The Sun.
London, England, 1850-03-20 00:00:00

the richest parts are uncultivated; those parts would
immediately be cultivated for the purpose of producing
sugar. Immense suffering would follow on this. The
Hon. Member said he would put the question on this
basis, would the mass of human misery be increased or
diminished by the adoption of the motion? I say, no
doubt the result must be that the mass of human misery
would be immensely increased in Africa, and also in the
Brazils, by the introduction of a larger number of slaves
into the Brazils. What is the speculation going on at
this moment in the Brazils? It is that, seeing a Com-
mittee has sat on this question, and that the opinion of
the Committee leaned to the abandonment of all further
efforts to suppress the slave trade, they believe there is a
probability that they soon will be in a condition to cul-
tivate sugar so cheaply that no country in the world will
be able to furnish sugar to this country except the Brazils.
It is the opinion of all who are asked on the subject,
that an immense importation of slaves int') Brazil would
produce the certain result of an immense increase in the
production of sugar. This brings us to another question,
which the Right Honsurablo Gentleman rightly touched
upon; for though connected with the question of hu-
manity, it is also connected with our own interests—l
mean the effect which it would have on the West
Indies, if this increased competition occurred. lam not
now going to argue the question of the sugar duties of
1845. I will admit, by the abolition of slavery in 1833,
and the abolition of the prohibitory duty of 1842, that
we did place the West India Islands at great disadvan-
tage.—(Hear.) I am, however, happy to see the opinion
stated on both occasions borne out—that they would be
elite to bear those shocks, and to found their sugar cniti-
ration on a new and a better basis. I have not been
entirely disappointed; on the contrary, I observe the
produce of sugar in Jamaica, Guiana, and other islands,
in 1847 and 1848, is greater than in 1845 and 1846, and
the proluce of 1849, I believe, is greater than of 1848.
If that is the case, it shows that the Africans in the
West India Islands are induced to labour for less wages.
and that successful industry is carried on in the islands at
this moment. But, after the blows-4 admit they were
blows—the West Indies have sustained, they would be
in the utmost danger if any great advantage was given
to Brasil by the admission of a great number of slaves;
and if the additional produce were brought against the
produce of our own islands—(Hear)—l think that would
be more than the West India Islands would be able to
bear—they could not stand this competition. That of
itself would be a great misfortune, not only as regards
our own interest, but it would be a misfortune as regards
the question of slave labour.—(Hear, hear.) These,
then, are three conclusive reasons against the motion
proposed to the House. In the first place, there would
be the increased activity of the slave trade; in the se-
cond the destruction of the trade on the coast of Africa;
and, third, the expensive and ruinous competition of
stave labour with free labour of the West India Islands.
But the. Right Honourable Gentleman asks what it is we
would propose to do in going on with the preseat system,
and the Right Hon. Gentleman says the speech of my
Right Hon. Friend would do for any other time and
occasion. I contend that, by the existing system, we
have made progress on the coast of Africa towards the
destruction of the slave trade. That the slave trade
has act been utterly suppressed by such means I readily
admit; but the greater the progress we make in civilising
Africa, the greater the area from which the slave trade
is excluded. We have thereby a less evil to cope with,
and the more manageable the evil becomes. Another
argument is, that we have not sufficient means at com-
mand. Thr Committee object to force; they object to
the destruction of the barracoons and the forced libera-
tion of the slaves. These means, they say, are not to
be thought of as a remedy for the present evil. I think,
Sir, the destruction of the barracoons, and the occu-
pation of forts on the coast of Africa, are the principal
means of suppressing the slave trade. All the evidence
of the dispatches we received prove that such is the case,
and I expect the utmost advantage from those means.
The Hon. Gentleman has alluded to the opinion of other
nations with respect to our policy in relation to the slave
trade. I have stated that great advantages were
obtained at the beginning, and my opinion is if you
were to address the different powers of Europe, you
would find their opinion more enlightened on the subject
than when we began, in 1815 to enforce our own
opinions; we have seen other powers cheerfully co-
operate with us in suppressing the slave trade—France
and the United States of America have suppressed the
slave trade, and, were those great powers to join with us
in using not unfriendly—but firm language to Spain and
the Brazils, I am persuaded the happiest effects would be
produced on tbese Governments. That they would
despise the warning I 'am not ready to believe. If
they took no measures for the repression of the slave
trade, then you would have again to consider well the
question—what progress you have made—whether the
slave trade would be more repressed in the next year
than in the present? What are the means that remain?
That there are means I think no one will deny.
That they are moans to be at once condemned none but
the Members that composed the majority of the Com-
mittee would decide; for that Committee having been
appointed on those terms—to consider the best means to
adopt for the extinction of the slave trade, seemed to
have no other thought than how to condemn and repro-
bate every means by which the slave trade could be ex-
tinguished, and to leave alive the only means by which
it could be nourished and increased.—(Hear, hear.) But
as to the last answer to the question, what, can we do for
the repression of the slave trade? Sir, I for one will
not despond. I believe that despondency in a great
cause is of itself a main cause of failure.—(Hear,
hear.) I can imagine a man saying in 1814
that for three centuries the Algerines had car-
ried on their plans of plunder, piracy, robbery,
and captivity of the Christians, and having lasted
for three centuries, no one would be wild, Utopian, or j
insane enough to expect their termination; and yet the
very next year saw a termination of this practice of three
centuries and the system of carrying Christians into car-
tivity put an end to and abolished.—(Hear, he tr.) Sir,
I believe if this cause is good—if it has enlisted gradually
the nations of the world in its favour—if there remain
only Spain, in one of her colonies, and the empire uf
Brazil still carrying on this trade, I believe that the
cause is anything but hopeless.—(Hear.) I believe that
nothing would destroy it but the want of that moral
courage which the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite dis-
played—l believe that nothing but being faint-hearted on
that subject, and saying that we aro unequal to cope
with this evil. will finally giro it a permanent sway and
supremacy.—(Hear, hear.) But there are other motives
which may influence this House in coming to
a decision upon this question. We have been blessed
with great mercies during the past year. We have
more than once had to thank Almighty God for the dis-
pensation of those mercies. I own, Sir, it appears to
me that if we are now to say that the trade in man shall
be unlimited, and the cruel traffic against which England
for nearly fifty years has been working, with the efforts
of her greatest statesizee, and the hands of her hest and
bravest sailors is now to be allowed to go free and us:-
controlled, I believe that we shall no longer have a right
to expect these mercies. I believe that in the high, the
Christian, and moral character of the nation is to be
found the main source and secret of her strength. I
think that if this night you were to direct your Foreign
Minister to go with his dastardly message to France—if
we give up this holy work of mercy—if we are no Linger
permitted to take a lead in the championship against the '
curse and crime of slavery, we can no longer venture to
expect those blessings which, of God's providence, we
enjoy.—(Cheers.) •
Lord R. GROSVENOR wished to state the reason
for the painful vote which lie intended to give. During
the twenty-eight years he had the honour of a seat in
that House, it was his good fortune never, until that day,
to differ on any essential point of policy from his Noble
Friend below him. His reason for voting. for the pre-
sent motion was this—that if it were carried, it would
have the effect of preventing this country from continu-
ing to attempt the moral government of the world on
principles which, according to his judgment and under-
standing, were condemned by the moral Governor of the
Universe in every page of his works.
Mr. HUTT, in reply, said that it ought not to be
taken for granted that he had no substitute to propose,
because he had not offered one on that occasion.

