The Sun.
London, England, 1850-08-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 6, 1850.

EXHIBITION OF INDUSTRY OF
ALL NATIONS, 1851.
The following is a copy of a letter addressed by her
MajeAty's Commissioners to the various commissions ap-
pointed in foreign countries to promote the . Exhi-
bition:—

" Palace of Westminster, July 29.
" Sir,—We are hereby directed by her Majesty's
Commissioners for the Exhibition of 1851 to communi-
cate to you and the other Commissioners appointed by
the [ ] Government, the great satisfaction
with which they have received the intelligence of the
formation of your commission, and of the steps which
have been taken by it for the purpose of co-operating
with them and of properly representing the industry
of your country, in the approaching Exhibition in
London.

" The Commissioners have themselves been anxiously
occupied in making preparations for the reception of
those valuable and interesting objects which you may
forward for exhibition and for the erection of a suitable
building for vieir displ I; and also in nirtking such
ether arrangements regarding medals, prizes, juries, and
the general e.aditions of Ole Exhibition, as seem most
likely to promote the objects of the friendly competition
in which so many great nations are now taking such deep
interest.

" The inclosed printed papers (Decisions cf her Ma-
jesty's Commis,,ioners) will sufficiently communicate to
you, fur the information of [ ] exhibitors, the
nature of the arrangements that have been made for the
admission of foreign productions to the Exhibition; and
we are directed to call your attention especially to that
portion relating to the Custom-house arrangements.
" According to the regulations of the Board of Cus-
toms, it is necessary that the agents employed should
enter into bonds to secure the payment of the duties
assessed on the goods which are sent for exhibition,
should such goods be sold in this country after the Ex-
hibition is closed; but as all goods transmitted by the
same vessel, and consigned to one 'and the same agent,
will be covered by one bond, it would much facilitate
the arrangement for all parties, and diminish the ex-
pense, if the articles intended for exhibition were for-
warded by each central authority en masse, or at all
events in as few separate consignments as possible.
" Hir Majesty's Commiltioners, as you will perceive by
the accompanying papers, have nominated, on the recom-
mendation of the Commissioners of the Board of Cus-
toms, several persons as proper and responsible agents
to be employed for the port of London; all of whom
have stated their willingness to adopt a much lower
scale of charges than those usually required in ordinary
mercantile transactions for the services they may render,
and to furnish a statement of the proposed charges, so
far as they can be specified beforehand, to all parties
who may desire to know them.
" Of the agents named for the ontports, Mr. Ormston,
of Newcastle, and Messrs. Ford and Canning„ of Bristol,
have signified their intention of not making any charges
except those to which they may be personally subjected,
and the others purpose to charge less than the ordinary
rates.

"In addition to the facilities offered by these gentlemen
we are further directed to add that the firm of Messrs.
Nicholson, Besley, and Co. (East India and China
Wharf, London), have signified their intention of making
no charge upon goods conveyed by their lighters or for
landing on their quays; and the Hull Dock Company,
Hull, have also an:,ounef,d that no charge for wharfage
will be made by that company. The usual charges will
therefore be still further reduced in the ease of all per-
sons who may take advantage of the offer thus liberally
made by these parties.

" In transmitting the names of these agents, her Ma-
jesty's Commissioners are desirous that it should be
clearly understood that they do not hold themselves in
any way accountable for the charges which may be
made, and that the sole object which they have had in
view, in what must be considered as a private transac-
tion between the exhibitors and thelsKent•, has been
merely to suggest weans for affording to foreign exhi•
tors the opportunity of availing themselves, if they might
see fit, of those arrangements which the Commissioners
believe would be found to be most convenient and
economical; it being distinctly understood that any cen-
tral authority or rot eign exhibitor is perfectly tree to
employ any oilier agent than those named, and to make
any other arrangements that may be deemed more con-
♦enient.

1110

" The attention of the Commissioners having been
called to the question of fitting up the [
goods for exhibition, the C,inamissi,n3rs in London have
to state that they are willing to undertake to supply
counters upon which the goods may be displayed. But
o.xhibitorP, or such commissioners or
representatives as may be duly authorised to act for
them, will be at perfect liberty to take charge of
fitting tbem up according to their taste with glass shades,
&c., at their own cost. It will be very de.irable that
y,,u should acquaint us at an early period with your in-
tentions with reference to this point; and also with the
views which you entertain of appointing authorised
agents here to be specially charged on your behalf with
the care and display of the goods transmitted under
your orders. _ .

'• The Commissioners trust that the arrangements, the
details of which are now submitted to you, will be esti,-
factory, and that these will serve to show that they are
not insensible to the value of the exertions which you are
malting to co-operate in this groat Industrial Exhibition
of the Works of all Nations.

" We avail ourselves of this opportunity to iffer to you
the assurlncei of the high consideration and esteem with
which we have the honour to sign ourselves.
• " Sir, your Most faithful servants,
"J. SCOTT RUSSELL,
" STAFFORD 11. NORTIIC3TE."

