The Sun.
London, England, 1857-10-15 00:00:00

MEETING AT CHESTER.

On Monday the annual. meeting of the Society
for the Aid of Foreign Missions was held at the
Music Hall, Chester ; and in the evening a second
meeting, in furtherance .of the same object, took
place. At both the Lord Bishop of the diocese
presided.
At the evening meeting the Right. Hon. W. E.
Gladstone, M.P., spoke as follows :—My lord
bishop, friends, and brethren, I have undertaken to
move a resolution, the purport of which is as fol-
lows :—" That the present crisis in India, together
with the rapidly increasing field of labour opening
out before the society calls for extended exerti on
and support from Englishmen, to further the
spread of the Gospel, notwithstanding the present
trials and difficulties." After some preliminary
observations as to the other foreign missions of the
society, Mr. Gladstone said—And now we come to
the occurrences that have give rice to the rose-
tier' which I now move--that two of the lights
which have been lighted in India by this society—
one at Delhi and the other at Cawnpore—have for
the moment been quenched in gore, and the mis-.
sionaries who were doing God's work .have added
their names to the noble army of martyrs
(Hear, and cheers.) My lord Bishop, that misery
is one which fills, at the present moment, the
hearts of every one. It is not as in a case where
danger is at our door—it is not that the power and
the glory of England are in danger, but it is the
sufferings to which England has been subjected—
it is not only to those who were engaged in the pur-
suits of traffic, or engaged in the administration of
the powers of Government—but it is grief that the
peaceful missionary of the cross has been deprived
of his life—of the wife of his bosom, and the babe
of his arms. My lord, why is it that, at this mo-
ment, this groat visitation has come upon us ?
Was it not time that something should arrive from
on high to bring us to consider our position and
our. conduct ? For years Englend has been be-
coming more and more a spectacle to the world.
During the last ten years particularly, we have wit-
nessed, an almost unexampled increase of her great-
ness and her prosperity. We have had at once
wealth and the security and the blessings of peace
on the one hand, with-the intoxicating glory and
success of war on the other. We have seen
great advances in the condition of the people--
an immense increase in the trade of the country
—a real increase in the comforts of the great mass
of the population ; and we appear to have 'as-
cended the ladder so rapidly, that it may have made
us forget from whose hands we received all those
blessings. For perhaps it may have been observed,
that a spirit had gone forth amongst us savouring too
much of pride and negligence, and recalling the me-
mory of those who, in early times, sought to scale
Heaven itself with the works of their hands. Oh,
my lord, it is good that, at this peculiar period, we
should be awakened by calls of thunder to think of
Him from whose hand we have received all that we
have received ; in whose hand is all that we now
possess, and whose creatures we ourselves are.
And, surely, in the circumstances of this mercy
there are likewise points so peculiar and character-
istic that they should be carried home to us as of
deep note. Now, for example, if there has been, as
my right rev. friend has observed, one error which
mere than another has been cautiously avoided in
India, it has been that of indiscreet zeal for the pro-
pagation of Christianity ; and having applied our
own minds to the avoidance of the't indiscreet zeal,
what do we find now happens Why, that this re-
volt has taken place under the belief—a belief which
has undoubtedly existed in the minds of the army
of Bengal—that they were about to be made Chris-
tians through force, through the acts of the Go.
