The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-20 00:00:00

came here to proclaim to the people of Coventry the I'll tell you what you would do; you wouldnot commitany
wrongs of Ireland, and to demand, upon the part of the act of disloyalty—you would not do anything by which
Irish people, your sympathy and support. You all have you would forfeit that allegiance and fidelity which you owe
heard of the proceeding at Covent-gardenyou all have ' to our beloied Queen—(Cheers)—but the old spirit which
heard of the reception which the Anti-Corn-law League ; was roused iii the days of Charles I. would be roused
gave me as the representative of the Irish people. The again in the breasts of the men of England—swords
people of Ireland have heard of these proceedings ; they t would tremble at the sides of the civilians, and you would
have heard of the reception which I met with, not as an put down this injustice—without bloodshed, it is true,but
individual, but because the principles of fair play and with infallible success, for England would not bear it.
justice had been violated as regarded me.—(Cheers.) i England ought not to bear it, and Ireland ought not to
I own I was for a moment to-day apprehensive that bear it. I have protested against this injustice, and, in
fair play was not known in Coventry ; there were ! answer, I have been accused of conspiracy. Let them
little symptoms which perhaps .I then thought would I send me to prison ; but will they, by so doing, lessen
justify me in that suppOsition, but from what I ; the desire of the people of Ireland to have a Parliament
have since witnessed I repudiate, I trample upon such of their own ? Will they remove the sense of injus-
an idea, and I rejoice that you have shown your- tice ? Will they, by sending me to a dungeon, diminish
selves—what Englishmen always are found to be the influence which I have over the people of Ireland-
-really lovers of fair play, and that you have shown a I that influence over their affections which is astonishing
firm determination to maintain those principles, and sup- Ito myself? They may immure me in a dungeon, but
port the impartial .administration of justice. I have ; the affections of the people will smooth any mattrass of
come amongst you to declare the sufferings of the people I straw, and I shall lay down my head on that mattress with
of Ireland. It is stated by the Commissioners of Poor- happier feelings than the Ministers, who, by trickery and
law Inquiry in Ireland, that out of her population there injustice, and partiality, sent me there.—(Great cheering.)
are no less than 2,385,000 who are in a state of desti- This is the last crime they have committed against
tution during a considerable portion of the year. Now, Ireland. In former times, when these crimes were
that is a proportion of one-fourth of the w hole popula- committed against Ireland, the people of England, either
tion in a state of complete destitution for a portion of the unhappily were active agents in the injustice, or they
year.—(Hear.) Could anything, I ask, be better cal- stood by and looked on its perpetration with indiffe-
culated than that statement to enlist the best feelings rence. Thank God, the case is altered now—( Cheers)
of the human heart in the cause of Ireland, and to de- —and a day has come when all good Englishmen of
mand the best and most strenuous exertions of every class and persuasion are coming forward to evince
every friend of humanity ?—(Hear, hear.) But the their strong sympathy for the people of Ireland, and
evidence which I can bring forward of the desti- their determination to have justice done to her. Oh,
tution and suffering of an immense portion of it is delightful to see such a sight as that which I now
the people of Ireland does not rest there, for an witness,_. it is delightful to see such men as your res-
additional proof of that misery and destitution is to be petted Mayor coming forw and to express his sympathy
found in the fact of the population decreasing at the for Ireland. I was gratified beyond measure when he was
rate of 70,000 per annum, and there cannot possibly be forced to speak of himself, to hear all the qualities that
any greater proof of destitution than that which is af- characterise the Christian and the gentleman conceded to
forded by the retrograding of population, for population him by your universal acclamation ; and I could not re-
will continue to increase for a long time after a nation's train from saying, Thank God, such men are the sup-
prosperity has departed; but in no country, unless in porters and friends of Old Ireland.—(Cheers.) I have long
one in a state of complete destitution, can the population struggled for the rights of the people, and lam delighted
continue to decrease as it has done for several years in now to find such sympathy and support. I struggled for
Ireland. It has been stated by the Commissioners of and obtained emancipation, not on any sectarian prin-
Poor-law Inquiry that no less than 70 per cent, of the ciple, but on the broad principle that every man ought
agricultural population of Ireland are living in houses to be allowed to worship God according to his con-
consisting only of one room—in huts which no farmer in science. It was on that principle we carried emancipa.-
England would think of putting his pigs into.—(Shame, tion; and here let me boast of the support which I gave
shame.) That is the state in which the agricultural the Protestant Dissenters of England. They were not
population is described to be living; and what is the de- active enough in seeking their own emancipation; but
scription of the condition of the town population of Ire- we showed the example, and they followed it; and there
land? The Commissioners state in their Report, that is the hand which drew up and presented a petition,
.30,000 of the town population live in single rooms. When signed by 28,000 Catholics, praying for emancipation for
such is the state of Ireland, is it not, I ask, the duty of the Protestant Dissenters, and that petition reached
every Irishman to proclaim it ? Is it not the duty of Parliament very shortly before the gates were thrown
