The Sun.
London, England, 1868-07-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVEN

771 E .ECUME.A7CAL COUNCIL.

In the discussion of the Budget in the
French Chambers, an interesting and curious
debate arose on the relations between the
Church and the State, and on the attitude
which the French Government ought to take
.np in regard to the General Council, to which
the Emperor had not been invited in the Bull
of Convocation. It is evident the French
Government is annoyed and perplexed at the
omission, and the irreligious party do not know
whether they should resent the omission as an
affront, or rejoice in the fact that the un-
Christian character and principles of the State
have been officially stigmatized by the Pope ?
On what title, indeed, could a State which pro-
fesses the principles of 'B9 demand admission
for its ruler into a council whose duty it will be
to condemn those principles ? There is no
room in the Council for the representatives
of the modern State. The Church is not to
blame for such an exclusion, but the fault lies
with the un-Christian principles on which the
modern State is founded.
The idea was started in the discussion that
the French Government might put forward
claims, based upon a state of things which no
longer exists, for the admission of its envoys
into the Council, and in case of refusal pro-
hibit the attendance of the bishops of France,
exclude the Papal Bulls, and take aggressive
measures against the Church. But M. 011ivier,
although himself a sceptic in religion, protested
against the spirit of persecution which is cha-
racteristic of the school to which he belongs,
and which was manifest in the contemptible
and audacious speech of M. Gueroult. He
even recognizes in a dim and indistinct way
' the grandeur and loftiness of purpose dis-
played by the Church in taking up an inde-
pendent course towards hostile or indifferent
States, for it cannot be denied that relying on its
own innate strength and the moral force which
it possesses, it is now enteliug unaided and
alone upon the vast work of regenerating
human society. Still, this speaker, whilst
advocating the policy of complete abstention
as becoming the French Government under
the circumstances of the slight whicti had
been put upon it and as being in harmony
with modern ideas, yet conjured up the old
spectre of Gallicanism, and reproached the Go-
vernment with choosing Ultramontane priests
for the vacant Sees. M. 011ivier bewailed
the dominion of Ultramontane ideas, the uni-
versal acceptance of the tenet of Papal infalli-
bility, and the complete overthrow of the
Gallican liberties. This apotheosis of an ex-
tinct Gallicanism wag a singular revelation of
the attachment of impious and revolutionary
Liberalism to a theory which, if anti-Papal,
was never open to the reproach of favouring
the pet project of modern Liberalism. But
what M. 011ivier did put in a favourable light
was the fact that the Christian State had
ceased to exist in France ; that the union
between the Church and State, so salutary
to both, as Pope Gregory XVI. declared, had
come to an end. M. 011ivier, like every
Revolutionist and irreligious Liberal, and like
some ignorant or misguided Catholics, rejoiced
over the fact and approved of the principle.
In order that the separation should be durable,
he desires that the rupture shall be pacific.
He does not wish, like M. Gueroalt, the speaker
who preceded him in the discussion, that the
State should proscribe or persecute the Church,
but simply withdraw from it altogether. How
the Church acts under such a deplorable
apostacy of the State is now known. We have
heard the Pope proclaim, and be it remem-
bered that he speaks with the infallible voice
of Peter, as an eternal verity, the principle of
the union between Church and State ; but
he also recognizes in his Bull convoking the
Council, the fact that the modern State has
separated itself from the Church. What M.
011ivier, however, was anxious to learn, was
the immediate course which the French Go-
vernment intended to take. On this point
M. Bal oche, the representative of Govern-
ment, was very enigmatical. He hinted at
various courses which the Government might
follow, and succeeded at least in showing that
the Emperor was desirous, by some means or
other, of taking part in the Council. There
is not the slightest reason to believe that
secular Princes would not now be as welcome
as of old in the Council, provided they came as
the Rulers of Christian States, but how could
the Emperor of an Apostate State like Austria,
or the Sub-Alpine King, the de facto ruder of a
revolutionary kingdom, or Napoleon 111., the
representative of the principles of 'B9, make
the requisite bona fide declarations and pro-
fession of faith ? how could the royal repre-
sentatives of the principles of indifferentism
and incredulity take their seat in an (Ecumeni-
cal Council, or subscribe its acts ? It is not
the Church's fault that it acts apart from secu-
lar Powers, nor is it the first time in history,
as M. 011ivier asserts, that the Papacy, in face
of a hostile world, pursues its own indepen-
dent course, and relies on its divine powers
alone.

