The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-18 00:00:00

DKUNKANNESS.

The Round Table, in a leading article, discusses
General Grant's habits, arriving at the conclusion
that, whatever the weakness or strength of his past
habits, or of his present ones, his claims, or their
recompense—his countrymen would be wise to
assure themselves, ere it be to too late, that where
there is much smoke there is no fire. The IVa-
tioual Temperance Advocate, the official organ of
the cause in the United States, announces that
" having thoroughly investigated the matter we
give it as our deliberate opinion that General
Grant does not now drink—that is, anything alco-
holic." General Howard and Mr. William E.
Dodge lately examined the case at Washington, and
the opini,m was based on their investigations. The
Round Table evidently thinks that General Grant
drinks, but does not, in our opinion, write in a fair
spirit. The story we related last Saturday by Mr.
Olmsted is alluded to as follows :—" Ile writes a let-
ter to say that he was once in the General's company,
when, in his, Mr. Ohnsted's opinion, the General
was quite sober, but that, on the same occasion,
somebody else who conversed with the General
thought and said that he was quite drunk, which
incident Mr. Olmsted seems to think decisive as
settling the point of habitual sobriety." NOW this
does not fairly represent Mr. Ohnsted's letter, as
our readers are aware. Alluding to the British
Parliament the Round Table says " such instances
(tippling) have been numerous, more so, uo doubt,
in the last generation than in this ; yet one of the
most cautious of contemporary statesmen, Mr.
Disraeli, is said by leading London journals to have
been in a state of obvious intoxication while deli-
vering his recent speech on the Irish Church ques-
tion. The intoxication is ass Tted to have been
alcoholic, but we have heard it confidently stated
by Englishmen that this gentleman has long been
accustomed to take opium before his important
forensic efforts." If drunkenness were common
among gentlemen in England, it would certainly
frequently appear in the House of Commons, be-
cause the habits of English gentlemen almost c
fine their drinking to dinner and afterwards, and
the dinner hour among them is from six to eight
p.m. The business of the House is mainly trans-
acted after dinner, and therefore every opportunity
is afforded for ascertaining the habits of the mem-
bers, and the instances are rare in which even a
breath of suspicion attaches to any M.P. of in-
ebriety. It would be considered something dread-
ful if a member appeared intoxicated before dinner,
for the pleasant " drinks" concocted in America
have taken long to be introduced into England, and
the habit of indulging in them during the day, when
old friends meet, has not become general. If the
business in the English House was confined to the
day, as it is in the United States House, except in
rare instances, a case of drunkenness in it would
be absolutely unknown. The Round Table once
created a sensation by a series of articles on
" Drunkenness among 'Women," and the Revolution
has taken up as a plank of its platform " Reforma-
tion in Drunkenness among Men." We cannot tell
the value of the figures in the official records of the
New York Inebriate Asylum, but it would appear
if the ten years' experience of that establishment be
regarded as conclusive that the topers of America
are rich men's daughters. There were 1,300 appli-
cations for admission from this class; 39 of the
men were clergymen,.B were judges, 310 merchants,
226 physicians, and 240 styled themselves gentle-
men. Mrs. Stanton, if these figures truly indicate
who drinks, ought to direct the Revolution first to
her own sex ; and as she considers the consumption
of alcohol disqualifies for the fanchise, rich men's
daughters must be an ineligible elms. Senator
Yates, in reply to the people of Illinois, confesses
" the weakness which bas borne him down," but
we scarcely think that the Senator does justice to
the strength of his potations ; it was no mild pota-
tion to which Mr. Yates succumbed, and we can
well believe what he affirms, that he often suffered
" the pangs of unutterable remorse." While he
earnestly asks the forgiveness of his fellow-citizens,
stating his sin to have been its own punishment,
he declines firmly to relinquish his seat in the
Senate, but promises a reformation. Whether there
is greater consumption of alcoholic drinks among
the legislators of the -United States or of the United
Kingdom we cannot tell, but the American habit of
drinking during the day tells, as far as appearance
goes, against America.—Anglo-American. limes.