statement, and, again, it might be said that there
has not been a perfect observance of right and jus-
tice in all our proceedings in India. It is clear,
however, that the persons who served in the army
have been the special objects of regard, considera-
tion, affection, and indulgence from the Indian
Government. Nay, more, because among the dif-
ferent armies in India—for there are three armies
in different parts of the empire--:.one has been
chosen to be petted beyond all others. It is the
army of Bengal, and it is that army which has risen
against us. The cause is a belief that those who
have never attempted to make them Christians—
nay, would not permit them to become Christians
—were going to force Christianity upon thems
Now, my lord, I think, if we read the manner iu
which Divine judgments come upon man, we may
perceive in these great national affairs lessons of
the Divine purposes conveyed to us. Unfortu-
uately, if there was a people who had cause for
great national humiliation in respect of a great
national crisis, I do not hesitate to say it is the
people of England at the present moment. But
hero again I must avoid going into a ques-
tion of who is to blame and who is not to
blame. That is not a question to be settled
here. It is, perhaps, a question difficult to be
settled at all. India has been governed upon
a system and a principle originally devised by
the British Parliament—a sytem by which it was
thought necessary to dissociate the Government of
that countrp from the popular institutions of this
country. The effect of this most curious contri-
vance for governing in India was that it made it to
us as a foreign country and I do not hesitate to
say that no man in ngland knows or can know
India, unless he has made or chooses to make it a
subject of special study, as he would make the
affairs of any other foreign country. (Hear.) Eng-
land knows nothing of India. Our public men

even know nothing of that vast empire, 'unless, in-
deed, they devote their time and. labour- in acquir-
ing a knowledge of its affairS. •As they would learn
the affairs of Russia, so must they learn the affairs
of India, because we. have continued a system of
government for India which interposes an impene-
trable .screen between the ordinary habitual and
daily routine •of Government affirrs in Eiigland
and the administration of-Indian affairs. (Hear,
hoar.) Thor/fore, Ido not at all presume to enter
into•the question.who is to blame, or whether any
one is to blame. It may be that it has been our
own fault, the fault of our divided responsibility,
the fault of oursystem of absolute secrecy ; it may
have sprung-frirn the difference in the system of
administration in this country and that adminis-
tered in India ; but, whatever the cause of the out-
break, you may search the records of history far
and wide before you come across an instance of to
vexatious and extraordinary a failure on ihetpart of
a i4overning power in the administration of its po-
litical trust. (A ppl tuse.) We go into that coun-
try with superi r strength. We a-e acknowledg-d
cgequererg. The natives met us in the field, and
they felt that their military genius was subordinate
to our own. Their organisation becomes, our work,
and our government iu India became the admira-
tion of the world. Ido not believe that up to a
few months age, anything could have apparently
surpased the manlier in which our Indian Govern-
ment and our Indian army, were organised.
In -a moment the Whole staff of our strength
in India tact alone crumbles in our hands,
but pierces our hearts at the . same time
and a great part of that . immense country
is to be reconquered-by British arms. (Hear, hear.)
If capable of being taught a lesson of humanity,
here are certainly facts teaching that lesson. lam
afraid,
,even at the present moment, when we are
humiliating ourselves before God, and imploring
pardon of sin and a blessing upr.n English arms in
112.1ia, our hands, are not altogether clean. • I am
bound to admit that, for the last twenty-five years,
daring which I myself have taken part in public
affairs, I have observed'grievous instances of policy
in respect of our Indian empire,—measures under-
taken without a shade of justice, and a perfect scan-
dal to English history ; and no page of that history
has folder blots-upon it than that which
.refers to
our Eastern policy., (Applause.) The question is,
what is our duty in this great crisis ? Smile persons
think that we should be well rid of the labour and

the responsibility ; and, on the
_other: hand, some
think that England would be no longer England if
India were to be torn from her. I believe myself

there is nothing clearer than the duty of England
to to use every effort and exertion to keep her hold
upon India—(hear, hear)—that there should be no
sparing of resources—no sparing of sacrifices to re-
instate the British power in peaceful possession of
the whole of that vast territory. But then, on the
other hand, it is not because I believe that the
possession of Indian is necessary for the sustenta-
tion of the power and glory of England. Depend
upon it, it is no such thing. It is, upon no such
narrow and selfish basis that I for one would urge

the duty of using the energies and. the power of
this great empire for the retention of our Indian
possesSions—it is upon the ground of a so'emn
moral obligation. (Cheers.) The question is, not
whether we were justified in the acquisition of the
country or not—the question is not whether our
hands were clean or not in those acquisitions—the
question is, what obligations have we contracted
towards the nearly two hundred millions of people
udder our rule in India, and towards the God who
cares for that people as much as for us. (Applause.)
To fulfil these obligations truly, there is still abun-
dant work for England—and for England to give
up India would be one of the greatest calamities
hat could befall. the people. I argue thus not
because of the material benefits of the connexion—
kr, after all, these benefits are but of secondary con-
sideration. It is not on account of the benefits to
ourselves—for, after all, England would not per-
haps greatly suffer in the essential elements of her
power—but it is because we have perhaps r.ishly
and p esumptuously, placed ourselves in the con-
dition of trustees standing between God Almighty
on the one hand, and two hundred millions of his
creature 4 on the other ; and because it is our abso-
lute duty to discharge the trust we so undertook to
the glory of GM, and the benefit of these his.
