that
proposal, or to make another—that none should
be endowed. Mr. GLADSTONE thought the latter
preferable, and we shall be much mistaken if the
country does not agree with him. A good deal was
said about waiting for the report of the commission.
But as that report was to shew how the Irish Esta-
blishment was to be managed if it continued an
establishment, and as he wished it should not con-
tinue an establishment, he did not see the good of
troubling the commissioners at all. And now that
they have produced a huge folio of figures, who
regards it ? The PRIME MINISTER simply ignores it.
It has fallen dead at its birth. As for Mr.
GLADSTONE, let Churchmen mark this, especially
the descendants of the Tractarian party of 1834. He
says, " I do not want to extinguish a single Irish
bishop." He simply desires to free the Church from
a burden which cripples her strength and renders
her an object of aversion and hatred to the great
bulk of the people for whom she was established.

other is the message of Mr. Seymour when he was
Governor of New York to the Legislature at
Albany, strongly showing the folly and wicked-
ness of paying the creditors of the State in paper
instead of in coin.

The Hon. Edwin M. Stanton spoke at Steuben-
ville, Ohio, on the 25th Sept. The meeting was
presided over by the Hon. Robert Sherard. Mr.
Stanton considered that the people had never to
make a choice more important to themselves, their
country, and mankind, for it may decide peace or
war, domestic tranquillity or civil discord. The last
Presidential election was in the midst of a bloody
war, which only needed Democratic success to have
been turned against them. The re-election of Abra-
ham Lincoln ignominiously overthrew the hopes
and expectations of that party at the polls, and in
battle, by the armies under Grant. Then the re-
bels in despair named their's the " Lost Cause,"
suing for life, liberty, and property, and professing
gratitude for the terms offered. The rebellion
was occasioned by a thirty years' conspiracy of
those whom Mr. Johnson boldly termed the slave-
holding oligarchy of the Southern States—an olig-
archy based upon land monopoly and slave labour.
This slaveholding aristocracy thirsted to extend
their territory and political power, and by extend-
ing their system into the Free States . to ob-
tain a monopoly of the fertile lands and of the
rich minerals of those States, and ultimately to
obtain the control of the Government. Experi-
ence has shown that the systems of free labour and
slave labour are hostile, and cannot exist together,
so that the foothold of slavery is an impassable bar-
rier to free emigration, and would give to the slave-
holders not only a monopoly of lands, products,
and minerals, but would command all the great
channels of commerce with the Pacific and the na-
tions of the East, and make them the richest people
on the face of the globe. This ambitious aim was
sternly resisted in the Northern States. Mindful
of the fortune of war, and fearful of delay, the first
election of Mr. Lincoln was deemed by the slave-
holders a fitting occasion for the outbreak of this
rebellion. On the day after the Presidential elec-
tion the flag of the United States was hauled down,
and the Palmetto flag run up in Charleston. Con-
ventions for secession were called in all the slave-
holding States, and very soon ten States organized
a so-called Confederate Government hostile to the
Government of the United States, at Montgomery,
and transferred its capital to Richmond. Im-
mediately afterwards forts, arsenals, magazines,
arms, ammunition, ship yards, ships of war,
and the public money were seized and converted
to the purposes of the rebels. The navigation
tion of the Ohio and of the Potomac was
closed. Northern men and Northern women were
imprisoned or banished. The slaveholding States
armies were levied. The forts and troops of the
United States were besieged, bombarded, and cap-
tured, and the capital of the nation at Washington
was beleaguered and threatened by a hostile force.
In this condition of things the first troops were
called out in defence of this nation and the first war
loan negotiated; and for every life that has been
lost, every drop of blood that has been expended,
every dollar that has been laid out, every bond or
note that has been issued, every tax that has been
collected, the slaveholding aristocracy are respon-
sible. They and their sympathizers in the Northern
and the Western States urged them to hold on, to
carry on the war until they could obtain control of
the Government at the next Presidential election.
The measures of Mr. Lincoln to defend the Govern-
ment received the highest sanction. The Governors
and Legislatures of loyal States vied with each other
in urging enlistments. Congress at its first session
voted an army of 500,000 men and $500,000,000
to support them. The people flocked from their
homes by thousands and thousands to join the