ROBBERY OF 1201. BELONGING TO
THE FILESMITHS' SOCIETY.
The funds of the tilesrniths' !emery were a few days
ago robbed of the large sum of 1201. by an executive
member of the trade. The delinquent is Samuel Paley,
a tile forger in the employ of Messrs. Blake and Parkin,
of Meadow-street, under contract. He has absconded,
leaving a wife and four helph Si children, and has taken
with him an abandoned woman of the town. Paley was
a member of the filesmith,' committee, and as such ha
attended at the society's roomy, Coalpit Line, on the
evening of Tuesday in last week. A good deal of money
was turned over in the office during the evening, and
Paley assisted in counting it. The sum of 1201. in coin,
and a like sum in Bank of England and local notes were
deposited in the iron safe, a receptacle provided with
three locks, one of the keys of which he carried. The
notes, rolled up together, were in an open case some-
thing like a pocket-boek. The coin was in a bag. To-
wards nine o'clock in the evening, when the officers
were about to leave the place, a payment of a couple of
sovereigns that had been received late remained upon
the table. Paley remarked that it ought to be put
into the safe, in the bag with the other cash; tend, taking
out of his pocket his key, asked for the other two keys,
in order that he might open the safe for that purpose.
The keys were given to him, and he knelt down and un-
locked the see. It was then dusk, and his movements
could not be distinctly observed, but no one present
,thought it necessary at that time to watch him very
closely. A hard substance was heard to drop in the
bag, and then the safe was again 1 icked and the three
keys distributed as before. A!most immediately after-
wards the parties separated, and the oflim was duly
secured as tieial by Mr. Warren, one of the secretaries,
who resides on the premises. On the following Thurs-
day eveuing the m-mbers of the executive met by ap-
pointment ; and Paley, whose term of office had
eepircd, ought to have come forward and given
up his key to his successor. He did not come,
however, and hence. arose a suspicion as to the
se.,fety of the money. Inquiry heightened the suspicion
into alarm. On Friday merning the safe was forced
open, and it was then tonnd that all the bank-notee,
veluell2o/., had been abstracted. The locks had evidently
not been tampered with, and the safe appeared precisely
as it was when left on the Tuesday evening. The con-
clusion naturally come to then was, that Paley
while depositing the oddment of money, had
tak...n the nor( s out of the open case, equcezed them to-
gether in his hand—he had a large band—and he:d them
there unobserved till he found a convenient opportunity
fur depositing them in hire pocket. The other money
put into the safe along with the noses, was all right, ex-
cept one sovereign, and it is supposed that Paley had
kept back one of the two sovereigns that he took off the
rsble under the pretence of putting them into the bag.
On inquiry it was ascertained that the traitor had ab-
sconded from the neighbourhood, in company-with a
prostitute as already stated. Doubtless he had pre-
viously taken the precaution to convert the notes into
gold. Oa Friday afternoon Mr. Warren set off to
Liverpool and searched the Cambria steamer at the mo•
merit she was about to sail for America, but the fugitive
was not there. Mr. Kirk, the other secretary, went to
Hull by train on Saturday evening, that being considered
a probable port for the delinquent to embark at.
Aidedmi
WalObetycn-a saila policeman
underoyc
importante
his a tfahe me Malre• Kirk found that a man
anion,ar slt r
corresponding
haan ad firs.
beenrs.
staying
tetsiocen,l
dn
snaeialerd tbheretheraiglweaeeyn ofs that they had
steamer, on Saturday
evening, fur Hanaburgh. Believinga
Kthiartltithheasefidweeereed thethe
parties he was inquiring after, Mr, Birk
• search and forthwith returned to Sheffield. The trade
were called together on Monday
morning,
and in
pursuance of a resolution come to, Mr.warren
forthwith dispatched to Hamburgh, on the tra:lecn ofwthaes
thief. Messed. Blake and Parkin and several other
par-
ties kindly furnished Mr. Warren with referentoparties in the city of Hamburgh likely to be service to
him in furthering the object of ;hie visit to that city. It
appears that the manufacture of files is carried on to
some extent in Hamburgh, and also atithe city of Mag-
deburg, about 200 miles further into the country. A
hope is eotertivee 1 that at one of thoses places Paley
will be faind. Considering the extreme insufficiency of
our criminal law with respect to this description of dis-
honesty, we fear that no adequate means of punishing
him will be found in the event of his being brought back
to England, but at any rate it is right that he should
suffer the mortification of being dragged back to Sheffield
before the face of those of his fellow craftsmen
whose confiderice he has so perfidiously betrayed--a
punishment that he will dread probably more than any-
thing that might befall him in a country of strangers.
&ern' eld Timeß.

ALARMIKG FIRS IN HOLBORN.—On Sunday afTr•
noon, at a few minutes before two o'clock, a tire of an alarm-
ing character, and nearly attended with dangerous conse-
quences, broke out in the extensive premises belonging to
Messrs Graves and C.), tailors and drape. s, carrying on busi-
ness at 313, High Holborn, near the corner of Cuaacery-lane.
Considerable damage was done to-the valuable stock in trade
and also to the premises before the fire could be extringuilied.
Tw:-, of the female servants had a very narrow escape. They
having run into the shop, became overpo tiered with smoke,
and tell amidst the fire. Police-constable Collins, F 97,
having rushed into the place, he succeeded in dragging them
out, but one of them was much burnt about the hand.

LIMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, August 5.
ROYAL ASSENT.

The Royal Assent was given to-day, by commission,
to the following seventeen public and private Bills:
The Population.
The Factories.
The Metropolitan Interments.
Municipal Corporations (Ireland).
Highway Rates.
Australian Colonies Government.
Vestries and Vestry Clerks.
The Trustee Act (1850).
Bills of Exchange.
Gorbals Gravitation Water Company.
Bridge across the River Clyde (opposite to South Port-
land-street, Lsurieston, Glasgow).
Birmingham and Pershore-road (Act to continue Act of
6th Geo. IV.)
Peterborough Improvement, Police, and Cemetery

(Amendment of existing Acts).
Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway (Deviations,
Enlargement of Stations), 860.
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway.
Chippindaß's Divorce; and
Ashby's Divorce.
. .

The Lords Commissioners were ae LORD CHAN.
CELLOB, the Earl of MINTO. and the Eirl of CARLISLE.
Their Lordships aclj urued during pleasure.

Their Lordships resumed shortly after Five o'clock.
CRUELTY TO ANIMALS (SCO ['LAND) BILL.
On the motion of the Earl of IMINTO this Bill passed
through Committee.
PUBLIC LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS BILL.
This Bill passed throu h Committee.
COMMONS ENCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL.
This Bill was read a second time on the motion of the
Earl of CARLISLE.

