The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-05 00:00:00

inauential meeting?" He replied, " Never in my
life." This he (Colenel Sibthorp) considered most
satisfaetory, coming, as it did, from so strong an
opponent. Mr. Norton told him that the lion. Member
fur the West Riding had come down to Lincoln on
Tuesday. He (Colonel Sibthorp) presumed that it is as
not on any secret matters; that there was nothing going
on clausis Arcs. But why was he not at the meeting?
If he could not have appeared as a freeholder of the
county, there was another opportunity given him for
arguing the question of free trade; a meeting was held
in the city of Lincoln where every one would have been
at liberty to speak. He, however, came not, but pre-
ferred emplo3ing himself, like some quack doctor, its
disseminating little tracts by which he hoped to poison
the minds of the inhabitants; but he did not succeed.
The other night, indeed, the Hon. Gentleman challenged
the Hon. Member for Buukinghamshire to come forward
and enter into the question as to the state of the agri-
culturist., or rather, he should say, of tefve industry;
but as that Hon. Member had given notice of emotion to
the same effect it would have been wrong for him to have
entered upon the subject then.—(" No, nu!" " The notice
was about the poor-law.") He should like to have
added t) the amendment a declaration that the House
of Commons, as at preterit constit i:el, was inefficient to
e -.act laws which would tend to benefit the couutry or
to carry out m re s..t.efecotily the administration of its
affairs. With respect t pro& cfien to native industry,
he was afraid there was very little hope.—(Hear.)
While he saw so many a isociafions formed, there was
little chance for Fret ction. There was tl e National
Reform Asscciation—what a society !—a sort of Anti-
Corn-law League revived—small is numbere, but fx-
ceedingly deceitful and treacherous.—(A laugh). Then
there was the Anti-Peace Society—(Great laughter)—
he meant the Peale Society.—(Laughter). Oh! slips
went fit. nothing. Well, those he called revolutionary
societies; but then there was the Commission for the
grand Exposition in 1851; and who patronized it? He
was sorry to :ay these who ought not to do so.
Foreigners would carry off the premiums out of English
purse.. Perhaps some of the secret service money
might go t swards them, end he was not prepared to say
that it would not—every trick would bo tried. He had
looked over the list c f commissioners, and ho did not see
much to give him confidence in the profection of native
industry. First, he saw "our right trusty and well-
beloved Councillor" the Right Hon. Member far Tam-
wortb, and then our " trusty and well-beloved" the
Hon. Member for the West Riding.—(Laughter.) It
such were to be the component parts of the Commission,
he could only augur, for experience had made him wise,
that there would be nothing but trick and maeoauvre—
native industry would be forgotten, and the foreigner
would be encouraged too much, as lad been, in this
metropolis and elsewhere—outwitting, if he could, and
outselling the hard-working people of this country. But
then there was the Emigratern of Females Society.—
(Hear, hear.) Ho was sorry to use such a term, but
that society was a premium for whoredom and nothing
else.—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) If they gave them
employment here, by putting a duty on foreign articles
so as to enable them to compete with the foreigner,
it would do them some good. He did not place
much rel'a,nce on the apparent prosperity referred
to by his Honourable Relative. A man might
have 5,0001. at his banker's on Thursday night,
but if he paid his debts -he might find that he
had nothing there on Friday morning. Accounts might
be arranged so as to present a favourable appearance;
he had hoard of such things, and such things might hap-
pen again. Orders might be given for 50,000/. or 60,000/.
worth of timber to be sent to a dockyard, but you might
not hear of payment until it was convenient, and then
when it was put into the account it was mentioned as a
small item. He believed that at that moment items
were put into the accounts to suit various party purposes.
His Right Hon. Relative spoke of the Excise as being in
a thriving state; but he believed that there were mis-
statements and misrepre,entations about it.—(hear,
h, ar.) The most favourable period, from the 10th of
October to the sth of January, was taken; but he be
lieved that if the statements were analysed and scruti
lilted the fact would not be found to be as stated.