every Irishman to call upon the wise; and the good, and open to the Protestant Dissenters.—(Cheers.) I pre-
the generous of England, aye, and of every country and sented that petition on the same principles as those
clime, for their sympathy anti support ?—to call on them on which I sought for emancipation for the Roman
to unite in one voice of determination, to protest against Catholics of Ireland—the principles of civil and re-
its continuance, in such a manner as will frighten the ligious liberty for all—(Cheers)—of a perfect equality
tyrants that now maintain it, and in a way that must of rights. It was with a view to obtain that equality
succeed in obtaining the full and perfect rights of the of rights that I sought for emancipation ; but has
people ? - (Cheers.) Let no one tell me, then, that I emancipation given us an equality of rights in Ireland ?
am looking only for the abstract political rights of the No such thing. If we had an equality of rights, would
Irish people, or that they complain of imaginary grief- the Catholics have been struck off the jury, as they had
-antes, and seek for the removal of those grievances that been at the late trials ? After pointing out the unfair-
press so heavily upon them, and which are defended ness of the late Irish trials, he thus concluded :—I hale
only by the haughty aristocratic advocates of oppres- detained you too long, perhaps—(No, no)—but I have
sion. A gentleman, who made an -eloquent speech to left the monster grievance of Ireland untouched. I
you to-day, said that I was not looking for " repeal of mean the Church Establishment in Ireland. In Eng-
the union, but for justice." Now, he was mistaken in land the Established Church is the Church of the ma
his view of my objects, for, although it is true that lam jority ' in Scotland it is also the case ; but in Ireland,
looking for justice to the Irish people, yet I see no the Church of 500,000 or 600,000 persons is the Esta-
prospect of justice—l believe there is none in any other blished Church, which 6,000,000 of Catholics are bound
means, than by the restoration ofher domestic legislature to maintain. Is it not too bad that 6,000,000 of Ca-
to Ireland. If, indeed, the English Parliament were tholics should be forced to pay for the Church of
differently composed—if it consisted of such men as those 500,000 ; but the Established Church in Ireland pro-
whom I see assembled to-day, then, indeed, there would duces other evils in that country—it is the Shib-
be a better chance of seeking for justice from that Par- boleth of a party which stimulates the gentry who are
liament.7--(Hear, hear.) If the English Parliament con- looking for future promotion for their sons and sons-in-
sisted of men of humanity and liberality of mind, an4l law, through the means of that Church ; therefore,
generosity of feeling, such as those I see around me, then I say, that the monster grievance of Ireland is the Este-
there would be more hope of success.—(Cheers.) But blished Church; and when I say so, do I want to gain
is that the case?—(No, no.) Does any man doubt— advantage for, or to injure any particular religion? Do
can any man for a moment doubt, that the Parliament I want to injure the interests of any of my Protestant
is very differently constituted, and that the effect of fellow -countrymen? Oh! God forbid. No, if any one
class legislation must be to prevent the granting of jus-
proposed the introduction of a law that would have tbr
tice to the people of either England or Ireland?—(Cheer,.) its object the slightest restriction of the Protestant reli-
What can Ireland have to expect without an Irish Par-
gion, or the least interference with the rights of any
liament? Why, Sir James Graham said last year that con- Protestant, that Protestant does not live who could be
cession to Ireland had already gone a sufficient extent, half so determined or strenuous as I would be in my
and that it could not proceed further. Concession to Ire- opposition to such a law.—(Cheers.) What I want is
fair play, and that the Protestants, who are the richer
land! Why, that is just as if a robber took away your
money from you forcibly, and would not concede to give persons in Ireland, should support their religion—that
they should not call upon the Catholics for that pur-
lastyou back one farthing of it.—<Cheers.) Now, if in the
Parliament it was declared by a member of the Go- pose, who, in addition to contributing to the
vernment that concession had gone its full length, n hat Protestant Church in Ireland, support their own
.
hopes can Ireland have of justice ? But there has been clergy. That is an injustice, and we have a
brought in this session a Bill, for the purpose of laying right to complain of it ; it is a grievance of
the foundation of the robbery of our remaining rights, a most unfair and unjust nature; for nothing can
small as they are—a Bill for the purpose of extinguish- be more unjust than to oblige a man with Christian
ing the franchise in Ireland. It is true they do not call feelings to contributeto a religion which he does not be-
it by that name—they do not say that they have intro- lieve to be true.—(Hear, hear.) If I went to a man and
duped it for that purpose—they call it a Bill for the im- said to him, " Father M‘Ghee is my priest ; he is an
provernent of the franchise ; and—but, as I wish to excellent pastor, a good man in every respect, so Iwish
call a spade a spade—(A laugh)—l denounce that Bill to that you would pay him ;" the man says, in answer,
the people of England as a gross injustice to the Irish "He may be a very good man, but Ido not believe in
people.—(Hear.) I will show you that it is an injustice the doctrine which he teaches." If I then said to him,
t
oTreland. It proposes that no man shall have a vote in " Oh, lam the State, and whether you believe his doe-
Ireland who is not rated for the poor-rates at 10/. a year. trines or not you must pay him, for I believe him ;" if
Now, the Irish tenant who is rated at 101. for the I spoke and acted in that manner, would not the man

