The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-26 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING-, JUNE 26, 1850

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

written by th© son-in-law of the Due de Broglie with
regard to our Swiss intervention, which they ell know
cintained not one but many inaccuracies.— (Hear, hear.)
He also went into the subject of the fleet at the Darda-
nelles being obliged to put into one of the bays of the
Archipelago from stress of weather, and quoted the dis-
patch of Prince Metternich. He (Mr. Osborne) was
content to leave those two facts to be answered by the
Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs;
but he (Mr. Osborne) said that if the
Liberal party in England was caught by stray
votes thrown out one night on the subject of the Irish

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 25.

LEASEHOLD TENURE OF LAND (IRELAND)

BILL.

Lord BEAUMONT, in moving that the House should
resolve itself into a Committee on the above Bill, said
that the amendments which he proposed might be hi-
serted in the Bill in Committee, and having been printed
could be discussed fully en a future occasion. He would
allow a sufficient time after they were printed to be
considered, and he hoped the Solicitor-General would
have no objection to tbem.
The Earl of WICKLOW said it was not his intention
to oppose the proposed measure ; indeed, without being
aware of the precise nature of the amendments to be in-
troduced by the Noble Baron he could not undertake to
do so. The Noble Earl then went into a history of the
original Bill, which had been introduced by the Lord
Chancellor, and had been founded on the recommenda-
tions of the Deven Commission.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH said nothing could
make a measure like that a just one, which was essen-
tially unjust, and could never be deemed otherwise.
After a few words from Lord MONTEAGLE,
The Bill passed through Committee, and was reported
with amendments.
THE ABOLITION OF THE IRISH VICEROY-
ALTY.

Church, and on another-by the insidious lure of resting
the franchise on the broadest possible basis, if they were
content to submit to the tyrannical acts of the despot of
Russia, in his oppressive demeanour towards the Hun-
garians, they were not deserving the name of the Libe-
ral party in that House.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet was like Colabs in search of a party.—
(I iughter.) He (Mr. Osborne) admired the great ta-
lents of the Right Hon. Baronet, but there was a screw
loose about him.—(A laugh.) He (Mr. Osborne) en-

tirely dissented from the policy of setting up a Russian
puppy in the Levant. At the Congress of Verona, the
Right Honourable Gentleman would recollect, the
Greek deputies were not received, and Lord
Strangford, who was our ambassador at Con-
stantinople, was deputed to communicate to the Turk.
ish Government that the Congress of Verona recognised
the Greek question as one belonging to the internal af-
fairs of the Porte, in which no foreign power ought
to intermeddle. What did all the foreign powers do
afterwards? Why, they violated that assurance
which was given by the Congress of Verona. The
Count Balgarry, speaking of Greece and the Greeks on
one occasion, said there was no security for liberal in-
stitutions, because the immorality and ignorance of the
Greeks were so great. That opinion respecting th
Greeks had also been corroborated by the French Ade
miral. Such was the race for which we fancied we
were setting up a constitutional Government ; and what
was the natural consequence ? Why, that we were
now obliged to correct the spoiled child of our
adoption, to whom had thus been given the character of
iojurel innocence, realising the character of Juvenal—
" Ingenium velox, audacia perdita, sermo
Promptus."
Altering the quotation, he might say that in this case—
" Base was the State that paid." —(Laughter:)

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY begged to with-
draw for the present the important motion upon the
above subject, of which he had given notice, and to fix
it for Thursday next. The reason why he did so was
that some Noble Lords who wished to be present on the
consideration of so important a question could not be
so that evening; and, moreover, a Noble and Learned
Friend of his also requested him to postpone it, as it
would be more convenient for him to hear the statement
about to be made on Thursday next.
Motion accordingly postponed.
CRIME AND OUTRAGES (IRELAND) ACT CON-