Of port wino would give an increase of Price without
ge'ting anything for it in return ?—(Hear.)
Viscount BERNARD denied that free trade had done
anything to improve tie condition of Ireland, as alleged
by the Hoe. Member fa- Limerick. He also denied the
assertion of that Hoe. Member, that the recent protec-
tion meetings in that country had hsd the mischievous
effact of setting class against class, and also in prevent-
ing the cultivation of the soil. These meetings were
attended by persons belonging to various classes, and
they were invariably told cot to trust to protection alone
but to rely mainly on their own exertions.—(Hear,
hear.) He suggested that the:Government would assist
materially in alleviating the prevailing distress in Ire-
land if they were to extend the time for making repay-
ment of the advances which . had been made to that
country under the Temporary Relief Act, &c., by fa.
cilitating the construction of railwayP, and employing
the able-bodied poor on public works. He warned the
House azainst the danger of depending on foreign coun-
tries for any large supply c f their daily food, and eon-
clitelei by saying that, if the farmers were to have no
pro'o.tion in the shape of duties upon fore'gu corn, he
hoped the House would at least do them the common
justice of relieving them of the burdens which had been
imposed upon them in consequence of their having ei.
joye.l protection.—(Hear, hear.)
Colonel DUNNE expressed his surprise at ba,virg
heard the Hon. Member for Limerick assert that Ire-
land had not been injured by recent legislation—seeing
that that Hon. Member had recently d. awn up an ela-
borate report with reference to the Newcastle union, in
which he had proved, in the clearest manner, that the
country ha I suffered from recent legislation.
Mr. M.ONSELL said he had referred to recent com-
mercial le,zislation.
Colonel-DUNNE, in continuation, said he would give
no opinion as to whether free trade in the abstract was
right or not, but there could l e little doubt c f the tact
that it had infixted injury un Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
The principal advantage which the Irish farmer had
gained from protection was the possession of the English
market; and, considering that the Legislature had de-
stroyed Irish manufactures on the express understanding
that Ireland was to find food for England, England was
to supply them with manufacture, he thought that that
formed a special case in their favour for the conti-
nuance of protection. There could be no question
but that, viewing the country altogether, it was in a
gradually sinking condition. 'Look, for example, at the
savings banks. In 1845, the deposits in the Irish
savings banks amounted to 2,927,0001.; in 1848 they
had fallen to 1,334,296/. In 1845 the circulation in
Ireland was 6,544,0001.; in 1848 it had fallen to
3,311,0001. In 1847 the land in cultivation in Ireland
represented in value 16,500,0004; in 1848 it had fallen
to 12,500,0001. As to the poor-law, it might be true
that the number of recipients had somewhat diminished,
but the expense had not been reduced. The manage-
ment of the poor-law authorities remained as costly as
ever.

trade, followed in his wake, and in Spain an imposition
of an additional duty on the exports of this country.—
(Hear, hear.) In regard to Greece, he understood that
the people of Manchester were very much startled et the
intelligence received from that quarter. He was
astonished that so trifling and trumpery an effeir as that
mentioned by the Noble Lord at the hea 1 of the Foreign-
office that evening, in reply to the Honourable Member
for Sheffield, should have given rise to any differences
with that power. It was gross mismanagemement to
allow such paltry causes to produce such results; and he
candidly avowed that he thought the time was now come
when they could with propriety consider the reduction
f the salaries, or of the number of their Ministers at
Foreign Courts.—(Hear, hear.) He thought, without .
compromising the dignity of the country, such might be
done. The expenditure he would stand up against re-
ducing was that which tended to the maintenance of
their power and dignity s t home, and that, he trust-al,
would always be maintained in a manner honourable
to the country,
and calculated to promote its best in-
terests.
Mr. SPOON ER would have been perfectly content to
have given a silent vote on the question, if ho bad not
bsen repeatedly alluded to by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer and by the Hon. Mover of the Address, and
been called upon by them to say why it was that his
prophecies, as t i the effect of tce trade upon the cur-
eacy, had not been fultilled. He would answer the ques-
tion without making what was called a " currency
speech." He was aware of the impropriety off ircing his
pert' cuter views upon the topic, when he had so small a
minority with him in that House. But the question wa.,
why had not the imports of foreign goods drained our
bullion, as he and those who held his views had predicted.
There were many causes why. The first was, the pe-
riodical influx of gold into this country, caused by a pe-
riod of low prices for commodities. He lookel with
alarm at the prospect before-use The abundance of
gold would promote over-speculation; money would
be abundant only for a sufficient time to sot enter-
prise at work, without giving time for it to return legi-
timate profits. Since 1819 we had had those periodical al-
ternations• and. they would come again, altogether irre-
spective of free trade. Another cause was the state of
the Continent for the last two or three years, which had
induced a great
.flow of gold into this country. In Bel-
gium our sovereigns had been made a legal tender, but
they were now almost entirely withdrawn from circula-
tion, and sent to this country to the extent of two er
three millions. All these causes contributed to produce
the infl ax of bullion to its present extent of nearly
twenty millions. Another cause might also be meh-
tioned, which had acted to a large extent, namely, the
number of English travellers who now spent money at
home rather than upon the Continent. These causes
were, in his opinion, quite sufficient to account for the
non-fulfilment of the prophecy alluded te. But let
a demand for bullion arise on the Continent,
or a profit be obtained by . its withdrawal in
consequence of a rise in prices, and they would
soon find on what an insecure and unstable founda-
tion their system rested. With respect to another pro •
phecy, it had been asked why the repeal of the corn-
laws had not immediately injured the manufacturers, as
was predicted ? He had never said so. But what he
said was, that it would injure them ultimately. For,
instead of those dependent on manufactures being two-
thirds of the whole population, as was stated. by the Hon.
Member for Montrose, and the agriculturists only one-
third, the contrary was the case. If, then, this large
proportion suffered from the change, the home market
would necessarily fall off, and by consequence the manu-
facturer would suffer less. He could not but repeat his
decided condemnation of any system of legislation which
rendered us dependent upon foreign countries for the
necessaries of life, instead of mere comforts or luxuries.
On that point he would content himself with quoting the
powerful language of the Right
.Hon. Baronet from
whom he learned the opinions he still retained,. though
the Right Hon. Baronet had changed his.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Member
laidfor Tamworth had,. in
for which he (Mr. Spooner) now contended. The Right
Hon. Baronet then said, " Looking then at the
.question
1842, power fully and distinctly down the principle
from this point of view, I reta;n rny opinion, which. I
expressed some time ago, that it is of the
.utmost im-
portance to this country that you should be independent
of foreign supply.—(Hear, hear.) By this I do
interests, not
mean absolute independence, for that, perhaps, is im-
possible, and looking to other nothing would
be more injurious to this country than
for it to pass such
laws as would give rise to the opinion that it was in-
tended to assume such an absolute independence. But,
speaking generally, in a country where the labourer sub-
sisted mainly on wheat, t resort to a foreign country
for supplies, is to make that country entirely dependent
upon those supplies, ritzier than to support the workman
by our own." lie (Mr. Spooner) believed these opi-
nions to be as true and as of great importance as they
were at the time they were uttered. The Right Hon.
Baronet bad changed his views, and he for one, did
not deny his right to do so, or the right of any other
person, when conscientiously convinced that he had
been wrong. But all that had since transpired—all
that was now passing around them, proved the truth:and
the vast impel tance e f the principle, that we ought to
maintain an independence of foreign markets for the
surply of the necessaries of life. Why had they the
aloinaly of untilled fields and unemployel Isbour at the
present moment? Because they had admitted the un-
taxed produce of the foreigner to open competition with
the labour of our own highly-taxed people. The result
must be to throw the land out of cultivation, and to re-
duce this country to the state which Ireland
was now ie--(Hear, hear, if this were a mere
question of rent, he would not advocate it,
It was because he be`ievcd it was a question of labour,
and labour only, that he entertained it, and ho warned