poor-rate pays at least 201. a year; and when it is recol-
lected that in Ireland the landlord pays half the poor-
rate, it will be seen that the tenants rated at 10/afor the
poor-law would include those, generally speaking, who
have an interest with 40/. a year, thus depriving the im-
mense number of small holders in Ireland of all chance
of the franchise. Why, by this Bill no less than two-
thirds of the inhabitants of Tipperary, that is, all the
small holders, will not have a single vote.—(Shame,
shame.) Those who brought in this Bill, and wish to
destroy the franchise in Ireland, were afraid, however,
that the high rating would not be sufficient to answer
that purpose, and accordingly they have introduced the
principle of what is called the Chandos clause, which
allows tenants-at-will to vote. Now; the effect of
that will be to hand over the representation of the people '
of Ireland to the Orange landlords. That is the pur-
pose, and that will be .the effect of this Bill, and I an-
nounce it as my reply to those who will tell me to
wait and see what an English Parliament will do for
Ireland.—(flear,- hear.) This is the first time in my
life that I have been enabled to announce to the people
of Ireland that there is sympathy for them felt by the
people of England.—(Cheers.) I have already informed
them of that sympathy—l have announced to them the
receptions which I met at Birmingham and in London,
and I will have the gratification of announcing to them
that at Coventry also there was a similar display of syin-
pathy with their sufferings arid determination to sup-
port them.—(Cheers.) I will be able to announce to
-them that whatever feelings tending -to cause itritation
formerly existed, they are now at an end, and that the
people of Coventry are amongst those who will not par-
ticipate in any iniquitous design against the liberties
of be Irish people.—(Lcud cheers.) Am I not right
in 'oohing for a repeal of the union, to put an end to the
injustice which Ireland has suffered ?—(Cheers). If, by
looking for a repeal of the union, I sought a separation
of the two countries, then, indeed, I would be wrong in
seeking it—,-but a repeal of the union would not produce a
separation—it would unite the countries more closely.
-Why, Ireland had her own Parliament for 600 years
without separating from England ; and although it be-
came more valuable towards the latter period of its con-
tinuation, yet it never caused any separation. Ido not,
therefore, seek any separation from England in looking
for a repeal of the union—l do not seek any other King
or Queen—l am satisfied with the dear little lady that
rules over us.—(Cheers and laughter.) Ido not want
to establish any peculiar religion. I only wish that
Ireland should have a Parliament to manage her ovi n
anssirs—l wish to put an end to that system of centralisa-
tion which injures every country where it is applied; and
in order to do so, I wish to have in Ireland a local Par-
liament for local purposes.—(Loud cheers.) Why
should we not be allowed to manage our 'own affairs
by a local Parliament ? There is not a small dependent
province belonging to Britain that has not a local h-gis-
lature. Canada has a Parliament of her 'own, Nola
'Scotia has a Parliament of her own, Newfoundland has
a Parliament of her own, Jamaica has a Parliament of
her own, Barbadoes has a Parliament of her own—even
Botany Bay has her own Parlian.ent—(A laugh)—and
why,- then, I ask, shoUld Ireland not have her own Le-
gislature ?—(Cheers.) lam seeking to restore it to her:
that is what I am struggling for, and nothing else ; and
if I thought a repeal of the union would lead to a sepa-
ration, I here solemnly assure you that I would take
no part in the struggle.--(Cheers.) Is it from a want
of a fruitful country, . or from any other deficiency
of natural resources, that the Irish people are in
this state of misery which I have described ? Oh,
no, there is no country in the world which possesses a
more abundant soil, or produces more plentifully all the
means of human subsistence-=there is no part of the
globe that furnishes in such abundance all the prime ne-
cessaries oflife—no country on the earth has greater ad-
vantages in a commercial point of view. Her geogra-
phical position, at the extreme west of the European
world, and open to all the produce of America, ought to
make her the entrepot of commerce ; her noble harbours,
her magnificent estuaries, render her fitted beyond al-
most any other other nation-for commerce ; and her fa-
cilities of water communication are so great that their is
not a portion of her whole extent thirty miles removed
from the advantages of maritime transit.—(Hear) If I
see her, then, possessing all those natural advantages.
and ifanotwithstanding all this, I find her people suf-
tering extreme misery and destitution, am I not
bound to raise my voice against it, and call upan
you to assist me in putting an end to this state of things?
Oh, it was not God that inflicted this misery I No.
Providence has given her advantages with a bountiful
hand. God blessed the land, but . the -wicked work of
arussahas produced this affliction, and has trampled on
those blessings. It may be said, however, to me, that
the Irish are an- idle people, and that they do not suffi-
ciently cultivate the fertile soil with which their country
has been blessed. Oh, give them protection in the cul-
tivation of their land, and you will find them no id!ers.
—(Cheers.) Idle ! Why what town in England has
not her streets crowded with them in search of employ-
ment. Idlers I 'Why, do they not throng in vast
numbers to the manufacturing districts to obtain work,
and thus make the union the greatest curse which