ties is which they trew find themselves. But I would
ask the House here to consider whether that position,
grevioua an they may feel it to be, is the consequence of
having pursued a constitutional course to release them-
selves from those grievenees, or whether it be in con-
sequence of haying' deviated from that constitutional
course which they had hitherto pursued? Now, Sir,
with respect to Englishmen pro`e:.sing the
aewish religion, I am bowel to say that no class of
religionists is this country have less cause to complain
of the spirit of the community, or of the temper of
the Legislature, than Englishmen professing the Jew-
ish religion. When I remember, Sir, what was
the position of such men a very brief period back—
hardly a quarter of a century ago—when I contrast that
position of social degradation and political dis-
ability with the position which they now cc-
cup), and enjoy, I am proud and gratified
by the contrast; and I am bound to say that it is one
which is far more favourable than that which any other
body of her Majesty's subjects not professing the
religion of the state could have relied upon in so
brief a space of time. The Roman Catholics,
for example, were for a much longer period disqualified
for the possession of any offices and eejo:, menus and many
more rights than the Jews were. Every class of Lis-
sewers also had to undergo a more prolonged and
more severe struggle than Englishmen professing
the Jewish religion in order to obtain those rights which
they now enjoy; and, Sir, I think at a moment like the
present, when we admit the impatience, and naturally the
impatience, evinced by the eh ctors of London at not imme-
diately accompliebing the results which they desire—l
say, Sir, I think it is expedient to take a calmer and more
comprehensive view of the circumstances of the case
than the electors of the city of London. and taking
that more comprehensive and calmer view,
I arrive myself at a result much more favourable to the
enlightened spirit of the community, and temper and
moderation of the Legislature of this country, than some
opinions which have been expressed out of
this House and in this House on the
subject. But, Sir, if Englishmen professing the
Jewish religion have little cause to complain of the
bigotry of the country in which they live, or the want of
toleration in the spirit of the age in which they
exist—have they a fair quarrel with the con-
duct of another branch of the Legislature, whose
conduct in these discussions has been subjected
to some criticism which, on examination, I think will be
deemed not only harsh, but unjust. It is barely three
years ago, when, after a prolonged discussion in this
House in consequence of Baron Rothschild being elected
for the city of .London, a Bill was passed which removed
disabilities which prevented that gentleman taking his
seat. It received the solemn and deliberate consideration of
the House of Lords, but it was not passed by that House
A Bill was suddenly proposed which made great altera-
tions ; that Bill received a full and temperate discussion,
and it was not carried, but rejected by a majority not of
startling amount. The Government brought in another
Bill, and it was discussed with mitigated hostility in the
House of Lords, and he wanted to know what had
taken place in that House to cause the reprobation
and the language that had been used with respect to it.
—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman, it was true, had
been returned again for the city of London by an over-
whelming majority, and if after such a demonstration
the House of Lords had objected to the Bill, he admitted
that it would have been to blame.—(llear.) It ought to
be remembered that the late triumphant return
of the Baron Rothschild had not been brought forward
as a data in the House of Lords, and if it bad, he had
very little doubt different results would have taken
place.—(Hear, hear.) It the second election of the
Baron Rothschild was, as be admitted it would be, a sig-
nificant demonstration of public opinion on the subject,
was not that an additional reason that the Bill should
have been again brought forward, and the opinion of the
House of Lords taken upon the subject?—(Hear, hear.)
He thought the natural impatience felt by the city of
London had no foundation as against the community, or
the House of Lords; but that if any persons were respon-
sible for the situation in which the city of London was
placed, it was • her Majesty's Government.—(Hi ar,
hear.) He had thought it his duty to make
these observations upon the position which
the House of Lords occupied on the question, because he
thought the course that had been pursued by that branch
of the Legislature had not been looked upon in a just
light.— (Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the reselu-
tioss that had been proposed by the Attorney-Ge-
neral, he felt bound to make a few observations.
The first resolution was declaratory of the law, not, ho
felt hound to confess, an extremely constitutional pro-
ceeding.—(Hear.) The other resolution was a resolu-
tion pledging the House on a subsequent occasion and in
a subsequent session; that, certainly, to say the least of
it, was not a very politic proceeding—(Hear, hear)—
and was one that ought not to be adopted except
in a case of extreme necesssity.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
where, he would ask, did the necessity for such a pro-
ceeding exist?—(Hear, hear.) Where was the neces-
sity for the House to take such a course? He would
venture to say it was not to be found in the community
—that it was not the temper of the community that
had been the great impediment, nor was it the
temper of the House of Lords—(Hear, hear)
that House had considered the subject to the best of
their abilities, and they had come to that decision which
they considered just. The case was clear to them; they
had a ,nuvel and important proposition before them, to
which they gave an impartial and solemn consideration
on two instances, and although they rejected
the measure they never rejected it by an
over whelmning or an overbearing majority, but upon
the last occasion by a majority diminished in numbers.
—(Hear, hear.) So far as the tamper and community
of the Legislature was concerned, there was nothing to
discourage those who believed they were pressing a jest
claim, nor was there anything to Justify the impatience
which had been naturally shown by the electors of Len-
don.—(Hear, hear.) Then they came to the fact which
no one could deny, that it was the conduct of the Go-
vernment which had brought the House of Com-
mons to a proposition that was made as if
it were the opinion of the Government that there
was no other means of extricating them from
the difficulties and embarrassments in which they now
found themselves.—(Hear, hear.) The House of Com-
mons then was to take the most unusual—not to say a
most unconstitutional course, and one which none
but the gravest circumstances could vindicate or justify.
—(Hear, hear.) And now for myself (continued the
Hon. Gentleman), speaking only for myself, especially
upon this question, I decline to take that course ;
1 shall not vote for either of these reso-
lutions. Cheers. ) I leave the law as I
find it, and if there be any necessity to change the law
I call upon the Government, who have expressed on
more than one occasion an unequivocal opinion upon this
subject as regards a matter of policy, to remedy the
grievance which they have acknowledged.—(Cheers.)
I want to know what excuse can be made for Govern-
ment for not having the
moment Parliament met
introduced a Bill upon this subject. It it was desir-
able in 1848 or 1849, it was much more desirable
in 1850, after the recent election for the city of London.
—(Cheers.) If the first election produced such an effect
as to induce the Ministry to believe the city was ripe
for legislation merely, the second election for the city of
London renders that course much more imperative and
clear, and one about which not a moment ought to have
into the nature of the oaths taken
I may be told that there was a Com-
mittee lofsotr.m—e(dCthoeers.)
byl
wereM eilmleboemrspeotferP,tartloiaamdevniste
they received. the result of the labours of that Committee,
and Parliament
Government,
u o i the
quunetsi
atchtei
ng Governmentupoa imperfect pm ea nto stty
ithen,°n. that they tahr
infor-
mation upon a subject of such importance, of such
peculiar delicacy and interest. Have they rushed into
the House of Commons without due deliberation and
research, and counselled the Legislature on the subject?
—(Hear, bear.) Is that the policy of the Government? I
am in the correction of the gentlemen learned in the law,
from Mr. Attorney-General to the lion. an I Learned
Gentleman who had been so frank upon the extent of
his practice this morning—(A,
and even in
the presence of all these learned gentlemen, and
of all these gentlemen of the long robe, I
venture to say, that however extensive may have been
their researches—however profound might have been the
investigations of the Committee over which the Honour-
able and Learned Gentleman the Member for Oxford
presided, they did not succeed in producing a new fact,
or in eliciting any new result to those which had been
arrived at by those who had given any previous study or
investigation to the - subject.—(Loud cheers.) Well,
then, Sir, I consider it a mere mockery on
the part of the Government to pretend their
project of legislation was retarded because they
waited the results of the investigation of the Com-
mittee on oaths. I shall use no violent language upon
the subject; but I say, the Government having brought
themselves into this condition, we ought not to do any..
thing to extricate them from the consequences of
their own misconduct; or the consequences of
their unfounded clamour against the constitutional
proceedings of another branch of the Legis-
lature a clamour, not only unfounded, but
absolutely most unjust, and one which I believe
the candid, and just, and generous people of this country
will never countenance, and never approve of.—(Cheers.)
I have taken the liberty of making these few observa-
tions. I have, as the House will perhaps con-
descend to remember, when the question of the
removal of the disabilities of Englishmen nro-
fessing the Jewish religion has ever been
brought before the House—l have recorded my vote in
favour of their removal.—(Hear, hear.) I have been
accused sometimes of not accompanying the exercise of
the suffrage with any observations on the subject itself.
I remember tho Noble Lord the First Minister, not very
courteously, and certainly not in a hearty manly way,
reminded me last year that my vote was a silent one.
Now, if I thought anything I could say could accomplish
what is so dear to my heart and convictions my
vote would not have been a silent one, but, inasmuch as
I believe my opinions upon the subject were not shared
by a single Member on either side of the House, I
thought it was but good sense and good taste that, atter
having unequivocally expressed the grounds upon which
my vote was given, I should have taken refuge in si-
lence, which at least could not offend the opinions or
prejudices of any genticman.—(Cheerz.) Those
opinions, however, I now retain; they aro un-
changed, and if it were not presumption to speak of
human opinion being uechangeable, I would express my
belief that they never will be changed.—(Cheers.) If
this were a Pagan country, I can easily conceive and
comprehend how the claims of Englishmen being Jews
should be politically resisted, and to a certain degree
with a show of reason opposed.—(Hear, bear.) But,
Sir, it is a Christian country, and because like
every other Christen country, it owes its Chris-
tianity to the ,agency acid influence of the Home
of Israel, I cannot believe' tile 'the course ivhicii is pur-
sued at present by the Legislature of England is a just
or wise one—(Cheers)—and though I may abstain some-
times from dilating upon feelings and views which may
not be prevalent or popular in this House, I will never