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, the Noble Lord the
Member for Bandon had spoken of the different pay-
ment; made on account of former advances to railways
in Ireland, and suggested that they should be consoli-
dated. That question had been for some time under the
consideration of the Government, and he hoped that on
a very early day his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor
of the Exchequer would be able t.; state the proposition
which the Government intended to make. With regard
to the wish which the Noble Lord had expressed
that further assistance should be given to those rail-
ways, ho hoped the Noble Lord would not
forget that not only had there been the advance
he bad mentioned, lately made by the Exchequer
Loan Commissioners, but likewise with respect to the
trunk lines, both in the south, south-west, and west,
there bai been schemes proposed to Parliament, and
now carried into effect, for the formation of lines to
Athlone and Galway, and to Drogheda and Armagh.
In the present state of the north of Ireland, with the
prosperity experienced by Belfast and the neighbour-
hood, there would be no difficulty in completing the
lines which they had been told last year it was de-
sirable that the Government should undertake. As
regarded the general state of Ireland, no doubt there
would be other opportunities presented to them of dis-
cussing that question. In respect to the statement of
the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, that though there
had been a diminution of the numbers relieved under
the poor-law in Ireland, there had been no dimi-
nution in the expenses, he begged to state that this
was an error. Ile believed the difference of expense
for last December, as compared with December of the
former yea., was nearer 60,0001. than any other sum.
Comparing the sth of January, 1849, with the sth Ja-
nuary, 1850, he found the decrerve of expenditure was
upwards of 9,0001. The Hon. Member for Montrose
(Mr. Hume), who spoke early in the evening, addressed
several observations to him on the subject of the exten-
sion of the franchise in this country. He would not
enter into argument, or give any reasons on the subject
at the present moment, as his Hon. Friend had left the
House, but would merely state that it was not the in-
tention of the Government to propose auy Bill for the
extension of the franchise in England during the present

Sir JOHN YOUNG raid he entirely concurred in the
opinion expressed by the Hon. Member for Cork, that
the peasantry of Ireland were but litle interested in the
question of protection, and he would take the liberty of
calling the attention of the Hon. Member fe. Meath
(Mr. Grattan), to a report of a Government Commission
issued in 1836,;t0 inquire into the state of the peasantry,
and more especially to that portion of it which related
to his own county- In giving the detail of the average
number of days the peasantry were employed during
the year, the Commission stated that the most skilful
labourers were employed 150 days in the year—that the
general average employmeat of labourers less ski'fil
was 115 days in the year—and that the average employ-
merit of those who were t)o young to be employed in
labour of a description suitable to the two classes named
was 70 days in the year. Now that was at a time when
protection, which was said to be of such benefit to those
classes, was in full operation.—(Hear.) The fact was,
that during the period of protection famine and fever

