The Sun.
London, England, 1857-10-14 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDN ESDAY EVENING, OCTOB 14,R 14, I. 8! 7.

NATIoNAL ASSOCIATION FOR TTIPI
PROMOTION OF SoCIAL SCIENCE.

when we had amended the la*, the code that would then
be produced, slowly worked out, would be of a more per-
the ancient guarantees of a free Betio!),
foct kind than any ever produced ; it would be found in
the guarantees f
its liberties founded on a civilisation more complete and
more intelligent than that which existed in the time of
e
Justinian or Napoleon. Let us hope, then, that under
the beneficent sway of a beloved Queen we might
see our code of laws improved, and that we might see
a fabric raised which, although it might take a long while
in the raising, would yet letiof such an order of architec-
ture, and of suck materials, that it would be an object of
reverence for other nations of the globe, and fit to with-
stand all the asaaults oF time.
-Thad noble lord resumed his seat amidst loud cheering.

and savage races are to be brouglzt by our agency under
the influence of civilised man, if we are to maintain
peace, to extend commerce, to hold our own ainone
many rivals, alike by arts and arms—it C011C.:.T118 us, I
say, that arang bands shall be forthcoming to wield
either sword or spade—that vigorous constitutions be not
wanting to endure the vicissitudes of climate and the
labours of a settler in a new country. I believe that
whatever exceptions maybe found in individual instances,
when you come to deal with men in the mass physical
and moral decay necessarily go together, and it would
be small satisfaction to know that we had through a series
of ages successfully resisted every external agency if we
learnt too late that that vigour and energy for which
ours stands confessedly pre-aminent among the races
of the world were being -undermined by a secret but
irresistibly agency, the offspring of our own neglect,
against which science and humanity had warned ul3 in
vain. (The noble'l)rd on resuming his seat was loudly
cheered.)

BIRMINGHAM, TUESDAY EVENING.

SECOND DAY.
IThis morning, at 11, the inaugural addresses of the
five ptesidents of departments were delivered in the
Town-hall before the whole of the members and their
Mende. This course was adopted in preference to at
once splitting up the meeting into sections, as it was
thought that many persons might wish to hear all the
presidential speeches who would otherwise be prevented
by that infirmity which forbids even the votaries of social
science from being in five places at once.
JURISPRUDENCE AND AMENDMENT OF THE LAW.
Lord J. RUSSELL, President of this association, who
was received very warmly, addressed the fOsociation,
and said that he would endeavour to point out in what
way the section might practically be of use. A learned
gentleman, who was formerly Attorney-General for LS -
hied, Mr. Napier, whom ho regretted he did not see
there, had urged very strongly upon the House of Com-
morie.the propriety of appointing a Minister of Justice.
It had always appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) that he
was right in his opinions ; and the house agreed with
him not only that he was right in his general opinion,
but that it was a measure of urgent administrative re-
ornr The object, however, had not been accomplished,
although he (Lord J. Russell) had been informed by the
Attorney-General that it was under consideration, and
that plans for the purpose had been prepared. Now, it
appeared to him that the person appointed Minister of
Justice ought to be a member of the House of Com-
mons!. They had in the House of Lords the Lord Chan-
celior, who was a minister of justice, although his time
was occupied in other duties ; but they were much in
want, in the House of Commons, of a person with those
functions, and who would bring. in a fitting way be-
fore the house amendments of the law. He would pro-
aced to mention some of those subjects which a minister
of justice might -propose amendments upon, and which,
if be were properly appointed, he might by his influence
successfully carry through Parliament. Lord Brougham,
in his address on the previous night, suggested that the
county courts should have power to deal with certain
cases of equity. He (Lord John)-entirely concurred in
that opinion ; but he thought that some person—and
the Minister of Justice ought to be the person--should
see that the courts were properly constituted for the
purpose. When they had a discussion last session upon
the Divorce Bill, it was suggested that the matter might
be dealt with in the county courts. It was objected that
the countycourts having been instituted for the recovery
of small debts, there was such a noise and confusion
that they would be unequal to the discussion of subjects
of such grave importance. Now, if 'that were the case,
and the country wished that they . should have local
courts to deal with more important subjects than small
debts, it ought to be the funct.on of some minister to
see to it. (Hear, hear.) In Scotland they had an ad-
mirable system of local justice, easier to envy than to
imitate, for he doubted whether it would be applicable
to this country. In Ireland there were barristers ap-
pointed to administer justice in the provieces, who gave
the greatest satisfaction. Now it ought to be the func-
tion of the minister to see that England was not mere
deficient in the adrninistra ion of justice than either
Scotland or Ireland. Aud when these- courts were
properly constituted a vast deal of the legal business
of the country might there be transacted. He had
always looked with distrust upon those who said that
justice should not be obtained except at some consider-
able price, as there would be a fury for litigation.