He wanted to know what course any Hon. Member
would advise to be followed by a country whose subjects
were first tortured, then plundered, and all redress de-
nied or put off to that imaginary period called the Greek
kalends. A miserable laugh had been raised in
the other House by the mention of the inventory. Hew
would the Noble Lord have liked it, if his own house bad
been plundered and the inventory of his daughter's effects
been brought out in the House of Commons. But what
was the real case about Pacifico ; it had not been let out
yet, not even in any blue book. He had purchased lands,
and had only received part payment of them ; and it was not
until a few rather strong letters had been written from
other places that he received payment of the whole.
Much had been said about the house itself, and an argu-

ment raised about its structure—that it was a mud cabin—
when, in fact, it was oue of those houses built after the Con-
stantinople style, at which the head of the Regency had
lived, and at which Otho himself had not disained to
dance at a ball, for which he was much better qualified
than reigning. The Hon. Gentleman opposite had
talked of seeking redress at the local tribunals, but did
they know that the judges of those courts were remo-
vable at the King's pleasure, and no later than 1847
the President of the Areopagus had been removed
by the King, though a gentleman of high and un-
blemished character? The Honourable Gentlemen
must have forgotten their Greek, or be entirely
ignorant of the Greek Constitution. With regard to the
case of Mr. Finlay, he was not going to drag the House
through the waste*of blue-books, nor was he going into
the nisi pries style of argument, which he did not think
the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham), though he
had deprecated it, had altogether avoided. But it was
sufficient for them to know that the man had been de-
frauded and plundered, and that he was an Englishman
and entitled to the protection of the British Government.
—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Ripon and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman Op Mem-,
ber for Abingdon had not thought it worth their while to
refer to the arguments of the Hon. and Learned Member
for Sheffield, who had adduced many instances in which
the French Government had carried things with a much
higher hand in different parts of the world. No notice
had been taken on the other side of the House
of the numerous instances which had been mentioned
by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath of similar
claims made by the French Government in Portugal
in 1831, and at Naples in 1848. But what was
the reason of the unconquerable hostility shown
to • the Noble Lord? It was because his
name was identified with responsible go-
vernment and with the advance of liberal opinions.
If he had allowed himself to be persuaded by Metter-
nich, or other foreign Ministers, to intercept the letters
of foreign subjects, the case would have been. different.
but the Noble Lord had not been guilty of opening let-
ters; his was a greater crime, and the indictment against
him contained many counts. He (Lord Palmerston)
had defended constitutional government in Spain; he
had been guilty of sympathising with Italian liberty; he
had dissented from Russian interference in Hungary—
(Cheers)—he had recognised the Republic of France.
—(Cheers.) These were great crimes in the eyes of
tyrants and despots, and of that of Archiatede of politics
the Emperor of Russia, who sought to push back the
world from its present advanced state of pros-
perity and civilization. If, however, the Noble
Lord was sacrificed to those alleged crimes, they might
depend upoa it that they would light a flame in this
country.—(Cheers.) He solemnly believed that a con-
spiracy had been organized against the Noble Lord
a conspiracy of kings with crowns and without crowns,
of ministers with places and without places—and he
would add without character.—(Hear and cheers.) That
conspiracy was participated in not only iu the saloons of
Paris, but also in the boudoirs of London.—(Hear, hear.)
He was going to say that the times of the Fronde bad
again arrived. There were certain ladies who culti-
vated a taste for foreign politics, and who were all things
to all men.—(Laughter.) A party headed perhaps by a
modern Duchess de Longueville, who hated the Noble
Lord as ardently as ever the original lady hated Maze-
rine.—(Cheers and Jaughter.) What use was it to move
for ai,Committee in the other House to obtain accommo-
dation for foreign diplomatists in the gallery if this was
to be the result? Were they to be invited to hear such
un-English sentiments as those which have been uttered
by persons who
"Explain a country's dear-bought rights away,
And plead for pirates in the face of day?"