retract them; and, even now shrinking from offending the
feelings of any one, I will express my hope that full and
complete justice will speedily be done to the descendants
of a race which we acknowledge to be sacred, and the
professers of a religion which we admit to be divine.
Sir R 11. INGLIS did not think it necessary to follow
the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire
in his elaborate defence of the House of Lords, or his
briefer attack upon the Government; but his Hon.
Friend must forgive him for saying that, like himself,
his opinions upon this subject were unchanged,
and as far as human opinions could be,
unchangeable. These opinions he had entertained ever
since he had held a seat in the House. It mattered not
to him from whenCe these resolutions came, he should
treat them as ho found them.—(Hear, hear.) The British
Legislature had never sat except under Christian sanc-
tion. The question in the case of the Quakers was a
question of difference of Christianity. But the ques-
tion was different now. If the House admitted Jews
into its assembly, they would admit those to legislate for
our Christian country and our Christian Church who
themselves would feel it a gr.-at affront to be described as
members of our Church and our Christian Government.
—(Elear, hear.) Ile (Sir R. Inglis) would remind every
Member in that House, that on his single vote might
depend that constitution which had never sat except
under Christian sanction, and the question whether that
constitution should continue to be bound by Christian
sanction. Believing as he (Sir Robert Inglis) did
that the profession of our common Christianity
was the birthright of this nation, and that they should
not lightly sell that birthright for any such advantage—
and he (Sir R. Inglis) would not undervalue it—as that
which the Honourable Baron Rothschild might furnish
to their deliberations, still, when he (Sir R. Inglis)
considered what they were to pay for that advantage, he
could not agree with his Honourable and Learned
Friend (the Attorney-General) in expressing even
a passing regret that some delay should be
opposed to the admission of such a man.
He would oppose anything which should have the effect
of making that House anything but what it was now, a
Christian Legislature, of which every Member mast
profess himself a Christian, or else be unable to take
his seat. Under these circumstances he should feel bound
to oppose the proposition which was laid on the table.
Mr. ROEBUCK said that he was pretty well con-
vinced- that whatever might be said the question was
now settled.—(Hear, hear.) Though he had come to
that conclusion, and was pretty well satisfied as
to the result, he could not say that the mode
which they would arrive at those results would reflect
much credit on the House. The question before them
was no longer a mere legal question—it was a question
of policy, and he must protest against the mode in which
that policy was sought to be carried out. The House
was no longer sitting in a judicial capacity, but they
were deliberating on a voluntary proposition on the part
of the Administration. It was a proceeding on the part
of the Administration. It was no longer a Bill pro-
pounded by the Member for the City, but a re-
solution propounded by the head of her Majesty's
Gavernment; and they could not, with common
honour, fail now to pursue the proposition of
the-Attorney-General. It must be propounded in this
House in the shape of a Bill; it must be carried through
that House, and carried through the House of Lords
successfully, or the honour of the Ministry would be
forfeited. When Baron Rothschild was first returned
for London, feeling a great interest in the settlement of
the question, he (Mr. Roebuck) had pressed to bring it
to a speedy issue. The answer was that the matter was
in the hands of his colleague, the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government. Well, a Bill was brought in, but the Bill
did not pass. Well, the matter was delayed, and the
answer he always got to his remonstrances was, that the
Bill was coming in time, and he was told not to bo im-
patient and in a hurry. But at the time he pro-
phesied that the Bill would not come, and bade them
mark his words. He knew that the Government
would never dare a difficulty.—(bear, hear.) When a
question was important, and excited immediate and great
tuterest, it became an open question, in the Cabinet; but
when matters swam smoothly it remained a Ministerial
question. It was the duty of the Noble Lord to have
propounded that Bill, and to have gone through with it.
But as long as they could, they eluded the question; and
when the Hon. and Learned Member for Oxford's Com-
mittee was proposed they took it quite as a God-send.
Well, then, after the required precedents were found, and
the report was laid ou tne table of the House, what was
the conduct of the Noble Lord? Promises were made,
and those promises had been broken,—(Hear, hear.) At
last, when the House was tired of all legislation, and bu-
siness of all sorts had been postponed until a future
session, what did the Learned Attorney-General take
upon himself to do? He said there was a monstrous
state of law, and that, mind, was net the description
which they gave, but which he gave—he said there aas
a monstrous state of law, and the sooner they got rid of
it the bettor. He would ask the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman whether he believed that that House was a
fit tribunal to decide upon a question of law? And he
would ask whether, as a matter of policy, there was no
other course open to him than the one he had taken? It
was admitted that there were doubts as to the correctness
of the conclusions which bad been come to, but there
were no doubts as to the facts; and yet he asked them
to assume to be what they were not fit to be, judges of
the law. Let them look at the thing in its present posi-
tion, and he would ask if that House was the place
where this proposition was to be mat. The Attorney-
General, throughout the whole of his speech had placed
the House of Lords in a very invidious position. He
considered them to be persons of so idle a character,
and so easily impressed by considerations so beneath
the character of legislators, that what was true and right
was of no consideration placed by the side of personal
vanity. If they left the matter as it was then, he told
them the House of Lords would say," Why did not you
pass some resolution on the subject:" but fir his part
he (Mr. Roebuck) could not see how they could possibly
arrive at that conclusion. The whole of the argument
of the Attorney-General was, that if they did not ac-
knowledge that Baron Rothschild had no right to sit in
the House without taking the oath, they would have no
chance of carrying a Bill through the House of
Lords. Despite of the assertion of the lion.
Baronet opposite (Sir R. Inglis), he believed that
at this moment there was a very strong feeling in the
country on that subject; but the reason was that a great
question lay under this. They might pretend to say
that there was a large majority of persons in this coun-
try ready to stand up for the Protestant religion; the
majority of persons in this country were not to be
caught by cobwebs like that. And then to say that they
always met with prayer and religious observances; how
could that bind such a man- as Bolingbroke for instance?
He would have taken not nine nor nineteen, but nine-
teen hundred oaths, if they made them. They could
not bind such a seen as that. Whom did they bind? None
but the most conscientious men in the House, who least
needed it. When ho heard the Hon. Member for the
city of London repeat the oath after the clerk, and only
omit the last few words, which were not binding on his
conscience, he asked himself whether there was a
man in the House who really did not believe
that all the purposes of the oath had been answered.—