His answer was that they did not curb the spirit of
litigation in the rich by making leer dear, while they
not only quelled the spirit of litigation, but chilled the
hope of justice in the poor. (Hear, hear.) The argument
for making justice dear, while logically false, was practi-
cally a great grievance on the subject. Theo, passing to
another point, occurred the question as to what should
be the province of legislation. Upon this subject the
opinion of the world had is course of time greatly
changed. There was a time when personal freedom was
restrained by a number of petty rules and regulations.
At another time the operations of industry were con-
tr.illed in the same way. A very eminent manufacturer
of France, Colbert, thought he would promote his
country's wealth by regulating the manner iu which silk
should be made—the length and breadth of the pieces—
and every workman who made them otherwise wag put
in the pillory for the offence. At the same time, by way
of encouraging the silk manufacture, he prevented the
competition of the Dutch in runny articles. The conse-
quence was that the wines of France were no longer sent
to Holleed, and the people of all the wine countries were
almost reduced to ruin by those commercial regulations,
by which the wealth of France was to be augmented. It
was at that time that an old merchant, wiser than Colbert,
said, " Let them manufacture as they please, and intro-
duce goods when they can," The advice was set aside
for a time, and he was sorry to say that in England, as
in France, the opinion prevailed that they mutt make a
country rich by legislation. It was not until late times
that men in this country, and the minority in other parte
of Europe, came to the conclusion that it was wise to
allow every man to make himself rich in his own way.
He recollected well when it was said, in answer to Mr.
Huskisson, "You must not allow French gloves to come
into the country, because they are better and cheaper."
Huskisson persevered, however, and the result was, not
only that the consumer had better and cheaper gloves,
but that our manufactures bad increased more than they
did at any other time. There was another operation in
which legislation did not formerly'take place, but of which
in late years there had been a tendency to interfere. Not
that he was inclined to find fault with that interference,
because he thought what had been done bad been dons
right; but it was a matter that deserved serious considera-
tion. Thera was no right more sacred than that parents
should have the care of their offspring in tender years ;
and there was no right more jealously held than that
which is expressed in the phrase, " an Englishman's
house is his castle." Of late years, however, it was argued
by his noble friend, Lord Shaftesbury, that in certain
kinds of manufacture they could not allow parents en-
tirely to dispose of their children ; that they work they
endured was far too great ; and that it would destroy
their strength and energy, and prevented them receiving
any moral or religious education. It was argued step by
step in the House of Commons, until it was said that if
they went further they would destroy one-fourth of the
manufacturing interests of the country in textile fabrics;
that was to say, in cotton, wool, and silk. That legisla-
tion took place, and the industry in textile manufactures
had increased ever since. He had frequently asked what
were the bad effects of the legislation, and found that it
was bad in principle. but in practice it bad been emi-
nently successful. If, then, it was good in practice, he
thought there must be an error in the principle, and that
it required modification. It had been said "an English-
man's house is his mode ;" but Lord Shafte-ibury argued,
and he (Lord J. Russell) thought truly, that he was not
to shoot poisoned arrows into the community from its
battlements. (Hear ) Legislation ales followed in this
ease not only with lodging-houses, but with regard to
crowded dwellings in cities, and in London, as much as
in any other, there had been instances of great crowding
in small narrow compass, producing injury to the health,
morals, and religion of the community. Now that was a
subject in which it might be eonsidersd how far legis-
lation might interefere. He did not wish to detain thorn
long in that place ; but there wore questions that re-
quired inveetigition, and in which great amendments
might take place. Among those was the question
whether it was necessary to continue the practice of
sending persons who came for redress to the courts of
justice from one court t, another, thereby greatly in-
creasing the expense, (Hear.) Sir F. Kelly had shown
him the immense expense of the Probate and Testamen-
tary Courts in a particular case. Much amendment
had no doubt taken place in the courts ; but he did not
think that any judge should have the power of bandy-
ing persons from court to court. They knew that when
Erskine way tot' by the judge that he must take his
client to the Court of Chancery, he said he hoped his
lordship was not quite so inhuman as to send a fellow
there. (Laughter.) Then there were commercial ques-
tions that required much investigation. He thought the
section was bound to consider these questions, such as
that relating to bankruptcy, for example. There was
also, he believed, a strong opinion now entertained for
considerable improvement in the criminal law. The
materials were ample, and improvement might be begun
in the course of the next year. He did not, at the same
time, think it would be satisfactory that they should
merely transcribe the enactments of former days ; that
they should perpetuate their errors, and give it out as a
new Act of Parliament under the name of consolidation.
