The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-25 00:00:00

JUNE 25, 1850.

Mankind lodked on with absolute astonishment and , for some time King of Naples, put there usurpP°,st
herror at the devastation, strife, and c infusion that and he was deemed by leeitimate Europe a er. Jet
followed, and it was only when the exigencies of seizes and applies to his own purposes certain American
numerous nations induced them to unite their energies property, and in a short time afterwards he was expelled
and power in overthrowing the mighty Napoleon that and shot. The inevitable consequence ensued—the Alpe'
peace was again restored to maukind.—(Cheers.) rican Governmentsent in its bill —(A laugh.) " Bute" auYs
Legitimacy nue once more established again in France, the legitimate Government of Naples, "he is a usurper;
and from 1815 to 1830 there was a constant tide moving we have turned him out and shot him." " We cannot
against it amongst the great body of the French people, help it, pay us," and the money was paid under a threat
—(gear, hear.) At length, in 1830, the volcano burst, of sending the American fleet to Naples. How comes it
and the legitimacy of the Bourbons was scattered to the that the excitable disposition of the gentlemen on these
winds for ever.—(Hear, hear.) Be felt it due to the benchks has not found out all this? how comes it that
great man who was then at the head of the Councils of they bore the bombardment of Vera Crux without a
England to state that the principles which now actuated murmur—that they allowed France to go to Morocco
the British Government owed their origin to him. The and demand satisfaction? How comes it that they had
Duke of Wellington was then at the head of the English no sensibility at all? Why, because it would not chime
Councils, and he tf all men was the must fitting to (1,21 in with their peculiar policy. The same thing has 43n‘
with the crisis.—(Cheers.) His position, his capacity, curred as regards England; and I may mention that in
his powers, and his history and knowledge of Europe 1831, at the time of the Reform Bill, and while the
re .dared him peculiarly fitting for the occa- House of Commons was looking on, an English fleet
sion, and it would ever be a source of benefit to was sent to Portugal to demand the redress of injuries
Europe that he had the courage to Luke upon himself the received by some of her subjects in the time of Dom
responsibility of dealing with it.—(liear, hear.) Eng- Mtgurl. That was refused, and hostilities were actually
hind sided with the French people, and it was commenced. Now, fur many years, and herein lies the
thercfoie to be expect( el that the revolution of misfortune of the Noble Lord (Palmerston); for marl
France should be followed by similar occurrences years there were constant cases arising with regard to
in Belgium, Poland, and other nations; but England at the Greek Government, and complaints were mail on
this time set an example to the world, by accomplishing behalf of English subjects resident in that country. 12"
a peaceful revolution—England dispossessed the House whole tone and manner of that Government deserves to
of Lords of the power of ruling the House of be described. Letters written by, our ambassador re-
Commons.—(Cheers.) The revolution of France mained sometimes six months, sometimes two years un-
was carried by barricade, but the revolution of England answered; reiterations of one complaint after another,
was carried through the forms of the House of Commons. and yet no answer. We forebore, knowing our own
That affected not merely a change in our government strength; but every time the demands became necessa-
in that particular, but changed the government itself. rily more importunate, and in one case up less than 13
The first question submitted to the Noble Lord was the years passed without any attempt at redress. There is
revolution of Belgium, and he could say there was no the case of Mr. Finlay, and the first letter I light upon
part of the Noble Lord's policy which more deserved is one from Lord Aberdeen.—(Hear.) His first replY to
commendation than the foresight he evinced on that oce Mr. Finlay's application was in 1842, in which be de'
casion.—(Hear, bear.) If the Noble Lord had followed scribes his claim as arising out of a protocol entered into
the suggestions of many around him he would have pro- between England, Prussia and France to enable curtain
posed a separation of Belgium from Holland. The Turkish proprietors to sell their land, and among others
people in this country were careless of foreign politics; part was purchased by Mr. Finlay. The rule or the law
they were insular by their position and their habits, and in Greece is this: that the Government may apply the
the Foreign Minister was more than any other man re- land of a private person to public purposes, two condi'
sponsible to this country, simply because the people of tions being precedent—namely, that there should be an
England were careless of foreign politics. Therefore he ordinance describing the land, and that the value of the
said the Noble Lord on that occasion, if he had listened land should be paid before they took possession. Two
to some around, would have proposed a separation more just and proper conditions could not be conceived.