'creatures. Well, then, my lord, in what manlier
is that trust to be discharged ? For my own part,
I, certainly do go the whole length with those who
are of opinion that Christianity is never to be en-
forced, and never to be propagated to the prejudice
of justice ; and that we are bound not in deroroga-
tion to Christian principles, hut in consequence of
Christian principles, to abstain both from force,
fraud, and from anything that bears a resem-
blance either to force or fraud, in respect to the
propagation of the Gospel. (Hoar, hear, and
chi ord.) It appears to me that we have to ask—
that what this society and the people of England
have a right to ask and exact flout the Government
iu India amounts to this, that the Government
should separate itself from all practices—if any
such practices there still remain—should separate
itself from any remaining practices by which it
appears to be implicated in the acknowledgment of
the prevailing film religion and false worship of
the count ry—(loud cheers)—and that having severed
their own political and public action from connexion
with, those false religions, the next thing they
should do would be to establish a perfect freedom
and toleration of opinion. (Hear, hear.) But we
have a ditty beyond the establishment of toleration
in India, and that is, a strict adherence to propriety
of conduct on the part of our European residents
there—the avoidance of unjust and unnecessary
wars—the avoidance of all countenance, and
especially of all direct connexion, and substantial
connexion, with all demoralising practices,
under whatever' name they may be veiled,
and with whatever apparent practical advantages
or necessities they may ba allied. But by
what Weans and by what agency, thee,- are
we to discharge those immediate obligations which
appertain to us in connexion with the Gospel of
Christ ? I must confess that haie greet faith in
that silent preaching of Christianity which •is con-
nected with the general exhibition of Christian con-
duct bath in the lives of private.individuals and
likewise in the direction of public policy. For, in
truth, in heathen countries generally, and, certainly
not least of all over the vast Indian provinces, the
sufferings the people.have undergone in former times
from the cruel inflictions of wicked governments
have been such that there cannot be found on the
earth a population more ready:to recognise and ap7
preciate the differences between Christianity and a
Christian method of government and 'heathenism,
and a heathen form of gosiernment. And, my lord,
we have the consolation that amid present distress,
as far as we are enabled to form a judgment, al-
though the whole native military power of a consi-
derable portion of the country has revolted from
us, yet, thank God, there is no evidence that the
will and disposition •of the people ara adverse—
(cheers)—but, on the contrary, as far as we can tell,
the great mass of those peaceable and quiet Hindoos
are disposed to acquiesce in, nay, perhaps, rather to
welcome and support, the sway of the British Go-
vernment. (Cheers.) But if it be true, as I believe
it is true, that ycu cannot look to the direct action
of your Government for the propagation of the gos-
pel—if it be not only contrary to policy, but to
duty, that you should enforce on them that prop.
gation, then, I ask, is not the appeal made to you
to-night made on strong grtunde I For, if we can-
not propagate Christianity as a state and as a king-
dom, why should we not propagate it as a Church
and as a people ? (Loud cheers.) Why not try our
own individual exertions and individual contribu-
tions,, and endeavour, by prayer, to strengthen the
hands of those who are willing to go forth iu this
service—willing to brave the dangers that the la-
bours in such a Lend may entail—willing to snake
sacrifices that we may desire, and who have,
through the energy of this society, and by the
great" and holy operations that it has conducted,
done much to dispel the darkness that lowered
round many nations of the globe ? (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Gladstone then compared the Irish famine of
1847 and the subsequent prosperity of that country
to what had happened, and he hoped might happen
in India. We feel that England has at this mo-
ment a great, and even an awful vocation before
her. She has got to administer strict and stern
justice ; but to administer it, as I trust, even in a
spirit of mercy, which can never be separated from
that of justice ; and above all to recollect that ven-
geance is not an instrument which we are per-
mitted to take into our hands. The cry that went
out from this country for vengeance was, I hope,
but the passion of the moment. The frightful
atrocities that have been perpetrated must neces-
sary kindle to the very greatest heat the as 'ens of
those whose duty it is to put down the
rebellionps in
India. They do not require to be inflamed and
inspirited by missives sent from hence. (Hear,
hear.) In fact, that severity may—:even that rage
which can be understood and accounted for—which
can be palliated and excused in those who have be-
fore them perhaps the reeking remains of English
women and children—those passions which may be
excusable there, become odious and unnatural wh( n
they are cherished here. (Loud cheers.) My lord

~~~~~

(-7

~~--~~

bimhop, it is indeed a tremendous atWoVilaiiiiASlPEß
vk bioh we incur if we feel it, aat • , .
will and purpose of-our stand4ot-an --Z
.;•L.
