The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-13 00:00:00

LuNDON GAZETTE-LAST EVENING.

AMIIRALTY, MAY 9.
Royal Marino Light Infantry.—Lieutenant Graham
Hewett to be Second Captain, vice T. M. Hewett, to half-
pay. Dated Sth May, 1866.
Goirge Pratt has this day boon promoted to the
rank. of Euguieer iu her Majesty's Flout, with seniority of
7th April, 1668.

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SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIM JOURNALS,

As the policy of the Emperor Napoleon is not revealed
in the anxiously-looked-for Orleans speech, the Times
i,urns to an article in the semi-official Constitutionnel of
?aris. It vindicates the expenditure proposed in the
~stimate of the Ministry of War, and insists upon the
necessity of keeping up such an armament as may
" enable France to play the part which befits her in
Europe." It contrasts the war budget of the Second
Empire with that of the July Monarchy, and asserts
that, although there certainly has been an uninterrupted
rise in the military expenditure, yet this has so closely
kept pace with the general increase in the national
revenue that in reality the Imperial Government devotes
to military purposes a smaller portion of its income
than the Government of Louis Philippe. Under
Louis Philippe, however, it is added, France was insuffi-
ciently armed, and the new Imperial ruler in 1854 found
it necessary to raise the yearly contingent to 100,000 con-
scripts, and thus obtained a force of 600,000 combatants.
Even these numbers were, however, inadequate to the
need, and the Emperor contrived, by the introduction of
the Prussian system—a moderate standing army with a
large reserve—to bring his own forces to a level with those
of the German Confederacy—that is, to have an active
army of 480,000 men, a reserve of 270,000, and a
National Guard of 500,000, making up a total of
1,250,000. This plan combines the greatest efficiency
With the utmost economy, inasmuch as it empowers the
Government to rid itself of a great part of the expendi-
ture by keeping half its available force either in the
reserve or at home on furlough, while in ten or twelve
days' time all the absent soldiers can be brought back to
their ranks. The Times never had any doubt that the
application of the Prussian system to France was the
object of the Emperor Napoleon when he framed his
original Army Bill ; but it has also often been explained
that the Emperor's object was frustrated, and that, in
order to dispose of a numerical force equal to that of
North Germany, France must incur twice the Prussian
expenditure, and cause the weight of military duty to
fall twice as heavily upon her people, condemning
them to a service in the active army double the
duration of that of Prussia. All that France has
achieved, or will achieve at the end of five or six
years, is to bring her army up to the standard of the
North German Confederacy ; that is, France, with
38,000,000 inhabitants, will muster about as many soldiers
as North Germany, with only 30,000,000 souls ; and to
obtain this result France must strain her resources in men
and money to the utmost, while Prussia, whose system is
already complete, can, besides the rtesfos she draws from
her Northern Confederacy, rely also on h troops of her
South German allies. The alleged inferiority of the
French forces to those of Germany is an evil which admits
only of one remedy, and that a violent one. The French
law of conscription cannot keep pace with the Prussian
system of enlistment, and if France would really establish
a numerical balance between herself and her rival, she
must do so, not by adding to her own forces, but by bid-
ding German; reduce hers.

Napoleon's visit to Orleans, says the Daily IVews, turns
out to have been a little episode in the domestic life of the
empire with which, beyond admiring it, foreigners have
nothing to do. No tranquilising assurance, no caution, no
challenge made to reverberate throughout Europe has
been pronounced in the ancient city. It is true that
great Churchman, the Bishop of Orleans, meeting the
Emperor in the porch of Henry "'V.'s grand cathedral,
spoke like a soldier of the readiness of France, or at any
rate of the men of Orleans, to fight as of yore, and
almost urged his sovereign to give them an
opportunity. But the Emperor answered him like
another St. Louis. Monseigneur Diipanloup was
justly proud that Orleans had never had her gates
forced by the foreigner, although, if D'Anville is to be
believed, at a time when it bore another name, Julius
Cesar did it the (honour to plunder and burn it.
Higher thoughts, however, were working in the breast of
the pensive Emperor. "On this spot," he exclaimed,
" we can dwell with delight upon how much relig,rioue
faith and true patriotism can effect for the safety and
grandeur of a country." We cannot do better than leave
this good man where he has placed himself, like Mr.
Disraeli, "on the side of the angels," and hope he may
never be worse occupied than, as at Orleans, in kneeling
in basilicas, exchanging compliments with mayors and
bishops, and giving prizes for horned cattle.