In a great crisis like the present, the Church,
conscious of her origin, knows how to gather
up her strength, and whither to turn to for
support. Her enemies are legion ; they are at
the gates ; no time has to be lost. Rationalism
and infidelity are no longer confined to specu-
lative science ; they are penetrating into the
heart of modern society ; they are forming
" lay thought" until it is become like to them-
selves. And this thought, call it lay, or call it
by its broader and truer name, infidelity, trans-
lates itself into political action, and with what
result we need no prophet to foretell. Has it
not enlightened the world ? Do we not see
clearer, better, farther now, into spiritual things
than when St. Paul gloried in the cross of
Christ ? Has not the art of criticism so far
developed itself that " lay thought" denies the
divinity of Christ, and doubts the existence of
God ? What remains for modern society to do
but to return to the ways of Paganism, for
they were ways of power ? Force was the true
ideal of Paganism, and force is the deity now
set up for worship. If there be no God in the
world, there are " the big battalions." Intel-
lectual infidelity, Materialism and Force, are
to-day the substitutes for Divine Truth and
Moral Power. But the Church, strong in the
faith which redeemed the world from Pagan-
ism, has still its last word to say. That word
will be spoken in the cEcumenical Council,
and it will be war to the knife to religious and
political atheism, which, taking its rise in the
apostacy of the 16th century,m ohdaesnaf, godlessoundits
completest expression in the modern,
State.—Westminster Gazette.

(Letter to the Univers.)

The three speeches delivered in the Corps
Legislatif by M. Gueroult, M. 011ivier and M.
Baroche, raised a whole body of questions,
which have been discussed . and answered a
hundred times. In the eyes of men versed
in theology and the history of the Church, they
are but reminiscences in which are conspicu-
ous the manifest tendencies of contemporary
Democracy towards Muscovite Cazsarism,
which is the absorption of humanity, body
and soul, by the omnipotent State. The
Catholic press is now engaged in the Parlia-
mentary discussion of the Ancien Regime. now
completely overthrown, which raises the ques-
tion of the relations between Church and State,
and the great question of the (Ecumenical
Council. I cannot brit applaud the zeal with
which the champions of Catholicism endeavour
to establish, not only the true principles of re-
ligious liberty, but the true notions of common
sense, outraged and hunted down in our days,
as a clerical institution.

In pointing out the great contrast which
exists between our social institutions of to-day
and those of the ancient monarchy of France,
between the present position of the French
clergy and that which it occupied in the Chris-
tian ages, it seems to me that the writers en-
gaged in this great cause have forgotten an
essential and decisive point in the contro-
versy maintained by them with such great
talent and .knowledge against Democratic

Ca3sarism. Formerly, social organization was
based on the principle of unity between the
Church and the State ; consequently, the
Catholic faith and the ecclesiastical laws were
under the protection of the Civil Power, and
every attack against the Church was repressed
by the secular arm. Another consequence of
this state of things was that a man must be a
Catholic in order to sit upon the throne of
France, or to exercise a public function in
the kingdom. Moreover, there were ecclesi-
astical counsellors in the Parliaments, and the
clergy stood at the head of the three orders in
the States-General. A different judgment may
be formed on this state of things, and malici-
ous censurers have not been wanting in this
matter as in all the rest. But it is an incon-
testable fact which must be taken into con-
sideration in comparing the past with the pre-
sent, in order to avoid falling into the most
grotesque anachronisms.
The registering of Pontifical decrees and of
Councils by the Parliament, was not exactly
intended to authorize their publication in the
kingdom, nor to establish Parliaments judges
of faith and ecclesiastical discipline; but the
object was to adopt as laws of the State the
dogmatic and disciplinary decrees of Popes
and Councils. These decisions as soon as they
became known, were obligatory in faro con-
scientice, the peculiar domain of the Church ;
but they had not the force of civil law until
they were accepted by the State according to
the usual forms, that is their registering by the
Parliaments. From that moment it was for-
bidden to say or do anything contrary to what
had been thus sanctioned by the civil power,
and writers could not escape these prescrip-
tions as they could not publish anything with-
out privilege of the King.
What now remains of this social organiza-
tion ? Nothing, with the exception of the Con-
cordat, which is adopted into the civil law and
the law of 1814, on the observance of the Sun-
day, which is now only kept as an obligation
of the conscience. We might search in vain
in the records of the law for an ordinance
sanctioning our faith or our ecclesiastical laws.
Deprived of this support of the secular arm,
which the Church of France does not call
for, it remains Tinder the common law, and its
relations with the State are governed solely
by the Concordat. Between it and the State
there is union, but no longer unity. The
French clergy have lost the high position
which was conferred upon them in return for
their great services, but they have procured
their independence in the spiritual order and in
the hierarchy.
Let me sum up what I have said. Under
the rule of "Our Kings," as one of our Demo-
crats affectionately calls them, the State in-
tervened in questions of doctrine and of eccle-
siastical discipline, in order to give legal force
to the decisions of the Church. In our day,
there is no longer any question—there cannot
be any question—of intervening in this sense,
and the logical consequence of such a state
of things is that, as we do not interfere in
concerns of the State, the State ought not to
mix itself up in our matters. Save in the
exercise of civil rights, which appertains to us
as to every other citizen, we keep aloof from
politics, and, excepting the rights which the
Concordat conferred on the State, the State
ought to keep aloof from the teaching and the
government of the Church. If it oversteps
this limit, it invades the domain of conscience;
it tramples under foot the distinction between
the two powers, which is an essential principle
of the Gospel ; it revives the Pontificate of
Ca
the Pagan Cars. When a claim .
is raised of
reviving the traditions of the Past, it incum-
bentssi on those who raise it to accept the Past
with all its conditions. But is this what the
sophhaitsttshowsho poraetttaendocknsd
friendsd of lisbnerretydldye not.re
desire
What e ? Assuredly
is to oppress, crush, and annihilate the Catholic
religion. They care little for history, which
they do not understand, nor for reason, which
condemns them ? Who knows how far they
go in their projects of tyranny, and whether
they do not cherish the hope of a return to the
sanguinary violence of the Revolution, or to
the scaffolds of 93. Their device is.—Exinanite.

