The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-28 00:00:00

ADVERTISEMENTS INSERTED in ALL THE THeEE PAPERS, Morning, Noon, and Night, thereby insuring a TOWN and COUNTRY CIRCULATION,. at •ON E CHARGE.

MR. BEARD'S DAGUERREOTYPE, or
PHOTOGRAPHIC PORTRAITS.

e inimitable and much admired Portraits, in which further
improvements have lately been effected, are taken by the Patentee,
at 85, King William-street, City ; 34, Parliament-street ; and at the
Royal Polytechnic Institution, 309, Regent-street ; by whom, also,
licenses are granted fur exercising the invention in provincial towns
and districts.

THE NEXT DISTRIBUTION OF MONEY
DIVIDENDS AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED by HIS
MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA contains Money Dividends
of— £6B £7O £72 1.30 £9O

£l9O £llO £l2O £l5O £2OO
£250 £3OO £5OO £OOO £750
£l,OOO £1,208 £1,70 £4,000 & £21,000
Amounting together to £154,308 sterling.
This Distribution contains as mazy Diyideids as Bends. Every
Bond a Dividend!
Smallest Dividend - - £BB
Largest Dividend - - £21,000
Direct for Prospectus, with fhll particulars, without delay to
HEINE BROTHERS, at Hambergh.
Or to HEINE BROTHERS, at Lubeck.

NATIONAL LOAN FUND LIFE ASSUR-
ANCE SOCIETY,

. 26, CORNIULL, LONDON.
Capital .£500,000.
empowered by Act of Parliament.
The many novel and varied advantages bestowed by this Institu-
tion, both in its life assurance and deferred annuity departments, par-
ticularly the power to borrow two-thirds of premiums without ex-
pense or tkrfeiture—the great reduction of rates on short policies—
the option of selecting benefits and converting policies so as best to
cult the interest or necessity of the policy-holder during life, as well
as to afford the full benefit to his family at death, and annual division
of profits, have already been so well appreciated by the public, that
the Society's great success and growing prosperity enabled the Di-
rectors, at their General Meeting in May last, to add to each policy
on the profit scale a bonus averaging fifty-five per cent. on' the
amount already invested; and this benne, according to an equitable
scale, may either be paid in cash, or applied in reduction of name
premiums

EXAMPLES.

Entry. PI,I,I:Y* Age. Sum.
.e
1837 39 59 1,000
1838 ll4 56 3,000

Annual Bonus
I Prem. Added.

X cd.l s 4.
87 8 4 132 14 6
175 15 11296 97,

NATIONAL PROVI.
No. 48, Gracechurch.siree
on Lives, Annuities, &c.

Cask Prem.
Bonus. 'Reduced.

X s.d. X s.d.
58 19 9 819 4
123 0 6 16 9 7

IENT INSTITUTION,
London, for Mutual Assurance

DIRECTORS.
Charles Pritchard Bousfield, Esq.' Robert Ingham, Esq.
John Bradbury. Esq. Samuel Hayhurt Lucas, Esq.
William Cash, Esq. Joseph Janson, Esq.
Thomas Castle. ksq Charles Lushington, Esq.
James Crofts, Esq. John St. Bathe. Esq.
John Feltham, Esq. Richard Shortridge, Esq.
Joseph Hargrave, Esq. Samuel Smith, Esq.
Thomas Hodgkin, M.D.

MEDICAL DIRECTORS.
J. T. Conquest, M.D., F.L.S, I Thomas Bevan, M.D., F.L.S.
TREASURER.—Joseph Janson, Esq.
TRUSTEES.
William Cash, Esq. I John Feltham, Esq.
James Crofts, Esq. Samuel Smith, Esq.
Th • result of the first division of profits, which took place in No-
vember, 1842, is exemplified in the following instances :

Poll- Age at
Sum
Reduction
Amount Original
~,,,„ . ' Ep
e q urcalent
to a
in Pre Reduction
cies in Com.
As- of Bonus. Premium. Exist- mence- sured.
ence. went. —lrenluor Hon the O.
Bonus. Sinai Pre.
-- --------- ----
Years. Years. £ £ s. d. X s. d. X s. d.
7 59 1,000 163 11 0 63 0 0 27 17 2 41
7 32 500 44 7 0 13 211 5 1 4 39
6 52 2,000 227 19 0 011 8 34 510 35
6 31 500 37 2 0 12 17 6 4 2 5 92
5 51 1,000 91 3 0 47 2 6 13 6 4 28
5 30 600 37 2 0 15 8 0 4 1 2 26
4 42 5 0 SS 19 0 17 12 1 313 3 20
4 23 1,000 46 14 0 24 3 4 416 5 194
3 46 800 37 8 I 31 18 8 418 10 151(
3 25 2,000 69 6 0 44 5 Q. 614 11 15%
2 63 3,000 140 15 0 224 15 0 23 11 7 104
2 26 . 500 11 11 0 11 10 0 1 2 6 91(
1 42 2,000 26 14 0 70 8 4 3 3 9 4)4

The next division will take place in November, 1847,
Members whose renewal premiums become due on the Ist of
April next, are reminded that the same must be pail within
thirty days from that time.
London, March 20, 1844. JOSEPH MARSH, Secretary.

HEALTH AND STRENGTH.
Just published, in a Sealed Envelope, price Is. 6d.,
receiving a Post-office order for Three Shillings, and sent fret, on
ORGANIC HEALTH; a Comprehensive and
Physiological Treatise on a peculiar and delieate class of
Nervous Complaints, arising from the decline of Manly Strength..
ill.restrained gaiety—excess - tropical climate—late hours—self-abuse
—intemperance—debility or infection. Addressed to the NOBLEMAN
—STATESMAN—CLE RG YM A N PARENT—TUTOR —TRA
YELLER; and especially to the ANGLO.INDIA N.
By GOSS and COMPANY, Consulting Surgeons. 7, Lancaster.
place, Strand (near Waterloo-bridge, London.

