The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-14 00:00:00

occurred at Birmingham. Elsewhere will be found
the particulars of the murderous attack made on the 7th
inst. by a party of burglars on the person of Mr.
ThomAs MARSTON, a gold ,and silver beater of that
city. It will be seen from the detailed narrative of
the Birmingham Journal that, although the unfortu-
nate gentleman defended himself for a considerable
time with the utmost gallantry in a hand-to-hand en-
couater with his assailants, tw o or three policemen (one
of them a sergeant, and another a sub-inspector) stood
outside the front door of the premises, quietly looking
on and listening to the disturbance, while the robbers
bludgeoned Mr. MARSTON into a state of insensibility,
and then coolly made their escape unmolested. Any
evidence of stupidity comparable to this we cannot
call to recollection. There was the tradesman him-
self, shouting for aid as a man may be supposed to
shout when defending himself from the blows of as-
saEsins, there were his daughter and a servant
screaming from one of the windows for assistance,there
were a sergeant and a rub-inspector of police listening
for a long while to their entreaties for their inter-
ference—and yet only effecting their entrance
when the street•door was opened for them on the in-
side, when Mr. Meas Tort was found lying covered
with blood and in a state of insensibility on the stair-
case, and when the perpetrators of this murderous
outrage had adroitly absconded at their convenience.
Again we say, that one of the most effectual means
of preventing the continuance of this organized system
of burglary is the infliction of some punishment upon
the police whenever they are proved to have betrayed
a gross and culpable want of vigilance.

The only subjects of any importance now agitating
the political world in Ireland appear to be the enun-
ciation of the Catholic Bishops in reference to the
proposed Catholic University, and the proceedings of
the Irish Tenant League. We shall for the present,
commit their right reverences to more pious hands,
and shall turn to what we conceive the mcre impor-
tant subject—the Irish Landlord Question. We have
frequently through the columns of this journal—
long before the formation of the Tenant League—
emphatically impressed on the Government the ne-
cessity of adjusting the relations between the land-
lords and tenants of Ireland by legal interposition.
We were unable to see any other means of
stemming the tide of crime and misery which
overflowed that wretched country in consequence of
the state of land-law there ;we conceived there could
be no security for the life and property of the land-
lord till the tenant had al,fixed, safe, and permanent
interest in the soil. Every day's experience convinces
us that we were right, and our exertions shall not
cease till we see this subject fairly and legally settled
with a due consideration for the interests of all.

This question has lately, through the proceedings
of the Tenant League, occupied a considerable portion
of public attention at both sides of the channel. In
Ireland, particularly, it
has been invested with a pe-
culiar interest from the novel confederation it has
produced—sects and classes, hitherto kept asunder by
religious prejudices, have formed a holyalliance upon
common ground. The Celt and the Saxon, the
Catholic, Protestant, and Presbyterian have united in
one solemn and peaceful league for the attainment of
legislation upon this subject.
With the propositions of the Irish Tenant League,
or the mode which they would prescribe for the legal
settlement of the question, we have at present nothing
to do, and shall content ourselves to-day with a few
words as to the propriety, nay, the NECESSITY, of
legal interposition between the landlords and tenants
of Ireland.

Many who argue against legislation upon this sub-
ject
put forward strange and, to our minds, very un-
tenable doctrines; some say the law should not inter-
fere with solemn and voluntary contracts, but should
leave them to free competition. Now the most
superficial knowledge of the laws of the land would
convince this class that such contracts have been fre-
quently the subjects of legislation. Though we deem
it scarcely necessary, yet we can refer to the Fac-
tories Bill, the Health of Towns Bill, the Truck Bill,
and various others where voluntary contracts have
been interfered with. Others, again, not rash
enough to maintain this doctrine, adopt the
artifice of ingenious sophistry, and would
beg the question that land contracts differ
in some imaginary essence from all other contracts,
To theso we would say, all tenures and contracts of
land are the creations of the law, and are subject to
the revision of the power which made them, when-
ever social order or the public good require it. Is the
shield of the law to be thrown over the factory girl
and the miner, and refused to the tiller of land in
Ireland ?

Others, still blinded to facts and the history of Irish
say—Show us the NECESSITY for in-
terfering with the ancient usages and the established
landlordism,la wson
this
subject.
The handwriting on the wall would, we fear, con-
vey no warning to such as these. Can they not read
the dread 'necessity in the most cruel evictions ? Can
they not see it in old roof-trees scattered to the
winds, and the wretched inmates sent to perish by
the wayside? Can they not see it in the midnight
incendiary, who, in the reckless insanity of despair,
consigns house, life, and property to the flames?
Can they not see the dire necessity for legislation on
this point in the mid-day assassin, who, in the
broad light of heaven, with blood-stained hands,
sends his viclim unprepared before his MAKER ?

Will they still leave the Irish land question to such
legislators as these ? If the hideous scenes of crime,
and cruelty, and blood, which have resulted from the
present state of land-law, or, perhaps more appropri-
ately, landlord-law in Ireland, will not convince such
persons of the NECESSITY of legislation, further argu-
ment with them would be useless, for no reasoning
could convince.

One of the greatest organs of public intelligence—
we will not say of public opinion—in this, or perhaps
in any other country, has frequently pealed forth its
thunders to obstruct the settlement of this question by
legal interposition. The first argument advanced by
this organ was, in substance, this—that the tenure of
land in England and Ireland was the same, and was
not thely subject a trust in either country.
In reply to
of
iswedemonstrated that the landlords
in six counties of Ulster held their lands, not
for their own private benefit alone, but for the ad-
vantage of the settlers upon those lands also, and that,
legally, any violation of those conditions would
amount to a forfeiture of their estates. It next ad-
vanced the strange proposition that voluntary con-
tracts were beyond the province of the law. To this
we replied by facts and precedents. Driven from
these outposts, it
then threw upon its adversaries
the onus to show the NECESSITY for legislation
upon land contracts. To this we think we have also
What effect our reasoningmay satisfactorily
have upna replied.
the
mutations of the kaleide-
s
scope of Printing-house'quare we cannot presume
to say ; but, perhaps, what our plain reasoning could
intelligible effecthigher quarter, and. that in
will bt
hints from
by a few recent and
the future consideration of this question we shall have
our contemporary as a powerful ally instead of a
dangerous adversary.
our pleasing duty to do jus-
It has been frequently
tine to the ability with which Lord CLARENDON
has administered the affairs of Ireland. No Irish
Governor had ever more difficulties to encounter—no
statesman could have met those difficulties with snore
firmness and wisdom ; his almost intuitive foresight
enabled him to crush rebellion, without bloodshed,
and the extraordinary powers with which he was
entrusted by Parliament he exercised with a mode-
ration that does him honour. It would appear that
the NECESSITY, which some of our contemporaries
cannot see, has been fully recognized by this wise and
able statesman. In reply to a very temperate ad-
dress from the "Ulster Tenant-Right Provincial
Committee," his Excellency says, t, That it would be
improper cri his part to discuss the relations that
should subsist between landlord and tenant, As

THE QUESTION WILL BE BROUGHT UNDER THE

as
CONSIDERATION OF PARLIAMENT NEXT SESSION; and
you may rest assured it is the earliest desire of her
MAJESTY'S Government to promote such an arrange-
ment His Excellency goes on to say that landlords and
may be satisfactory to all parties concerned:,
tcnant; are mutually dependent on each other, and that
their interests are identified ; " but his Excellency
is convinced that IN IRELAND, AS ELSEWHERE, respect
for the rights of property will be found perfectly
compatible with that SECURITY AND CONFIDENCE