had been doing their work iu Ireland to a fearful ex-
tent, and the Commission to which he had referred, as
evidence cf its bad effec'e eteted that employment
in that country had been on the decrease since the pass-
ing of the Corn Bill in 1815. As to what was said in
her Majesty's Speech in reference to an extension of the
elective franchi e in Ireland, he would be ready to give
the subject every consideration. He held that a well-
devised scheme cf the extension of the privilege in Ire-
land would be a great benefit, although he believed there
would be comaderable difficulty found in carrying it out.
Befoie he sat down he would allude to an error which
had crept into the report of the Irish Poor-law Commit-
tee which sat last session. It occnrred in the evidence
of a witness of the same of O'Sullivan, the parish priest
f Kerunare. That gentleman stated that ho lived on
Lord Lansdowne's property, and that the rent he paid
was 20 per cent. above the poor-law valuation. The
noble owner of the property, conceiving that such a
statement would lead to the conclusion that his rents
were exorbitai tly high, addressed the Chairman of the
Committee to the effect that the statement was errone-
ous, and that he bad receired a note from Mr. Sullivan,
who made the statement, regretting it should have crept
into the report, and assuring bins that the rent paid by
him was far below the poor-law valuation. Mr. Sullivan
had also addressed a letter to the Chairman of the Com-
mittee, correcting the mistatement, and remarking that
instead of the rent charged being above the poor-law
valuation in one townland, they were 8 per cent. below it,
and another 17.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. BANKES said, as the Hon. Baronet had nought
fit to say that during the existence of tho system ef
protectie n they were suffering from fever, pestilence,
and famine—
Sir JOHN YOUNG—The Irish peasantry were so.
Mr. BANKES—WeII, that the Irish peasantry were
so, he thought it becoming in any one who entertained
a different opinion to appeal to an authority to which be
conceived the Hon. Baronet would be inclined to pay
the higliest respect. He deprecated tho system which
had been observed during the debate on the Address, by
those who supported the free-trade system, to appeal to
last year, in comrarison with preceding years, as show-
ing the triumphs of free trade; but in reply to the Hon.
Baronet who had just sat down, he would appeal to a
year during which he was a member of the Govern-
ment, and ho would compare the state, not only of Ire-
land, but of the country generally during that year, with
that of the last free-trade year. He would, therefore,
take the year 1845, and let the House see what account
was given of that s ear on the opening of Parliament.
On referring to her Majesty's Speech on the opening her
Parliament of that year he found her Majesty rejoicing
that, on again meeting Noble Lords and Hon.:Gentlemen,
she was enabled to congratulate them on the improved
condition of the country. Increased activity prevailed in
almost every branch of trade and commerce, profound
peace existed at home and abroad, and among all classes
there prevailed a spirit of loyalty and general obedi-
ence to the laws. The Speech went on to state that her
Majesty continued to receive from all foreign powers
tokens of their goodwill, and with reference to Ireland
this Government, of which the Hon. Baronet was a
member, made her Majesty say that she had observed
with the greatest satisfaction that the improvements
manifested in other parts of the country had extended
to Ireland—that their political excitement had greatly
abated, and that as a natural result private capital was
more largely applied in the promotion of useful public
enterprise.—(Hear, hear.) After that, how could the
Honourable Baronet rise in his place and say that the
continuance of that system of protection, of which
he and his party were firm supporters up to 1845, had
been the means of causing such suffering in Ireland as
he had referred to? With reference to the division on
the amendment on the Address, ho did not think that
his party need at all to be discouraged. In that division
there were:three parties pitched against one,and he thought
in such circumstances that one had no cause to be
ashamed of the appearance it had made. As to the di-
vision in the other House, he did not think the result
was at all to be lamented. The question. in his opinion,
ought not to be considered a landlord's question. It
was a battle which must be fought in that House aad in
the country, and ho did not think the Peers would be
losing much of their dignity if they should altogether
abstain from mingling in the fight. The Hon. Member
fir Montrose (Mr. Hume) said they were in error, be-
cause they could not follow his advice. He did not,
however, conceive the charge just, fir they were address-
ing, as was their right to do so, those who formerly held
different impressions regarding the burdens endured by
the,agricultural body, but who now, for some reason,
had changed their tactics, and calling upon them to do
that justice which the case required. Besides the Hon.
Member for Montrose seemed at a loss what advice to
give them.