Will you then permit the Noble Lord to be run down
by the letters "of our own correspondent?"—(Cheers)
—a gentleman, who, by the way, in the company of
Russian and French agents, had been recently deco-
rated in that country to which he had rendered
such substantial service by his letters—(Hear, hear)
it gentleman who received what was called the Order
of the Saviour for his exertions. Well might such
an event call for the manly indignation of General
Church, who said that he would never again wear
that order in consequence of its having been so de-
graded; for he thought that so far-from this order being
entitled now to be called the Order of the Saviour, it
should rather be viewed as a badge of Judas Iscariot—
( Hear, hear.) The man that would put his hand to
letters for the purpose of betraying the interests of his
own country was deserving of neither respect nor
honour.—(Cheers.) He would have the House seriously
to reflect upon the consequences of the vote they gave
on this occasion. Why, beside the other consequences of
this measure the Greek question sinks into utter insig-
nificance. It was not the mere fact of giving a vote of
confidence in the Noble Lord the Minister of Foreign
Affairs that we should consider on the present occasion.
In his (Mr. Osborne's) opinion the Noble Lord's cha-
racter required no such vote to support it. But we
have heard nothing'as yet about the commerce of the
country. He would have the House reflect whether by
the reversal of the foreign policy of the Noble Lord, we,
who have ships in every sea, merchants in every port,
should not suffer the most serious injury, for what
would the situation of these merchants be if we condemn
the Noble Lord's foreign policy?—(Hear, hear.) Re-
verse that foreign policy and our comm?rce will be im-
mediately crippled. Not only would that consequence
follow, but the progress of civilization would be at once
retarded. There was not a despot that would not re-
joice, not over the humiliation of the Noble Lord, but
over the humiliation of Great Britain herself—(Hear,
hear.) He would speak a few words to two Honourable
Gentlemen. To the one who represented the Protec-
tionist party in this House, he would ask him to consi-
der what course he was about to take. Of course that
party would vote against the Noble Lord. But have
they at all contemplated what would follow? Have they
forgotten how they have been treated before by that
Minister whom they trusted?—(Cheers). Were they
about to find themselves still trusting and again betrayed?
" For Bsnquo's issue have I 'filed my mind—
For them the gracious Duncan have I murdered."
Were they again to be made the victims of his
treachery? As far as he was concerned, he
would much prefer to see that party in power
than the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for
Tamworth. He knew what their measures were, but he
could not explain, the policy of the Right lion. Baronet.
—(Hear.) He would place his trust in no party. The
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon boasted that
he had generously followed the policy of the Govern-
ment for a period of four years; and now, in the fifth
year, when he thinks the Government are in the agonies
of death, he no doubt thinks he can see a way by which
he can mount to fame and possibly to office.—(Hear,
hear.) But he (Mr. 0.) believed that there were actu-
ally to be found men upon this (the Ministerial) side of
the House who intended to vote against the Noble Lord.
Now he was at a loss to understand how men calling
themselves liberal, and taking the map of Europe in
their hands, could bring their minds to adopt that
course.—(Hear, hear.) Did they consider what they
were really going to do? Why, by giving their vote
to-night against the Noble Lord they were giving the
greatest encouragement to the schemes of Austrian ab•
solutism and to the genius of Cossack domination.--
( Hear, hear.) He would support the motion of the
Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield both with pride
and pleasure.—(The Hon. and Gallant Member then sat
down amidst the most tremendous cheering.)
Lord JOHN MANNERS said that, without attempt-
ing to follow the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down
through all the topics he had discussed, he should
explain to the House the grounds upon which he should
give his vote against the motion of the Hen. Member
for Sheffield. These were chiefly two: first, that the
policy of the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary had not
tended to the maintenance of English honour abroad and
the peace of the world; and secondly, that it was di-
rectly calculated to impair the dignity of the Crown.
On those grounds he was prepared moat conscientiously
to register his vote against the motion. The Noble Lord
did not send the English fleet to enforce compensation

