The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-27 00:00:00

spliirir':iiirasup7otrung,

In the opinioit-of the Times the man nitisi hold Mil fig;
tical opinions very loosely who has never resented any of
Mr. Roebuck's outspoken sentences, but he must be very
cross-grained who can harbour a grudge against him., Mr.
Roebuck is, in fact, one of a class always popular among
Englishmen. Without being precisely a humourist in the
old-fashioned sense of the word, he is yet full of those
sharp turns and sudden eccentricities of expression which
betoken a peculiar and original individuality. He is, be-
fore and above all things—himself. He rests on no man's
authority ; he quotes no man's words ; he is never known
jurare in verba inagiatri. What he has to say may be
accurate or inaccurate, true or false, but it is his own.
Of course, there is a good deal of self-consciousness in
the surprises he springs on his friends. It cannot be
doubted that he himself enjoys the privilege he possesses
of stripping off the borrowed plumes which cover many
of the world's idols. The enjoyment is all the
more keen when the man who is to be attacked holds
a position which would seem to demand from him
especial respect. To scoff at a Whig or Liberal leader
is a rare satisfaction. Mr. Roebuck is always severe
in his scorn of authority, but when he chafes under
some unfounded claim to his own allegiance his sarcasm
becomes doubly bitter. Mr. Roebuck's characteristics
were never snore prominently displayed than in the speech
he delivered at Sheffield on Friday night. His self-
assertion was almost riotous, and as he reviewed the whole
course of our domestic history in recent years, and the pre-
sent state of affairs at home and abroad, he bad an ample
field for the display of his peculiar powers. It was not,
he boasted, his habit to refer to the past, still less to
dwell upon it, but there happens now and then a critical
period after which it is well to consider what we have
done and how we have done it, and last year was such an era
in the life of our nation. Mr. Roebuck, it will be
remembered, was one of the first of the members on the
Liberal benches to declare his intention of supporting
the Government, in the confidence that Parliament
could obtain from them an excellent Reform Bill. He
would have nothing to do with " Instructions," and
pertinaciously refused to run the risk of another
shipwreck of Reform upon such issues as rating.
He reminded his hearers that in 1859 he adopted a similar
line of conduct, and, though he was unsuccessful then, he
remains convinced that he was right ; and the reason 'why
Reform was not settled then was that others were less
sagacious. It would appear, indeed, that ever since Lord
Russell abandoned the doctrine of finality, and the nation
has been " pestered " with Reform, Mr. Roebuck has held
it certain that the Whigs could not carry a second Reform
Bill. Lord Palmerston, he predicted years ago, might
bring in a Reform Bill, but would never carry it, and the
prediction proved true. Lord Palmerston died, and Mr.
Gladstone introduced another Reform Bill, but Mr. Glad-
stone, while always shewing great power over his enemies,
bas never been able to retain power over his friends.
Mr. Roebuck himself steadily supported •the Reform
Bill of the last Russell Administration, but it was in
vain. His own zeal and fidelity could not overcome
the fate he himself foresaw, and the Whigs did not
pass their bill. Mr. Gladstone exercised his power
over his enemies by making them more inimical
than they were before, while some of his friends turned
round and turned him out. It was then that Mr. Roe-
buck preferred trusting to his own instincts rather than be
a blind follower of his party, and, as this time others
with him, a Reform Bill was passed. As a matter of
course, Mr. Roebuck was attacked, was adjured to alter
his plans, and was even requested by a noisy few at Shef-
field to resign. It is delightful to observe the unbounded
contempt he entertains for the wretched men who ven-
tured thus to counsel or to denounce him. We are not
quite sure whether Mr. Roebuck believes that at his age
he is beyond instruction, but his scorn for the "poor
creatures" who, forgetful of his long and independent
career, were disposed "to treat him as a child in the
matter of the Reform Bill" is wonderful. He knew what
he was helping to bring about, and now that the labour is
over he is more than satisfied with the result.

The Herald also says a word for Mr. Roebuck. It
believes that he is the type of a class of politicians too
rarely found in the ranks of the Liberal party. That he
is a thorough Liberal would hardly he denied ; it is his
crime with the majority of men of the same school that
he is as independent as he is honest. As a party man he
is by no means safe or reliable, because he values his prin-
ciples rather than the interests of the section which pro-
fesses to represent them. It has been his fate in the
course of a protracted career to discover that genuine
Liberalism is not always best served by the Liberal party,
and that its trusted leaders are quite capable of postponing
the advancement of their cause in order to gratify a selfish
ambition. Wherefore Mr. Roebuck and the handfal of
tiberals who think with him and were bold enough to act
upon their convictions last session, are regarded with dis-
trust and aversion by the bulk of their party. They are
not always to be counted upon at a pinch. There are
times when the summons of the " whip" finds them recal-
citrant, and when Mr. Gladstone, let him threaten and
bluster as he may, is powerless to command their alle-
giance. At present they stand chargeable with two unfor-
giveable sins. But for them the Reform Bill of 1867 would
have been thrown out and the Liberals would have been
in office. No wonder that they are desperately unpopu'ar
with their party, that they are loaded with obloquy, and
branded as renegades from the faith as it is preached by
Mr. Gladstone.