year. The Hor. Gentlemen arid other Memberi would
probably discuss that question is the course of the pre-
sent session, and he (Lord J. Russell) would be ready
then, as he hoped he should be at all times, to assert
and 'maintain the opinions he held. He should not fur-
ther detain the House.
Mr. FRE WEN hoped the Noble Lord would consent
to propose to Parliament that the interest paid by the
rewcetive railroads in Ireland should be more equalized.
Mr. SADLEIR thought the Hon. Gentleman who
moved the Address bed expressed too sanguine views
with respect to the recovery of Ireland. Any one who
ref!, cted on tie awful calamities to which that country
hat been subjected must be conscious many years would
elapse before it resumed the prosperous condition it had
e ijoyed previous to 1845. He appealed to Hon. Members
acquf.,inted with Ireland, whether there were not tem-
porary consequences, resulting from free trade, which
pressed on the agricultural classes with great severity?
Unfortunately, it was impossible for an agriculturist in
this country to emancipate himself without sacrificing a
great amount of capital which he had sunk in the im-
provement of the soil, under the expectation of receiv.
ing prices that were now impossible. In Ireland, if
an equitable 'adjustment of rent could be obtained, the
farmers could still cultivate the land with sue-
, teas. It was impossible that the Irish people could
come to any arrangement on this question if left to
themselves. The great difficulty was in the vast extent
of land in the hands of particular individuals, by far too
largo both for their own interests and that of the public.
Again, there was nothing more common than to find the
owner of land in Ireland with a rental of 1,004 a year,
who was not entitled to expend 2001. a year, mid a pro-
position to such an individual to effect an equitable ad
justment of rent was equivalent to telling him to retire
into the workhouse. He trusted that a short Bill would
be introduce), giving all the railways in Ireland who had
still to purchase land, the same facilities that bad been
given last session to the Mullingar Railway. The Great
Southern and Western Railway of Ireland paid no less
than 45,000/. as their solicitor's costs for the purchase of
land; but if they had the benefit of the Mullingar
clauses the costs could not possibly have been more than
5,000/. The costs of inquisitions on land •by the same
company paid in fees to assessors and jurors, and in
dinners and refreshments, were no less than 36,0001; and
the whole amount paid for land by that company was
371,1781., no less than five times the value of the land
being paid in some instances.
Lord NEWPORT did not think the arguments of the
Honourable Members for Limerick and Cavan were in
favour either of protection or free trade; and he ex-
pressed his conviction that the country viewed with
deep dissatisfaction the omission of such words from the
Royal Speech as were contained in the amendment pro-
posed to the Address. Protection was not a question
affecting agriculture only; it concerned all classes of
trade; and the operatives were beginning to feel that
the principle of buying in the cheapest market and sel-
ling in the dearest was ruinous to the labourer. He did
not wish the country to recur to a system of protection
of a restrictive character. Protection, however, was the
best principle upon which the country could be governed,
but, on the other hand, if free trade was to be the prin-
ciple of legislation, he called upon the Government to
carry it out by repealing the duties upon tea, malt, hops,
spirits, tobacco, and every other article which entered
into the consumption of the poor—(Hear, hear).
Lord CLAUD HAMILTON begged permission
briefly to explain his reasons for voting in the minority
on Friday night. He had not spoken in the debate, be-
cause, having only arrived from Ireland on Thursday,
he was too late to speak on that day, and on Friday the
House was too impatient and desirous of coming to a
decision. He therefore voted, with the determination
of explaining at the earliest possible period. The fact
was, he liked neither the Address nor the amendment,
and be voted in the minority, not out of any spirit of
hostility to the Government, nor in the spirit of the Ad-
dress, but merely because he felt that the kingdom of
Ireland, as an important part of the United Kingdom,
had not met with the proper respect with which it should
have been treated in her Majesty's Speech. There
might have been at least some expression of sympathy
for its condition, if no hopes were held out of remedial
measures ; whereas all that it had met with was a
recognition of its deep distress. But even that was
glossed over and immediately followed by a jubi-
lation upon the general prosperity of the empire.
For that reason he had voted against the Address; but
he at the same time did not coincide in the least in the
idea that the distress of Ireland was owing to any late
legislation—to any of the sc-called free-trade measures.
(Hear, hear.) For he thought that Ireland could be
very prosperous under free trade—(Hear, hear)—if it
were not for the unfortunate circumstances that had pre-
ceded the passing of those measures. Ho had listened
with pleasure to the most able, eloquent, and winning
speech of the !Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's
Government; but not one word about Ireland did he
hear from beginning to end of it.—(Hear, hear, and a
laugh.) He could only say that he wished he were as
ignorant of her miseries as the Noble Lord seemed
to be.

them they would soon find they bad been pursuing a
shadow and a delusion which would fail them at the last
moment, and produce a state of general discontent and
destitution. As to the state of the manufac-
turing- districts, he freely admitted they wore
at present in a state of greiter prosperity than
for many years past. Their wages had not been
yet reduced, while the price of provisions was lower.
But he told the Noble Lord that the master manufse-