from France for the injuries sustained by our artisans England would not join in such opposition, because they
there, who were turned from their homes at the revolu- dad a strong recolleetisu of the services of the Noble
tion.—(aear, hear.) In the case of Greece, the compli- Lord (Lord Palmerston), end he felt aesurecl that they
cations which had arisen were twofold, the first would never be found guilty of ingratitude. He next
originating in the delay, and the second the is- alluded to the Pragmatic Diet, which was violated by
comprehensible tenacity with which Mr. Wyse re- I Austria in respect to Hungary, which latter csuntry W"
fused to accept the proposition made to him on the to eejsy certain privilege, independent t f the Austrian
part of France. It was a singular coincidence Government; and it should be borne in mind by the
that a delay of ten days in this case, as well House that Austria used every exertion in 1848 to de-
as in that of Switzerland, should be fatal to the po- prive Hungary of the few privileges that she before that
licy of the Government, and be the means of disturbing period enjoyed. When such an innovation and aggres-
their relations with all the great powers of Europe. Tne sion was made by the militsry oligarchy that reigned at
clue to the pertinacious refusal of Mr. Wyse was, that Vienna, he considered that the interposition offered by
he thought the negotiations would be transferred to Lon- the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) was most just and
don. The result was that French mediation was frus- legitimate, and that his line of policy on that occasion,
trated, the negotiation was not transferred to London, for the purpose of sparing the blood and lives of the
and the outrage perpetrated on Greece upon the respon- Hungarians, was deserving of the highest eulogy, and
sibility of Mr. Wyse. The Noble Lord said the Foreign that it also reflected much to the glory and honour of
Secretary was not the minister of Austria or Russia, England. He hoped that such beneficial acts would be
and the Gallant Officer boasted that the conduct of Lord borne in mind by all Hon. Gentlemen who intended to
Palmerston was opposed to Cossack policy, but there vote. As for his own part, he had no confidence in the
was a passage in a dispatch of 11r. Wyse, which showed present Government, and therefore did not intend to
that there was little ground for this boast. The conduct vote, yet at the same time he should say he had much
of the Noble Lord rather forwarded the views of Rue- less confidence in any that might be introduced as a
sin. When it was said that the conduct of the Go- successor to the present Government. He next argued
vernment contributed to the preservation of the peace of that it was not stipulated that England was bound, in
Europe, they should look to the claims put forward conjunction with the powers of Russia and France, to
with regard to the islands of Cervi and Sapienzi. In protect the two islands, Cervi and Sapienza, and he
September, 1849, Sir William Parker was ordered to therefore agreed that the policy of the Noble Lord on
take possession of them, nevertheless the fleet went that occasion was a strong proof of his judgment and for-
into the Dardanelles, and Sir William Parker forgot bearance, particularly as those islands formerly be-
to take possession of them, but afterwards returned longed to Venice. In that opinion he concurred with
into the Greek waters, and Mr. Wyse suspended the his lion. and Learned Friend (Mr. Roebuck), and
order. Then followed the energetic note of Count Nes- totally disagreed with the allegation of the Noble Lord
sdrode, when Lord Bloomfield was directed to assure (Lord J. Manners) —(Hear, hear.) He would call the
him that Russian rights would be regarded, but orders attention of the House to a circumstance which would
had been previously given to take possession of these show that the Greek Government occupied those
islands without consulting Russia. Then, with regard two islands for some time, and that when some con-
to Switzerland in 1847, France offered her mediation, victs from Cerigo, one of, the lonian islands, were