of Belgium from Holland. It he bad done so he What to, k place in Mr. Finlay's case ? His land was
(Mr. Roebuck) believed a universal war in Europe taken possession of without any ordinance. He applies
would have been the consequence and he was to know how that can be, and he is told that the Ga"
certain that, in 1848, Belgium, and the other domi- vernment has not yet taken possession of it. He there'
nions of Holland, would have at once wrested her- upon went to take possession of it, and he is very obi'
self from all unnatural alliances, and seized on France, trarily laid hold of and turned out, and then he writes
which she would have called her natural friend and ally, to the Greek Government again. " Yes," they say. "it
—(Hear, hear.) And then down again would have come is taken for public purposes." And by whom ? Not for
the Northern rowers, and we would have had repeated a great national purpose or interest, not to provide an
the scenes which characterised the period between 1790 arsenal, or construct a mole—not for any great national
and 1815. Therefore, he said, not wasting the time work, such as a railway, or even a poor-house, unless ve
of that House on little-minded tecenicalities, but call the palace a poor-house. It is taken for the pur"
judging of the Noble Lord's policy on the pose of the Kings garden, in which he might disport
broad principles of wisdom and justice, that himself at the expense of the people of this country.'
policy on that occasion was instrumental in preventing (Hear, hear.) They turned Mr. Finlay out of posses'
a fruitful source of misery to mankind. He (Mr. Roe- sion, and refused all payment whatever. At last, the
buck) believed that to have been the type of the Noble man tired of making importunity, does what he is Per
Lord's government. On a sudden that House had been fectly entitled to do, and as he read the policy of Eng:
surprised by a revolution in Greece. There were three land so I read it—as he read the duty of the Noble Lord
parties to that revolution. There was Greece, which rce so I read it—he applied to Lord Aberdeen to intercede
presented the despotism of Europe on the one hand, and with the Greek Government to obtain for him payment
France and England on the other. In Greece he found of his land. The first thing Lord Abeideen does is to

a monarch coming from Bavaria and educated in a sma
German Court. He (Mr. Roebuck) felt degraded
when he saw the name of England prostituted in
such a discussion. He wanted no representative in the
shape of an ambassador to protect our interests at fo-
reign courts, hut the great name of England instead.
The French wishing to get rid of that which did not
represent the French people, which did not
represent French feelings, which was simply a band
of men who were gathered together for a special end
and purpose, one set working under-hand and over-hand,
for the purposes of legitimate monarchy, and another set,
under the form and semblance and prostituted mime of
order, endeavouring to maintain their own individual mi-
nisterial existence—these were the men who had been
aided by the worst of men, the wild band of men, who,
under the shield of Liberty, endeavour to introduce
their wild anarchichal ideas into society—the Socialists
and Communists of France. These were the men who
had lent their aid to the monarchical party, who had
dared to try to reduce France again to her former
state. Such was the position of affairs when
on a sudden the people of England were told
that Admiral Parker had received orders to proceed
to the Pirwast. And then that celebrated power in an-
other place, which was always ready to oppose anything
liberal in government, at any time, stepped forward
with the majority which, indeed, they always had,
though they did nut always think fit to use it, though
they o'ten threatened. He did not know how many
times he had heard this session, " Ministers will be in a
minority in the Lords ;" and the ordinary answer, he must
say, was—" Who cares?" Well, there was a curious cir-
cumstance with regard to these orders of Admiral
Parker's, and he would ask the House to bear it
in mind. The people of Hungary had risen against
the despotism of Austria. In a glorious but unfor-
tunate conflict they had succumbed to the united
forces of Austria and Russia. The patriots—he would
presume to call them so—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers)—fled, and where did they go for succour?
To Turkey. With that bloodhound pertinacity which
always distinguishes despotic Governments, they
were tracked slowly and surely to their hiding-
place. And then was sent to an independent
Government the most insulting demand that ever was
sent by an insulting Government. But the Noble Lord,
nobly representing two nations, stepped in an said
" This shall not be."—(Great cheering.) All glory to
France, who had assisted us at this time, and the sight
of a British fiett in the famous hay of Salamis,
stopped these wretches, and vindicated the law of nations.