(Chters.) This was said to be a Christian assembly,
but he thought that no really pious body of persons
would allow words of holy import to be applied in so
mischievous a manner on grave and serious matters.
Now if they maintained these oaths for the purpose of
excluding certain Members, why should they not say so
at once? Let there be no side- wind in securing such
an object ; let the House 'impound at once its desire,
and then pass a resolution that from this day
henceforward no Jew should have a seat in the House.
—(Hear.) At the time when the oaths were first con-
cocted the Jews could not have been in the contempla-
tion of any parties. Improvement, however, marched
rapidly, and he was not, like the Hun. Member for Buck-
inghamshire, surprised at the advance which the ques-
tion had made within the last quarter of a century.
We were very different to what our ancestors were, and
if we were desirous to understand clearly the difference
between the past and the present we had nothing to do
but to refer to the history of those oaths. A more
painful part of our history could not be conceived.
—(Hear.) From their first institution they were cha-
racterised by bigotry and bate, but they were gradually
improved, and we were now endeavouring to do away
with the last wretched remnant of bigotry which still
remained. He hoped the House would not only get rid
of that, but would go still farther and grapple with the
whole question in a fair and honest spirit. The course
proposed by the Attorney-General was not generous,
safe, or candid. lie had no right to assume to him-
self the privilege of stating what the law was;
he acknowledged that he was not infallible, and that
this House was a bad tribunal, but he could not deny
that there was another course to adopt which would meet
all difficulties, and prove—which his resolution would
not do—acceptable to a large body of conscientious men
in this country, and at the same time attain every end
which he said ho wished to attain, viz., doing away with
this most monstrous state of the law, which he acknow-
ledged was a disgrace to the country, and which
might at once subject the Honourable Member
for the city of London to all those pains
and penalties which the Attorney- General kindly and
considerately begged and entreated the House not to in-
flict upon him. Now, could not Baron Rothschild take
care of himself—(Hoar)—could they not let him run the
same risk as Mr. Pease, whose case he understood the
Attorney-General to sav was attended with the same
difficulties?—(Hear.) If the House had no power to
alter the oath for Mr. Pease, as stated by the Attorney-
General, why, as he was now living, he might any
day be called upon to pay all these fines and
penalties. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman said he
should vote against the proposition of the Government,
believing it to be not only unsuited to the circumstances
of the case, but also unjust and reprehensible.—(Hear.)
Mr. REYNOLDS rose amidst loud cries of " Divide,"
and finding himself unable to proceed, said he would
either go on or move the adjournment of the debate.—
(Loud cries of "No" and " Go on."

The motion for the adjournment having been put by
the SPEAKER,

Lord J. RUSSELL said, as it was peat three o'clock,
it would be advisable to adjourn if the House thought
the debate should be continued; but if the► House was
ready to divide, of course he had no objection to that
course.—(Loud cries of " Divide.")
Mr. REYNOLDS then withdrew his motion. He re•
joiced that though the Hon. Baronet the Member for the
University of Oxford had spent twenty years of his po-
litical life in fighting and speaking against his (Mr.
Reynolds's) faith, yet that the middle and trading
classes of Oxford, who returned his Learned Friend
behind him (Mr. Page Wood) were far more advanced
than the magnates of the University. The Hon.
Member for Warwickshire had the other night protested
against Mr. Berkeley making any attack on the yeomanry
of England from the other aide of the House. Now, in
the same spirit be protested against the. Hon. Member
for the University of Oxford occupying a seat on his
side of the House.—(Cries of " Hear," and " Question.")
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man had already made the greater part of his opsech.