which, if accepted, might have prevented the civil war
which took place. In that case ten days were lost before
the note was transmitted to Mr. Peel. Pending the ex-

wrecked and obliged to put into the island of Cervi, a
communication was made by Sir E. Lyons to Lord
Palmerston, that the Greek authorities in these islands

demanded them from the police in charge of the con-
victs. The police then gave them up, and, therefore, OR
the above communication, Lord Palmerston ordered that
the Greek Government should give up those islands,
which, from the shelter afforded by the number of their
excellent harbours, were the continual rendezvous of
pirates. He would ask was such an act unworthy of
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, particularly when the
occupation of these islands was long known to Lord
Stanley and the Earl of Aberdeen, during their official
career, previously to the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston)
coming into power?—(Hear, hear.) With respect to
the reprisals which had been made, he confessed that
if the parties had done less than they had done, where
a British subject had been injured, they would have been
subject to the reprehension of Parliament.—(Hear.)
He regretted to sue that there was a lamentable amount
of ignorance on this subject even among some of those
Honourable Members who had taken a leading part in •
the debate. Most Honourable Members seemed to know •
nothing more of the question than what they bad ga-
thered from the reports in the morning papers. The
Honourable and Learned Member then referred to some
of the cases which had been made the subject of com-
plaint on the part of the British Government, and
amongst them to the case of the " Fantome." Even in
the case of Signor Pacifico, which had been made the
subject of so much indecent mirth, that individual could
not, by civil action, obtain redress from the Government
for the losses and injury which he might be able to prove
he had sustained. It had been said that an overwhelm-
ing force had been sent to seek redress for those wrongs,
and complaint was made against the Government on
that subject; but he remembered that in the war
with Spain, complaint was made to Parliament
against the Government of the day for not
having sent such an overwhelming force against the
Spaniards on that occasion as would not have tailed to
make them submit. He thought, that when reprisals
were to be made, a sufficient force to make them should.
be employed.—(Hear, hear.) He was not prepared to
condemn the whole of the foreign policy of the Govern-
ment on the present occasion. He could not vote for the
motion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, because it
went generally to an approval of the foreign policy of
the Government; neither could he vote for the negative
of that motion, because, latterly, there were some parts
of that policy t f a liberal .charaetei (as' in the ease of
Hungary), of which he approved, and he had, therefore,
looking at the case in all its details, conscientiously come
to the conclusion not to vote at all.—(Hear.)
Mr. BAILIE COCHRANE thought that the House
had been greatly edified by the speech of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman who had just 'sat down, because of
the knowledge he had shown of the affairs of Greece,
and must have been somewhat surprised at the
speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman
ending with a declaration that he would not vote at
all. He had on a former occasion listened for hours to a
speech of the Hon. and Learned Member, and heard hint
indulge in all manner of invective against the Noble Lord
at the head of the foreign department, because of his
foreign policy ; but he (Mr. Cochrane) now rose, not to
indulge in any invective, but to express his opinion of
the importance of this debate.—(Hear, hear, from the
Opposition.) He differed from the Noble Lord (Lord
John Russell) who had said the other day that the policy
of the Noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs was
" English policy."—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial
benches.) He (Hr. Cochrane) denied that it was English
policy—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition)—because the
policy of the Noble Lord was based on bad faith to-
wards other countries.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " No,
no,") He did not quarrel with the Noble Lord
for his revolutionary spirit, but good faith, he
maintained, ought to be kept with every
country.—(Hear, hear, from both sides of the
House.) He had given notice, about a fortnight
ago, on the subject of dispatches in relation to the affairs
of Switzerland, to which the Duke de Broglie and Mon-
sieur De Somville were parties on the one hand, and
the Noble Lord on the other. The charges which were
made against the Noble Lord by the French authorities
had been denied by the Noble Lord, and he (Mr. Coch-
rane) was delighted to hear that denial, because it would
appear from it that there had been much misrepresenta-
tion of the Noble Lord on the subject. The Hon. Mem-
ber then quoted from correspondence between the No-
ble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department, the
Duke de Broglie, and M. De Somville on the subject of '
the affairs of Switzerland. He found from that
correspondence that the Noble Lord had declined to
interfere in the matter, en the ground that he
would not, on principle, meddle in the foreign affairs