GY14,10 MIA ; or, the Physiology of Wonsai;, in a sealed envo.
lope,priceNs. 6d., by post. as.

TESTIMONIALS
" These works can be safely recommended,
as well for the moral
truths contained, as for the extensive and successful result of the au-
th.ose We
s ekapgerreiee with the
EnddoitnorMoofThineguidJnouronnalitorning
Journal, and
recommend Mr. GM'S publications for general perusal."
Weekly
Pape —Edinburgh
he precepts contained in these works are interesting and useftil."
while it neither spares the aged voluptuary,
Woroffers to both the most important advan-
tirhi nheb,
This
iopguuht
youthful
lap
prodigal,
ig
tages."--Glasgow Paper.
These works are properly called ass analysis of certain complaints ;
they are written in a very peculiar style ot moral admonition." -
Dublin Morning Journal.
s• Utility is combined with simplicity, and we recommend the works
accordingly."—Dublin ISeekly Journal.
The above may be had If Sherwood and Co., 23, Paternoster-row,
1 onion ; Porter,72, Grafton-street, Dublin ; and of all Booksellers.
Price 2s. (hi, each, in a sealed envelope.
Messrs. QOS3 may be consulted, every day, at their house ; and
Patients in the remotest parts of the country can be treated success-
fully on their describing minutely the case ; and if enclosing a fee of
11. for Advice, an answer will b I immediately sent. Medicines can
be forwarded to any part of the world ; 110 dIIIiCUiIIES can occw
frr,om
as
the Medicines will be d curtly packed, and carefully protected
observation,
7. Lancaster.p.ac Strand, near Waterloo-bridge, London.
•o • Th work will be Aorwarded by pas ton recaivislya POlltoOffiCl
MC for Three

EAST INDIA HOUSE, MARCH 27, 1844.
TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK,
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
THE ELECTION of SIX DIRECTORS Of
the EAST INDIA COMPANY being appointed for WEDNES-
DAY, the 10th April next, the favour of your vote and interest is
requested for the following Gentlemen, •riz.
Sir ROBERT CAMPBELL, Bart.
JAMES WEIR HOGG, Esq., M.P.
Hon. HUGH LINDSAY, •
Major-General ARCHIBALD ROBERTSON,
Lieut.-Col. WILLIAM HENRY SYKES,
Sir HENRY WILLOCK, K.L.S.
willeh will much oblige,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servants,
H. Alexander, J. Masterman,
W. Astell, J. Petty Muspratt,
W. B. Bayley, J. Oliphant,
J. Bryant, W. H. C. Plowden,
John Cotton, John Shepherd,
A. Galloway, H. St. G. Tucker,
John Loch, F. Warden,
J. L. Lushingten, W. Wigram,
George Lyall, W. Young,
•
E. Maenaghten.
•. • Proprietors desirous of voting by proxy may obtain a Letter
of Attorney for that purpose at the Treasury in this House.

EAST INDIA HOUSE, :Mace 27, 1844.
TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK.
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
HAVING the honour of being recommended to
you by the DIRECTORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY
as CANDIDATES for the DIRECTION, to be chosen this year, we
take the liberty of requesting the favour of your vote on the day of
Election, WEDNESDAY, the 10th of April next.
We are, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Your most obedient and most humble servants,
Robert Campbell,
J. W. Hogg,
H. Lindsay,
Archibald Robertson,
W. H. Sykes,
Henry Willock.
ID. 0 Proprietors desirous of voting by proxy may obtain s Letter of
Attorney for that purpose at the Treasury in this House.

CIRCULATION of BIRMINGHAM NEWS-
PAPERS (from the Parliamentary Returns).—STAMPS
issued in the year 1843 for
THE MIDLAND COUNTIES HERALD ........ 284,000
The Birmingham Gazette • . • ......... 132,000 , •
The Birmingham Journal .............. 90,000
The Birmingham Advertiser .....• •• • ... 61,500
283,500

TO RAILWAY CONTRACTORS
The FIRST NUMBER of THE RAILWAY CHRONICLE
will appear on 20th of APRIL. A detailed Prospectui will be ready
on MONDAY, and will be sent free, by post, to all who furnish
their address to the Office, 14, -Wellington-street North, Strand,
London.

In a few days will be published, price 65.,
T"E DUBLIN REVIEW. No. XXXI.
CONTENTS.

Art. 1. The Religious andSCcia&ondltion of France.
2. Prescott's Conquest of Mexico.
3. Dr. Mant's Romish Corruptions.
4. Moehler's Symbolism.
5. The Nestorian Christians of Kurdistan.
6. Irish Archwolpgical Society—Statute of Kilkenny.
7. The Pension of the Irish Clergy.
8. Recent Publications on the Irish Question.
9. Suppression of Monasteries.
London : C. Dolman, 61, New Bond-street. Dublin : J. Cumming.
Edinburgh : W. Tait. Liverpool : Booker and Co..

BLACKWOOD'S EDINBURGH MAGA-
ZINE. No. CCCXLII. Price 2s. 6d.

CONTENTS.

I.—The Pirates of Segna. A Tale of Venice and the Adriatic—
Conclusion. ll.—The Slave Trade. lll.—Moslem Histories of
Spain ; Tho Arabs of Cordova. IV.—Two Nights in Southern
Mexico. V.—The British Fleet. Vl.—Marston ;or the Memoirs
of a Statesman. Part X. Vll.—The Child's Warning. VIII.—The
Two Patrons. IX.—lreland.