can befal the English people, by reducing their wages—
by enabling a griping disposition to reduce wages, or by
enabling the master manufacturers, in the natural and
fair pursuit of their profits, to lower the wages that are
erYell to English workmen, by sending so large an 'amount
of labour into the market ? Bad government is the real
evil of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The people are deprived
of their just privileges and franchises.—(bear, hear.)
Even the people of England have not a fair share of the
privileges to which they are entitled. The man is a
slave who cannot vo.e for a representative. You have a
slave class in England; but yet you are, with all that
,deprivation, as free again compared with the peop!e of
vland.—(Hear, hear.) I saw a picture of Charles I.'
sokiewhere in this hall to-day.—(Laughter and cheers.)

to -whom I so addressed myself, if he were strong
enough to do so, assist me to a quick march as soon
as possible?—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, that is what
is done in Ireland every day. A Protestant says to
me, " You must pay my parson ;" and I say to him,
" I'd rather not." "Why so ?" he asks me. " For a
reason I have," I reply. " What is your reason ?" he
demands. " Because I don't believe he tells truth,"
I answer.—(Great laughter.) " Well," he continues,
" truth or no truth, you must pay him, and I'll indict
you for a conspiracy if you complain."—(Renewed
laughter and great cheering.) That is the fact in Ire-
land—it is literally the way in which the case stands ;
and although I may cover it with the light colour of
jocularity, as the custom of my countrymen is in many
of their most serious sufferings, yet believe me that it is
an injustice of a grievous and oppressive nature ; it is,
indeed, the monster grievance of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
Is it not a gross injustice to compel us to assent and give
our support to the propagation of that which we believe
to be error ? As an Irishman, I abominate that in-
justice
; and, as a Christian, I appeal to the God of
Justice against it. lam struggling for justice for
Ireland, which would be obtained by a restoration of
her Parliament. I appeal to you all, was there ever a
Parliament from which I could have less hopes than the
present, with its Chandos clause and its corn-law tax—
that tax which makes the poor man pay a high price for
his loaf, in order that the rich man may be made richer?
—(Hear, hear.) Why, Peel and Roebuck both ad-
mitted that there never was so much bribery practised
as at the last election, and that is the Parliament that
declared, with one hundred majority, against Ireland.
All I ask for Ireland, all I demand for her, is fair play.
But what chance have I of that in such a Parliament ?
—(Hear, hear.) There is no chance of it; but if you
want to try and get the Repealers away from me, show
the Irish a chance of justice, and, perhaps, you may get
the Repealers to join you; but for myself such promifes or
expectations would be of no use, for I am too old a bird
to be caught by chaff—(Laughter)---and I look to an
Irish Parliament for the only redress for the grievances
of Ireland. I have no hopes but in an Irish Parliament,
and I would look upon the obtaining its restoration as
the most useful and important occurrence that
England ever witnessed; for if we had our domestic
legislature the attention of the English Parliament would
be more concentrated over England, and that time might
be devoted by Englishmen to their own affairs, which is
now consumed in Irish bye-battles, such as that which
occupied ten or twelve days of the present session.—
(Hear, hear.) If Ireland had her own Parliament,
the foggy muddiness which, arising from those Irish