The steamer Leary has been burned at New
York, and the Red Jacket at Elizabetkort, New Jersoy.
The loss by the groat fire at St. L mis amounts to a mil-
lion dollars, covered by an insurance of $700,000.
During last year 19,856 barrels of British beer
were shipped to the United States, and 7,538 barrels to
British North America.
liorninian's Pure Teas are Bd. per pound cheaper. Their
2,500 agents—confectioners in London, and chemists in
the country—are constantly receiving fresh supplies of
these long-approved tea,. Sold only in packets,

The Times observes that the expecteu vote on the
impeachment of President Johnson was taken on Satur-
day, but in a very unexpected manner. Instead of begin-
ning with the first article of charge and dealing with the rest
in order, the Senate began with the last, and having dis-
missed that article by a majority of 35 to 19, adjourned
until the 26th without voting upon any other. It does
not clearly appear whether this decision amounts to an
acquittal upon the last article, or merely to a rejection
of it as irrelevant, but in either case the effect is
the same, and the Senate has proved itself capable
of determining at least one issue in favour of the
defendant. Until we receive fuller details of the pro-
ceedings, with a trustworthy analysis of the majority and
minority, ue should not be justified in drawing any
further inference from the vote, which, however, will
doubtless produce a great impression throughout the
United States. Though conducted cn the whole with an
ability and pa! ience not rnworthy of its Constitutional
gravity, this memorable trial has been regarded throughout
as a political struggle rather than as ajndicial inquiry. Gene-
ral Lutler insisted in his opening speechthat the Senate was
not even to be considered as a court of law, and thatnoneof its
members were disqualified for their functions by prejudice.
This position has been consistently maintained by the
managers, who contested the right of Chief Justice Chase
to overrule of on points of evidence, and have not
shrunk from direct appeals to party motives and passions.
It has, indeed, been maintained on behalf of the Republi-
can majority in Congress that a resort to prosecution was
almost a superficial act of forbearance, since it would have
been their c'tay to depose the President by some revolu-
tionary act, if no such formality had been available. On the
other band, the moral competence of the Senate had been
openly challenged by the counsel for the President, on the
ground; that, in trying him at all for alleged encroach-
ments upon the Senate itself, it was virtually acting as
judge in its own cause. But the republican senators, in
particular, had far stronger motives to bias them, since
the removal of the President had long been felt and
declared by their chief organs to be for them a political
neoeseity. So violent was the pressure applied by the
party to its representatives in the Senate, that it
Was seriously proposed to protect their consciences
by adopting the ballot. In short, it was hardly doubted
by any one that President Johnson would be condemned
by " a strict party vote," whatever the evidence or argu-
ments might Le. The fact that an independent verdict
has been returned upon one specific charge goes far to
rebut that presumption, and the adjournment for tendays
affords some prospect of the whole case being entertained
upon its merits.

The Post remarks that this, the most remarkable State
trial of modern times, may now be regarded as having
ended. It was in some respects perhaps the most notable
trial recortle lin the annals of history. Charles I. of
England and Louis XVI. of France were impeached at
the instance of their subjects, and were condemned, but
their trials were proceedings which, from beginning to
end, were absolutely extra legal. The distinguishing
feature of Mr. Johnson's trial was its strict conformity to
the law. The chief magistrate -of the most powerful
republic in the world, solemnly arraigned before the
Senate—his accusers the representatives of the nation, his
defenders able and experienced counsel ; his judges also
the representatives of the nation ; his trial concluded in
conformity with the received principles of law, and under
the presidency of the senior judge of the republic--
all combined to constitute a great historical picture,
unblemished save by the operation of those political
passions which called the picture itself into existence.
In one respect, however, this picture will, in the eyes of
historians, lose much of the grandeur which otherwise dis-
tinguishes it. The proceedings were doubtless strictly
legal, but we may be pardoned for doubting whether the
votes delivered by the senators were dictated by an
abstract idea of justice. Before the managers presented
the articles of impeachment at the bar of the Senate it
was known that the final vote would be a very close one ;
and we venture to say that, with the exception of one or
two senators who were open to conviction, the division
list might have been declared six weeks ago with even
greater accuracy than if the point at issue had been of a
purely party character. The object and end of the
impeachment were the same as those of any ordinary
criminal trial, namely, the vindication of justice, but if
that end has been attained on the present occasion it has
been the result of the purest accident.
The Daily Heirs says President Johnson is neither
acquitted nor convicted, but one group of facts which
formed the basis of the last article of the impeachment
has been set aside as not warranting a conviction, while as
;o those which remain the verdict of the Senate is re-
served. The members of the Senate seem to regard their
xcrlc as too 'mportaet to be neglected, but at the same
;line not so uq,ent as to require to be hurried. Evidently
r.o serious consequences are apprehended from either a
conviction er an acquittal, or we should not hear of a ver-
dict being 'lndexed by instalments. The court will not
meet again until Tuesday week, when it will probably see
its way more clearly to a final decision.

