The Sun.
London, England, 1868-07-25 00:00:00

Mr. GIBSON moved that the words be taken down.

The SPEAKER read the standing order, and said the
tnotion for adjournment was perfectly regular. lie cer-
tainly thought the words of the Home Secretary were un-
justifiable.

Mr. G. HARDY at once expressed his regret. It was,
however, he contended, always usual to sit on Saturdays,
if there was a pressure of business.
Major PARKER said that the motion was unjustifiable,
and very dubious if not .ontemptiblo.
On the partial restoration of political calm,

Mr. BLASE and other hon. members consented to with-
draw the motions which they had put down on the propo-
sition for adjournment ; but Mr. NEATE would persist in
delivering a speech on the report of a select committee on
the Bristol election, and agitating a debate, although a
brief one, on the subject.

A discussion then ensued on Mr. HEADLAII calling
attention to the operation of orders regulating the cattle
trade, upon his constituents of Newcastle-on-Tyne, the
effect of which was to prevent the importation of cattle
from healthy foreign districts.

The house then divided, and having negatived the mo-
tion for adjournment by 105 to 38, went on to again con-
sider the bill in committee.

The discussion of thevarious clauses went on until a
very late hour, when the bill was withdrawn.
The remaining business was disposed of, and the house
adjourned.

THE MANAGERS' REPORT OF THE IMPEACH-
MENT INVESTIGATION.

The report is long and minute, but presents
nothing conclusive or important. The Springfield
Republican says they sum 11D their labours with an
apology for devoting so much time and attention to
it, and offer it only as au exhibit "of the quality
of the men who were the devoted friends of
President Johnson, the companions and aids of
his counsel to procure his acquittal and foil
the justice of the nation." The seizure of
telegraphic despatches is alluded to as an or-
dinary power confided to every justice of the
peace of the country," but the exercise of which by
the managers has been the subject of much senseless
and useless vituperation. The leading facts which
the report discloses may be very briefly summed up.
Soon after the adjournment of the July session
of 1867, the Custom-house employes of New York
commenced to raise money to be used in procur-
ing the acquittal of the President should be be
Impeached, and when the trial actually occurred
the New York Custom-house furnished $lOO,OOO,
raised by the exertions of Collector Smythe and
William H. Appleton, Philadelphia $2,700, and
Baltimore $2,500. Edmund Cooper was treasurer
of the fund, but in what manner it was expended
the report does not explain. Concerning Sena-
tor Henderson's vote, the committee adduce con-
siderable testimony, mainly confirmatory of the
reports which were current at the time the ver-
dict was rendered ; that only the night before the
vote was taken the Senator had expressed his in-
tention to vote for the eleventh Article ; and re-
specting Senator Ross, testimony is offered that he
declared himself for conviction on the eleventh
Article as late as 11 o'clock p.m. on the day be-
fore the verdict. The managers do not attempt
to account for the sudden change, but follow
it closely with the testimony respecting Woolley's
grand dinner on the evening of May 15, at which
S. S. Cox, W. M. Evarts, W. S. Groesbeck, Sam
Ward, and Sheridan Shook were present, and of
the arrival at Washington that night of Col-
lector Smythe of New York. The report shows
that Senator Fowler, of Tennessee, was one of the
earliest and original impeachers, and that Senator
Van Winkle, of West Virginia, prepared an opinion
in favour of the eleventCArticle, but offers no ex-
planation of the change in their position. Consider-
able space is devoted to tracing the origin of the
" Chase movement," so called, and to clear-
inn. Senator Pomeroy's record in regard to his
alleged intrigues to dispose of his vote, by
exchanging it for the control of the Lea-
venworth Post-office. The letters affecting Mr.
Pomeroy's character are shown to leave been
mainly forgeries, and the whole force of the de-
monstration against him seems to have been more
with the purpose of capturing Senator Ross and
his vote, which were sure if Senator Pomeroy
was secured. Mr. Woolley's connection with
the business the committee regard as wholly
in the interest of Mr. Pendleton for the Pre-
sidency, and they have no proof that the
money which he disbursed in large amounts
went directly into the hands of Senators, though
they believe that it was used to influence votes. The
committee do not credit, the activity of Woolley
and his friends to secure the acquittal of the Presi-
dent so much to their interest in the whisky
ring as to their desire to help Mr. Pendleton's
nomination, and conclude their report iu the fol-
lowing words, frankly acknowledging its object:--

PRICE 4d.
STAMPED sd.