William Blackwood and Sons, 45, George-street, Edinburgh; and
22, Pall-mall, London.

KOHL'S IRELAND;

On Saturday, will be publiihed, price Sixpence, the Fret Part of
TRAVELS IN IRELAND. By J. G. KOHL.
Translated from the German.

The work will be comprised in Seven Parts, at Sixpence each, and
a Part will be published every Saturday, until the whole is completed.
Each Part will contain 64 pages, printed on line paper, with a clear
type. This edition will not (like one that has already appeared) be
a mere abridgment, but a full and faithllll translation of Mr. Kohl's
valuable and interesting work, which has thrown so much additional
light upon the state of Ireland, and is recognised as au authority by
men of all political opinions.

Published by N. Bruce, Novel Newspaper-office, 84, Farrlngdon-
street, and sold by all Booksellers.

BRITISH INSTITUTION, PALL-MALL.
The GALLERY for the EXHIBITION and SALE of the
WORKS of BRITISH ARTISTS is open daily from Tea in the
Morning call riTil in the Evening.
Admission, IL; Catalogue, Is.
WILLIAM BARNARD, Keeper.

WILSON'S SCOTTISH ENTERTAIN-
MENTS,
MUSIC-HALL, STORE-STREET, BEDFORD-SQUARE.
On MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 1, at Eight o'clock,
MR. WILSON will give his SECOND SELECTED ENTERTAIN-
MENT ON THE SONGS OF SCOTLAND.
Part I.—" 0 weel may the Boatie row."—" Logie e' Buchan."—
"An thou wert my sin thing."—" Bide ye yet."—" What ails this
heart o' mine ?"—" Woo'd and married and a'."—" My bonny Lizzie
•Baillie."—Old Ballad, " Mulrland Willie."
tart WT.; TrirpFa'aire-r--fr.t,—,..=--V,4, aroli-frai °while=
" llooly and fairly."—Old Ballad, " Get up, and bar the door."
Pianoforte, Mr. LAND.
rrent Seats, 2s. 6d. ; Back Seats, 2s. ; Private Boxes for Six, 155.;
for Eight, 1/. Programmes and Tickets may be had at the Music-
shops, and at the Music-hall.
LOn Easter Monday, " THE HIGHLAND ENTERTAINMENT."'
In the Press, the MUSIC in MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS.
Mr. WILSON will, in the course of the season,,produce the follow-
ing, which be has had some time in preparation :—Jacobite Relies—
Wandering Willie's Wallet—The Jameses of Scbtland—The Wallace
and the Bruce—A Hairer wi' Jamie Hogg.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
The various ARTIFICIAL LIGHTS in Ancient and Modern
Use are familiarly explained by Dr. Ryan, at Two o'clock daily ,
iljustrated by the LAMP of the ANCIENTS. the FIRT IMPROVE-
MENT by ARGAND, the RUDE, the DRUMMOND, the BOCCIUS,
the PELLETAN, the CAMPHINE LIGHTS, New FRENCH
LAMPS, BEALE'S LAMPS, &c., &c. The First Lecture, by Pro.
fessor Bachheffner, Ph. D. M.A., is at a Quarter-past Three o'clock.
ARMSTRONG'S HYDRO-ELECTRIC MACHINE at Three o'clock
and at Eight in the Evenings. NEW DISSOLVING VIEWS,
DIYEIC, and DIVING BELL, Among the recent Deposits is the
HEAD of a MUMMY from THEBES, very remarkable.
Admission, ls. ; Schools, Half-price.

THE SKIN AND COMP,LEXION.
GOWLAND'S LOTION.--The use of 'Gowland's Lotion is
speedily followed by the disappearance of every species of eruptive
malady, discolouratien, &c., and the establishment of a pure surface
of the skin, accompanied by the brilliant circulation which constitutes
the tint of beauty, whilst as a refresher it preserves the most delicate
complexion, and sustains to a protracted period the softness of texture
and vivacity peculiar to earlier years.
"ROBERT SHAW, Loiadon,",is in whiteletters on the Government
Stamp, without which none is genuine. Prices 2s. 9d., Ss. 6d.,
quarts Ss. 6d. Sold by all Perflimers and Medicine Vendors.

bodies had been already washed, and put in their final
resting place. While this sad work was going on, the
committee alluded to, composed of Com. Shubrick,
Capt. Ramsay, Col. Murray, of N. Y., Reuben M.
Whitney, and others, were preparing their report,
which. will be published.
The report not only honourably acquits Captain
Stockton, and all the officers of the Princeton of the
least blame, but deeply sympathises with him and the,
afflicted. • It states, on the authority of Lieut. Hunt,
that the gun was only loaded with twenty-five pounds of
powder, that- it had been fired with forty-nine pounds;
and frequently with thirty pounds. The -gun was pro--
perly and carefully 4oaded with the usual ball and wad-
ding, and fired nearly at a horizontal level, so that
the ball could not possibly have rolled away froni the
powder. _ . _

The Committee had collected a large number a frag-
ments of epaulets, of swords, &c., belonging to the de-
ceased. A piece of iron broken from the cannon, weigh-
ing a pound or more, was taken from between the clothes
and the flesh of Judge Upshur. It was not known whe-
ther it passed through him or not.
And here it is proper to say, that not only was there
no post nwrtem examination, but every pains seems to
be taken to conceal the injuries which the'dend bodies
had sustained. One thing is certainly known, that they
were dreadfully, horribly mangled and disfigured—in a
way which it would be disgusting and revolting to relate.
(From the Madisoniaa.)
THURSDAY MORNING, FEB. 29, 1844.
The Committee met, pursuant to adjournment--=pre-
sent, all the members except General Jones and General
Eaton.

