The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-11 00:00:00

Citeningttn

LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 11, 1850.

As we intimated yesterday, the Government took
occasion last evening to explain their intentions re-
specting the proposed cessation of Sunday labour in
the Post-office department. Heaven knows, the ex-
planation was brief enough in all conscience, yet its
brevity was withal so peculiarly significant that we
could scarcely desire anything more detailed. The
declaration of the views entertained upon this impor•
tint subject by the members of the Administration
was prefaced, as will be perceived by a glance at our
Parliamentary report, by the perusal of her MAJESTY'S
most gracious answer to the Address presented to her
MAJESTY by order of the House of Commons—a
reply read with all befitting emphasis at the bar. of
that Honourable House by her MAJESTY'S prin
cipal Home Secretary. " I have received your
Address," runs the Royal document, "praying
that the collection and delivery of letters may in fu-
ture entirely cease on Sunday'.in all parts of the
kingdoth ; and, also, that an inquiry may be made
as to how far, without injury to the public service,
the transmission of the mails on the Lord's-day
might be diminished or entirely suspended; and in com-
pliance with your request I shall give directions accord-
ingly r Now, without being a decisive and uncon-
ditional concession by way of acquiescence with the
demand of the petitioners, that reply is altogether so
wholly divested of even the shadow of a semblance of
opposition to their request that we regard the result
almost as if it were even now accomplished. In cor-
roboration of this opinion come the few but ade-
quate remarks of the Prime Minister. " With respect
to the delivery of letters," said the Noble Lord,
" the directions to be given by her MAJESTY will be
in accordance with the orders of this House
With respect to the transmission of letters, the ad-
dress only proposes inquiry." Further on, in answer
to the cross-examination of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Representative of Manchester, Lord Join
RUSSELL explicitly avowed, " What the Government
wishes to do is to carry into effect the orders of
this House : it is not for me to say, whether any
advantage will be derived from the arrangement."
No : unquestionably. It is not for the Noble Lord
to say whether any advantage will be derived from
the arrangement; but it is for him, in his capacity as
Prime Minister of England, to make searching in-
quiries as to whether any disadvantage will result
from it to the community ; it is for him to discover
whether it may not be actually calculated to plunge
the whole of the affairs of this great mercantile nation
into an inextricable and ruinous confusion. Such
investigations are absolutely incumbent upon him,
as the statesman upon whose conscience devolves the
awful responsibility of maintaining the well-beings.
of the entire population. Unless indeed a larger
amount of precaution be displayed by her MAJESTY'S
Government in this present particular, than can be
well anticipated from the nature of the Royal reply
and the character of the Premier's explanation, we
do not shrink from the avowal that we tremble for
the probable, we might almost say the inevitable
consequences.
s Before another step-is taken in this retrogressive
movement towards the revival and re-acceptance of
the formulas of superstition, we reiterate in simple
words our warning of the certain and disastrous re-
action that must follow. We look back to the
records of history and to the declarations of experi-
ence—and we find the truth everywhere proclaimed
that wherever fanaticism has imposed its most strin-
gent regulations upon the multitude, that proceeding
has only been productive of a lamentable recoil into
habits of the grossest indecency and the utmost irre-
ligion. The reason of this is obvious at the first
blush. By rendering religion repulsive and the
beautiful injunctions of Christianity unpopular,
the fanatics are necessarily impeding the progress of
those principles which it is ever desirable should be
disseminated in the most seductive light and under
the most persuasive appearances. In its very ele-
mentary nature Chistianity 'is essentially winning.
The saints would render it a loathsome compound of
harshness and hypocrisy. In its every dogma it ap-
peals to the affections of the population, exciting sen-
timents of love by its gentleness. and of gratitude
by its beneficence. The Sabbatarians, on.the con-
trary, would fain distort its holiest festivals into
causes of annoyance, and ultimately of actual detes-
tation—obliging the worldly-minded to give the pre-
ference to that system of ethical indifference and
exaggerated latitudinarianism, which would seem to
be the only security against the intolerable predomi-
nance of bigotry.
Our opposition, therefore, to the scheme of Lord
ASHLEY and his sanctimonious associates takes its
origin not in our disregard to the rites and practices
of religion, but from our superior reverence for the
benignity of Revelation, and our extreme solicitude
that the people may not be driven into an attitude of
antagonism to the Sunday. Of all institutions that
of the Sunday—of the day of rest recurring at regu-
lar intervals—is one of the most sagacious and bene-
ficent. To render it an abomination to the multitude,
instead of being an object of popular veneration, is as-
suredly a project as wicked as it is shameless
for its audacity. Yet such we maintain is literally
the. nature and the tendency of this wretched scheme
of the Sabbatarians. By striving to stop up the
channels of communication on the Sunday, they are
virtually endeavouring to affix an odium to the
Divine Law from which it originally emanated.
Against this we shall not cease to protest with all
possible earnestness, until such time as common sense
shall have vanquished superstition, and bigotry have
given way to a liberal and rational observance of the
Sunday. To manufacture Acts of Parliament
compelling the people to do so and so
on Sundays, under penalty, appears to us
as monstrous. ''
and arbitrary a proceeding as
to ordain, under penalty, that all classes of the com-:
munity shall be baptized, whether they believe in
baptism or not. This is most certainly, and with a
vengeance, degrading a divine institution into a mere
human regulation. According to such a plan, we
Might say that if hell is paved with good resolutions,
heaven, would seem, in the estimation of the Sab-
batarians, to be tesselated with Acts of Parlia-
ment. Anything more odious than the whole agita-
tion set on foot by these people, anything more de-
rogatory to the character of religion, anything more
detrimental to the interests of morality, anything more
antagonistic to the very first principles of Christianity,
u
any possibility have been devised. If these
howlers over what they are pleased to call the dese-
cration of the Sabbath had aspired to render them-
selves and their doctrines repulsive they could not
have divised a scheme more signally effectual. They
have, fortunately, however, revealed the pernicious
character of their intentions so glaringly that, not-
withstanding the readiness evinced her MAJESTY'S by AALAJESTY'S
Government to yield entirely to their demands, we
have such implicit confidence in the sound sense of
the English people, in their hatred of humbug, and b
their resolute retention of all their rights and prero-
gatives, that we anticipate having the delight of very
speedily witnessing the total discomfiture of the Sab-
batarians.