Mr. REYNOLDS denied that the grounds taken by
he Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire were correct
that the 'Lithe of Lords was not to blame--
(Hear, hear.) He begged to remind Honourable
Gentleman over the way that they were playing a des-
perate game, and all that be would ask was, would they
be the footstool of another place?—(Cries of " Order.")
B-cause if they would, they might depend upon it the
people would ask the significant question, was the House
of Lords never to be reformed.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. P. WOOD rose amid loud cries of " Ad-
journ." It was impossible for him to allow
the debate to conclude without saying a few
words. They had asserted that the seat
was full, the House had asserted that the seat was va-
cant, heesuse Baron Rothschild had not taken the oath.
On that side of the House they contended that he had,
avid he denied that any of the arguments that had been
put forward on behalf of Baron Rothschild had
been answered. He protested as much as the
Attorney-General against its being supposed that
the House had a dispensing power, it certainly
had no such thing.—(Hear, hear.) It was said it was
dangerous to tamper with an oath; no one more fully
accorded with that doctrine than himself, but what he
asserted was that that which was proposed to the Baron
ltethschild was no oath at all to him. and therefore in
leavingout the words he bad done he tampered with no oath
at all. Ile thought that the course the House had adopted
was of the most inconsistent nature—they had decided
*bat the Baron Rothschild should take the
oaths on the Old Testament, and yet they would
not permit him to take the only oath which
he considered binding on his conscience.—(Hear, hear.)
Hs considered that the Baron Rothschild had taken all
the oaths that could be required of him, and that
the House ought to allow him to take his seat.
In a much weaker case than this the House had decided
favourably to the Member claiming his seat; and at the
instigation, too, of men, not like himself', of small expe-
rience in the aws and usages of the House, but fully
versed in the privileges and practice of Parliament.
That man was not other than the Honourable Member
for the county of Montgomery, who would have come
down to support him on this occasion had he not been
prevented from doing so by illness.—(Cheers.) At that
time he would say no more. Be bad simply attempted
to vindicate the law of England, which recognised in
the highest degree the principle-of common sense, and
which in the highest degree respects the liberties of the
subject. The law held that no British subject could
differ from another British subject without an express
statute could be produced to support the difference. The
moment the black man put his foot upon this country he
became free, and it was the same law which recognised no
difference between the Jew and the Christian as a British
subject, and there fore he contended that, by common
law, the Member for the city of London was entitled to
take his seat.—(Cheers.)
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL was anxious to say
a few words to justify and explain the vote
be was about to give. He regretted that he could not
arrive at the same conclusion as his Hon. and Learned
Friend the Member fur Oxford. This was a ques-
tion, however, upon which every man ought to
speak out according to his own conscientious
convictions. They were called upon not to pass a law,
but simply to expound the law as it already
exists; and speaking, therefore, as a lawyer, it seemed
to him to be impossible to come to any other conclu-
sion than that the words "on the true faith of a
Christian" formed substantially part of the oath.—
(Cheers.) Those words were introduced as an essential
part of the oath for the purpose of binding Catholics; and
although, as in courts of justice, they might permit par-
ties to take the oath in the manner which they declared
to be most binding on their consciences, they still bad no
power, without an Act of Parliament, to vary or alter the
substance or form of the oath.—(Hear.) In a court of
justice a man was sworn to tell the " truth, the whole
truth, nod nothing hut the truth," and although
he might take the oath by touching or kissing the book,
he could not change the words. Now the Act which
established this oath was passed to meet the
cases of Roman Catholics who professed Je-
suitical principles, and felt that in taking an
oath they could make mental reservations.—
(Hear.) Suppose, then, a Catholic refused to make
use of these words, on the ground that they were
not binding on his conscience, he apprehended that
he would not be permitted to take his seat. He apprehended
that was clear and indisputable lam. With regard to Mr.
l'ease's case, as far as it went, it certainly was a prece-
dent; but it did not go far enough to justify them in
seating the Member for the city of London.—(Heir.)
He must say, looking to the general intentions of the
Legislature in passing those various Aets, and looking
to those special Acts of Parliament made in the case of
the Jews, it admitted of no doubt that those words were
of the very substance and essence of the oath; and he
for one could not permit Baron Rothschild to use
words which were not in the form of the oath.
Baron Rothschild had declined to take one of the
caths—(" Hear, hear," and " No, no.")—in the form
prescribed by the Act of Parliament, and what had
been done? Had he been admitted to take his seat?
No ; Mr. Speaker directed him to withdraw. The ques-
tion then was—would the House allow him to take his
seat, or would they not ? The House was in a false po-
sition. If Baron Rothschild was prepared to take his
seat, would the House allow him to take it? lie (the So-
licitor-General) contended the words which had been
omitted by Baron Rothschild were not intended to exclude
the Jewe, and it appeared to him (the Solicitor-General)
that the House ought to take a fair and manly course of
either admitting or excluding him.—(Hear.)
Mr. BRIGHT (amidst loud cries of " Divide")
said he had observed, from the commencement of the
discussion on this question, tbat the case of Mr. Pease
had been alluded to by gentlemen opposing the
introduction of Baron Rothschild, and the case had been
treated as one of extreme difficulty. He (Mr. Bright)
thought he should show that the whole argument
which the Hon. Gentleman (the Solicitor-General) had
used, bad no foundation whatever. What did the
House do in the cise of Mr. Pease? He (Mr.
Bright) came into that House and took his seat by vir-
tue of the declaration which Mr. Pease himself had made
when he was admitted into the House. Mr. Pease re-
fused to take the whole of the three oaths ; and
the question was, what did be take? The House
did not even ask Mr. Pease to take the sub-
stance of those oaths.---(Hear, hear.) He did not
take the oath of. fidelity ; be did not even
affirm it. With respect to the oath of supremacy, Mr.
Pease did not affirm or swear that in any shape what-
ever.—(Hear, hear.) Then he came to the oath of ab-
juration. Mr. Pease did not affirm the substance of
that oath.—(Hear, hear.) In the affirmation which
Mr. Pease and he (Mr. Bright) made at the table of the
House there was not a single word.about " defending. the
Queen;" the words '° will defend" were entirely omitted.
—(Cheers.) He would ask the House if those words were
or were not a portion of the substance of the oath?
Mr. Pease was also allowed to affirm, without declaring
in the words of the oath, that he would "defend the
succession," He (Mr. Brig t) understood those words
to be of the form and substance of the oath.--(flear.
hear.) With regard to the words "on the true faith of
a Christian," they were not put to Mr. Pease or himself
at all.—(Hear, hear.) Wus the House, then, asked
to do in this case one-tenth part of so
grave a thing as the House of Commons by
an unanimous vote permitted Mr. Pease, the Member
for South Durham, to do in 1832? He (Mr. Bright) was
of opinion that the House was not allowing anything to
be done half so serious as was done then. lie was in-
clined to think that the House did right in the case of Mr.
Pease. It might be a stretch of the orders of the House
to allow Mr. Pease to take his seat; the House was
asked now to do a much lighter thing, when leave was
asked for Baron Rothschild to take his seat. The Houses
of Lords and Commons passed the Bill for admitting
Mr. Pease. He (Mr. Bright) said, that being so, it
would be' scandalous indeed of him, who sat there by
right of that which the House of Commons had dune on
that occasion, if he did not give in every way in his
power the greatest support he could to the proposition
that Baron Rothschild should be admitted to take his
seat.

After a few words from Mr. GOULBURN,
Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided, when there appe2red—

For Mr. Hutne'sameadment
Against it 163
Majority against the amendment -62
On our return to the gallery we found
Mr. ANSTEY protcsting against the assumption taken
by the Attorney-General, that the words "on the true
faith of a Christian" formed part of the main question.
The gallery was again" cleared,- and the House divided
on the Attorney-General's first resolution, when there
appeared—
For the resolution
Against it ...
Majority ...
On our return to the gallery we found
Mr. V. SMITH addressing the House, and suggest
ing that the resolution should embrace an inquiry into
the whole oaths
,administered to Members of Parlia-
ment.