" 'the commonly received idea Viat their interest in
the continuation of, th. corruptions in the collection
of the taxes on whisky, although confessedly a strong
motive, is hardly a sufficient one, and certainly not
the only one operating on Woolley and his friends.
Woolley te•titi,s that he came here in the interest of
Mr. Pendleton to endeavour to make him the candi-
date of the Democratic party, and, of course, t o elect
him to the Presidency. It would be very desirable,
therefore, to place the President of the United States,
with the immense patronage of his office, under obli-
gations to the friends of Mr. Pendleton, so that the
power of the administration might be wielded in
Mr. Pendleton's favour, as well in the nomination
as in the election. The President of the United
States, by an extraordinary message to Congress,
in commendation of the military administration
of General Hancock in Louisiana, had brought
him forward promin:intly as a candidate for the
Democratic nomination. To wean the President
from this preference for Hancock, and bring him
to the support of Mr. Pendleton by laying him
under obligations to the friends of Mr. Pendleton,
was at once the object and end of Woolley's labours.
What greater obligations could Andrew Johnson be
under than to owe to the successful efforts of the
accredited agent of Mr. Pendleton his acquittal upon
a trial where conviction would end his official ca-
reer, and render him for ever infamous ? The fact
that the President has nominated since the acquittal
so many of those engaged with Woolley to prominent
offices attests his grateful appreciation of their la-
bours and recognition of their services. Mr. Stanbery,
and Mr. Evarts as Attorney-General, Mr. Smythe
as Minister to Austria, Lacey as collector of inter-
nal revenue at New Orleans, and Perry Fuller as
commissioner of internal revenue. Indeed, one
reason why your committee have thus reported in
part, at as early a day as possible, while the in-
vestigation is unfinished, is that the report might
become the index of the executive business of the
Senate to the nominations before them."

THE IVEIV MINING COMMISSIONER

FOR THE PACIFIC STATES.

Mr. Raymond, the new Commissioner for the
collection of mining statistics, arrived at San Fran-
cisco on Whit-Sunday, and on Monday evening ad-
dressed the California Academy of Sciences. Mr.
Raymond, who still retains his post as editor of the
American journal of mining, made a very favour-
able impression on all his hearers. After alluding
to the causes that had prevented Congress from
making the usual appropriations for research on the
Pacific coast, he explained that his object for the
present summer was to observe, study, and listen,
and, by personal observation, to acquaint himself
with the condition, prospects, and requirements of
the mining interest. He could not attempt to do
justice to particular districts, or to travel every-
where. He should be governed entirely for the
present by his own judgment as to what he
ought to visit, fur the purpose of inform-
ing himself, and so preparing for greater use-
fulness and effective action when the neces-
sary means should be put in his hands. If he
found next October that he had any valuable
ideas, he should communicate them to the Govern-
ment. If not, he hoped to have sufficient moral
courage to confess the fact, and to abstain from a
report. Mr. Raymond paid a high compliment to
Ow industry, sincerity, and ability of his prede-
cessor, lion. J. Ross Browne, and showed that it
was now necessary for the work to take a new shape
and direction. The duty concerned first the Legis-
lature ; second the citizens of tile country ; and
finally science. It was his business, primarily, to
furnish such information and advice to the
Government as would form a sound basis for legisla-
tive action. If incidentally this information should
be valuable to the public, so much the better ;
and if the interest of science could also be sub-
served, then the highest aim would be accom-
plished. But the first duty was to the Govern-
ment, and concerned therefore the relations be-
tween the Government and the mining indus-
try. Mr. Raymond then presented his views
upon the general subject of governmental interfer-
ence with mining. He claimed that as the product
of mining, though of permanent value, is from a
limited and exhaustible source, while agriculture
furnishes a supply of perishable wealth from a
perennial source; and furthermore, since the mis-
takes and losses of mining are to a certain extent
irrevocable and irremediable, while those of agri-
culture are repaired by time ~n 1 skill, Government
has a certain relation to mining, as a trustee of the
resources of the country, which it does not claim
toward agriculture. He was opposed, hdwever, to
all burdens and restrictions on the miner. He
thought the Government should meddle with no
industry; but there were two points in which the
Government was bound to legislate, the first for the
sake of the miner and the second for the sake of the
country. The first was the question of title, which
should be settled on some equitable, free, and uni-
form basis. The second was a necessary safeguard
against wanton or ignorant waste and destruction
of our mineral resources. For this purpose he be-
lieved a National School of 'Mines would be the best
and the only means. He thought mining education
was worth five hundred mining laws. The subject
of a National School of Mites was too great a sub-
ject to be discussed that evening, but he believed in
a really national school— not local, not State, but
national. He did not think that a bureau would
do the work. It must be a school of mines, and a
school in which mining was to be the specialty—
not mineralogy, not general science, but the
business of mining. lie knew that they were
going to have a university, and he hoped it
would be a good one, but he believed that it
never should supersede the necessity for a Na-
tional
School of Mines. He proceeded to speak
of the feeling of the mining community with
regard to scientific men. There were too many
who imagined that every man who came from Ger-
many, or called himself doctor, was a perfect
oracle. Again, there was a class to the full as in-
credulous, who never would believe that any man
with a handle to his name could be anything
better than a humbug. Here in California, how-
ever, above all other places known, men took their
places for what they were worth ; and he never
would believe that while science is knowledge, and
knowledge is power, science would be " played
out " here. Mr. Raymond closed with the expres-
sion of his belief that the extension of knowledge
among the people is the true and only security for
our democratic institutions and our national glory.