Now, was there and thing in the claim itself unusual
or contrary to the law of nations? lie would first take
the cese of France. The law of nations he took
to be, correctly speaking, no law; it was a sys-
tem of general morality, in which the rules
were necessarily vague, and depended rather
on the expression of a country than anything
which had been settled by a tribunal. The Hou. and
Learned Gentleman then referred to the assertion
which had been made, that the proceedings of the English
Government with regard to Greece were without prece-
dent, and mentioned several instances in which France
had demanded compensation for injured French subjects
'eliding in foreign states, but had refused to accept the
mediation of this or any other country. He alluded
to those instances as striking lessons, not only
to members in that House, but to members in the French
Chamber of Deputies, who spoke without knowing
what had been done by their own countrymen, used
language which, were it not for the undaunted majesty
and power and great serenity of the people of England,
would be deemed insulting.—(Cheers, and ironical
cheers from the Opposition Benches.) But we, being
above such petty feelings, soaring above them in our
unapproachable greatness, disregard them.—(Laughter.)
The demands made by France on that occasaion were
contested by Portugal; they went into the Tagus, took
her fleet, and threatened to bombard her towns; they
complained also that a Frenchman had been subjected to
a severe imprisonment for a slight offence, and they
demanded that he should be liberated, that the sentence
should be annulled and cancelled, that such sentences
should only be carried out in future by a special act, and
that the judge should be dismissed.—(Bear, hear, and a
laugh.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then con-
tinued—l am not here to treat this matter lightly. We
had a right to say to France in 1831, in the time of him
who was our dear ally, Louis Philippe—(Hear, hear)—
just fresh with his new laurels, when he stepped in
between legitimacy and liberty, and having the greatest
opportunity of governing the world upon really liberal
principles, but who, through a base personal feeling,
broke down and destroyed all his greatness. In 1831,
then, the French Government demanded of Portugal
an indemnity that their subjects should not
be liable to arrest, that the chief of police
be dismissed, and that all the sentences passed
upon French subjects for political crimes be abrogated.
That is one of the examples set us by France.
Oh, but you say. that is only a solitary instance; but I
can go over a dczen. They may say that is a petty
affair; but I can find twenty other affairs. In 1842 it
appeared that the French Government fancied that the
governor of San Salvador had been insulted, and de-
manded compensation to the amount' of 1,000 dollars.—
(A laugh.) They were told that if the money was not
paid the French ships would bombard the town. They
refused to do so, the French consul retired and went on
board, and then the amount was raised to 2,000 dollars,
and the port blockaded. What followed? The poor
people paid the money.—(Hear, and a laugh.) That's
another instance. The French complained of Mexico,
because a mob had pulled down a manufactory. The
French said," We must have immediate payment." They
refused all attempts at mediation—they demanded pay-
ment—instant, unequivocal payment; and because they
refused that the French bombarded them. I could give
many similar instances, but I will take another because
it is said that we have attacked a weak nation. On the
western coast of Africa, the governor of the French
colony of Senegal found himself offended. What
did he do? He went up the river, took possession
of the territory, chastised the cffending party, and
his demands were regularly paid. Now let us
consider this. With a great nation a blockade
is a declaration of war; but it is merely a mer-
ciful and useful mode of acting with a weak nation, and,
comparatively with England, a powerless nation—not to
declare war. That blockade took place, and the English
fleet took possession of certain ships. Now let us go to
ff.*. United States of America. There is our own blood
and bone—our own institutions, a people as commercial
as ourselves, and loving peace as we do.—(Cries of
" Hear," and laughter.) I shall take some curious in-
stances, 'and they are instructive. It appears that in
1814-15, as is will known, America was at war with
England. An American vessel was chased by an Eng-
lish ship under the very walls of the fort of Fayal and
was taken. Our brother over the water presented his
bill.—(A. laugh.) To whom? Was it to England?
No. England was at war with him, and we had a right
to capture his ships. They presented the bill to the
Portuguese Government, and the answer they received
was--"It was done in spite of us." " That is precisely
what we mean," said the Americans, " that is why you
must pay us."—(llear, hear.) Up to this hour, and let
has
people of England know it, that money h
not been paid ; but at this moment, laser age,
vessels are coming from the other side f
Atlantic to blockade the
fTagwubsetoneetbaeteli
That is an example o account.
Atlantic
Then there was the case of the ship General
nation can do in the way of demanding startio:
wh ichitone
bill
to
custom-houseappeared
eared
officersthat certainremeve pde rifroentes calling themselves
another—the vessel was wrecked, and the I was sent
iu to the Portuguese Government.—(Hear, hear).
