The Sun.
London, England, 1850-03-20 00:00:00

ral opinion was is favour of the maintenance of a
squadron, but the most rt sp,insible commanders of sta-
tions were againit Sir Charles Tlothara did not say
that it should be withdrawn unconditionally, but he was
of opinion that no force could suppress it, and that a
substitute for it must be got, namely, by a treaty with
Brazil, to introduce free labour into that country. lie
(Mr. Gladstone) would ask, how would Sir Charles
Hotham vote were he there?—(Hca,, hear.) in his
opinion he would vote for his Hon. Friend's motion—
(No, no)—for ho was averse to the continuance of the
squadron to suppress slavery, and believed that the
treaty he referred to was the only remedy—(Bear.)
With regard to the speech of the Right Hon. Gent!eman
the Presilent of the Board of Trade, he believed it was one
which would have been made any time during the last
tan years, or the next ten years to come.—(A laugh.)
But the question was, were they to make the maintenance
of tbar. squadron on the coast of Africa as one of the in-
stitution* of the country ?—(L )ud cries'of "Hear, hear.")
He believed, also, that unfair observations had been
made on the Committee that sat on the subjec'. It made
no report, it was true, because they did not wish to elicit
the opinions of the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman
talked of f.uts being purchased on the coast of Africa,
and of one thousand five hundred miles of cast being
clear, but the evidence of Sir Charles Hotham was, that
when slavery dts9peared in one portion, it 'sneered in
another; SO that it was utterly impossible to suppress it
l!tog:f:th Pr.. W“11, then, what had the squadron done ?
Had it extinguished the trade, or was it making progress
towards that object?--(Cries of
" Question ") That was
the question before the House, and the only one on which
they were called on to decide. If he could, for his Fart,
see any progress made by the continuance of the squad-
ron,i
pfmecorr
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ne
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ohe
pen
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tiqvhueea; d.s rl
but
uvn
et, no
it
trade.ddi cd) u bntiott
he would continue it; but it was in vain to look
sw
sacesor niaot jut
nas tlya on
restrain
tbmade
t ietinst
amount. But did it govern the price of slaves
in Brazil ? Was that the case, or was it not ? In
1828, according to ,the entries of purchases of slaves,
entered in the books of an estate, which he had seen,
he found, that while in 0841 a slave was worth 315
milreas, in 1844 he was worth from 700 to 800, in the
market of Brazil. The squadron became more effective
since 1844, and what was now the price of slaves ? In
1844, 700 or 800 milreas were paid, but in 1837 the price
was reduced to less than one-half, and in 1848 to 350.
That, be it recollected, was owing to a larger supply.—
(Hear.) Now, let them look at the returns made by
the Foreigtnoffice with regard to the -complaints of
their cruizers. In 1840 these captures amounted to
six per cent. of the entire number ; in 1841, 13 per
i
cent. ; in 1842, 13 per cent: ; n 1843, five per cent. ;
in 1844, nine per cent. ; in 1845, 10 per cent. ; in
1846, four per cent. ; and in 1847, eight per cent.
Therefore, in those papers, there was evidence of no
progress, but a retrogression, and while the country was
improving the squadron at a vast cost, the slavers had
been at work likewise, and a larger proportion passed
through their hands during the last few years than for
any previous period. He did not object to the
experiment made, but he believed it was not the
ordination of Providence that one nation should
regulate the morals of another. It was not right to
depart from that rule, for they were in constant risk of
quarrelling with other powers; and had totally failed in
effecting their object. The Noble Lord the Foreign Se-
cretary was now in office nearly twenty years, and, no
doubt, no man could have done more than he did to ad-
vance the cause of humanity; he entered in 183$ into
a treaty with Spain; in 1839 they got what was termed
the equipment clause ; in 1840 they were enabled to
capture slavers south of the line, and treaties had been
entered into with France and America, but all had failed
even to lessen slavery. These points had been nomi-
nally gained, but where were they ?—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") They bad poaitively, fatten back from
the position which they held some years ago. Then
it was suggested that pensions should be given to the
chiefs, so as to make up for their interests in capturing
slaves ; but it should be recollected that the burdens on
the people of England wore already most serious.—
(Hear.) He was not in the main about to find fault
with the expense of 700,0001., but h. e was convinced that
the continuance of the squadron did not diminish, but
rather increased, human wretchedness on the coast of
Africa.—(Cheers.) The miseries of men were often
promoted by those who sought to relieve them, and
what had already happened ought not to prevent them
from acting according to the circumstances of the times
in which they lived. He regretted much that he had not
the work of Sir Thomas Buxton with him, but it was
well known that while the mortality in the middle pas-
sage, during the regulation of the British slave trade
many years ago, was stated by Mr. Jenkinson to be three
per cent., it increased in the time of Mr. Wilberforce to
10 per cent.; it increased to 24 per cent.; and was, pre-
vious to 1840, 33 per cent. During the former period the
average number of slaves was three slaves to every two
tons; in 1847 and 1848 it increased nearly eight to two
tons. Now, under such circumstances, there must be a
mortality of a most dreadful description, and accordingly
the increase had been over 10 per cent. What did that
mean? Why this, that between 8,000 and 9,000 slaves
were sacrificed on the middle passage, while they only
liberated, at the highest point, some 5,000 or 6,000, thus
increasing the mass of human suffering, instead of re-
lieving it. He recollected that when an argument was
some time since advanced, that piracy was as iniquitous
as the slave trade, that the reply of the Noble Lord
was—as it was not looked at so by other nations, it