of any countries. He then went on to explain
the interviews which had taken place between
Mr. Peel and other diplomatic functionaries on the sub-
ject of the threat of the French Government to march
troops into Switzerland for the purpose of crushing the
revolutionary movement in that country, and to th in-
terviews between the Noble Lord, the Chevalier Bunsen,
and other diplomatists, on the subject, and the desire
expressed on the occasiou, to prevent General Dufoure
from marching against Lucerne. But, notwithstanding
the promises thus given by the Noble Lord, and the
desire expressed by Mr. Peel, General Dufoure was
allowed to march a large force against Lucerne. He (Mr.
Cochrane) charged the Noble Lord, then, with bad faith
in his foreign policy on that occasion.—(Hear.) In 1847
Lord Ponsonby wrote to the Noble Lord the Foreign Se'
cretary that the Pope was in great danger. Lord Minto
arrived in Rome in December, 1848, and would it be
believed that ho went to the Hotel do l'Europe, and was
received by a knot of scoundrels, by whom he was
loudly cheered, for what he called the independence of
Italy—a republican cry raised throughout the country.
In a box in the theatre, too, he received Ciceroacchio,
one of those abandoned men who are remarkable for the
audacity of their character and the utter recklessness of
ther conduct. Equally wanting in good faith had been
the conduct of the Noble Lord with regard to the affairs
of Sicily and Naples. Throughout Italy there was but
one feeling, that all the miseries which that country suf.'
fered had been brought about by British interference.
He should not trouble the House further, but it was not
for want of matter to prove the reprehensible nature of
the Noble Lord's conduct. His policy wes not an Eng'
lish policy, it was egotistical and selfish, based upon
coercion of the weak and concession to the strong.
Lord PALMERSTON, who on rising was loudly cheered
by the Ministerial side of the House, then spoke as follows'
Mr. Speaker, anxious as many Members undoubtedly are to
deliver their sentiment on this most important question,
,yet I am sure that they will feel it is due to me—that they
will feel it is due to this House—that they will feel it is due
to the country, that I should not permit the second night
of this important debate to close without having stated to
the House my views and explanations of the matter in ques"
tion. Sir, when I say that this is an important question, I
say so with the fullest conviction that it is not merey e
question of the tenure of office by one individual—of the
tenure of office by a Government—but that it is a question
which involves principles of national policy—(Hear, bear)
—which involves the deepest interest as well as the hotel
and dignity of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I cane°
think the course pursued, and by which the question has
been brought to its present issue, is becoming those hi
whose act ;this question has been brought uuder discussion►
or is fitting the gravity and importance of the matter which
they have brought this and the other House of Parliament to
discuss.—(Hear, hear.) I think, if a party
in this country
to carry the
either imagine they are strong enough
Government by storm and take possession of the
citadel of office, or that by measuring their own strength
with that of their opponents on matters of such gravity and
importance importance connected with the conduct of Government,t_ei
is
their duty to call on Parliament to express disappro-
bationd with
case or in the other, that party should not be ercdontente
of what has passed—l think that, either in the one
send down their resolution for the
obtaining the opinion of the Houseof
to
concurrenceLo
osf,
thisbut isihooausle,:
this House that resolution.--Olear,
or, at least, those that act with themhehaerr.e) shhountldhpertehpeosreo
ad
t the
it should ado!)
what it may, we have come to the same
end, and the Helve
is now substantially considering whether
resolution of the house of Lords or the resolution whih
to our consideration. Now, Sir, the resolution of the xv,or
Hon. and Learned Gentleman_
.( Nile Roebuck)
of Lords involves the future and the past. It lays down.
pripciple of national policy which I consider
totally with the interests, with the rights, wind
the honour and the dignity of this country—(Hear, hear 11
also with the practice, not only of this country, .but of
other constitutional countries.—(Hear.) It lays dowac,,
principle which even the noble person who moved the Yee
solution was obliged in his speech to modif •• Although
did not think it proper to insert the modification of the his
has slibmittete
solution, yet he found it necessary to introduce it '1? die
speech, for the purpose of obtaining the concurrence 01,,0
majority.—(Hear, hear.) This country is told that 131.'„`1
subjects in foreign lands are entitled to no more Pi°tec,;°ts,
than that which they can receive from the laws, c`ice.•
and tribunals of the country in which they happen- firs"
(hear, hear, from the Opposition, and a counter demons
tion from the Ministerial side of the House. The ieteurj„; o-'
is told that British subjects abroad must not‘k" tjue:trto
tection of their own country, but that they.u.bald
that indifferent justice which they may happen fig,.. 000 s
the hands of foreign Governments and tribunals:lPP, to
of Lords has not said that ,it—.4oes not extend
, ~ttl.nrszti ''
.1ZO:4010 ORS 4g/1..16.1 , '