These are two cases, but there is another. Murat was

acknowledge the justice of his claim:—
"It appears from Mr. Finlay's statement that you are
already aware of the merits of his case, and that you have had
some communication with the Greek Government thersupou.
It is only necessary, therefore, that I should instruct you to
follow up your representations in favour of Mr. Finlays
claim in such manner as you may deem best calculated to
obtain that compensation to which Mr. Finlay may
appear t°
be entitled."
What is the answer to that?. The people of Athens
appear to have retained, at least, one quality of their an''
cestors—they are capital at a law suit, and they try hr
quirks to get out of the difficulty. They sayGreeknot try the tribunal?" The idea of trying a Greek
tribunal!—(A laugh.) What was the poor man to dot
One thing was quite clear—that there was no chance of
obtaining any satisfaction but by appealing to his coup'
try. He said, "I came here to aid in advancing the
liberties of Greece and to resist Turkey—l gave you ell
I could in the shape of assistance, and you are now suc-
cessful. I bought this land under an English protocol,
and I Dow demand that protection to which, as an BPg:
lishman, lam entitled." But the Grecian Govermnell'
found protectors here, and I find that great authorial"'
have been quoted to sanction the refusal of the Greek
Government. The great name of Lord Mansfield hits
been brought forward to show that Mie Finlay had does
wrong in appealing to this country. I ask those vibli
made use of that authority if they know the case ?
cannot believe that the Noble Lord who quoted it 00
Lord Mansfield's could have known the circumstances,
under which that opinion was given. It was given, no
by Lord Mansfield, but by Mr. Murray—not that I 6nl
going to do what others have done, to attribute to the
law-officers of the Crown that they would give a°
opinion to suit the views of the Government with &I°u ,
they were connected. The Noble Lord who made thew
assertion judged by himself rather than from any higher
standard.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh.") Another
instance may be cited. A loan was entered into bfd
the Emperor of Germany; Maria Theresa succeeded
him, and the King of Prussia took Silesia, which lan
been mortgaged, as it were, fur the debt; and when "
w ,7
welt possession of Silesia he engaged to pay the dei.b.";
being Afterwards certain injuries were done to some of „"1"
subjects, by vessels taken and brought to be or
tided upon in our Admiralty Courts as prizes. Whet;
did the King of Prussia do ? He said—" I care not 00'
your Admiralty Courts. I assume that they are Wag.
and will confiscate that debt because certain injuries berg
bees inflicted upon my subjects." What was the answeiff
made by Mr. Murray and Sir George Leigh ?
said, as a matt( r of tact, "First, the injury you comp o'o
of has not been done, for the vessels taken have 03
through the Admiralty Court, and have almost all beeo
.
released. They have gone fairly through these curt••
With respect to some there is a doubt, and by and by
decision will be come to." But he went further, I'll 4
said, " Here is a case in which the personal honour o,
the King is concerned, and he, having entered
'treaty with certain individuals to pay this debt, took ".,10
idea of confiscating the debt because other individ%
of the same nation had done an injury to some of roi
subjects."—(Hear, hear.) But is even that apa
G°,
case? Here is the case of an injury done by the '0;
vernment itself. The sufferer has no chance of redr,e!,
and in that case he has a right to call in the aid of 10.
ternational law, and appeal to his country. I must 3", i
pose that the Noble Lord who referred to it never re •
this case, otherwise he never would have said such
to
thing. I beg pardon of the House. but I must refer
one or two of the letters from our Ambassador. Ile st/ej
in one dated " Athens, Aug. 7, 18411—I have not rene;',o
any answer from the Greek Government to my note 0 ;fp
2d July, respecting the claims of M. Pacifico and ey
Finley." " August 20.—1 am still without 'Jo.