••• .•. ... 166
••. .•• 92
••• -74

Lord J. RUSSELL said, as the House had sat so late
it would be the most convenient course to continue
sitting until the Royal Commission, which sat at a
quarter to five o'clock, and then adjourn after the Com-
mission for two hours. In answer to the Right
Honourable Gentleman (Mr. V. Smith), he had to
state that though these had brought more prominently
under view the real difficulties which stood in the way of
gentlemen taking the oaths at the table being deemed
Members of the House, yet, as the only point on which
an obstacle had arisen to Baron Rothschild taking his
seat, and which the House had just declared
he could not get over, had reference to
the last few words of the oath of allegiance, it was de-
sirable that that question should be brought by itself
under the consideration of the House. He should be
sorry to injure Baron Rothschild and the constituent
body of England by mixing it up with oilier questions.
Mr. GOULBURN said as the subject would un-
doubtedly come under the consideration of the House
next session, whether the resolution was passed or not,
when every Member would have au opportunity of ex-
pressing his individual opinions, he should content him-
self on the present occasion with entering his protest
against the resolution, not simply with
reference to the admission of Jews into
Parliament, but because be objected to the
principle of the House pledging in one session
what it would do in the next. He thought it was most
impolitic and injudicious to make any ph dge of that
kind. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by pretesting
against the alteration of the law with regard to the ad-
miision of Jews. _ _ _

Mr. BRIGHT concurred in the propriety of
passing sueh a resolution, because it gave persons of
the Jewish persuasion and the constitueecy of London
a hold on the Govermrent and the House that this
question would be brought forward next session. He
understood the Government, as a Government,
intended to take up the question, and would
cand or fall by the issue of it.—(Cheers and laughter).

------ e
He would not give a single snap of the lingers for th _
r.4s,lotion unless the public and the Noble Lord (Lurd
J. Ru,sell) understood it is that sense.—(Cheers,
and
continued laughter.)
Mr. 11UME ob,erved that the Attorney-General's re-
solution only referred to the form of the oath, whilst his
relftr.
,4tioGtlLiewsohsriTice.—(l.l sear.)
stance" should be inserted instead
Tye SOLICITOR-GENI4_:RAL thought he bad
clearly stated that he intended the inquiry to extend to
',,t e d thoaf theib rro."sub..
word
the substance, to the form of the words, and to the n3lO-
ner in which it was taken.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the
Howe divide 1, when there appeared—
For the second resolution ... 142
Against it 106
Majority for the resolution
The resolution was cons. quently carried.
ROYAL ASSENT.
Mr. Putman, the Deputy Usher of the Black NA
appeared at the table, und summoned the House to the
House of Pe,•rs, to hoar the Royal assent given to Se-
veral public and private Bills. On the S
he read over the titles cf the Bills (for which so
Lords' report). ail
The House then adjourned at Twenty Minutes
Five. •
peakers retura

The House re-assembled at Seven o'clock.
CITY IMP ROVEMEN.
Lord D. STUART paid that the CoTSmmissionas vibo
had been empowered under local Acts to raise morsel
tor the purpo:e of opening a wide street from F.cring.
don-street to Clerkenwell were now without foods for
that purpose, and he wished to know whether the or
oiled to
tion of the Right Hon. Gentleman had been
the question of the completion of the street, wore °P
cially as the approiching opening of the Great Nortker!
Railway made it desirable to have a line of comettiol,°,ll;
ion opened from Islington to Blaekfriars-bridge.
9
also wanted to know whether the Right Hon. GootleP/,,,
c,,ntemplated a measure for the renewal of the Comm
stoners' powers on their expiration? 0 4,id that
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUEeLecithoil
his attention had been called to the subject, woo 7
measure was in contemplation which he hopedsal of
result in further means being placed at the dispo
the parties to carry out the project. •
In reply to Mr. CARDWELL, who Put a Uegii° 113'45:.
to the eligibility of the proposed, Cl
site 0-f the now
office at Liverol,
The CHANCpoELLOR of the EXCIIEQUE"n ot
that upon the whole the site which bad been
chose
the most convenient.