army. The soldiers in every camp from the Mis-
sissippi to the Rapidan, from every corps, brigade,
regiment, and company, shouted to their brethren at
home to stand by the Government and rally round
the flag. These measures of defence were not with-
out opposition, for about the very time that Sher-
man and his army were forcing their way over the
fortifications and entrenchments at Atalanta, the
Convention at Chicago declared the war to be a
failure, and demanded the cessation of hostilities.
This made a plain and broad issue, and very soon
became the great issue of the Presidential canvass.
The result was decisive. Twenty-one States, 213
electoral votes, over 28,000,000 of people, supported
the Government. (Applause.) The estimate of
General Grant upon this result is expressed in the
following telegram :
" , CITY POINT, Nov. 10, 1864, 10.30 p.m.—The Hon. Ed-
win M. Stanton, Secretary of War.—Enough now seems to
be known who is to hold the reins of Government for the
next four years. Congratulate the President for this
double victory. (Applause.) The election having passed
off quietly with no bloodshed or riot throughout the land
is a victory worth more to the country than a battle won.
Rebeldom and Europe will consider it so.
' U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.'
The people, the army, and the great commander
thus sustained the Emancipation Proclamation
which had been issued on the first of January,
1863. Abraham Lincoln had struck a blow at
the roots of the rebellion by liberating four
millions of slaves, strengthening our army, and
carrying dismay into the hearts of the rebels.
(Cheers.) The full effect of this great measure was
not appreciated until near the close of the war ;
but now, when the restoration of slavery is a che-
rished hope of those most hostile to the election of
General Grant, it cannot be too well considered.
The wealth and power of the rebels was mainly in
their slaves ; they were the producing and labour-
ing class, and without their labour the plantations
were of little value. By the system of enforced,
unpaid labour the rebel master was able to sow
his land, gather his crops, feed and clothe his
family, and furnish supplies to the army while the
whole white population should engage in war. It
was thus that slavery was soon found to be a
mighty engine of war, more powerful than be-
longed to any other people ; but it was different in
the Northern States. Every Union soldier that
left his home to join the army went away from the
farm, the workshop, or the manufactory, and dimi-
nished the productive industry of the State in his
absence. The crops were ungathered and rotted on
the ground. The hammer was silent. The manufac-
tory stood still. He had no slave to work to support
his family and do his labour for nothing. But the
emancipation of slaves changed the position of par-
ties. The slaves, cut loose from the plantations,
flocked within our lines thousands upon thousands,
joined our armies, and performed military work.
The condition of the war was, therefore, in some
degree equalized, and this great act of Mr. Lincoln
carried dismay into the hearts of rebels and
strengthened the hearts of loyal people, besides a
large and powerful party who regarded slavery as a
God-forbidden sin and crime, and had been labour-
ing for years to abolish or limit it, gathered new
hope and renewed their strength to bring the war
to a close. Three things mainly contributed to
overthrow the Rebellion : first, the valour of our
soldiers and the skill of their commanders ; second,
the public faith and credit which enabled us to raise
money to supply the army and to provide for its
wants ; and, third, the emancipation of the slaves,
which diminished their power and gave us strength.
The credit and good faith of a State is essential to
its existence, and they constitute the sinews of its
power. But no Government can exist without
credit sufficient to meet extraordinary emergencies,
for no Government can in these times keep money
in its treasury sufficient to carry on a foreign or
domestic war, construct a great national work like
the Pacific Railroad, or meet many of the exigen-
cies that happen in the life of a nation. France,
Russia, Austria, Great Britain, Spain, Italy, and
the Papal States, and all the great Powers of the
world are compelled to rely upon their credit to
meet great emergencies. This was eminently the
case with the United States, for when the Rebellion
broke out the Treasury was empty ; its arms and
magazines had been plundered, and there was no
means to carry on the war ; by the efforts of our
enemies credit abroad was cut off, so that
the Government must fall at the first stroke
of rebellion, or rely upon the faith of its
people and its domestic credit. The Govern-
ment belonged to the people, and they were
equal to the emergency. By the purchase of
bond's and current notes enough money was raised