turers were making nothing.—(Hear, hear.) Tee prices
at which *ley were obliged to sell left no profit, and,
deceived by the representations of those who predicted
a long run of prosperity, they would go on manufactur-
ing until they overstocked the markets, and were thrown
into all the misery and seffering of a state of commercial
distress. Bullion would again become scarce, employ-
ment would be largely diminished, and the poor-rates,
which they now boasted were lower by seven per cent.
than they wore in that awful year 1847, would again
rise, and rise to an amount far beyond that of 1845. It
was not the raising of rents or the promotion of manu-
factures that should be their care. It was not the pro-
motion of any particular interest, but the raising of
beforesvh o whole pi
te owpal es . t
on
loa
tter
ts
bt eadt
ibareGadodantbdey wothewaelldfadreiseoofeethr,e
they would not advance these objects by the course they
were now pursuing, and conscientiously opposed as he
was to that course, he would cordially vote in favour of
the amendment.
mistakesrose taketo
int
othweb earliestiebthe Hoope-.
had fallen with respect to Ire-
r.
80, he would remark, with
pmo
Member
t eiMrt y°fool:fBDCOEorristiLeCttssi
bna
igi
rd
et hh
lee
lion. Gentleman who
lraenfedr.e utto,
tlrefoarpee e
cdbo ionfg
the
had just sat down, that he was the first Hon. Member
who had had the boldness to assert in that House that
the distress in Ireland had been caused by their recent
legislation.
Mr. SPOONER—Why that is in our amendment.
Mr. MONSELL—It might to in the amendment, but
he bad not heard any Hon. Member assert it in that
House. But whether it was in the amendment or not,
it was opposed to the opinions he held upon the subject.
Ho would not take the more prosperous parts of Ireland,
such as the north and the east, but taking Limerick, his
own county, where nothing but ruin had stared them in
tLe face—where stock and land had alike failed to
return a • living, nothing but their legislation
could have prevented the state of things from '
becoming imperatively worse. The history of the
trade of Limerick during the past three years was
simply this—that the imports to this port bad ex-
ceeded the exports from it. They may seek about far
the causes of distress in the agricultural districts of the
west of Ireland as they might, but they would always
come back t this fact, that before the failure of the po-
tato crop Limerick was an exporting port. Subsequent
to that event it had been an importing port. Ho be-
lieved in his conscience that protection had been the
main reason why Ireland had been sunk in the miserable
state in which it at. present lay. In the year 1836, '
when protection was in its high and palmy days in Ire-
land, the Queen's Speech contained a paragraph lament-
ing the distress prevailing throughout the agricultural
districts. The report of the Devon Commission de-
scribed the condition of the labouring population of
Ireland at that time, as being miserable in the extreme;
and this was at the time when, according to the Hon.
Member for Dorsetahire, protection was at the height of
its beneficial influence. It was clear therefore that at that
time the poor of Ireland had not the slightest interest in
protection. He believed in his conscience that the pro-
tection agitation which had been carried on in Ireland
during the last two months had done much to set class
against class, and to indispose all parties to act for their
mutual good. He besought Hon. Gentlemen to consider
deeply the probable consequence of the steps they advo-
cated in this question, and to assure themselves before-
hand of the correctness of their opinions.—(Hear.)
Colonel THOMPSON had just entered the House
when the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire (Mr.
Spooner) was arguing that it was unfair to expose the
English agriculturist to competition with foreigners, on
the ground that the latter were untaxed. But ho (Col.
Thompson) appealed with confidence to the House
whether it was net the real fact of the case that the
struggle was, not between the taxed agriculturist and the
untaxed foreigner, but between the taxed agriculturist
and the taxed labourer of Bradford and elsewhere, whose
trade it was to manufacture goods for the purpose of
being exchanged for foreign corn.—(Hear.) The ques-
tion was, whether it was right and just to put the inanu.
factures of Bradford down to serve the agriculturists?—
(Hear, hear.) What would be thought of the former if,
because they were heavily taxed, they were to insist
upon taxing home-grown corn ? His constiteents
said, "If wo are not taxed enough, tax us more,
ebeuetbdles do nuosttse pay
successtopouorotrratx,est,hewbicbis,in fact, our lif:-
of which alone
bear.)A great deal was said
industry. Are we
bl
aboutblood—our
boeu r
encouragementall."— ( ar,
of native
not native industry ?—(gear, hear.) Encourage the,
or, at all event:, leavo it alone to follow its honest
course, without checking it in order to fill the coffers of
another interest. The principle advanced by Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposite was the same as if they recommended
putting a stop to omnibuses in order to encourage the
ancient body of hackney coachmen, or putting heavy
duties upon the port wine of Portugal, in order to give
employment to the glassmakers and gardeners of this
country—(Hear)—the result of which on the total
consumer
balance of the account would only be, that the

Mr. HUME—I have given
to
Mr.get au reductionA N K E
shoafd the expenditure.
ycu my advice. Join
me
atia,.:hed to an insignificantshopuald
to taunt them,
wish
party,
becomeatnhdeyheshdoiudldnot
courernlght whichresult
insm ighsttataet
it right
e'fhetim°
things
osfeemhsdafe,thiil think
they refuse to follow. a
IB.rounit thererHoroonn. Member
fbreere.ftorraebefosynsttreomsea
ha dangerous but
nature.w'hi e h
himself, and
been free
The
ed
Hthoart.
made him less inclined to follow his aillrvni
wMemberouldraitsoeld i
nths
teemed thoaft
lothweerreppreieaels
.of thetch(l. t cornit w lairsould
equalise prices—C' Heir, Lear," from 'Mr that
but
the result had shown how erroneous had. rea-
soning.been his
It hal been said that their manufacturer's ere
211 a state of wonderful prosperity; but he would challenge
those connected with the cotton manufactures of the
country to rise and say that such was the case. He be-
lievede the reverse to be the fact. The woollen-trade' he
behaved, was in a somewhat better condition; and he
migitt mention, in reference to that article, that in
order to repay them for repealing the corn and
navigation-laws, Spain had imposed an additional
duty on that article of twopence per yard. Spain was
the only country the Honourable Member for
the West Riding had visited after his great triumph,
which had not had a revolution. In every other country
the ROIL Member had visited revolution, instead of free

Colonel SIBTHORP said he had been misunderstood
by an Hon. Gentleman opposite. He firmly believed
that protection would be regained.—(Hear and a laugh.)
The report was brought up and agreed to, and the
Address was ordered to be presented to her Majesty by
the Speaker and as many Members as chose to accom-
pany him to-morrow (as we undorstood).