. we.
Mr. ANDERSON askedSPAIN Viscount Paltnerst°;obie of
ther he would have any objection to lay on the 1;0 00
the House a copy of any correspondence whiel! to the
have had with the Spanish Government relatteehe Pore
differential duties levied on British shipping ill tor Me.
of Spain; and whether it was the intention of .000er
jesty's Government, in the event of British shiPPl,7O
tinuing to be subjected to these differential dut.l7 fere
in force the provisions of the Act of last sessie,_, one!
pealing the navigation laws, by
on the ships of Spain in the ports of this kiog. •
its dependencies? which
noe
Lord PALMERSTON said the subject 5w119,-(4.
levying differentlo sad
maol
had engaged the attention of the Governoien"-meniefe
years, and on which they had had several cooly:100W
tions with the Spanish Government, which Or° 00111
tions, however, had not led to a satiefactorionode"
Those communications had necessarily been le bon hr.
when the relations of the two Goveimments lieu A .5
terrupted, but they would now be resumed,
sabli; so Ist
matter stood at present it would not be adllei to wht,,,
the papers before the House. With regal' pot of
course the Government might take in the el- shoe
e
Spanish Government not choosing to equalisemo
lies, or to place the British shipping on the et s,,bat whlis
as the national shipping, in accordance witule that'
done in this country, it would not be des
otter.
should at present make any statement on the, Ws nlotie,"'
Mr. ANDERSON then gave notice or t ibe ,pro
",That early next session he would move, the rieittel4,o
of Spain having since the year 1824 been fespaiol-0(
import goods the produce or manufacture o roes e
the ports of the United Kingdom at the.retf:oye,,,,Lpee,
duty as British ships, and since the Ist of eft ails oer-e;
the carrying trade of the United Kingdom atfias head.
dencies to and from all ether countries "00 go J,'oo
opened to Spanish vessels on the same terrabseoe Peri le'
tish vessels; whereas during the whole 01,6 go he' ge
higher rates of duties have been, and coot°
aeliorteaLie
vied on goods when imported into or tb- or
Spain and its dependencies in British veritritish Areis
apanish veosele, to the great detriment of:
owners and the obstruction of tingle; a° 'll/ het
be presented to her Majesty, praying that °were; go
will be graciously pleaed, in virtue ef the P 9, t°d.
in her by the Act 12th and 13th Vict., ..iietly"( the
eta
such rates of duty to be levied on the iteral"..nortscoi CO
Dori a tion of goods in Spanish vessels at theroro Oro Of
United Kingdom and its dependencies as, po
countervail the differential duties levied ill
Spain on British vessels. B Dr"
STAMP DUTIES (No. 2) " his '"
The House then went into Coasinittee,,°„ll
The CHANCELLOR of the ESC' fit alte:;00111,
"
reply to Mr. Henley, said, that the iir'7 dos
which he intended to propose was, that tkbp°l. ►
oStes
come into operation on the 10th of
the sth July.
Clauses up to six were agreed to. ieeb triaujeggiio°-el
Upon clause seven being proposed, er';',,-iies
tors receiving money to pay stamp `a the
crown debtors in the event of their not poY.
oPr
entrusted to them,°
Mr. MULLINCIS suggested that the wordpet beiPg
lent" should follow the words
gentleman might be placed in a great jetee
n(viaeg or rite i,offiop to
peremptorily made a debtor, withoet alto bit 00,b
avoid the payment cf. the money entrustealSt•
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCILed Whe° „
the whole question had been fully cookie— he e',
'' the
Bill was forrm-rly btfere the House. flOti j 0
Mr. MULLINGS still contended ';';asette" ha
sirable to hare the word " tra,udulene of t
clause.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL seiu
o°oo°r
the 'hewers too
clause was to make persons really liable Itbel serf!.
duty under the circumstances to do so. bo peee,..6"i
insert the word " fraudulent," it wank' so rnot's
prove that the solicitor took the wclpe-tOP6I AtPtif
legacy, for instance, with an intention nic,„,t OS- aitee
to the Saimp-effice. The case was uetia"le sobs
got the money to pay, he did not do sot .411/
became unable to do so. 41 juk:
Mr. HENLEY still thought the w°r" fose:Apa "
ought to follow the words " neglect or r,,entTO
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCEIre
Of
objection to insert the word tt improier'l'aentale '
After a few words from the Attornerroper4l
pP
Henley, and Mr. Walpole, the word ‘`
eleetoiti
inserted in the cliuse, which was agree" 5 go
boil " 41,
On clause 8, the intention of which wa
s
doubts respecting mortgages in retire-of tee of
to be stamped, to Pe ,000,
Mr. MULLINGS moved to insert W°i" 0000'
to Pe 0 bord
en-m,,rtgager from being called upon reviooopeab
duty when it has been already paid bY " sea, te"
gers. He thought it extremely hard ths 00 .00,
should pay double duty, and that seas the "elf
to meet. she
~f!
of
The ATTORNEY GENERAL Ora. her boirjecetere
and said that the Hun. and Learned stle—'gles "ra 1,0)
mentioned cases of evasion, which it w''°e, OA° Poo
this clause to prevent. It applied eesgaireunah
was a fresh advance of money, which reeohif
ES
security for its repayment, and Yell 11'1"se
Of ill'
pay a iCARDWELurther stamp. olor ogef'
Mr. L asked the Chace tbeo ,c
h
chequer whether he could give any idesfronsert'enVill
amount of revenue which would acertleQu' „le
t
The CHANCELLOR of the E-%(;""
was quite impossible for him to do so• gef
Mr. CARDWELL said that that beloe' ss OA'
id Pa OAP" I
know how the right Hon. Bironet coo ost jr„111-
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said ig Ott ,1040 i.
had repeatedly decided that not only so'rd 00 110010
eet 01 AO'. eti
lent to evade the stamp when the et. roper "fool
case
The'recisely, but that it was period PosatillfAssd o°7
strict interpretation which we! ~ eet.,,se°
Stamp Acts, in accordance with this riets'ef 0;0'4
comparatively
on the ground of revenue, therefore, trit., be.,
imperfect as instrumend
00 g
boi
the clause being perfect! clear and Lthicbtiade
Committee would agree toY the Clause, l'ob frll-00 10
ed
as
After some
ewdoiuslcdusespleonn,tihte door for Tto thes`oo.olo‘
was ngreef word, fd
should el
pass through Committee, o'itd" 000
protect the original mortgagee, au •
under him by descent or devise• d go.
The clause, 110 amended, was egtlego. sea' did
Clauses 9, 10, and 11 were agree,eing pr,4,1,00•00-'
Clause 12, duty
The CHANCELLOR of the
too3oo- 00,14/1101
on conveyance3,,vooloB•001;
that he had promised to Wake a a'av image Po
Lion of duty which he proposed stigFig irepstlf
auces. Certain amendments had be which idte.Jll f
Hon. Member for Cirencester, tmeue fires .0011° tlO/
necessary that he should advert. -17foretiOtlobeo od
which he proposed to make was an a' 00°,0
might tie
on conveyances. The Housedu it f A
instance, he expressed his own the g to •pp
when he brought forward tbeseopstinaroeu ofris:o6(betriol fspi
sirable to give relief rather more 0008 ghlonitilosfloo
and the conveyance of mortgage!' inia to, 0001 to $Oll
desirable to act upon the Prwc fwer 01 0111,101/
transfer rather than facilitate the riieti theloo oho, Co
to a greater extent. The House' "'reduce pots/t" 01)100
schedule on mortgages,
mortgages to a very
it to a most inconvenient amour of 1111 the 01/
consitdoetre:ll3lo.7torti°llol34'l3ll,lllfillotrie
placed him under the neoessillf„,ian ea cote
Bill, and submitting a res° de° the 0
ni.consl bet 10 Old
The House had come to nu w Tbe Ili
question. All parties agreed n° eon bich
8 Per • or' ti;#
mortgage should be uniformiY be vie° bed 0
wide t ee to ,e 1
such that it was impossible which LI del rot '
eeduceon, et she "„eB,
entertained, to give the boon be 6 des
o
t _be do (ep ,
form one
and therefore he
.
of
thaotnweaspetrocebnrti.ntiguto:gthi
josuitcnocs,e,e,ofbeb,i leo"
evading the payment of duty 1° its t t° Olt eer
law shales. By dividing the sAb:cordivgd i°oo°,ol/1
duty to very great amoubt.
to''traosfer 011.0(1,101,
ing law,' the duty urn urea i 6 OOl Offer.°
12/. By his proposal be redeiusietbreersiopeafttCl
tainly he was under the hapP
sierricg p; old
I 0) 5e
all parties, that they were Iran ,sivg tore_o foliose efi
but ho found by a process, ooritlooßtivs, pot girl,ool., •
dividing, and the excteding °duties. t•cje ei
of the present scale of stamp
0,., divt
!erred property which they o_ll.' 8,,, Flo!
meat of 71. 10e., instead of
each tV, w/i
, • l`tfEl;
so that all honest people— iisb Peoffts 4
into two sums of 4991, and 21-
1.0
An HON. MEMBER—AII foo
Fig 1
Tho CHANCELLOR of 010„."
nola
honest people suppoied they 005