The Cub-Committee appointed to, visit the families of
the deceased, to ascertain their wishes in regard to the
disposition of the bodies on their arrival in the city—
having executed the duties confided to them—reported.
That in the discharge of their duty, they visited the
families of each of the deceased, and ascertained that
they were desirous their respective relatives should be
brought to their homes; and, at the request of tho Presi-
dent, that the body of Colonel Gardiner should be taken
to the President's mansion. In consequence of which,
arrangements were made, that hearses should meet the
bodies at the wharf in the city, to convey them to their
family residences.
The Committee, at the request of Captain Stockton,
proceeded to examine witnesses as to the cause of the
explosion, and accordingly called upon the officers,
whose duty was most immediately connected with the
loading of the gun, for such information as they had to
give. _

Lieut. Hunt, ordnance officer in charge of the great
guns, represents that he lorded the gun himself, with
but twenty-five pounds of powder—the usual charge
being thirty pounds. Over the powder was placed a
single shot, with the usual number of wads. That the
persons nearest the gun at the time of the explosion
were Captain Stockton, Mr. King, the gunner of the
ship, and himself.
Lieut. Hunt also states, that this gun has been re-
peatedly fired with a charge of thirty-five pounds of
powder, and once in New York, with a charge 'of forty-
nine pounds.
In the statements of Lieut. Hunt, Mr. King, the gunner
of the ship, concurs. Mr. King is a blacksmith by trade,
and is of opinion that the gun was indifferently made, of
iron of an inferior quality.
The Committee, as well from the foregoing testimony
as from their own personal observation and examination
before and after the accident, have no hesitation in exo-
nerating Captain Stockton and every officer and man
under his command, from the slightest imputation of
rashness or carelessness, and are unanimously of opinion
that this melancholy event rests upon causes over which
they could have no control.
The Committee having made the necessary provision
for carrying into execution the arrangements of the Sub-
Committee appointed to ♦isit the families of the deceased,
Resolved—" That a copy of these proceedings, signed
by the Chairman and SecretarT, should be transmitted
to the President of the United States."

On moiion, adjourned sine die.
W. BRANFORD StIUBRICK, Chairman.
JOHN T. MACLAUGHLIN, Secretary.
ARRIVAL OF THE DEAD.—Between twelve and one
o'clock to-day, a steam-boat came up from the Princeton
having on board the bodies of the dead. At two o'clock
five hearses, conveying the remains of Upshur, Gilmer,
Kennon, Maxey, and Gardiner, and followed by a long
train of carriages, citizens on horseback and on foot,
pased in silence along the avenue, and proceeded to the
President's mansion. The coffins were taken into the
East Room, and laid on frames placed in the centre,
arranged according to the rank of the deceased.

The President of the United States, who Iva.. .ttnost
minutes, sur-
roundgu by the survivors o is liaoMer-ft..4-....,merouS
body of citizens, to receive the several Committees, Con-
gregational and others, appointed to wait upon him, and
the report of the Committee of investigation that had
remained on board the Princeton after the sad occur-
rence, and then retired t his private room.
The Committee of Congress appointed a Sub-Com-
mittee to meet a Committee on the part of the Execu-
tive, at the President's house, at three o'clock, to arrange
a programme of the funeral c .remonies.

Mr. norm:vs rose and offered the following resolu-
tions:—

" Resolved, that this House has heard with deep
sorrow of the dreadful catastrophe which occurred y.es-
terday on board the United States ship of war Princeton,
where many valuable lives were lost, and by which,
amongst others, the Hon. Abel P. Upshur, Secretary of
the Navy, met a sudden and awful death.
" Resolved, that this House Will manifest its respect
for the memory of the late distinguished Secretaries cif
State and of the Navy, anti its sympathy for their
bereaved families, by attending their funeral in a body.
" Resolved, As a further mark of respect to the de;
ceased, and to manifest our sense of 'this most melan-
choly and afflicting dispensation of Divine Providence,
that this House will transact no legislative business until
after the funeral obsequies of the deceased shall have
been performed.
" Resolved, That the Members of this House will
wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty, days.
" Resolved, That a Committee of five Members. of
this House be appointed to make arran,gements,. with
such Committee as may be appointed on the part of the
two Houses of Congress at the funeral of the late A. P.
Upshur and Thomas W. Gilmer.
• Resolved,—That when this House adjourn to-day it
will adjourn to meet on Monday next, and that this
House do now adjourn."
Mr. H. said, that in the state of feeling which pervaded
the breast of every gentleman on the floor, he should be
pardoned for declining to utter a syllable insupport of
the resolutions.

The question was then takhe resolutions were
adopted nnanimuusly.
Messrs. -Hopkins, Adams, J. G. Ingersoll, Barnard,
and Cave Johnson were appointed the Committee on the
part of this House.
And thereupon the House adjourned.