planation which the Noble Lord would give upon this
point, and giving him credit for good intentions, yet,
looking to the continued delay which had taken place,
he could not think that it was calculated to promote the
peace and happiness of Europe. With respect to
Italian affairs, it was said that England wished to oc-
cupy the position of a spectator, and that the Noble Lord
did not mean to deprive Austria of her Lombar-
dic territories; yet Mr. Abercromby, sitting in Turin
when the Assembly was discussing the question of an-
nexation, stated in his dispatch, " after an animated
discussion,the question was decided in favour of annexa-
tion by a majority, &c." It was in this summary
manner that the event was treated. At a later period
Mr. Abercromby was found writing—"lt is with much
regret that I have to announce to your Lordship the
retreat of the Sardinian troops, under his Sardinian
Dlaiesty, to the banks of the Oglio." If it was the part
of England to remain an impassive spectator, how could
the Noble Lord order the British Minister in Sardinia
to proceed to Alessandria to comfort the defeated mo-
narch and offer to Charles Albert the good offices of
England ? When Mr. Abercromby performed that
task, so grateful to his feelings, he told the King of Sar-
dinia that, as regarded her Mej sty's Government and
the people of Great Britain, he could answer for their
sympathy. When Mr. Abercromby to .k upon him to
say the sympathy of the honest, just-minded people of
England went along with Charles Albert, Mr. Aber-
cromby calumniated the people of England.—(Hear,
hear.) The sympathy proffered to Charles Albert, it
might be suspected, was not that which he relied on ree
ceiving when he commenced his ill-starred expedition ;
what he expected was something far more substantial
than unmeaning cheers in Free Trade Hall, or pretty
expressions on the part of a high Minister of State. And
when Charles Albert was in the state so well described
by the great moralist of England :
" The bold Sardinian,' in a luckless hour,
Tries the dread summits of Czsarean pow'r,
With unexpected legions bursts away,
And sees defenceless realms receive his sway;
Short sway ! fair Austria spreads her mournful charms,
The Queen, the beauty, sets the world in arms;
From hill to hill the beacon's rousing blaze
Spreads wide the hope of plunder and of praise;
The fierce Croatian, and the wild Hussar,
Wittrall the-sons of ravage, crowd the war._
:The baffled Prince, in honour's flatt'ring bloom : .
Of hasty greatness, finds the fatal doom ;
His foes' derision, and his subjects' blame,
And steals to death from anguish and from shame."
When such was the career of the Sardinian Monarch,
the value of the Noble Lord's sympathy might well be
appreciated. The object of attempting to excite the
people in different countries against their Governments
was alleged to be, that liberal institutions might
be established and freedom diffused. Yet it was
remarkable that in Austrian Italy the feeling of
the people was in favour of the legitimate Sovereign.
The return of the Austrians was regarded by the farmers
as a blessing. The Noble Lord had been unsuccessful
as a mediator, but he strove to serve Charles Albert by
diplomacy. With this view the Noble Lord assured tee
Court of Austria that she could never retain her Italian
provinces, and when the country was re-occupied by
Marshal Radetski it was represented that such re-occu-
pation was not synonimous with the re-establishment of
Austrian authority; but Austria was not to he scared
out of her rights. The noble answer of Prince Schwart-
zenberg was, that it was better for Austrians to die with
arms in their hands than to give up Lombardy. What
had been the result, in a commercial point of view, of
this fomenting of insurrections?—(Hear.) He would
ask the Hon. and Gallant Gentleman what had been the
result of the partial insurrection in Italy. The effect of
the policy of the Noble Lord in the Italian states had
been injurious to the commercial interests of the
country. Previous to the liberal and gentlemanly in-
terference by Charles Albert, the fiscal dues in Tuscany
were little more than nominal. In several other states
the tariffs were very low. But in all these states the re-
strictions upon commercial intercourse had since been
increased. He wished the commerce of England joy of
the result. The policy of interference had increased re-
striction from the farthest cape of Italy to the confines of
Saxony.—(Hear, hear.) He felt the question could not
be narrowed to Greece. He forbore to touch on the
policy of the Noble Lord with regard to Portugal, or ou
the policy be pursued with respect to the Spanish mar-
riages. He had put before the House the reasons why he
thought that neither the honour nor the dignity of this
country was maintained by this policy. He thought that
the peace of the world could not be maintained it it was
much longer pursued.—(Hear, hear.) It was not calcu-
lated to secure for England that position which she
ought to hold amongst the nations of the world. It was
calculated to excite the hostility of the world, and arouse
