The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-06 00:00:00

MAY 6, 1850.,'1

the one single star in a bleak black night—the one
gleam of hope in a time of despair.—(Cheers.) For,
whatever might have been their feelings this time
twelve menthe, he was sorry to say the present, as far as
he could judge, was anything but propitious. The
especi of affairs now certainly partook not of the
brightest hues. After the struggles which had taken
place in Hungary, sf.er the hopes which had
been raised by the progress of events in
Germany, they were now, at the end of two
years of continual suspense, reduced to the confession
that as far as Poland was concerned the restoration of
her nationality was further off than ever.—(Hear, hear.)
But. though that might be the light in which they were
bound to view the existing circumstances, they should
do nothing that was calculated to discourage the con-
tinuance of the efforts required for the attainment of the
final object they all had in view, notwithstanding that
it seemed to recede the nearer they seemed to approach
it.—(Hear, hear.) He urged them not to neglect the
opportunities which the ,present state of things in Ger-
many offered them for making known their objects. Let
them by all means avoid raising there the mere
question of nationalty; rather let them direchtheir ener-
gies towards obtaining free institutions for Germany—
for once let free institutions be Istablished in the
north of Germany, and they would be in a
position to claim their rights and make known their
feelings "tearer to the scene of their former
mioortunes.=-(lleat, hear, and cheers.) Tbeir voice
heard there would prove far more effectual than if raised
hers, however well supported it might be, or however
well backed up might be their opinions in France or
elsewhere-e-(Hear, hear)—therefore, as far as his advice
went,' he urged them to do nothing which was likely
to throw obstacles in the way of the patriots of the
North of Germany, whose inhabitants were struggling
to establish their own rights in the creation of free in-
stitutions—rather let them do what little they could to
co-operate with them in seeking to obtain, not only the
advantages of such free institutions for Germany, but
• also of ,making the caus,e of the Polish people op-
portunely 2 heard and felt a little: nearer to the
scene of their former misfortunes.—(Loud cheers.)
When he remembered that Poland was occupied by a
hostile army, and had little hope from the West of
Europe, little hope from France, which seemed to aim
at restoring the most absurd absolutism in the world,
instead of supporting the liberal movement which had
of late originated in that country—in that state of affairs
the prospects of the friends of Poland were gloomy in-
deed, and therefore, as he had previously asserted, it
was a matter of congratulation to himself and his Noble
Friend who had just preceded him, that they had
placed in their hands a resolution which referred to
one of the greatest and most glorious events of modern
times. Turkey was now making more rapid progress
in civilization than many parts of Western Europe,
and from his individual experience he knew that liberty
was much more respected there than it was in other
countries. Above all, it was a nation which regarded
the great moral rights of humanity, and which had
courage sufficient to set at defiance the threats of a
powerful neighbour, and whose determination was not
to be subverted, even though she; might be deserted and
abandoned by other powers. Such was the proud posi-
tion which Turkey took, and only those who bad made
themselves familiar with the transaction to which he re-
ferred were aware of the extreme difficulties which sur-
rounded the Porte. Every possible step was taken by
Russia to embarrass the Porte. Inducements were made,
threats were uttered, and promises were held out, but they
all signally failed—the Mahommedan stood firm to his
word and his religion.—(Cheers.) He did not abandon
that fine passage in the Koran which told him that hos-
pitality was one of his great. duties; he did not abandon
that instruction of his Prophet, that a word once given
cannot be broken unless at the peril of the breaker.—
(Cheers.) He stood firm in that position, setting an
example to Western Europe, and an example, which, he
ventured to think, would not be idle. Turkey had risen
by the step which she had taken, and had pointed out to
other nations that whatever dangers might surround
them, however dark and threatening the surrounding
clouds might be, it was much better to brave the storm
than to turn aside from the path of rectitude and honour,
for as sure as they did sot that abandonment of the
proper course would result in loss of credit, and eventu-
ally loss of advantages to themselves. Such appeared to
him to bb the nature of the example which she has set to
the world; And had she acted otherwise, and attempted
to violate the hospitality which the' Poles and Hunga-
rians sought at her hands, she would have lost that re-
putation which by her conduct she has now unquestion-
ably sustained. It was therefore with peculiar pleasure
that he tererred to that bright spot in the conduct of
Turkey; and he hoped, if any similar event occurred in
the world, that other nations would remember the lesson
now taught to them, and would not refuse their protec-
tion to those unfortunate refugees who had been
struggling in a most hallowed cause, and were only
driven to abandon it, by the mere overwhelming
power cf brute force.—(Hear, hear.) Such was the
position of the I Polish refugees, who were driven
from the frontiers Of Poland. They had a 'claim on the
hospitality of every country in Europe, a claim perhaps
superior to the refugees from any other country, because
all the world knew that the partition of Poland was a
violation of the laws of nations, was a violation of Euro-
pean treaties, was a gross moral wrong done in the face
of Europe, and which would have been undone or re-
venged if the powers of Europe had had a proper sense
of the struggle and of their duty; but they might be
well assured that those nations had lo.t by being parties
to the transaction, and that their policy had been since
much shackled, and their position much injured, by the
additional strength acquired by that power which was
the natural enemy of civilization, progress, intelligence,
and constitutional liberty. With this contrast between
that power and Turkey, ho would, without making any
further comment, simply second the resolution.—(Hear.)