SPIRIT of the• PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—The announcement made last night by Lord
Ashley, in reply to the seemingly preconcerted inquiry of
Lord Sandon, cannot fail to produce some disappointment.
His Lordship says, " it is not his intention to offer next
Friday any opposition to Government in withdrawing their
Bill." "'taking this step on the full understanding that
Government will introduce another Bill, he intends to take
the discussion on that Bill as soon as possible after Easter."
This may be wise in the end, for what we know; but it is
promising, instead of doing, which for the present is not so
satisfactory. His Lordship had a certain 'vantage ground—
certain decisions of the House in his favour : he is himself
sensible that in taking the present step " he resigns advan-
tages which he already possesses"—nay, more, he is pledged
—hastily, perhaps, but still pledged. " Whatever opinion," he
said on Monday, "we maybe called upon to pass next Friday,
Ido ntahe to the House a solemn appeal to stand by its decision,
and to uphold its recorded verdict. Upon that verdict, upon
that decision, I take• my stand, convinced, as I said before,
that it is not necessary for me, nor for any other person; to
deal with the subject by farther argument." Everybody felt
that this declaration was exactly as it should be, and just what
the crisis required. The words we have quoted were cheered,
and loudly cheered, and cheered again. So, of course, it
does let one down a little to hear that the fight not come
off on Friday after all—that the position so hardly and so
splendidly won is to be surrendered, and the challenge is to
be redeemed, not by the performance, but by another chal-
lenge. We cannot help this feeling. " Hope deferred maketh
the heart sick." 'that a ten hours' clause will be carried be-
fore very long cannot for a moment be doubted. The princi-
ples on which it depends are not artificial and arbitrary, but
broad, simple, and natural. Twelve hours a day, including ,
seasons of necessary refreshment, is an ordinance of nature
which appeals to the common sense of all men, and will only
be cavilled at by fools, who don't know what nature is. "Are
there not twelve hours in the day ?" " The night cometh,
when no man can work." If those who by age and sex are
perfectly competent to protect themselves, and know their
own strength, and the consequences of what they are doing,
choose to work fifteen, or eighteen, or twenty-four hours a
day, that is clearly their own look-out. They are not
the pupils and wards of the nation not, at least,
in the same strong and definite sense as women
and minors. But whether a ten hours' clause will
be carried this or the next session—whether by Lord Ash-
ley at all—whether as an act of grace or a concession—
whether as a matter of government or of compromise, are
questions so very much dependent on individual character
and circumstances, that we can only entertain a very strong
expectation. We will not allow ourselves to expect any
other result of the present discussion than that Lord Ashley
will persevere through every obstacle, and the House will
this very session do this much-needed, much-canvassed act
of justice. It is impossible, however, to forget that among
658 Members of the House of Commons there are some whose
votes cannot be accounted for on spy assignable rules of con-
duct, and a good many more whose votes will sometimes be
only too intelligible. The second division last Friday is felt
by all to be an incident wholly out of the scope of human
caleuhoir,„ t•oekon on •tha pogo/batty of there
-tieing five men in the House of Commons who would vote
agaisist both 10 and 12 hours, when they kneu,--.-k
,v would ororoo,l (kgre.-Mhlll
vote other alternative, and that the only result or their
would be to_bnii. both parti....% and protract the agitation ?
--Again-that a score or two independent country gentlerven
should have just enough humanity not to commit themselves
unnecessarily to twelve hours a day, but not enough to pre-
vent them doing so if a Ministenal crisis should render it
necessary, was a circumstance which it might be wise to
fear, but was not charitable to expect. We are bound to
confess that we did fear it Very early we expressed our ap-
prehension that the scale would be turned against the ten
hours' clause by a body of agriculturists, who, little as they
liked the manufacturer, had a still greater dread of labour
assuming a defensive position. The sympathy between em-
ployers we felt to be a deeper instinct than the jealousy of
rivals. Competition is a powerful law of nature, but not so
strong as the law of self-preservation. The progress of the
measure thus far might, perhaps, inspire some uneasiness,
but for our confidence in its intrinsic merits, and in the sound•
ness and stability of the public feeling. Its casualties have
been considerable. It was at first substantially carried, after
two nights' long debate. Ministers then took four days'
delay to recover from their surprise, and do what else they
could meanwhile. Both parties came to the second struggle
with renewed strength. Government experienced a second
defeat on their own clause, qualified, however, as they pro-
bably felt it, by Lord Ashley suffering a defeat on his. A
second delay, from Friday to Monday, could not be avoided.
The Minister then came and asked for a third delay—ane-
ther four days—after which, L e., on next Friday (to-morrow),
he proposed to move that the House should discharge the
order of the day for going into Committee on the Bill, thus
virtually rescinding all its decisions, including the two
against the twelve hours' clause. To ask so long a delay
was scarcely modest ; to ask. it for such a purpose—to ask
that he might be allowed sufficient time to compel the House
to rescind two recent solemn decisions—implied a contrary
of modesty which we will not venture to name. But the
request was granted, and to-morrow the House is to be
called on to suffer this indignity. But all these delays are
nothing compared with the indefinite gulf which now
seems to yawn between us and our expectations. Lord
Ashley, "considering it lais duty, whenever he can with-
out any, concession of principle, to consult the
interest and convenience of the House and the Go-
vernment," will alloiv the House to suffer the above in-
dignity, and Government to have its way, to-morrow.
But he promises to fight his ten-hours' clause into the
new Bill as soon as possible after Easter So we have nothing
to do now but to sit down and compute the value of a Par-

liamentary and Anti-Ministerial "-as-soon-as-possible." If
the 10 hours' clause is, even then, to be carried without any
further vexatious or injurious delay, it is evident that it must
be put on a better footing than at present. Every one ought
to know whether the Government Bill is what is commonly
understood by a Government Bill—a Bill which Government
will carry at all risks, and with their whole official weight
and influence ; and it is due from Lord Ashley to his sup-
porters, due to the country, due to truth, and justice, and
humanity, to let people know whether he considers a Ten
Hours' Bill more important than the existence of the present
Ministry. We will frankly own, that considerable as are
the personal merits of some members of the Cabinet, and dif-
ficult as it might be to suggest their successors, we do not
think they have any craim to be put in competition with
principle. They are hardly commensurable with principle ;
so one really cannot strike a balance between them. We can
only say, as we hope Lord Ashley is ready to say, stick to the
principle of justice and humanity, and let the Ministry take
its course. If it thinks fit to follow in the wake, well ;if not,
it must go to the bottom, we suppose. At least, we
cannot help it. If the Bill is worth anything, it is
worth carrying against the Ministry; but it is quite evi-
dent it cannot be carried against the Ministry, if Lori Ash-
ley does not immediately make his election between it
and the Ministry. Such a decision may be painful, but a
moment's comparison of the division lists of last Friday and
the previous Monday—a moment's recollection of what passed
in the House last Monday, will show its necessity. If the
measure had been on that footing which its importance re-
quited, Sir James Graham would not have been allowed to
gain a, fresh delay from Monday to Friday, when he had
made so much use of the like interval in the previous week ;
much less would he now be allowed to throw the question
over the recess into the summer months. He asked for de-