squabbles in the Imperial Parliament, now darkens the
political atmosphere so frequently, and prevents the inte-
rests of Englishmen from being so clearly discerned,
would then be removed, and Englishmen w ould have a
better chance of obtaining justice from an English Par-
liament, with a closer attenti)n to their own affairs. It
would be advantageous in every respect ; Ireland, if she
were wealthy, would be a better consumor for English
manufactures, and a more prosperous sister-country. By
the way, it is rather an odd thing to call Paddy a
sister.—(Great laughter.) If that were the case
Ireland would be united more firmly with England, and
her union would prove more advantageous—she would
be bound to England with adamantine ties. If you are
desirous of taking away Repeaters from me, give them
justice, and try to remove them from me by that means;
but you never can convince me that any other than an
Irish Parliament will give justice to Ireland, and I will
go to the grave with that feeling ; but let me call on you
now to join in doing that which will be of benefit to both
countries—in giving a strong pull and a long pull for
England and for Ireland— for Ireland and for England
a strong pull, a long pull, and a pull altogether. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman resumed his seat, amidst
loud cheering.
The Rev. Dr. ULLATHORNE then addressed the meet-
ing, which soon after separated.

ANONYMOUS LETTER-WRITING.—A well-conducted
female servant, who had been dismissed from her servitude
in a highly-respectable family in Hereferd; for telling a false-
hood by denying she had a " follower," drowned herself in
the Wye about nine days since, her body being picked up on
Friday se'nnight, about a mile from the house of a relative
with whom she had found an asylum. There is too much
reason- to believe that this unhappy and ill-fated girl was the
victim of the heartless calumnies of one of her own sex !
An anonymous letter, in a feminine hand, was addressed to
prwofloirgsaecoyfutpohen
them a i
parta-
the mistress of the deceased, cautioning the lady of the equi-
servofatnhte
Vocal characterhin hinting
gd
and broadly
girl, which, if true, would have seriously affected her reputa-
tion. The contents of the letter were communicated to the
at somethinga
ctso f
known to some of the other ser-
vants and the rest of the household, and its purport, as a
consequence, was also soon
slanderous imputations
innocence of her nature, detailed the
wants residing in the neighbourhood. The deceased, in the
to her lover, whom she was
happy
whose reception, upon the prospect of a
going to be married_ to, and
unionfor
taking place, a house had been furnished. . The infamous
insinuation preyed so much upon her sensitive and out-
! raged feelings, that notwithstanding her betrothed scouted
the charge with scorn, yet life became intolerable to the poor
girl, and destruction of her own existence became (in a
moment when reason was overpowered by despair) the only
apparent means of escape from the fangs of her secret per-
secutors The infamous and cowardly practice of sending
anonymous slandering letters has latterly much prevailed
in Herefod. It is to b 3 hoped the horrible consequence
which has in this instance been the result, will bring the au-
thors to the most contrite repentance ; but we must add, that
those who listen to cruel and malicious slanders so conveyed
are themselves responsible for much of the guilt of this vile
sin.— Gloucester Journal.
COLOURED GLASS.—The proportion of metal used
in colouring glass is so small, that we could hardly suppose
that it could produce any chemical effect. One thousand
grains of glass are highly coloured by one grain of cobalt,
Polytechnic Review.