The Statiticrd declares that to convict Mr. Johnson for
using bad la, gimp, at the instance of Messrs. Butler and
Sevens, and by the votes of Sumner, Wade, and their
associates in the Senate, would have been a flagrant insult
to common sense, and an avowal of unscrupulous partisan-
ship, from \\Lich it is not strange that seven Republican
senators should have shrunk ; what is strange is that
thirty-five senators, sworn to do justice without fear or
favour, should have dared to pronounce a verdict of
guilty. It is not too confidently to be assumed that the
cotes on the other charges will be exactly the same as on
;his. And even if the seven who have obeyed their con-
science rather than their party on this occasion should
desire to act in the same manner on the next Saturday,
it is by no means certain that the party pressure which
is sure to be applied without stint or scruple during the
intervening week may not shake the resolution of some
among them.

The Standard, commenting on the proceedings against
Mr. Eyre, expresses its surprise at Sir Robert Collier
lending his aid to it. The learned gentleman is not only
a member of Parliament but an ex, and, probably, an
expectant officer, of the Crown. He was Solicitor-General
when the rebellion bi-oke out, and was consulted by Mr.
Cardwell when the legality of Mr. Eyre's proclamation
was first canvassed. We know from Mr. Cardwell's
despatch that he, as well as the other legal advisers of
Lord Pnssell's Government, was consulted before the
Colonial Office despatch was sent out, and we know
also, from the same source, that Sir Roundell
Palmer and himself concurred in thinking that
all nets done
_under military orders, or by courts-.
martial, for the suppression of the revolt, were legal.
We know thr.t " shifting his side, as a lawyer knows how,"
is considered one of the accomplishments of the profession.
But surely there are bounds to thc.-3e things. A homely
proverb tells us that there is a medium in roasting eggs.
May not the same philosophy hold good even in pleading
causes? Sir Robert Collier the advocate may perhaps
prosecute at Bow-street, but how will Sir Robert Collier
the legislator be able to eat his words at Westminster?
Official archives have recorded his deliberate endorsement,
when acting for the Crown, of what the governor did.
We suppose that if political changes should restore him to
his former office he will adhere to his former opinion. But
will int his position be rather undignified if, when ap-
pealed to in the House of Commons he stands by Mr.
Cardwell's despatch, an Opposition debater reminds
him of what he did when holding a brief for the Jamaica
Committee ?

The Telegraph lays down that the Boundaries Com-
mittee will not have time to " finish " their work. We
must be content, for the present at least, with rough-and-
ready justice. The period is. professedly one of transition,
and the whole Reform legislation has been of a character
to challenge revision at no very distant date. No doubt
the select committee will be able to surmount the preli-
minary difficulties. At the outset of their labours they
must draw a line between the boroughs whose boundaries
should be altered in accordance with the plan of the com-
missioners, and Um: e which have some prinu2 facie ground
for complaining of the commissioners' decision. They
must draw the line in a rough and ready fashion. For
nice distinctions there is no time. They will have, not to
set the seal of finality upon their work, but only to make
such an arrangement as will permit the House to get
through the business of the session soon enough for an early
dissolution.

IRISH EMlGRATlON.—Emigration from Queens-
town appears to be at its height just now. Two out-
going steamers which sailed on Thursday for America
carried with them GOO persons, and nearly as large a
number who Lad booked for the same steamers WAS left
behind fir want of accommodation, The Cork Examiner
notes the fact that the exodus
the from then yof
Cork has almost entirely stopped, droves of people
who fill the steamers twice or three times a week coming
from the adjoining co_u_nt. and_ even from places so
distant its Cavan.

According to the So!i,,;itors Journa/ Mr. Daniel,
the judge of the Clitheroe County Court, lately decided
that a purchaser of goods at an auction may be compelled
to pay the price to the auctioneer, although he has already
paid it to, or settled for it in account with, the owner of
the goods. The decision, which is doubtless a correct
one, proceeds upon the ground that the auctioneer has a
lien for his charges upon the goods entrusted to him for
sale, and also upon the proceeds of the sale. The point
decided is ,not a novel ore, but it is worth notice as a
warning to purchasers at auctions not to pay any one but
the auctionecr without first ascertaining that hits char
are phi

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