to meet the exigencies of the war, the Treasury was
filled, and there was little necessity in the Treasury
from the beginning to the end of the war, and then
only for short periods, until a fresh appeal could be
made, and thus it happened that the public faith
and the public credit became a corner-stone of the
State, and contributed largely to the salvation of
the Government." Mr. Stanton then went on to
show the nature of the duties which devolved on
the Government when the war was over, but some
must remain a dead letter till General Grant be
elected, who stands the foremost military com-
mander in the world, with peace for his watch-
word. Rapidly sketching Grant's history, he con-
trasted it with that of Horatio Seymour, who pro-
fesses to be an unwilling candidate caught up by a
whirlwind, and of Frank B. Blair, whose platform he
thus described. The substance is :--" First, that
the President shall declare all the Reconstruction
laws of Congress null and void; second, that he
shall compel the army to undo what has been
done ; third, that the white population of the
rebel States shall be suffered to organize their
own Governments; fourth, that the talk about
greenbacks and bonds, and gold and the public
credit and the public debt, is idle talk ; fifth,
that the rest must trample in the dust the recon-
struction laws passed by Congress, this platform
admits, and designed to admit no doubt or equivo-
cation, and what is the true meaning and result?
If the Reconstruction Acts of Congress may be de-
clared by the President null an .1 void, he then becomes
a dictator with the law-making power in his hands
alone. If he may compel the military power to
undo what has been done under and by virtue of
Acts of Congress he becomes a military dictator,
and all form and semblance of Republican Go-
vernment is lost. If the white population of the
rebel States are to reorganize their own Govern-
ments without reference to the Reconstruction Acts
of Congress, then it is plain to be seen that the first
act will be the restoration of slavery ; the restora-
tion of the rebel power, of the engine with which it
carried on war, the perpetual power and domina-
tion of the aristocracy of the Slaveholding States,
the slave oligarchy, forever in the South. But
there is, also, a financial scheme of the New York
Convention. Blair says that itis idle to talk about
bonds, greenbacks, and gold, the public credit, or
the public debt." At this point be was left speak-
ing, further news not having reached New York
by telegraph when the steamer left."

The Republican nominations for Congress in Pennsyl-
vania aro now complete, and are as follows:
Rep. Rep.

maj. maj.
Dists. Nominees. Present Members. '66. '65.
1. Benj. L. Berry *Sam. J. Randall 54,464 $2,022
2. Charles O'Neill Charles O'Neill 3,137 4,477
3. Leonard Myers Leonard Myers 1,004 1,475
4. William D. Kelley William D. Kelley
5. Caleb N. Taylor Caleb N. Taylor
6. J. Breitenbach *Benjamin M. Boyer ...$2,526 $3,186
7. Wash. Townsend John M. Broonrall ...... 3,480 3,677
8 Henry S. Eckert *J. Lawrence Gleiz 56,489 $6,105
9. 0. J Dickey (Stevens's, vacancy) 5,623 4,460
10. Henry L. Cake Henry L. Cake 215 $475
11. Daniel Kalbfus *D. M. Van Auken $6,786 $6,623
11. Theodore strong *George W. Woodward $545 $2,006
13. Ulysses Mercur Ulysses Mercur 1,287 1,001
14. John B. Packer George E. Miller
15. Samuel Smith *A. J. Gtlossbrenner $3,341 $2,806
16. John Cessna William H. Koontz
17. Daniel J. Morrell Daniel J. Morrell
18. W. H. Armstrong Stephen F. Wilson
19. G. W. Scofield G. W. Scofield 2,687 1,717
20. George W. GiMilan (Finney's, vacancy)
21. John Covode John Covode
22. James S. Negley James K. Moorhead ... 3,052 4,220
23. Darwin Phelps Thomas Williams 4,185 3,758
24. James B. Donley George V. Lawrence ... 1,538 1,615
* Democrats. t Democratic majorities.
- - - -

. _
The nomination of the Hon. Norman B. Judd in the
Chicago District completes the Republican nominations in
Illinois, which are as follows :
Rep. Rep.

maj. maj.
Dists. Nominees. Present Members. '66. '64.
Large--J. A. Logan John A. Logan ...55,987 31,442
.Norman B. Judd Norman B. Judd... 9,580 4,280
J. F. Farnsworth J. F. Farnsworth...l2,B39 12,661
.E. B. Washbourno E.B.WashLourne... 8,769 8,290
4. John B. Hawley AbnerC.Hardiug... 2,561 848
5. Eben C. Ingersoll Eben C. Ingersoll 8,775 6,870
6. Burton C. Cook Burton C. Cook 7,094 5,618
7. Jesse H. Moore 11. P. Bromwoll... 4,138 3,326
8. Shelby M. Cullom Shelby M. Cullom 4,103 1,785
9. Leonard F. Ross *Lewis W. Ross... f 775 .1-3,057
10. Jona. B. Turner *Albert G. Burr... -f2,373 .1.4,727
11. James S. Martin *Sam.S Marshall... 1-2,290 .1-6,007
12. John B. Hay ....John Baker 1,076 76
13. Green B. Baum Green B. Baum ... 569 983
* Democrats. .1- Democratic majorities.