lay, with scarce the shadow of a pretence for it. He asked
for leave to threw away the present Bill, in order to bring in
a new one, comprehending the amendments already passed
by the House, and some others, but leaving the hours of
labour as they now are, with the frank announcement, that
as the Ministry had already resisted, so would they continue
to resist, any departure from the principle of twelve hours'
labour. He carefully and strenuously forbad all expectation
of the Ministry ever giving up this principle to a majority of
the House. He admitted also, that in making the above re-
quest it might be considered he was taking the House by
surprise. Lord Ashley confessed that he had cer-
tainly been taken by surprise, and so far, that
neither he nor the House had been treated very cour-
teously. He also expressed his own determination to
stand by the ten hours' clause, and his belief that nothing
really remained to be done which required delay. "The
question," he said, "has already been fully discussed. Every-
body has made up his mind on it, and not only has the dis-
cussion been ample, but, let me emphatically remark, the
whole matter has been niost solemnly decided. This great
assembly, in their successive divisions, has affirmed the
principle, that twelve hours' labour is not to be endured."
If so, then why allow the very same question to be brought
on again with an indefinite further delay ? Was it captious,
was it unfriendly, was it unaccommodating to refuse ? What
pledges had thilhome Secretary given that so great an ac-
commodation would not ho abused that he would not
strain every nerve in the Interval to leave Lord Ashley in a
decisive minority? None whatever. He kept his ground.
He dealt as with an enemy. He asked a truce on the specu-
lation that the foe might perhaps be simple enough to con-
cede it, but did not commit himself in return. He made no
stipulation, and could not. Lord Ashley must view the
question as his antagonist does, unless he would make both
himself and his cause ridiculous. He must make no terms,
and press for a division when there is no reason whatever for
clelap_Wo ring? let it be_104944 IA 45 A biolisterig clued_