PRINTING COMMITTEE.
Mr. CORNE WALL LEWIS proposed the following
Hor. Members to form a Select Committee to assist Mr.
Speaker in all matters which relate to the printing ex-
ecuted by order of this House, and for the purpose of
selecting and arranging for printing returns and papers
presented in pursuance of motions made by Members
of this House:—Mr. Cornewall Lewis, Sir Robert
Harry Inglis, Mr. Pusey, Mr. Vernon Smith, Sir John
Young, Viscount Mahon, Mr. Hume, Mr. Cardwell,
and Mr. Lech.
Colonel SIBTIIOEP gave notice that he woald move
to-morrow for returns; of the salaries recoiled by fill per-

LONDON, TUESDAY - EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, um

sons holding public (Aces; and also for returns of all
sums of money voted for royal palaces within the last
three ycarP, with the :ums paid and the amounts re-
maining due.
e House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock.

The name of Lord Clifdyn W2S omitted by mist,ke
from the list of the trnjority who voted in favour cf the
Addresr.

Mr. D'Eyneourt paired off with Lord Lewisham
against the Protectionist amendment to the Address,
finding on: his arrival from Paris on Thursday, that the
death, on the previous day, of his nephew, Mr. Rus':ell,
of Braneepeth Castk, Durham, obliged him to go imme-
diately to the north of England.

MAKING A FUSS.
BY ELIZA COOL. •
"Making a fuss" seems very insignificant and
harmless in the abstract allusion, hut alas ! it is no
trifling infliction in the practical existence of every-
day life. Those who have never been placed within
full reach of its tiresome and irritating influence are
not competent to enter into our feelings on the mat-
ter, for it requires personal experience to enable one
to judge of the extent of discomfort produced by such
a state of prepinquity.
Those who have acquired some knowledge of what
we complain of will doubtless give us their genuine
sympathy, and those who have not will be grateful to
us for affording them just sufficient initiation, to con-
vince them that, in this particular instance—" Igno-
rance is decidedlyi bliss."
There are various manifestations of the " making
a fuss" complaint, which develops theinselver differ-
ently in different individuals. We have seen the
most distressing and violent symptoms produced in
many, by the unexpected visit of a couple of friends,
for whom the " family dinner" was not considered
good enough—these generally belong to the feminine
gender. We have observed the worst demonstrations
in others, when a cold, or sprained ankle has con-
fined them within doors for a few days—these are
principally evinced by masculine philosophers ; and
we have often noted the extreme of rabid restlessness in
some at railway stations, where the greatest possible
amount of mental anxiety and bodily uneasiness was
exhausted, over the safety of a portmanteau, and the
choice of a seat. We by no means avow that these are
the only occasions on which people who are given to
" meke a fuss" display their unfortunate propensity,
but simply wish to show that there are certain times
and circumstances which elicit their peculiarities to
the most prominent disadvantage. Indeed, these peo-
ple are ever reminding one of " industrious fleas ;"
and their unceasing activity over affairs of no conse-
quence, their pertinacious exaggeration of insignifi-
cant molehills into important mountains, and their
system of investing all they do and say with exces-
sive parade, are enough to create a fever in any natu-
rally quiet temperament ; and among the minor mise-
ries of enduring spirits may surely be reckoned the
especial one of spending a day with friends who
prove the heartiness of their welcome by " making a
fuss."
We admire hospitality, we love enthusiasm, we
respect good manners ; but we are acquainted with a
lady, whose incognito shall be preserved under the
name of Courtney, who has often tempted us to ab-
jure them all.
This lady lives in a very pretty cottage a few miles
from town—a cottage intended for a complete bower
of happiness, with its trelised doorway, its woodbine-
shadowed windows opening on to the greenest of
lawns, its gothic gables covered with ivy, where
sparrows twitter as only sparrows can twitter, its
garden in front, its orchard on one side, and its three-
cornered meadow on the other, in which may be seen
the blackest of cows, the whitest of ponies, and the
most ancient of pet-iambs ; and as for the honey-
suckle, cowslips, dog-roses, and sweet woodruff
which may be found in the immediate neighbour-
hood, why we would match it against any spot in
England, and that is saying so:nettling. In short, it
is as charming a home as ever suggested the con-
junction of love and a cottage; but—oh! these de-
pressing " buts," they break in upon us like board-
ing-shoot ushers in a boys' play-ground—but the
lady of the house, this said Mrs. Courtney, is alarm-
ingly celebrated for " making a fuss." Like many
others of her " genus," she. is " good at heart." She
gives away beef and flannels at Christmas, puts two
orphan children to school, knits warm socks for
poor old folk afflicted with rheumatism, and has
taken in no less than five stray kittens within six
months; but—there it is again !—that monosyllabic
impediment—but she ever contrives to create such a
busy, dizzy, walking, talking " fuss" over every-
body and everything in her establishment, that we
candidly confess we look upon the place as a domestic
anthill, and on herself as the embodiment of all the
ants in one.