The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the motion ... 154
Against it . . ... 232
Majority twainst the m.tion ... —7B
INTRAMURAL INTERMENTS.

Lord DUDLEY STUART moved an address for a
n.turn, stating, for each of the last ten years, the number
of interments that have Liken place in each cathedral,
church, chapel, churchyard, chapelyard, cemetery, or
other place of interment within titteen miles of St. Paul's
Cathedral; distinguishing (if practicable) whether made
in faults or otherwise.

After a brief discussion, the motion w•as negatived on
a division.

PIRATES.

On the motion of:Mr. lIUME. returns were ordered
of the names and tonnage of any British vessels, with
the names of their respective Commanders, and of the
names of any British subjects that have been either
captured, attacked, plundered, or iu any way molested,
by either Malay or llyak pirates, on the coast of Borneo,
or elsewhere, from the 15th day of August, 1839, to the
15th day of August, 1549, inclusive; specifying date and
place of each case of such capture, attack, plunder, or
molestation.

On the motion of Mr. WOOD, Mr. lierriea was added
to the Select Committee on oaths of Members, in the
place of Mr. Disraeli.
The reports of the resolutions upon the Stamp Duties
and Drainage Advances were brought up, and leave
given to bring in Bills founded thereon.
The Factories Bill was read the second time.
. The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at a Quarter-pest Two o'clock.

Mr. Loch had an interview with Earl Granville
yesterday.
COTTON SEFD.—SOME little time since an impor-
tation took place from one Of the ports of the United
States of America of a small quantity of cotton-seed,
which was noticed on account of its being a novel ar-
ticle of importation from abroad. A vessel, now arrived
from New Orleans with a cargo of cotton and American
provisions, has brought 3 t casks cf the cotton-seed, and
this importation being of so much greater extent, and
tending to pros,* the continuance of importations of this
important description of seed, is, for wha'ever purpoEo
it may be intended to serve, of more than ordinary
interest.
[AnvnivrtsEmENT.]--Twenty Ulcers on the Legs
cured by Holloway's Ointment and Pills.—Extract of a letter
from 0. B. Knocker, dated Mount Gambia, South Australia,
July 7, 12349. To Professor Holloway. Sir,—A case has
just come under my observation in which the efficacy of your
Ointment and Pills has been fully proved. A man of the
name of Joshua Smith bad upwards of twenty ulcers on his
shins, which were so difficult to cure that almost every remedy
had been applied without any good effect. Your Pills and
Ointment were then resorted to, and in about six weeks he
was completely cured, and scarcely a mark is now to be seen.—
Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establish-
ment; 244, Strand, London.