Z 2- ~~

~~z~;~ ~~
~~

,ADhCSIVE An ME 111Plaff
FOR WESTMINSTER.

Mr. Mill and Captain Grosvenor on Friday addressed
their constituents. The following letter from Mr. Glad-
stone was read. It was dated July 21:—
" Sir,—l have the honour to acknowledge your letter
)f yesterday, and to express my regret that I shall be
suable to attend the meeting on Friday evening
which it is proposed to hold on behalf of Messrs.
Grosvenor and Mill as candidates for Westminster.
Allow me, however, to assure you of my lively
interest in their cause ; and this, not only on their own
recount, but for the dignity and credit of the City of
Westminster, now invited, as I understand, to displace
one or the other of her members, both of whom, in
receiving honour from it, have clone it honour. I have not
a word to say against Mr. Smith in any capacity, except
as a candidate for Westminster ; and against him in that
capacity I could say a good many words, for I am asso-
ciated with your actual representatives in a good and
great cause, the progress of which it is his purpose to
impede. But I would rather speak of our present mem-
bers. Captain Grosvenor, who was first recommended to us
by the connection of his family with the city, and by the
cordial and deserved respect in which they are held, has
shown himself to be an able and faithful representative,
whom his constituents might well have chosen from
his personal merits and abilities alone. Of Mr. Mill,
who has attained a world-wide fame, it would be almost
impertinent in me to speak the language of eulogy.
Yet I will venture on two assertions, both having
exclusive reference to his parliamentary career. Firm
in the maintenance of his own opinions, Mr.
Mill has ever exhibited the largest indulgence for
those of others ; and with this liberal tolerance of
differences he has shewn in the most remarkable
manner how to reconcile, on the one hand, a thorough
independence, and, on the other, an enlightened sense of
the value and power of that kind of union which is desig-
nated by the name of political party. More than this,
Mr. Mill has set us all a rare example of forgiving temper,
of forgetfulness of self, of absolute devotion to public duty;
and I do not hesitate to express my deliberate opinion that
his presence in the House of Commons has materially-
helped to raise and maintain its moral tone. I ask your
pardon for having been led to greater length than I had
intended, and I remain, sir, your faithful servant, W. E.
GLADSTONE."