The public has at length an opportunity of judging
of the arguments advanced by the advocates of the
Lor&Lieutenancy in Ireland in favour of the re-
tention' of that most unnecessary and useless office.
During the prolonged discussion last night on the
order for the second reading of the Bill for its aboli-
tion, we were favoured with the views of gentlemen
holding very opposite political opinions. We had
the Repeal party represented by the Honourable
Members for Meath and Thief); the old To-
ll") or Comerntiree, by the Idembers for

h
trhaertCyi,tybyantdheUGniaNielarsnittycoolfoDneulbte Member for For-
lin ; and the Country
tarlington. We might, therefore, reasonably have
•
could
rthbee oubrjgeecdtioangsainosftetvheere rymeasu, yet,
what possible cha-
racter expected t
that o
t
was the result? We fearlesslyae entirewassk, debate
tberea
single argument adduced during h
worthy of serious consideration ?
The House was first gravely told by Mr. GRATTAN
that " the Legislature had no right to pass a Bill
abolishing the Lord,l4leutenancy I"
_
gnat " the
cieg' .by the treaty
two countries !!" That
of— t'euni‘O.talis
" the people of Ireland were as much enti-
tled to have their Lord-Lieutenant as the people
of England were to have their Lord Chancellor !! I"
This is a direct plea to the jurisdiction of the Impe-
rial Parliament, which requires something stronger
bgiutawreaentn e e
thet o
to sustain it than mere empty declamation, or gra-
tuitous assertion. It is a legal question and must be
decided on strictly legal grounds. Where is the
clause or article in that treaty which provides for the
permanency of the office? Where the stipulation which
either directly or by implication warrants the state-
ment ? There is nothing in any degree bearing upon,
or which, by the remotest possibiliti, could be tor-
tured into an intention by the then Parliament of
curtailing the power of its successors, or a declara-
tion that the existing form of government in Ireland
should be perpetuated. And the absence of such a
provision proves that it was clearly and distinctly
understood that it should remain an open question,
to be decided according to such contingencies as
might thereafter arise. The letter of GEORGE the
THIRD, quoted by Lord Jowl RUSSELL when intro-
ducing the Bill, showed that even at that time the
abolition of the office was in actual contemplation, and
that the intention was only deferred, not abandoned.
There were at that time several reasons for the con-
tinuance of the office, the grounds of which have lonr
since ceased and determined. There was the delay
and uncertainty of communication between the
English and Irish metropolis, when three or four
days were consumed in the journey to Holyhead,
and when the passage by sea might last an ad-
ditional week, it was essential that there
should be some person resident in that country
with power to act summarily and decisively,
according to the exigencies of the moment.
The nation was then unfortunately involved in hos-
tilities with its most powerful neighbour, and an in-
vasion of Ireland was by no means improbable.
Preparations for a vigorous defence might become
necessary at any moment, which could not without
the greatest danger be deferred until the Executive
in London could be consulted. The state of the
criminal law also rendered it essential that there
should be some person on the spot authorised
to pardon or mitigate the punishment of cri-
minals. Many offences which were then
capital are, however, now only subject to
secondary punishments—murderers were then exe-
cuted within forty-eight hours after sentence,
within which time it would be impossible to commu-
nicate with the Home Secretary in Downing-street.
But now all these things are changed. The jour-
ney from London to Dublin can be performed with
ease and certainty within twelve hours. There is
happily no war, or prospect of war, to " fright the
isle from its propriety." The good people of Ireland are
not terrified by daily rumours of the " landing of the
French," even the criminal code is completely altered,
and in cases of murder, where the extreme penalty of
the law is alone inflicted, an interval of several weeks
invariably occurs between sentence and execution,
where forty-eight hours only could be allowed under
the old law. There is, therefore, not the slightest
necessity for maintaining the office, when the ad-
vantages which could alone be regarded as equiva-
lents for the unquestionable evils of a divided admi-
nistration, are no longer to be found.