vt( -1. ,

tion. ' Ministers make it one. Can there be a question mor
important and more worthy to divide the House? A
present there is no rallying point in the House—no one re-
spectable standard to assemble round. Why not gather into
one all those who are not ashamed of the principle of pro-
tecting the labourei ? •
POST.—In the course which they have adopted in refer-
ence to their Factories Bill, Sir,James Graham and -his col-
leagues desire to be regarded as • especially the champions of
the sacred 'rights of propetty. Yet never did men seek to
place the rights of property in more imminent 'perils • than
Ministers have done in describing these rights as incompati-
ble with the protection of the poor from oppressidn. Inse-
cure, indeed, would be the institution of property, if it rested,
as Sir James Graham maintains it does, on the continuance
to the
.millowners of the privilege of working women • and
children to death. Yes, if we may, credit the Conservative
Home Secretary, every man who would rescue poor factory
women from an unnatural amount of daily toil favours
" Jack Cade principles of legislation "—legislation, that is to
say, against the rights of capital. And this dictum of Sir
James Graham is quietly adopted by the First Lord of the
Treasury. It is edifying, by the way, to note the denun-
ciation which the V leaders of the House of Commons
presume to level against " the principles of Jack Cade." Of
the "principles" professed by the real Jack Cade, it may not
be unimportant to observe that nothing certain is known. It
is known, however, that Jack Cade was a bold and straight-
forward fellow, and that the materials on which he worked
were supplied by the actual sufferings 'bf the people. Bold-
ness and straightforwardness are not, on the other hand, in-
variably the characteristics of political leaders in our times;
while to the sufferings of the labouring poor all•the political
leaders of these days agree in approving themselves most phi-
losophically indifferent. Let us, however, attach to the name
of Cade the ordinary associations which that 'name Calls up.
Let us understand by " Jack Cade principles," principles that
are revolutionary, and opposed to the influence of property.
These things being premised, let us consider the special pro-
priety with which denunciations of such principles, drop
from the lips of the leaders in the House of Commons. The
House of Commons has been, in virtue 'of its constitution
since the year 1688, a giant Jack Cade. Since that memor-
able period, the most valuabls forms of property have, in
truth, been stripped of all securityby the direct agency of
the House of Commons. Was Cade a revolutionist? The
constitution of the House of Commons is the spawn of revo-
lution. Did Jack Cade propose to confiscate the possessions
of the rich ? Since 1688, the House of Commons has been
chiefly occupied in pillaging the poor. In 1688 the House of
Commons robbed the Crown of all the prerogatives of sove-
reignty. Subsequently the House of Commons robbed the
Crown of 'its possessions in land. Before :the year 1688 all
the wealth of England owed allegiance to the soil—in other
words, to the poor of England. In 1689 a new system of taxa-
tion was devised. Burdens, previously unheard 'of, were
'thrown on the land, and capital attracted by con-
sequence to new fields of investment—fields of in-
vestment over which the mortgage which the la-
bourers of England possess over all the agricultural capital
of England was not extended by the House of Commons.
Our modern manufacturing system is the direct consequence
of those systems oftaxation and finance to which the Revolu-
tion of 1688 gave birth • and our modern manufacturing
system rests on the exclusive and pernicious privileges with
which it invests capitalists. Our old agricultural policy pro-
posed the well-being of the labouring classes as one of its
great ends. In the extension of agricultural enterprise, the
labouring classes have the deepest interest. In all capital
devoted to the cultivation of the soil, ourlabourers are in-
vested with a certain right of property. From all right of
property in capital devoted to manufactures: and to trade,
our labourers have, on the other hand—except to the
most insignificant extent—been excluded. Our modem ma-
nufacturing and trading systems have, in melancholy truth,
rendered the abasement of the order of labourers the most
direct mode of adding to the productiveness of capital. The
reward of the unskilled English labourer at the present day
is far less than it was before the Revolution of 1688. Since
that period, it has been the policy of the House of Commons
to pander to the avarice of capitalists—and, by consequence,
to rob the labourer of the value of his honest toil. In 1819
the House of Commons proved its undying fidelity to " Jack
Cade principles of legislation." By the money law of 1819
the :House of Commons has confiscated one-half of the
productively-employed capital of the empire—and has,
by consequence, more than doubled the dependence of all
orders of labourers. on usurers and on idle consumers.
In 1834 our legislative Jack Cades were again at
work after a gigantic fashion. By the poor-law of 1834 the
House of Commons robbed the labourers of England of the
most precious of their birthrights. By the poor-law of 1834
the House of Commons threw the labourer " on his own re-
sources"—cut off from him, in other words, those resources
drawn from the general wealth, which the wisdom of our
forefathers placed at his disposal; and placed him, as far as
its influence extended, absolutely at the mercy of his em-
ployer. In 1842, we once more find the House of Commons
at its congenial task of giving effect to " the principles of
Jack Cade;" and foremost among the " disciples" (to bor-
row Sir Robert Peel's phrase) of that great philosopher,
were found Sir James Graham and his Conservative
allies. The free-trade measures of the last two years
have, already, robbed the agricultural labourer of one-third
of his previous wages. So effective have been " the principles
of Jack Cade," when administered by pupils so zealous as
the Home Secretary. The real enemies of the rights of pro-
pertyare the ktrislators how exhibit no respect towards the
of Lord Ashley s motion. Labour, as tne economists proclaim -
(without, apparently, understanding the meaning of their
own proposition), is the source of all wealth. 'But free-
traders of all sorts—her Majesty's Ministers included—have
yet to learn, that of all the forms of property the most sacred
in the eyes of the Legislature ought to be, the wages of labour.
This fund, however, is considered by all modem " philoso-
phers" precious only in so far as it may be converted into a
field of plunder.
ADVERTISER.—There is an ignorant and mischievous
consistency in the conduct of the House of Commons, so far
as relates to its dealings with the working classes. It first
enacts the corn-laws, by means of which they are reduced to
one of two alternatives—either they must work long
hours, to be able to obtain a sufficiency of food to keep body
and soul together; or, failing to go through an amount of
toil almost too much for the human frame, they must submit
to undergo the appalling process of death by starvation. In
all branches of laborious industry, but in the factories espe-
cially, the operatives of England preferred the former alter-
native. They are willing to work from morn to eve, even
should the eventual consequence of their intolerable toil be
the sacrifice of their lives, rather than that they and their'
families should be deprived of their necessary food. But our
sapient Legislators, suddenly seized with an uncontrolable fit
of" humanity," interpose between them and their employers,
and prohibit women and young• persons from working more
than a given number of hours each day—a number insuffi-
cient to enable them to procure an adequate supply of
the necessaries of life. In all this, it must be confessed,
there is a cruel consistency. First, the stern ne-
cessity of toiling. for twelve long hours for their
daily bread, is imposed upon them by the enact-
ment of the corn-laws; and then Parliament interferes, and
tells the wretched victims of its heartless agitation, that they
shall not work twelve hours—in other words, that they shall
not work a sufficient length of time to procure the means of
subsistence. Why should the adherents of the Ashley sys-
tem stop at this point ? Why not fully carry out their prin-
ciples? Why not give a further practical exposition of their
horror of factory labour, by abolishing it altogether? The
noise of factory machinery grates on their ears ; why not
hush it to silence the unmusical sound, by stopping the mills ?
"Tall chimneys" are odious in their eyes; why not level
them with the dust? The same principle which justifies
their interference with factory labour in any way, would
equally justify their extinguishing the factory system alto-
gether. The most provoking part of the business is, that
this mischievous meddling with matters which ought to be
left to the adjustment of the employers and employed, is
justified on the plea of humanity ! ' Humanity!'" Hum-
bug! cant! There may be, it is true, a few individuals
among those who support the Ashley amendment, who are
solely influenced by what appear to them humane considera-
tions. But these honest, though mistaken philanthropists,
constitute a small minority of those who have identified
themselves with the Noble Lord in his crusade against the
manufacturers. It were invidious to mention names, but let
any one look over the lists of those who voted in the affirma-
tive, and then say whether all, or even a majority of those whose
names grace these lists, ever before in any way distinguished
themselves for their humanity. Some scores of their number
must not be a little surprised that they are now ranked
among the philanthropists of the age. How easy, with a
little management, it is to obtain a reputation for humanity !
" Oh, liberty 1" exclaimed Madame Roland when on her way
to the scaffold, " what crimes have been committed in thy
name !" " Oh, humanity what atrocities have been perpe-
trated in thy name !" What could be more cruel, what
more heartless, than to snatch from the hand of the half-
famishing factory mother or child the crust of bread by which
alone body and soul were to be kept together? And to do
it, too, in the name of humanity ! Who does not turn away
with loathing and disgust from such a bastard humanity as
this? The hypocrisy of those who, under the pretext of com-
passion for the women and young persons who work in the
factories, would deprive them of their necessary food, by
abridging their hours of labour, was last night effectively
exposed at the!League meeting at Covent-garden Theatre.
Mr. Gisborne showed that the factory question is essentially
a corn-law question, and that hostility to the League is veiled
under large professions of humanity to the factory females.
If the county members who voted with Lord Ashley were
sincere in their protestations of friendship for the factory ope-
ratives ; if their real object wore to shorten theii hours of
labour, they would vote for the repeal of the corn-laws. The
enactment of these laws, and that alone, has imposed on
these unfortunate persons the dire necessity of working
long hours in order that they may procure an adequate
supply of food. Abolish these laws, and the conse-
quent reduction in the price of bread, and the increased
value of their labour, will at once relieve them from
the necessity ofworking twelve hours per day. How happens
it, people begin to ask, that the agricultural philanthropists,
who heave so many sighs and shed so many tears for those
whose destiny it is to labour in the factories, have no bowels
of compassion for the miserable men and women who labour
in the rural districts? The labourers in Dorsetshire and
other comities are incomparably worse off than the opera-
tives in the factories. It has been proved within the last few
weeks, that whole families are living, or rather vegetating, in
many rural districts, on seven shillings a week. Their social
condition is represented, and the accuracy of the representa-
tion has not been denied, as being the most wretched that the
mind of man could picture to itself. To sink lower in the
depths of misery would, we are assured, be impos-
sible, And yet those Noble Lords and Honourable
Gentlemen who so profoundly sympathise with, and
sorrow for the overworked inmates of factories,
never whisper a word of pity for the oppressed and
starving labourers in the counties, into whose condition they
oven refuse to inquire. How is this? Can that be real hu-
manity which reserves all its sympathies for a'particular class
of sufferers, while others, much more miserable, and conse-
quently more deserving of compassion and relief, are to be
found much nearer home ? That is a questionable humanity
which singles out objects for its exercise at a distance, while
incomparably greater wretchedness is to be found at one's
own door. Humanity, like charity, ought to begin at home.
Before the soi disant philanthropists of the counties undertake
the task of applying legislative remedies to the evils which
Mist in the factories, let them try their hands at alleviating
the wretchednes* which exists in their own district*. If they