Mr. MILL met with an enthusiastic reception. Referring
to the Bribery Bill, he said that when the present Govern.
meat introduced it he really was in hopes that there
was something like an intention to suppress, if possible,
the bad practices prevailing at our elections. The Govern.
meat took one rather bold step—they asked the House of,
Commons, tenacious as that assembly was of its privileges,
to give up the power of judging as to the extent to which
corruption might have prevailed at elections. They thought,
and he thought, that judges were not so likely to
sympathise with the offenders as the very class from
which the offenders were drawn. Besides the change
of tribunal, the Government proposed to increase
the penalties upon the offenders. This gave him hopes.
He thought there was coming from the Tories something
substantial for the prevention of corruption. The meeting
were not to think him credulous. It was very possible for
Tories to be sincere in what might favour their cause at
elections. In the terrible struggle which had been going on for
some weeks, almost from day to day, to endeavour to
introduce into the bill precautions against corruption at
elections, and to prevent that improper expense
which made it impossible for any but rich men to
gain a seat in Parliament, no persons stood more
consistently by those who promoted the effort,
and more honourably, than ten or a dozen Tories—high-
minded, honourable men, who would not owe a seat in
Parliament to corruption. lie could name several Tories
who, not only by their votes, but by motions and speeches,
did what they could. But it was all in vain. After the
Ministers had carried their own original proposition for a
change of jurisdiction, not one single improvement would
they allow to be made in the bill. One after another
liberal and honest Tory members moved resolution after
resolution, and amendment after amendment, and pressed
these to a division, every one of which had for its
object to make elections purer and cheaper. But not
one of them would the Government suffer to be
carried. Many Liberal members had gone into
the country, to which they generally rushed at
this period of the session—and he was sorry to say it
was the period at which all tricks were perpetrated,
and by this combination of causes those who promoted
improvement had been defeated. As far as concerned the
present Government, electors were now delivered into the
hands of millionaires. Continuing, he said he gave credit
to the Government for a slight preference for honesty when
they introduced the bill, but he had no doubt that Mr.
Spofforth, who manaed the elections for the Tory party,
who knew all that was going on everywhere and in every
constituency in the Tory camp as well as any man living—
he had no doubt this individual told his friends in the
Cabinet they must not, at this election at least, put these
practices at an end ; if they acted too rigidly it was very
much to be feared some of their members would not
get in.

A. vote, pledging the meeting to support the hon, mem-
bers at the next election, closed the proceedings.

MORE DEATHS FROM SUNSTROKE.

Two cases of sunstroke occurred at Witham, on
Wednesday ; the first to a labouring man, named
Benjamin Holland, aged 41, who was harvesting for Mr.
Shoobridge. He left the field to have his dinner at the
Woolpack public-house, where he lodged, between one
and two o'clock. As he was proceeding up Church-street,
he was observed to stagger and fall ; he was assisted to
his lodgings as quickly as possible, and Mr. Tomkin
was soon in attendance upon him, but his services were
of no avail, and at twenty minutes to four the man
expired. The second case occurred to a. man named
Groves, aged 73, a carrier, from Earls Colne.
He was engaged by Mr. R. Hunt, of that place, to remove
some iron hurdles to Hove-hills. About two o'clock he
passed through Rivenhall, and spoke to a man named
Shelley, remarking that it was very hot. About half an hour
afterwards the same man Shelley was proceeding to
Witham, and on the railway bridge, a short distance
from the town, he found the poor fellow lying on his
face between the legs of his horse, which was standing
quite still. Two police constables were soon on the spot,
and he was removed to the union house as speedily as
possible, when Dr. Gimson, Mr. Proctor, and another
medical gentleman were soon with him, but he died on
Friday morning. On Tuesday a lad belonging to Danebury
was struck down near the Blue Lion Inn, Great Baddow,
and conveyed home in a very critical state, but we are glad
to hear that he is recovering. On Wednesday a maltster
named Smith, in the employ of Messrs. Wells and Perry,
was taken suddenly ill with symptoms of sunstroke, and
for some hours partially lost the use of his eyesight. He,
is now gradually recovering. The same evening a cart-
horse belortging to Messrs. Marriage and Son suddenly
fell near the railway station, and died in a few minutes,
owing, it is supposed, to the intense heat. A man,'
named Thomas Ruffell, living in Rainsford-road, received
a severe sunstroke, rendering him completely insensible,'
and he now lies in a dangerous state. A correspondent
at Hitchin reports five deaths from the excessive heat
which hare taken place in the vicinity of that town within
the present week. In each case the victims were'
labourers struck down while working in the harvest fields,
and each poor man died a few minutes after the attack.
Several widows and numerous young children are thus left,
in want. In another case, which happened in Letchworth
Park (the proprietor of which died last week), four men
were struck down by the sun almost simultaneously. One
went raving mad for a time, and had to be strapped down ;
but all these are recovering.