The last time we paid a visit to her we met her at
the garden gate, just as she was going into the village,
and we expressed our readiness to share and enjoy the
walk in the beautiful sunshine ; but her excessive
delight at seeing us could only declare itself by in-
sisting on our swallowing a glass of wino before we
started, though we protested against it with all our
own strong disinclination, and the doctor's authority
to back our rejection. IC-ys rattled,' servants hur-
ried, glasses chinked, cake-baskets appeared in per-
ceptible confusion, and Mrs. Courtney herself rushed
amongst all and each like a locomotive champagne cork. '
We declined port, and she was painfully disappointed ;
we put aside madeira, and she grew pressingly ener-
getic; we scrupled at hock, and she became despe-
rately imperative ; and when we allowed ourselves to
he victimized into a dose of the latter wine, she
instantly discovered that we were sitting at an opened
window, and the consequence of draught was impres-
sively dilated on. We were compelled to remove to
the opposite seat, when she jumped up in dismay,
perceiving that the sun was streaming down upon us,
and she was sure it was "so unpleasant to sit in a
full light." Down went the blind in rash haste, to
the exclusion of the cheerful greensward and shining
blackbirds ; and what with being obliged to take
golden wine which we did not like, and forbidden to
bask in the golden rays which we did like, our
sense of freedom was somewhat wounded, and
our easy temper began to chafe. Mrs. Court-
ney then again started up, bells were again
rung violently, servants again hurried to and fro,
and we were embarrassingly cognizant that a coun-
cil of alimentary policy was being held. We
became bold in our perturbation, and entreated that
no alteration in the dining arrangements should be
made; but it was in vain. We were silenced by
impassioned declaration, and heard the order given
for a couple of ducks and a cranberry tart, condiments
we happen to passively scorn, while the original meal
of cold chicken and mutton hops, edibles we greatly
rejoice in, was repudiated entirely as unworthy our
refined taste.

At last we set off, and it would be useless to
attempt to relate all the annoyance we suffered
on our way. We were snatched with violent
tugging from a rosy-faced child that we felt in-
clined to propitiate, on account of its having had
the scarlet-fever six months before, and subjected
to divers illustrations of the dangers of infection,
and when we accidentally walked in a grassy
path, where the dew laid as though the fairies had been
flinging their diamond necklaces at each other, Mrs.
Courtney was in an agony of fear lest we should get
cold through wet feet ; we displayed our double-soles
in all the pride of prudence; but our endeavours to
evade the " fuss" were useless. Home we went, and
nothing less than a change of " sock and buskin "
satisfied her. At last we dined, when lo! the ducks
were tough, and never in this eating and drinking
world was there ever such a noisy " fuss " over a
pair of antediluvian birds. Our appetite was fortu-
nately quite destroyed by the mental disquietude
which had been excited in us, and we secretly vowed
it should be the last time we crossed that threshhold.
We left with our cheeks perfectly hectic, our pulse
heightened, our spirit mortified, and our natural hu-
manity retrograding to a savage state ; and all this dis-
turbance in our moral and physical economy was
produced by that simple, but peace-destroying capa-
city of " making a fuss,"

We have another acquaintance among the " lords
of the creation" who is equally great in this way ;
and perchance the air of Dombeyish dignity with
which his "fuss" is ever surrounded, is even worse
than the enthusiastic style of the lady. Poor dear
gentleman ! he had the influenza a few months since,
and never shall we forget the general household
misery that ensued. Wife, daughters, and servants
were all objects of his dissatisfied grumbling. No
pillow was rightly placed, no barley water was well
flavoured, no doctor understood his case, no devoted
attention was prompt enough, no limbs ever ached as
his did ; and, in fact, he was a Pandora's box, without
the bright saving clause said to reside at the bottom
of it.

This gentleman is one of the pleasant members of
society, who will lecture his wife for an hour for
having permitted the cook to place Spanish instead of
Italian olives on the table at his last dinner party ;
who seriously moralizes with his eldest daughter it
she laugh above the noise of a simper, and haggles
with a cabman on a wet night fur threepence, "on
principle," before ladiei ; he is especially tiresome
over the set of his shirts, and to our certain know-
ledge, his last dozen have been altered four time?,
and now there is a plait or two left, a thread awry,
over which he invariably " makes a fuss." Poor,
dear man ! we have often stood in doubt as to whether

we pity him or his family most, but his example has
so imbued us with dread of it, that whenever we hear
of a young lady friend being about to wear orange
blossom, we instinctively inquire whether the " in-
tended" is given to " make a fuss."
We have a profound antipathy touching "fussy"
people ; to be located with them is as pleasant to us
as living in a whirlwind of March dust, -}V,, get
nervous and agitated beyond expression, with their
unceasing fidgeting and fuming, and whenever their
tendency is exhibited in our personal interest and
favour, as in the case of Um Courtney, we ;liould