In condemning the prosecutions of the French papers
for publishing the debates in the Corps TAgislatif, the
Post observes that it may perhaps be suggested that if
greater liberty were accorded to journalism in France, if
would probably flow into the same channels as in England.
This is, to say at the least, extremely doubtful. A press,
however restricted may be the sphere of its action, must
more or less faithfully represent public opinion, and the
fact that social politics, if we may be permitted the ex-
pression, are excluded from the pages of French news-
papers, is strong evidence that the French public do not care
about them. And this is very unfortunate in more ways
than one. By confining the attention of journalists to
what has been termed "la haute politique," it tends to
provoke collisions with the Government, more especially
when we bear in mind the keen appreciation which the
French possess of strong, incisive, epigrammatic writing ;
whilst on the other hand it prevents the press furnishing
those proofs of true practical utility, which, whenever
manifested, never failed to secure for it the most ample
liberty. We do not think any valid excuse can be found
for such prosecutions as those which terminated in Paris
on Saturday last, but some allowances must be made
for a Government which finds that the only use which
is made of concessions is to find fault with the existing
political system.

The evils which have found a footing in our railway
system are there after we have had the advantage of long
experience, and in spite of its warnings. What we want,
the Daily News contends, is, not new patent principles of
railway administration and policy, but simply a return to
those which have been known and recognised from the
beginning, but from which directors, under the influence
of temptations which they seem powerless to resist, are
continually going astray. Especially does the public need
to be on its guard just now against mechanical, arbitrary,
and fantastic remedies for the mischiefs it is called to con-
template. There is really no Bovinity for the reform of
our present practice but the intelligence and vigilance of
proprietors. It may soothe indolence to promise that if
only this expedient or that form be adopted investors may
thenceforward be sure that their money will be safe and
fruitful ; but if the independent shareholders of a railway
either cannot or will not make themselves masters of their
own affairs, if they will nut possess themselves of the few
and simple principles of railway management, so as to be
able to check faults of afirninistration, and further ac-
quaint Viemselves with the special character, cifenin-
stances, and interests of their line, so as to be qualified to
judge of questions of policy propounded by directors, they
must expect to be continually misled.

The Standard calls attention to a singular discusson
which has just taken place in the French Senate. It was
raised upon the petition of an enthusiastic and sentimental
patriot to the Emperor, praying him to revive with the
Belgian Government the old subject of the lion surmount-
leg the mound which commemorates, on the historical
lirahante field, the battle of Waterloo. The Chamber
slightest abandonment
good sense and good taste, without the
endorse abandonment of national feeling, in refusing to
e__,__the memorial. Its author, however—M. Jules
Benin —must be allowed credit for a more practical
motive, since he is himselfbi a sculptor, and wanted to sub-
stitute a work of
lie proposes that the own for the monarch of the desert,
al beast, an emblem of nguinary
struggles, shall be doertu9hryroned, to make room foraa colossal
statue of Peace.
why this should not be dnonnnetemforary gives three reasons
be preposterous to ermezetinaon;y n the first place, it would
!nitre of Peace on the spot
where within Erin,'
eflower of three armies
was buried in blooet and slaughterin the second, it is
childish to suggest such a tribute,%iatuniritt which does not
exist, after Europe has witnessed
posBibgefaring with
another ;
few years, three formidable conflicts, and is e compass of a
her utmost energy for at least the
pardonably
lastly, nations have a right to perpetuate their trophies.
The British navy, of which every Briton is so
proud, presents, according to the Telegraph, from time to
time, repulsive instances of lingering barbarism and
cruelty ; but, to the great honour of the Admiralty, those
cases have only to be made public in order to secure the
abolition of the evils. Nor, notwithstanding the ominous
croakings of Senior United critics, does "the Service"
seem to "go the deuce" iu consequence. The Lords of
the Admiralty have just issued a curt circular, prohibiting
in future the practice of " gagging." If a sailor be noisy
or violent, he is 10) longer to be " gagged "—how is
it done, with a handspike or a hunk of oakum ?
but he is to be placed in a coll. Until the issue
of this ei;.lllar the p•ildie probably imagined that
teaegin ' leouths of our rdlaut tars was as extinct
a punislun,tht fiS keel-hauling, or slinging a refractory tar
in a bread bag) under a burning sun, up to the maintop-
gallant truck. As we hays said, these scandals have only
to be made public in order to cease. Not long ago there
was a " tattooing " case in a midshipman's mess ; we
shall not hear of anything more of that description, we
hobo. Then it was discovered that on board one of her
klaj isty's training ships young gentlemen cadets were
blackestls with birch rods as though they had been the
seep in a reformatory : that punishment has
beenlikewise abrogated. "Gagging" has been the next
to go ; aid we do hope that there are not many other
blundering and barbarous practices in the navy awaiting ,
exposure and abolition,