ANTI-LEAGUE. MEETING AT
ABERDEEN.
(From the Aberdeen Herald.)
A fortnight ago, when we recorded the miserable
failure of the first attempt to get up a county meet-
ing in support of the corn-laws, we expressed our
belief that, if the landlords and factors were deter-
mined, they might, by resorting to the same means
they had used to procure signatures to the requisi-
tion, still succeed in filling the Court-house with
their adherents. It would seem, however, that we
gave them credit for more influence than they really
possess. The great demonstration came off yester-
day, and, but for the presence of a number of people
belonging to the city, most of whom are free-traders,
the meeting, after all, would have been, comparatively
speaking, a thin one. We believe we are accurate in
stating that, of the five thousand requisitionists, there
were not present more than from three to four
hundred. Long after the hour of meeting, there
was room both in the galleries and the body of the
house (which holds only some six or seven hundred),
and when, in the end, it was nearly or quite filled, an
estimate of the amount of the hissing with which the
resolutions were received showed clearly that there was a
strong minority willing to express dissent, although
prevented, by the constitution of the meeting from giving
any other opposition.
The general character of the proceedings was just
what might have been expected from a set of men
who have always been hostile to free discussion, and
who, in this particular instance, felt that they had
nothing but misstatement and sophistry to advance.
A gentleman in the gallery wished to ask a question,
for information, of one of the speakers, but he was
immediately put down by the Chairman ; while Mr.
Lumsden, of Pitcaple—to the great admiration of his
chief tenant, the miller—got up in a state of the
greatest excitement, and, ss ith a loud tone and violent
gesticulation, demanded that the questioner should
be put out. After all the resolutions had been passed
—or rather, after they had been proposed in the slump,
and a show made of passing them—another gentleman
got up, not to offer opposition, but simply to direct
attention to a point that had been omitted. With some
difficulty he obtained a hearing to his proposition, but
that was all; the Chairman immediately told him that
he had no right to speak—for nothing, it would seem,
could be introduced but what had been arranged in the
programme. Even Mr. Forbes, of Boyndlie—as stanch a
Protectionist es was there—was snubbed and put down,
because, instead of confining himself to abuse of the League
and support of the corn-laws, he ventured to throw out
some hints illustrative of his currency crotchet or
theory. A few of the tenant-farmers were ostentatiously
brought forward to propose or second resolutions, but
they did nothing more ; they hardly ventured a sentence
to explain their silence, and as fur reasoning in support
of the statement they had the honour of reading, they
seemed to think that altogether unnecessary. The
Chairman attempted to put a stop even to the sounds of
disapprobation that were from time to time uttered ; but
in this he did not succeed, although he went the
length, more than once, of hinting at physical force as a
means of effecting his object.
This is the way in which the landlords choose to dis-
cuss an important and complicated question. Such is
their novel mode of deliberation! Well, so be it. We
have no wish to quarrel with the means which our oppo
nests take to advance their cause. The folly of resort-
ing to public meetings and preventing open discussion
must sooner or later recoil on their own heads. The
real effect of such pi ocedure was indicated in the taunts
with which their hurried separation was greeted. Men
who pretend to give a reason for their opinion, and yet
are afraid to listen to a word of reply, or even ex-
planation, will never carry conviction into the minds
of their fellow-countrymen. The four thousand six
hundred requisitionists who were absent, and the hun-
dred and fifty thousand inhabitants of Aberdeenshire
who neither signed nor were present, will look with
great suspicion on arguments that cannot bear ex-
amination. The first speaker was the convener,
Mr. Grant of Tillyfour. If, as was obviously the
case, he intended to make an impression by the quasi
facts he adduced relative to the price at which foreign
wheat and barley can be imported, he will, we sus-
pect find himself grievously mistaken. Were it
true, as Mr. Grant alleges—borrowing from some
dishonest pamphlets put forth by the wholesale furnishers
of protection fallacies—that wheat could be imported
into this country—better wheat, too, than we can grow
in Aberdeenshire (but which, after all, is not saying
much)—at 20s. or 255. less per quarter than we pay for
it, what is to be thought of the law that robs us so
monstrously ? Of wheat alone there is consumed,
in the United Kingdom, twelve or thirteen millions
of quarters annually. What do our readers think
of a system that, according to Mr. Grant's state-
ment, takes the large proportion of from twelve to
sixteen millions sterling a year from the consumer.
and puts it into the pockets of the landowners, and this
on one kind of agricultural produce alone ! The con-
sumption of other sorts of grain is upwards of forty mil-
lions
of quarters, and allowing even that half of this
is never brought to market, but reserved for seed, feeding
the agriculturists, their servants, and their horses, we
shall have another four or five millions to add to the
landlords' tax. Had Mr. Grant been hired by the League
to exaggerate the burden of the corn -laws, he could not
have taken a better method than this fo show that they
rob the consumers of a sum. according to his own esti-
mate, of from sixteen to twenty millions sterling every
year. There has been grumbling about the twenty
millions:granted to the West Indian slave-owners, and we
still complain of the tax imposed by their sugar mono-
dy—which, assuredly, is no mean grievance, being
something upwards of five millions a-year ; but both
taken together are a trifle, compared with this perpetual
drain of twenty millions a-year, which, according to Mr.
Grant, is taken from the poor bread-eaters,