(Hear, hear.) His opinion was that when they consoli-
dated they should amend. There was a bill brought in
at the latter part of last session, in which the punish-
ment of death was ordained for crimes for which no
judge would think of inflicting such a sentence. Now,
what they made law should be executed. If they did
ncthing else than consolidate jumbles of Acts of Parlia-
ment, often inconsistent and contradictory, they would
I produce a work, as Dryden said—
" To stand recorded at his own request,
To future time', a libel and a jest."

EDUCATION.
Sir JOITNT PARINGTON, presideet of this department,
delivered an address on this subject. He expressed the
great pleasure he felt in acting with men who had no die-
tinguiehed themselves in promoting objects precious to
the pebide, and especially in taking part in these proceed-
inga under the presid-mcy of that great and venerable
man w1.0.,e name for 50 years bad been conspicuous for
promoting almost every plan Which- bad been brought
forward to improve the condition of our fellow-subjects,
and who last night afforde 1 a signal proof that the lapse
of time has had no effect upon the powers of his gigantic
mind.. The right Iron gentleman then reviewed the state
of education in England, comparing it nith that prevail-
ing on the Continent and in America, and urged the
g
propriety of ineetii g our cLfficully in this respect boldly,
instead of stendin at a distance,
and magnifying it. He
expressed his conviction that all these difficulties were
surmountable. After some remarks of a genersl character
Sir J. Pakington, in conclusion, stated that in his opinion
the Government ought to pass a permissive bill fairly to
try an improved school system, and he thought they
ought to grant a careful in quiry itito the whole subject.
He hoped their dieouesione at at olngfArsiaca would be
directed to the points he had adverted to, and he trusted
that the result of their deliberations might be to extend
their information, expand the public interest on that
pressing public question, and to accelerate the arrival of
that time when Parliament would no longer hesitate to
legisla e in a manner that would Conduce to the perma-
nent welfare, the honour, and the interest of the country

PUBLIC HEALTH.
Lord STANLEY, president of the department, premised
that the address he had prepared was intended to be de-
livered before the section, consisting of those who, it
might be supposed, were specially interested in the fasts
and theories of sanitary science. This, therefore, must
be his apology if he entered into details which before a
general audience might seem Tedious and superfluous.
He observed that having met to discuss; the present state
and future prospects of sanitary science in England, the
first thing for them to do was to define accurately what
was meant by the term " sanitary science," and he ap-
prehended that it meant that science which dealt with
the preservation of health and prevention of disease in
reference to the entire community, or to classes within
that community as centradistinguiehed from medical
science in the ordinary acceptation of the term, which
latter study had for its aim the restoration of health
when lost, and dealt with the Case of each individual se-
parately; or to put it in another form he would Fay that
all physical evils to which human beings are liable might
be classed under three heads-1. rnose which, whether
limited to isolated cases or widely diffused ware not pre•
ventible beforehand by any means at present known, and
could only be dealt with remedially when they arose. 2.