the indignation of civilized Europe; and therefore he
could not conscientiously give his support to a resolution
affirming that this policy was calculated to uphold the
honour and dignity of the nation.
Mr. C. ANSTEY said that they were called upon to
give their approbation to the foreign policy of her Ma-
jesty's Government, because the principles upon which
that foreign policy-was conducted were calculated to up-
hold the honour of the country. No definite period was
mentioned to which their consideration was to be con-
fined; but they were invited at least to go so far back us
1830, for the evidence of its merits; and, upon the other
hand, they were told by his Hon. and Learned Friend
that the object of the resolution was to neutralise the
effect produced by the rash and un-English vote of the
House of Lords upon foreign Governments. Now they
knew that the ground upon which their policy had been
attacked in another place was the whole course of policy
in the Levant since the year 1848. He complained of
being called upon to give a vote upon the resolution be-
fore the House, which he knew, if there was any force
in language, was meaningless. They were not asked to
affirm the vote of the House of Lords. They were not
asked to say that the foreign policy pursued was not
wise, and just, and honourable. He could not affirm that
it was wise, and jest, and English, and he could not
affirm the contrary.—(Hear.) He could not affirm that
of any Government, and therefore he felt himself in a
difficulty. He had had occasion to condemn the policy
of the Foreign Minister, and he did then unfeignedly
condemn it, but he wished to deal fairly with him and
the Ministry in the consideration of their policy. The
foreign policy, since February, 1848, he could affirm had
been such as declared in the resolution. He was most
essentially and determinately opposed to the policy of
those parties who advocated the extradition of those ve-
nerable and patriotic men, after they had sought refuge
in a country enjoying the protection of this country. It
was in a spirit of fair play, and not that he had confidence
in his policy, that he came forward to render his testi-
mony in his place in Parliament, and to declare that in
one and all the recent passages of his policy which had
been made the subject of so much obloquy elsewhere,
his judgment was that the Noble Lord (Lord Palmer-
ston) had sinned rather in respect of moderation than of
excess. He owed that much to the Noble Lord, and he
appealed to the House not to misconstrue his motives
and his speech. The Noble Lord who had just sat down
had opened new ground that night. He asked them to
come to the decision that the measures of the Noble
Lord in Italy were inconsistent with the interests of this
country, and inconsistent with the peace of the world.
Now, he said the Noble Lord had opened that new
ground. They were now to have a discussion on Italy.
Now, what was it all about? When a slight deficiency
in the statement of the Noble Lord and the Right Hon.
Baronet had been supplied, the result was this, that they
were not forewarned, and could not be supposed to fore-
see that the war would be so speedily put. down. The
Noble Lord did give to all parties that advice which was
most calculated to induce peace. The Austrians had
endeavoured to establish a state of disorder throughout
Italy, and even beyond the limits of their southern
boundary; and the limits of the Noble Lord's declaration
was, that if they interfered beyond their own dominions
to check the progress of liberty, it would not be re-
garded by England with indifference. He contended
that the motives of Charles Albert to elevate his country
were those that became an honest and upright patriot,
and though lie failed, through the influence of Austria
and Russia, yet his failure was to be characterised rather
by defeat than disgrace. And wherefore, he tisked,
should a British Minister who supported so high and
honourable a cause be subject to the ceusnre of a British
Parliament or a British people ? Ho then alluded to the
sptech of the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir James
Graham), in which he animadverted on the conduct of
the Noble Lard (Lord Palmerston), and he (Mr. Anstey)
contended that there was no similarity of feeling or inte-
rest between a civilized nation and a horde of brutal
Cossacks, headed by their barbarian despots. But he
should, in reply to the censure of the Right Honourable
Baronet (Sir James Graham) say that the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs acted as became an Englishman an a
Christian, and he contended, therefore, that Turkey was
much indebted to England, and consequently he
Lord, for his prompt interference in preventing the Noble
of
Russia from enterieg the Bosphorous and then the Dar-
danelles. He was happy to say that the
apCapbri:vedot6FEnthg,;
land and that of France had highly
conduct of the Noble L.,rd on that occasion, and though
opposition was raised against the present Government
for certain motives, yet he felt assured that the people of