-- ..~s

There was another cause, too, although not pro-
minently forced, which induced ministers for the
time being to connive at the continuance of the office.
The " good old times" of " rotten boroughs" had not
been brought to a conclusion—there was no real re-
presentation of the people. A few wealthy aristocrats
arranged the country elections as they thought
proper, and any attempt to interfere with the " pa-
tronage" of the " family borough" was regarded as a
personal insult that could alone be atoned for by ren-
dering gentlemanly satisfaction at ten or twelve paces.
Each man did as "he liked with his. own ;" and
even Parliament re.:ognised the existence of this
extraordinary description of property, by granting
pecuniary compensation to the reputed 'owners of
the disfranchised boroughs, no less than 15,0001.
being allowed for each Member that was taken
away. Under such a system of bribery and corrup-
tion, where all was venal, the Irish Viceroy was
looked upon as a convenient go-between, who could
settle the proper price of each vote with
the high-minded Representatives of these free
and enlightened constituencies. But even these
happy days are numbered with the " things that have
been." There has been a certain species of Parlia-
mentary reform, and no Member can, at least openly,
betray the trust reposed in him by the electors.
There is undoubtedly a good deal of " jobbing " and
" back-stairs intrigue carried on in " the purlieus
of the Castle," but not to the extent of ancient times,
or such as to render necessary the presence of a re-
presentative of the SOVEREIGN to ratify and confirm
the bargains that had been entered into by the officia
hangers-on.

Is to the arguments respecting the ill-treatment
of Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, whose melancholy situation,
if the statements respecting him be well founded, we
deeply deplore, or to the past maladministration and
misgovernment of the sister kingdom, we cannot
see what bearing they have upon the question--in-
deed the latter afford the strongest reasons in favour
of the Bill. The people of that country have
suffered deeply and severely, but these evils
have been sustained while blessed with the fos-
tering smile and countenance of a Viceroy. It is
clear that they have not enjoyed any reasonable
share of prosperity under the anciim regime—is it not
worth while trying what will be the effect of a
change, and the assimilation of their condition to that
of the people of this more favoured country ?

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

"We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The PRESIDENT of the Republic was received with
great enthusiasm at St. Quentin, where the peasantry
thronged in from all parts for the purpose of giving
him a cordial reception. The welcome given to the
Prince would appear indeed to have been as much a
political ovation as any accorded to him during his
tour in the west provinces last autumn. On his pas-
sage to the railway, he was saluted with cries of
" Vive le President," " Vive Napoleon." The
ceremony passed off without the slightest accident.
By ten o'crock in the evening, the FREE/DENT and the
whole party bad returned to Paris.
A circular from the Minister of Justice appears in
the llfoniteur, directing all the Attorneys-General of
the departments to execute the provisions of the
electoral law voted on the 31st ult, and pointing out
certaiu difficulties which may arise from the construc-
tion of the law.
Among the latest subjects of gossip in regard to
French jtarnalism, we may mention the fact of a
new Socialist newspaper being announced—Le People
de 1850—with a capital of 200,000 f., to be raised in
shares of from sf. to 100 f.

The Mayor of Touilloux has recently been sus-
pended by the Prefect of the Soaneet-Loire, in con.
sequence of a neglect of duty.
M. BRES, the candidate of the party of order, has
been elected a :member of the Council-General of the
Basses Alps by
g
a majority of 1,195 votes to 32,5iven to the Socialist candidate.
According to
o iatccaopupneatsrsretcheaitvetdhe r
from Toulon, datedpro
the .
vencale provision ships have arrived in that port,
having on the 29th ult. left the French fleet off
Naples.
It would appear that the Government has begun
to repent of its recent precipitation, orders for the
levy of seamen:at Toulon having been much modified.
Considerable anxiety, of course, still continues to
be felt by all parties in France in reference to the
subject of the debts of Prince Louis NAPOLEON, and
the question of the 3,000,000 f. Many imagine that
had the PRESIDENT waited until the expiration of his
four years in office, the nation would then without a
murmur have voted the liquidation of all his liabilities.
It cannot be forgotten, however, that by advancing
his claim at that particular period, he would necessa-
rily have materially injured his chances of a re%
election.
The Constitutionnel repeats that the PRESIDENT
will accept of.no compromise.
Cardinal DUPONT, so long expected from Rome,
has at last arrived in Paris, The Archbishop of

BOURGES was accompanied in his return by M. MA-
TUIEV, the Archbishop of Besancon.
We regret to state
.that the rumoured illness of
Ann..EL..KADER, mentioned in our columns yester-
day evening, is confirmed, the Courier de Loire et
Cher stating that a consultation had been held at the
chateau of Ambloise.