Indus; but,': on ILA ad
( other h, ;:ti-(1v, la* ,r • ~.1'
- '' ''.
f _ .
._. 4.7"_,
noble cateer• which may be opened
oar duty shall henceforward b 3 1t v row( ' tit -A.7
hear, and loud applause.) It is i-74 n, t 4 -' - 4:7l'
\11L,....
sure don't say the angtnentalio - ',- 0/
power which England may-derive from hkilndir
~.
dominions—l for one do not-believe that that isl e
great benefit which attaches to it—but it is impos- ::
Bible to measure the realhenour and- the substan-
tial glory of communicating to so vast a portion of
mankind the blessings oP civilisation and religion.
(Applause.) In the appeal male to-night on behalf
of this society, I would seek to interest you, not
alone by passing theresolution now in myhands= -:
I know you will pass it without a dissenting voice ••--
-sent by reiclving each and every one of you, in -
your different spheres, to aid as far as may be in
promoting the advancement and civiii,ation of the --
human-race -and, above all, to pion:lA.3 the dis-
semination of -that one transcendent gift to mm, ! -
the Gospel of our Gad and Saviour. (Logy
applause.) .

THE RED-TAPISTS OF CALCUTTA.

(Prom. the Paris Correspmtdent of the Morning Po :t.)•
The despatches of foreign agents at Calcutta 0
their reap active Governments are becoming more
and more interesting, as' passing events oblige those •
~.,,ent'emen to extend their ordinary dry commercial
reports to matters political and military. They are
free from all local government influence, prejudices,
and associations, and therefore more likely to .
c•iticise'with a severity, so Much' demanded at the
present moment, the policy of the Indian Supreme *:
Council.' The general bearing of those reports
reach me occasionally from two friendly Govern-
nieut;s, and where individuals are not compromised
,here is no reason why they -should not he known. .
Sooner or later the prominent members of the civil
service will be the objects of severe comment, because
it is by their policy that the t wolast Governors-Gene-
nil have ruled our Indian Empire. But it is neither
wise nor generous to attack individuals; with the.
befit intentions to do good, they are often only the
instruments of evils they lament. Public opinion,
however, may be brought tole .arin a most salutary,
way on a bad system, and oblige reforms. I remem--
ber many gentlemen who passed through PariS after
thoCriniean war confessed with deep regret to being,
the instruments of many grave blunders—" But
what could we do ; who would take upon himself
responsibility and even if things went well get repri-
manded ?" - Such observations I have heard from '
the bravest and best of men. A want of supreme
power, ands vigorous and de.ermined will to enforce
it, are the reasons why in time of war we do not
aecomplish so much as the splendid materal of our
army-and navy lead the nation to expect. The evils
I have ventured to record have, according to the re;--
p•rta of friendly spectators; been going on in India, ~
and military ad vice has been too often pooh•poohed.
One cannot help asking—has the Home Govern-
ment provided Sir Colin Campbell with powers to
suspend the old macbirery. of Government, at least
until the mutiny is thoroughly put down ? Are
lvr Majesty's advisers at home aware of the views
and character of the men who, holding high office
in India, first allowed the rebellion to spread,
break out, and, then reported home that it
was not serious, and that a few European
troops, added to existing resources, would restore
tranquillity immediately. Such were not the,
views of foreign agents when the mutiny commenced
and it must be confessed they took a correct esti-
mate of the condition of our Indian 'Empire.
Here is a remarkable passage in a late' des.pateh :
—" The high authorities- in India do not en-
courage reports or opinions from men who
point out abuses,. so that the few really clear-
sighted military men who have prophesied evil,
have never bean popular at head-quarters." This
is not the moment, however, to dwell on the past,
and" only mention these views to show the ma-
terial with which Sir 001;n Campbell has to work,
or rather let us hope the lumber will tee pat aside.
For a long time to come it is only militant
authority which can govern India, and in the
military element must supreme power be reposed.
It is gratifying to learn foreign agents do not for
one instant doubt our final success. The supeii-
ority of a small number of British troops cher
clouds of sepoys, will, it is calculated; have a goa
effect in future.