The Standard complains that the Emperor did not speak
at Orleans. If peaceful counsels do really prevail in the
Imperial Cabinet, and, what is of still more importance,
if the Emperor himself be bent upon the maintenance of
peace so far as in him lies, as our contemporary not only
hopes but sincerely believes that he is, it is much to
be regretted that he does not seize with some eagerness
upon such an opportunity 02 telling us plainly of his
intentions. The public in France does not care at all
for the assurances of the official press, and regards
the utterances of M. Rouher as expressing his own
views rather than those of his master. What it wants
is a positive assurance from the man in whose hands rest
absolutely the issues of peace and war. It has been dis-
appointed in its expectations of receiving such an assur-
ance. The war rumours will now rise to fever heat, to
the great disquietude of France and no small trouble of
Europe. The only consolation we have is that matters
might have been worse. The Emperor might have
sounded a note of war, instead of blowing this trumpet of
doubtful tone. lle has not done so, and we may still hope
that he will not.

The Post rejoices at the passing of the Private Execu-
tions Bill. The measure meets every reasonable objection
that has been raised against the substitution of private
for public executions. No one, not even the least edu•
- cated, will ever entertain the slightest doubt that the

•
sentence of the law has been carried into effect ;
whilst the circumstance of that sentence being executed
in private will invest such execution with unknown
terrors, probably far greater than any inspired
under the present system. Many, perhaps, will be
inclined to regard this law as a step towards the
total abolition of capital punishment. We cannot,
however, regard it in this light. Many persons
may well be averse from those degrading and demoralising
spectacles which have so frequently caused thousands to
congregate, who nevertheless consider that the crime of
murder shoald be expiated by the offender's blood. The
same argument which proved so irresistible forty years
ago in confining the punishment of death to cases of mur
der operates with equal force to-day in retaining that
punishment for that exceptional crime. Formerly there
was no inducement to a burglar or a highway robber tc
spare the life of the individual he sought to pillage, but, on
the contrary, he had the strongest motives for slaying possi-
bly the only person who could convict him of his crime.
Under the existing law, however, the burglar or the
robber may, independently of other considerations, hesi-
tate to take life, knowing as he does that in the event of
detection his own will be taken in return. Abolish capital
punishment, however, and you restore the ancient state of
things and once more offer the criminal a direct induce-
ment to take human life. This is a consideration which
our contemporary is happy to find weighed with the majo-
rity of the House of Commons on a recent occasion when
an attempt was made by Mr. Gilpin to pass a bill abolish-
ing capital punishment.

The Telegraph does not regret the attempt, unsuccessful
though it proved, to reduce the navy estimates, made in
the House of Commons on Monday. The failure of Mr.
Childers's amendment, however, indicates a defect in the
endeavours usually made to reform our naval expenditure,
which goes far to explain the almost uniform ill success
that attends them. An independent member who selects
some individual item in the estimates, and in a House care-
fully manned by the supporters of the Treasury bench,
endeavours to have that item rejected, only invites defeat.
Isolated attempts of that kind, repeated at long
intervals, are no check to official extravagance;
indeed they only serve the purpose of giving an
apparent triumph to the department assailed.
Mr. Childers was outvoted, and the Admiralty issued
from the engagement with colours flying and amidst
salutes of triumph. Yet it is highly probable that the
member for Ponterract was substantially right in his de-•
inand, and could have established it by a fuller develop-
inent of the details. Something more, then, is required
for success beyond the possession of a good case. The
member who takes it up must so entirely master the sub-
ject, so thoroughly and plainly unfold the facts, as to fix
public attention on the abuse, and he must persevere in
exposing it till even official obstinacy or inertia is shamed
into granting redress. All this, of course, requires much
energy, exhaustless perseverance, and constant devotion
to one end—qualities which are not wanting in the present
House of Commons, but which have been allowed to go to
rust for lack of active exercise.

A parliamentary return shows that the estimate
required in the year ending March 31, 1869, for the
expenses of the British Museum is 09,380, shewing
a net increase of £3,934 on the sum spent (hiring the

past twelve months. Salaries and wages absorb nearly
£50,000 ; purchases and acquisitions, £24,000 ; book-
binding, £10,500 ; furniture and fittings, £6,365. The
r rincipal increase is in salaries and purchases. Last year
the number of visitors admitted to view the general col-
lection was 445,036, a larger number than in any year
since 1862, when the International Exhibition was open.
To these must be added : readers, 103,469 ; to the galleries
of sculpture for the purposes of study, 2,416 ; to the
mausoleum, 520 ; to the print room, 2,792 ; to the coin
nil medal room, 2,084. Total, 556,317—a number which
aF., not been equallcd since ISO 2.