Thiess, which affecting individuals Only were preventible
as regarded those individuals, but were not due to any
general or wide-spreading can-u. 3. Those which af-
fected entire districts or entire classes of men, ef which
the cause lay in some known exteried noxious agency,
whether connected with occupation ar locality and which
could therefore he removed altogether by the removal of
such ageecy. Of these three classes sanitary science, as
he understood the term (the study of the public health),
dealt tint at all with the first, but partially with the
second, and mainly, though net quite exclusively,
confined itself to the third. After observing that the
fundamental axiom which sanitarists laid down was that
of epidemic diseases seine might be made, by proper ap-
mplahti,iiito,ets,wtooulddieeaxphpiebairt
aa tisilgdeetrh earn,d whileess d
isttliinocseti
vt he atyt
preei
while a knowledge of physical laws would tend to a
greatly improved state of the public health in respect to
diseases not epidemic, lie proceeded to enforce the neces-
sity of a iaot:re general diffusion ol knowledge upon these
subjects, and to argue that our destiny iu these matters
was very much in our own hands. He then adduced a
variety of facts to prove that sanitary neglect caused
disease, and in order to show how vast a sacrifice of
human life went on michecked and almost unnoticed,
thouzli plainly within the power of society to abate, ho
inst.inced the case of the British army ; not of regiments
employed in foreign service or quartered in unhealthy
chinatee, but the case of troops at home under the direct
control of the Executive. Takiiig the deaths which
occurred among men within the ages of military service
we had a yearly average of civiliaus resident in towns of
11.9 per 1,000 ; while for the same ages among soldiers
of the Line there was an average of 17.8 per 1,000 ; and
among the Guards of 20 per 1,000. He need not stop
to inquire to what extent -thltitieeterwariiiestioe; -iwittenpe-
rate habi:e, or such causes contaihuted to this result;
but he proceeded to statistics to show how far mortality
varied according to the salubrity or insalubrity of the
district inhabited. Taking the same ages—namely, 20 to
35—we had an average of deaths per 1,000 as follows :
In the least healthy urban districts, 12.4, in the whsle
population of England and Wales, 9.2 ; in the rural
population exclusively, 7'7. From a popular summary of
facts
Association,
which had been
comparingdrawn
u? by the Manchester sani-
tarywith deaths Irons war, e
the Revolutionist), war, in 22 years, from 1793 to 1815,
there were killed 19,800 men, a hile in the single year
deaths
found froma
that
pestilence
during
1848-49 there died of cholera and other epidemic' 72,180. •
In these 22 years of war the wounded were 79,700, while
in the one year of cholera those at•acked were 144,860.
The same authority added that the annual average of
causes
aeiaugsthehtss
beo estimated
i nf
E g
o another. V
to trace with great minuteness; of detail the various
disease,showinglan,
t andu sWsoaleote. cluei i
the The
to
sauteher preventible
noble.
lord
time
lie p
how
oceeaeudseeds
upon the law of density or
altitude as affecting disease, and upon the industrial
patted. ,gy of tradeaconeeehthe that theremedy was very
touched
uchoende
breach of the niter: 1 late led t
mach in the hands of indkiduals rather than in those of
the Government. He showed the necessity
f)
up
measures generally, but he
urged that legislation ewas
useless unless it met with the s port of public opinion,
Enlarging upon the importance
ot enforchig proper regu-
lations for the managetuent of lodgitig-houees, he recom-
mended the construction of nimbi dwellinga, contending
that that they ought to be remunerative to those who
erected them. He then advanced to the sewage ques-
tion, with respect to which he said so tnuchof late years
had beers spoken, and su little, comparatively speaking,
done. It was better, however, of two evils te do nothing,
than to do that whicit would have tobe again undone,
It seemed to hint tbai any plans for improving
our sew-
age system were very imperfect utctil we had ascertained
vr
what to do with the Neage when collected. That was a
qinsetion which had net
t Wen satisfactorily solved.