The resolution was carried nem. con.
Captain TOWNEMEND, M.P., proposed the next reso-
lution :
" That the following noblemen be re-elected vice-
presidents of the association :—The Duke of Sutherland,
the Marquis of Northampton, the Marquis of Breadal-
bane, the Earl of Scarborough, the Earl of flarrowby,
the Earl Fitzwilliam, the Lord Panmure, the Lord Ash-
ley, M.P."
Gloomy as the present prospects of Poland appeared,
yet he could not despair of a brighter day when he
found that so many noblemen had consented to become
viceepresidents for the ensuing y ear. They comprised
in their body not only rank, but what was far greater,
and more valuable, intellee, integrity, and every other
moral quality.
Mr.R.MoNcKTON MUSES, M.P., cordially seconded the
resolution, because it established one of the most impor-
tant facts which could be recognised in these days, viz., that
those gradations of society which were so seduously
drawn in this country, and which made it in a certain
sense the most aristocratic country in Europe, did not at
the same time necessarily prevent them from sympathis-
ing with the interests of a great people, who wished to
maintain such a form of society as the English constitu-
tion recognised, with a full sense of the importance of
those two great blessings--nationality and liberty.—
(Hear.) They would agree with him, that it was an
honourable distinction as regarded England, that the
cause of the Polish refugees should find considerable
sympathy among the higher classes in this country, who
were not naturally inclined to give their countenance to
movements such as that in which the Poles were engaged.
But the truth was, they knew no line of distinction could
be drawn between thocause of order and the cause of liberty,
for without liberty there was no order. At a time when
many persons throughout Europe were attempting to
draw a great distinction between the cause of order and
the cause of liberty—a distinction which he would never
consent to recognise—(Hoar, hear)—it was most grati-
fying to find ten English noblemen, of such respectabi-
lity of station, political eminence, and intellectual capa-
city, who were willing that their names should go forth
to Europe as the vice-presidents of this association—a
proof that the sympathy of England in the cause of
Poland did not proceed from any temporary fancy or
excitement, but from a strong and permanent sense of
the injustice of the ancient partition of Poland, and
the conviction that Europe had been the sufferer for it
ever since.—(Cheers.) The actual coadition of the
Polish exiles was a strong and 'solemn protest in the
face of God and man against the crime of attempting
to deprive a people of their nationality, and a pledge
to Italy and other countries labouring under oppres-
sion, that they would eventually be enabled to throw
off the yoke under which they groaned.--(Hear;
hear.) A philosophic statesman could not review
the events of the last three years in Europe without
:.coming to the conclusion that, on the whole, a greatdeal
had been gained, and that the spirit of constitutional
liberty had received a far wider •extension than could
have been anticipated three years ago.—(Cheers.) No
long period would elapse before some advantageous
change would take place for Poland ; it was impossible
for oppression to last continually, even with safety to
thopower that oppressed.—(Hear, hear.) The ex
xperat
i-
ence of late years in Europe had proved two things—th
every nation, except Russia, was determined to work out
a combination of the two principles of liberty and na-
soennsethofe
tEionnt:lpietyh,
aadndgrthenatt
causethe Christian
moderation with which the People had used their power,
when cities and whole provinces had been left unpro-
tecti3d in their hands.—(Cheers.) Every one of these
circumstances seemed in some degree to light the gloom
prespect, and to afford reason for, believing that,
o gr a taunt adt c moralt
s e 1 f
under Providence, there was still hope for the Pole.
Mr. FERGUSON said he regretted, with the rest of the
speaker;, that at a time when more assistance was re-
quired their' means were more limited, and alluded es-
pecially to the withdrawal by Parliament of that small
assistance which had hitherto been given to those brave
men, •
who, if they had regarded their own convenience
and interest in preference to the rights of a nation,
might now be in the possession of those comforts and
enjoyments which a few years back they were enabled
to command. Mr. Ferguson concluded by moving the
election of the Council for the ensuing year.
'Mr. EDLIN supported the resolution. He said after
being two years absent from England, and in a tropical
climate, he was greatly delighted to find himself again
in that room, and in the presence f so many
warm-hearted friends of Poland. It might be
thought that iu the quarter from whence he had
come, where the one absorbing pursuit was the
acquiring of filthy lucre, and whore Englishmen
came to realise fortunes, and seemed to forget All the