did not become the British Government to be the
first to carry such a measure into effect. Ho also
thought there ought to be a right belief among all
nations of our sincerity of performing whatever we pro-
pose to them, but he feared that such a belief did not
exist. When he heard allusions made by the Right
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. 1-.loouchere), of the assist-
ance and sympathy evinced by French and American
officers towards our flag. he was forced to ask, was there
any grounds for an inference that that sympathy was
directed towards our Government ? lie should say no,
and he believed such was the general opinion of the
House and of the country. And he was borne out in
his opinion by the evidence t.f Sir Charles Hotham—
(Hear, hear)—who states that an American
.officer, who
had assisted our men when in an engagement in a slave
ship, had been tried by his country, and subj▪
ected to a
heavy mulct, and there never afterwards was known one
American officer to imitete his example. The
'Right
Hon. Gentleman then alluded to the general belief of all
nations of the insincerity of the British Government, on
the occasion of the passing of the Sugar Duties▪ Act, and
said, that as they had not acted up to their professed
and understood intention, and should therefore,in
justice, repeal, that Act. He should next allude to the
opinions of the great weight of naval officers, in
which he fully concurred, namely, that o.our
squadron should be doubled on the coast of Africa,
though Sir Charles Hotham thinks the', even such au
augmentation would never be sufficient to suppress that
iniquitous trade, and also that it could be better effected
by steam-vessels, as sailing-vessels cannot watch more
than forty miles of the coast, when steam-
by their expeditious sailing, much more easily put the
slave trade down. Next it would be necessary to obtain
the right of search and of stopping, for many of the
ships of Brazil and Cuba frequently hoisted the Sar-
dinian and Portuguese flag, and thus carried on their
iniquitous trade, without the interruption of our squad-
ron. There were different opinions as to the mode by
which a stop could be put to it, some thought by punish.
ing the whole crew, others by the death of the captan,
and others by three of the chief men; others by transi-
portation or imprisonment; but, he would ask, had
that House any means or authority by 7hich it
could interfere with ships of another nation? He
answered, " No," and thought that such opinions
were merely chimerical. And, should engagements
be entered into for this object, he asked of what
use were they, when Spain and Brazil violate on the
next day the treaties they entered into the day before?
It had been asserted that the treaties entered into in the
year 1830 were still extant, and that the emancipation of
the slaves taken since that period could be demanded. ;
but, he would ask, was such a demand ever
Di
made
d
Lord Aberdeen, when in that country, and cognizant of
such a fact, make such a demand ? No and it was,
therefore, useless to speak of the existence of those slave
treaties, for, feeble as Brazil is, it is well known that it
would not be judicious or wise to go to war with her.
Again, he looked upon the building of Ena.rtello towers,
and the entering into treaties with black chiefs, as a mere
means of blinding the people of this country. lie cer-
tainly should say that, while be found Lath with the
present system he would not take on himself to point
oat any particular system for the suppression of this
trade. He apprehended that the British Government
would use every exertion for the suppression of
the slave trade ; but he should at the same time
say, that full justice had not been done to Cuba
by the allusion of his Honourable Friend (Mr. Cardwell),
for he could not account for the magic power by which
our ships seized no ships but those of Cuba, and that on
the African coast. He considered that those slave ships
might, for aught he knew, belong to Brazil as well as to
Cuba. On the whole, he should say that he did not
believe that our squadrons tended in any way to suppress
this trade, but that, on the contrary, Brazil looked with
an eye of national jealousy on such interference; and
ho would appeal to the sense of the House whether the
jealousy of England would not be roused to the highest
pitch ot indignation if, sixty year! ago, when we carried
on the slave trade, any foreign ship would interfere with
us? He thought it a visionary idea to think of putting
down the slave trade by the combination ot the English
and French. He hoped, and " his wish was the father
of his thought," that Brazil would in time put down this
system, and he augured this from the knowledge that
there was a very influential and most numerous anti-sla-
very party in that country. He knew that there was a
time when many of that country required the assistance
of the British Government for the suppression of this
iniquitous trade, and that would be much more efficient
than the energy of the people. the liberality of public
money, or the valour of our officers.—(Hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I own, Sir, that lam more
anxious than I ever remember that this House, when it
comes to a division upon this sabject, shall have a due
sense of its importance. In importance it is quits im-
possible for any one to exaggerate, or even to state
merely in its full extent. But to give some definite idea
of it, let me state to the House that at the beginning of
this century England, in all her colonies, carried on and
permitted the slave trade—that the other powers of Ea-
rope who had colonies likewise sanctioned slavery, and
wherever and whenever they could carry on the slave
trade they likewise permitted and sanctioned it. In the
course of the time that has elapsed from the beginning
of the present century, we have seen the Parliament of
England abolish the slave trade. We have seen England,
in the treaty of Paris, make stipulations with till the na-
tions of Europe declaring their condemnation of the slave
trade—we have seen slavery itself abolished by an Act
of the English Parliament—we have seen the slave trade
abolished practically, effectually, and entirely, both by
France and the United States—and we have seen
slavery itself lately abolished by France and by