MISCELLANEOUS' NEWS.

(From the Anglo-American 2 imes.)

The Convention of Republican soldiers and
sailors, held in New York, adjourned after a three
days' session. The Democratic platform was
adopted. It was resolved, "That if greenbacks
were good enough to pay soldiers and mechanics
with, they were good enough for the pampered
bondholder, who made the war a stepping-stone
to military despotism and a pampered aristocracy."
It was also decided "That the payment of the
national debt is at present inexpedient." General
Hancock was nominated for the Presidency, with a
saving clause directing the support of the Tammany
selection. The hand of fellowship is offered to the
Southerner, and mutual forbearance, and the re-
establishment of fraternal relations counselled.
There were about 700 delegates representing all
the States and Territories,the nominating Conven-
tion being 634, representing the States who alone
voted. It sat on the 4th of 'July, at about the
same hour as the National Convention. General
M'Clernand, of Illinois, was elected temporary
President, and Gpneral W. B. Franklin, of Con-
necticut, was elected permanent President of the
Convention. On the 6th Generals M'Clennan,
Hancock, Slocum, and Franklin were loudly cheered,
and the resolutions which we have touched on
above were passed. On the 7th Major-General
Denver, of California, took Franklin's place, who
was unwell ; and General Ewing, of Kansas,
caused. some confusion by opposing repudiation.
General M'Clennan seemed to be the favourite,
his name being greeted with nine times nine.
Senator Reverdy Johnson, on the 9ch instant,
delivered his farewell speech to the Senate, or
rather attempted to do so ; failing in which,
as it
was
re in manuscript, his colleague, Mr.
Vickers,
him. He referred to
ad it for
the associations which connected him with the
Chamber ; associations of so pleasing a charac-
ter—and of the uniform courtesy he had met.
He expressed the hope that, before his return, the
troubles of his country would be ended, and that
accomplished, imagination itself could hardly con-
eeive the futuregreatness of the land. Referring to
the office he was about to assume, he said subjects
of controversy may arise more or less to distract
the friendly relations, but the disturbance could
only be temporary.
" The interests of both nations are so firmly dependent
upon a mutual and friendly understanding, that the people
of each cannot fail to see the duty of having it observed ;
and I believe that this can be accomplished by the mani-
festations of reciprocal good will, as our Government is
actuated by such a feeling. The complications of the pre-
sent time, I am satisfied, will soon be removed, and
whatever part, under instructions of the President, I may
take in the regulations preliminary to such a result, I
shall be influenced by a sincere wish to secure to both
Governments an adjustment honourable to each; and I
have every reason to think I shall be met in the same
spirit by the Government to which lam accredited. In
all that I may do I shall look with hops to the approval of
my associates in this body, and although I may fail in all
respects to meet with it, I cannot be mistaken in thinking
they will do me the justice to believe that I have been
governed throughout by an earnest desire to maintain all
the rights and promote the interests of our beloved coun-
try. It is not at all probable that I shall ever again be a
member of the Senate, and it oppressed me to think that I
may never, after I leave the country, have the pleasure of
seeing again all its members ; but I bag you, Mr Presi-
dent, and them to be assured that whatever distance may
separate us I shall never cease gratefully to remember the
kindness evinced for me in this Chamber, or to hope for
the happiness and prosperity of its members. When I
return irom my embassy I trust and believe there will be
an enduring peace between ourselves and the other na-
tions of the world, and this I am sure can be secured by a
firm and courteous maintenance of our rights and a scru-
pulous regard for the rights of others.".
A majority of the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations, though a minority of the Republicans,
have reported in favour of the confirmation of Mr.
Evarts, of New York, as Attorney-General, and the
Senate will probably confirm him. The Senate has
rescinded its action in the case of General John E..
Mulford, and confirmed him as collector of revenue
at Richmond, Va., and has also confirmed Leander
Valentine no collector, and charles J. Barbour al)