answer from the Greek Government to mY 11°00
I shall only trouble the House with one extract from s 0
letter of Sir Edmund Lyons to M. Coletti, which give, of
clear, fair, and unequivocal statement of the net°
Mr. Finlay's .claim be
" With regard to that part of my note of the 24th Oc beeo
in which I bad the honour to inform you that I bed. oto
instructed by Viscount Palmerston to call your atteatioeo4
the other unsatisfied demands of her Majesty's Govelolyoo
and to request that they should be immediately settled,
erea
say that if any of those demands have remained unanswd 011$
by your predecessors you wish that they may be pointevtioo
to you, in order that you may give your immediate atte teat
to them. In reply to your request I.beg leave to observe sots
I have not had the honour to receive any answer to tnebi•ia
I addressed to you on the 7th October last [and, Inark'ft,
written on the 6th of December— W. W. ] by desire c'd beeo
count Palmerston, reminding you that no answers be
returned to the demands of her Majesty's Government:4th el
were made in my notes to your predecessors of the t• the
March and 12th of April last on the important subjee',o-00 of
fulfilment of treaty engagements respecting the Greek ,aed to
60,1'00,000 of francs. Nor has any answer been retu-
the note which I addressed to M. Coletti on the 20fhAoirs
1847, requiring, for the third time, in the name and bfbueetd,
of her Majesty's Government, that that of Greece ,sad
bi
without any further delay, make good the loss testa; red at
the masters of six lonian boats who had been plllodess aey
the Custom-house at Salcina in October, 184 E. Nor,l„raki°'
answer been returned to the note I addressed to M•;rotoS'
on the 21 at October, 1847, by desire of Viscount Psnireadi
repeating the demand for compensation which I heuZie sr;
made OA behalf of two lonians who had been illegfyies e"
rested and cruelly flogged by the police autbortof too
Pyrgos, on the 15th of May, 1847, and on behalf a 160
~ the
other lonians who had been arrested and ill-teed
wit
police atlgitras, on the 30th of May, 1847, and stet% bad
those demands as well as to the others Whlrostlf
not been satisfied, that her Majesty's Government ea 044
hoped that the Greek Government would no longer lit t°
complying with them; for the Greek Government sue 001 f
be aware that it must do so sooner or later, and that the datY
effect of further procrastination must be to render it 'T ieu ti
of her Majesty's Government to increase in nr°P°eired
such delay the amount of compensation which it releremee,
the injured parties, and adding that the Greek G°videltoo's
would act unwisely for i's own interests if it Illis,iiaratterAbbis
the forbearance which had been shown ou these -issen tuge
her Majesty's Government, and if it were to infer
not detersthos
forbearance that the British Government we
acre
to if
mined to compel the Greek Government to sec tatesoas
demands, if it should not be induced to do so 511°1J
IS
Now, I its ow
ask then sense of
house justice
of Commons and of right."
whether th r
ere
anything in that language unnecessarily .. ,eot
e%i-
uncourteous, or anything wore than was due to:erketlf
gencies of the case ? The language was, F. so
suited to the occasion; and if I were to seek lAN .0 is
the letter of Lord Aberdeen, and ask the House_, e
ample of an imperious tone, I should not besitstetok col;
pare it with that dispatch. Lord Aberdeen's 1 'if: est.
demanded, but I think the language Sir Edmund 1 ds,
probably not more insulting or offeinssfiavre
mtahraencrourPt,ossel
rough than any language used by „goo ,
Various dispatches were sent reiterating the u_v_bele
and then comes at last a long reiteration of the v.l_, taut!
the demands, going over them step by step, sbovlus7. set!
some of them had been 13 years unsettled. Ir.w_g of oo°
wretched pretexts are urged against the religiort.lo
of the claimants—a religion, by the way, from 110 esa
derive our own. When it was found that M. rec` tea
'
a Jew, he was described as the Jew who bad „ Wbi
duced by our immortal bard. He might have said,
_uid be:
do you deal thus with me?" and the answer ye' that
" Because you are a Jew."—(Hear.) It would srthete;
being a Jew his demand must be excessive, op' be
Now, Prue
fore they are entitled to dispute payment. _oat
remembered that in this country there is s la they 00
judice against Jews, and, among other things, 0 eilso
in the habit on aster Monday of burning ("1
they consider a fair representative of the Jewsrb Je •
But hark ye how the Christians deal with e" bete
A rich Jew comes to Athens. "Oh!" say th,1000000:;.•
rich Jew hath eyes. He may be conciliated wit, Pl,O
may a ff,ct or effect a loan." Rothschild to_o, to io
happens to be at Athens therefore Judas is " naid w)
burned.—(Laughter.) Seta'
__ls -pi
wealth when belonging even to a Jew. Le v
Bat te
Judas, it appears, was not then burnt. _nog
attracted Greeks did not wish to be deprived 01
is the deferenceerr, lre.;