Tho Republicans of Georgia have completed their Con-
gress nominations as follows :
Rep. Maj.
Dists. Nominees. Present Members. Last Spring.
1. J. W. Clifft J. W Clifft 3 939
,

2. Wiu. P. Pierce *Nelson Tift..
3. John 11, Caldwell ...Wm. P. Edwards 1,215

4. James Fitzpatrick... Samuel F. Grove.-- 'l6l
5. Charles H. Prince ...Charles li. Prince 15,061

6. John A. Wimpy *John 11. Christy...—.

j4Ol

7. James Atkins M. B. Young
* Democrats. t Democratic majorities.

THE WAR IN PARAGUAY.

The news from the seat of war in Paraguay and
the Brazils by the Danube tells us that the Para-
guayan fort Thnbo has been evacuated by its
defenders after they had considerably damaged
the Brazilian ironclads, who forced the passage on
the 16th of August, and the garrison was able to
join the main body of the forces under Marshal
Lopez without molestation. Since the occupation
by the Allies of Humaita, on the 25th of
July, nothing of any importance has taken
place, but preparations on a great scale are said
to be on foot to attack Lopez on the Tebi-
cuari, who was even reported to have gone to
Cerro Leon, a natural fortification about 25 mites
to the south-east of Asuncion. If this turns out
to be true, and his people remain as faithful to him
as they have been, this war will not be ended till
all the brave Paraguayans and their gallant chief
have fallen. Cerro Leon is a position which is able
to withstand a better organized army than Brazil
is able to bring into the field. From Buenos Ayres
it is stated that Mr. Gould, her Majesty's Secre-
tary of Legation, was again going to Para-
guay, and several other foreign diplomats,
but the object of their mission was not known.
We had wished some one else of the British Lega-
tion had been sent on this errand, as Mr. Gould's
unfriendly feeling and bias against Paraguay and
Lopez are well known. The Argentine troops in
Paraguay are at Humaita, and have not joined
their Allies to go into the interior of Paraguay, as
their presence may be hourly needed by their Go-
vernment to put down the revolution in Corrientes,
which becomes every day more formidable. Ge-
neral Urquiza may declare in favour of it. The
Presidential election in the Confederation has
been found to be in favour of Senor Sarmiento for
President, and Senor Alma as Vice-President,
which has given satisfaction to the upper provinces,
but not in Enter Rios. The new capital will be
Rosario, which again is very much against the wish
of Portenos, and serious troubles are anticipated.
From Rio Janeiro the news is that the Government
has been forced to make another issue of paper
money to the amount of 40 millions of dollars, and
to create a six per cent. home loan for 30 millions,
to provide for the expenses of the war. These
measures have, of course, very much startled the
commercial community at Rio, who expected quite
a different coarse from the new Ministry, who pro-
mised peace and no more paper money, and as the
end of the war cannot yet be foreseen no one is
able to calculate to what amount the public debt
will swell ; but taking into account the increase for
the last four years, amounting now to nearly 350
million dollars, a startling figure is reached to all
who know the resources of the empire. The whole
debt of Brazil represents now the very respectable
figure of 530 millions of dollars.
The City of Brussels arrived after the above was
written with five days later news, but as it is
wholly of Brazilian manufacture it must be received
with caution till the French mail verifies or anni-
hilates it. From a private source we learn that
Lopez was strongly fortified at San Fernando on the
Tebicuari and Paraguay, the river being even more
effectually closed than at Humaita. Colonel Mar-
tinez, who commands at Humaita with Captains
Gill and Gabriel, taken prisoners after evacuating
the fortress, are at Buenos Ayres. Colonel Mar-
tinez considers that the new position will be more
easily defended than Humaita, and that there is an
abundance of provisions and ammunition there.
He believes Lopez able to hold out for two years
longer. The news brought by the City of Brussels
from Buenos Ayres, September 1, and Rio, the
13th, is as follows:
" On the 26th of August the Brazilians defeated
the Paraguayan vanguard, and on the 28th they
attacked and captured their fortified position to the
left of the Tebicuari. Lopez, with a small escort,
had retreated to the neighbourhood of Assumption.
Prisoners say that Berger and others had been shot,
and that Lopez's two brothers had been arrested.
The Allies consider the movement of Lopez as
equivalent to flight.
" The United States gunboat Wasp had gone up
to the capital of Assumption, which was undefended.
The Wasp was followed by the Brazilian ironclads."

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