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havea mind to ontablish a reputation for h;, • ,
-IKll+z--
:abundant scope for their philanthropy,
with manufacturing matters at all. When- tltex ,
the ;note out of their own eye, they will 1
condition to take it out of - their manufac • „t'
which ther's eye. But no ; that would not serve ig.4314 11)10-P7) !."4-a-;
which the majority of those who voted with Lord A:hley
had in view. They care not a whit for the fac-
tory females. What they sought to do was to -wreak their
vengeance on the manufacturers. Their conduct is a piece •
of arrant hypocrisy. And their folly is as great as ;heir
hypocrisy. An instance of more transcendant idiotism was
never witnessed. Their conduct is suicidal. They have con-
structed a wall against which to dash out their own brains.
They have irreparably damaged the Government, -which
could alone protect them. They have given the Cabinet of
Sir Robert Peel a blow under. which it already staggers to
its fall, And when once fairly down, need we say what will
follow ? Beyond all question the immediate and entire de-
struction of the corn monopoly. What then will the landed
philanthropists take by their recent motion ? What by their
hollow professions of humanity in supporting the amendment
of Lori Ashley ? These are questions which we laaVe them
to answer at their leisure..

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. •
CITY, WEDNESDAY EVENING.
TIMES.—A specimen has been shown in the City of the
convenient and economical mannet in which quicksilver Is
imported from China. It is poured into a piece of bamboo,
about a foot long, and three inches thick, and each end is
closed with rosin. This rude form of package is found quite
as serviceable as the iron-bottle in which the metal is usually
brought. The price paid for part of this recent importation
is quoted in the Daily Commercial List as 4s. 6d. per pound,
and it is thought likely to come in competition with our
supplies from Spain. .
By the official returns published by the Customs, the ex
ports of the precious metals to foreign and colonial parts for
the week ending Thursday last, was as under, viz.:—
Ounces.
26,000
6,000
918
32,000
14,800
13,500

Silver coin to Rotterdam
Silver coin to Belgium
Silver coin to New York
Silver bars to Hamburgh
Silver bars to Hamburgh
..Silver bars to Rotterdam ,
Gold coin to New York
Gold coin to Port Philip

X 490

SUN.—Consols closed exactly the same as yesterday
evening, viz., 981 to "Exchequer Bills were 6Ss. to 70s.
prem. ; and there was no alteration in any of the other
English securities.
The Spanish securities left off rather • fiat this after-
noon at 251 to 1 for the Actives, and 361 to for the
Three per Cents. Mexican Deferred were 161 to *;
Brazilian, 821•' Portuguese Converted, 46; and Dutch
New Five per Cents., 102.
The additional transactions in Railway Shares have
been these :—Chichester and Brighton were .k; Dublin
and Cashel, 1; Eastern Counties New, 41; Edinburgh
and Glasgow Registered, 31; Great Western Half's, 20
to 4; Birmingham, 136; Manchester and Leeds Half's,
181; Northern and Eastern 121 to .1; Ditto. Quarters, 3i;
Paris and Rouen, 151; West London, First Class Pre-
ference, 1 to 2 ; and Yarmouth and Norwich, 6i prem.
Greenwich have been 7i; Ditto Preference ex dividend,
11; Midland Counties, 9; North Midland, 9; and Stras-
burgh and Bale, 24 to 2 discount. London and West-
minster Bank Shares were 5; and Union of Australia,
to :1 premium.
The Canada Company, according to the report made
to the Proprietors to-day, had a very succesful season
last year, and the settlers on its lands are described as
prospering.