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
HOUSE OF LORDS, March 19.

The House sat to• day to hear appeals. The Peers
present were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Brougham,
Lord Cottenham, Lord Campbell, and Lord Colborne.
THE DUKE OF BEAUFORT V. TAYLOR AND OTHERS.
The arguments in this case were resumed, and occu-
pied their Lordships the whole day.
The case not being concluded at four o'clock, the
further consideration was adjourned till Monday.

SHERIFFS' COURT, March 19.
(Before Mr. Under-Sheriff KENNEDY and Common Juries.)

SINGLE V. GLUMER.

This action was brought by the plaintiff, an auctioneer and
surveyor, to recover from the defendant, a builder, residing
near Blackheath -hill, the sum of 7L 18s. 6d., expenses incurred
in the sale in June, 1843, of a house, formerly the property of
the defendant, who was employed to dispose of it by auction.
A bill was produced in Court specifying various expenses
incurred by the plaintiff, on behalf of the defendant, amount-
ing to 41. 10s., which the defendant, by his solicitor, contended
was the real amount in which he was indebted to the plaintiff;
no further work having been done, and consequently no further
expenses incurred. The plaintiff, however, contended that
the letter in which the bill was sent specifying the above
amount, viz., 41. 10s., contained other inclosures containing the
full amount claimed, which, as it was not attached to the
other bill, was not produced in Court.
The jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff for 41. 103.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
(YESTERDAY.)
MANSION-HOUSE.

A young man, whose appearance was very much like
that of a journeyman carpenter, and whose name was
stated to be John Thirkell, was brought up in the cus-
tody of Daniel Forrester, the officer, charged by Mr.
Muliens, of the firm of Freshfield and Muliens, solici-
tors to the Committee of Bankers for protection against
forgeries and frauds, charged with having committed a
series of forgeries upon the South vy ark department of
the London and Westminster Bank.

It appeared that, at the latter end of last year, Mr.
Mullens having ascertained that a variety of forgeries
had been perpetrated upon the Southwark department
of the London and Westminster Bank, procured a war-
rant against the prisoner, and caused him to be appre-
hended. The present examination Was merely prelimi-
nary to sending the prisoner to Maidstone for trial.
Edward Aiport Grattan, cashier in the Southwark
branch of the Londai and Westminster Bank, stated
that he paid the cheque produced for 151., dated 11th
November, 1843, and signed Wm. Tubb, St. George's-
road, Borough, Southwark.
Mr. Tubb, of St. G eorge's-road,- Borough, said that
he kept an account at the Bank specified. The cheque
produced was not signed by him, and the prisoner never
had his authority to sign for
Mr. R. Mullens stated, that on the 30th of December
he applied to the magistrates at Maidstone, and obtained
a warrant for the appehension of the prisoner, whom he
believed to be John Thirkell.
The prisoner was remanded.

Aldeiman'Wn.soN took the opportunity of noticing
that of late the railroad waggons and carts caused very
serious obstructions in the street, in consequence.of their
very great width between the wheels, and the manner
in which they were loaded. He had frequently ob-
served how dangerous those unwieldy vehicles were, in
passing through Watling-street, when parties walking
with loads on their backs had to encounter the projecting
loads of the waggons, 'and not seldom were jammed
against the hcuses, and exposed to imminent danger.
It was only that morning he perceived one of these
waggons obstruct the passage of Cateaton-street, near
Mr. Hall's house, and cause the greatest possible em-
barrassment and confusion for a full hour. In fact,
another vehicle got entangled so completely with the
waggon, that it became actually necessary to obtain the
use of some machinery to raise the wheels, before the
annoyance ended. It was indeed, a hazardous thing
for a man to hold up an umbrella in some places of
narrow dimensions. He hoped that a representation
would be made to Parliament through the Corporation.