Mr. Austin in his able report lest year, gave the to:milts
of various experiments which had been tried in this direc-
tiou, of
the
itivuhticthhaitt
that neither law nor public convenience nor public
"Lignhethad so decidedly succeeded as to
justify its general adoption, It was clear, ho eever,
be !eta' that ',event' appeared pro-
health would allow the poisoning of rivers and brook.,
such as was now becoming common wherever in a large
owrasineoudtearbaltiseheeid7 ro
d to:odnoari,,chitin to by some means had be-
come sy,tein of drainage
If it could he combined with agricul-
tural utility so touch the better; but this at least was
certain,' that whether ihe process paid or not, every local
board of health, or other governing body, ought to be just
as ITILIC
coin() a necessity.
h bound to purity its taiwege as to remove it.
(Hear.) No person and
to t a eu
asnadno n
c itglyb
ol the(ch
(Cheers).
right).
m
merely to transfers n
It was probable that in every co, by the payment of no
very large sum private speculators might be induced to
undertake the wink of deodorization, and if this should
be so, and if the experiments now going on in various
placesprobably l shouldv be
nevt oven
r g
modern dly,successful, we should
better
to
do with the metropo-
litan drainage than to carry it into the sea at a cost of
many millions without the prospect of the slighteet re-
turn. (Hear.) Although great good had already been
done by calling the notice of local bodies to nuisat see
e within their jurisdiction, the further lesson remained to be
d
taught that it was not enough to send those nuisances to a
and that the public was only benefited when they
were put an end to altogether. The noble lord then touched
State upon questions affecting the vale of poisons, adulteration,
compulsory
vaccination, medicine and medical re-
lief, and concluded a roost able address, full of interesting
deductions from the statistics with which it abounded, in
the following urine :—There are other topics on which I
wished to touch. I regret to leave unnoticed the legis-
lation of successive Parliaments in regard to the Board
of Health, the perpetually repeated conflict between
central and local authority, the struggles, failures, and
successes of the last few y care—but time would fail.
Brevity on such questions could not but lead to mis-
understanding, fulness of treatment would be impossible;
and to those whom I see around me I already owe a
double apology, for, while lainentingahe length to which
these remarks of mine have extended, I lament still more
that, compelled to touch as it were on the surface of
many topics, I have been unable both from limited space
and
withlimit y:0 limited
d (u knowledge to do justice to any one. Only
fake this last word. Dry and unattractive as
sanitary studies muy appear, they belong to the patriot
no less than the philanthropist ; they touch very nearly
the future prosperity and the national greatness of Eng
land. (Hear.) Don't fancy that the mischief done by
disease speeding through the community Is to be mea-
sured by the number of deaths which ensue. That is the
least part of the result. As in a battle, the killed bear
but email proportion to the wounded. It is not merely
by the crowded hospitals, the frequent funerals, the des-
titution of families, or the increased pressure of public
burdens, that you may test the suffering of a nation over
which sickness has passed. The real and lasting injury
lies in the deterimation of race, in the seeds of disease
transmitted to future generations, in the degeneracy and
decay which are never detected till the evil is irreparable,
and of which, even then, the cause remains often undis-
covered. It concerns us if the work of England be that
of colonisation and of dominion abroad, if wild hordes

That opened up a subject upon which many men had
employed themselves ; and he thought they must come
to the conclusion that there was so much to be amended
in the laws that the amendment must precede the con-
solidation. They knew there were two great precedent
codes of law. After the Roman republic bad discussed
in a fair spirit, and in a spirit of justice, the principles of
law ; after these principles had been embodied for years
in an unwritten law, and then consigned to. perpetual
edicts, the Emperor Justinian resolved that there should
be a code for the empire. That code was read and ad-
:nired to the present day. Then thera came the enact-
ment of another code, almost in our own day, that of
the Emperor Napoleon. lie was assisted by the greatest
lawyers of France, some extreme royalists, some extreme
republicans, but all willing to assist in the great work
of a perpetual law for their country. He, like Justinian,
bad absolute power ; but the opinions of others, as well
as the circumstances of the time, made it necessary to
embody in his work much that had been agreed to in
.the times of the old monarchy, and much that neither
religion nor morals could approve from the days of the
revolution. These were no doubt great codes. We bad
not the means of enacting by a decree, by the fiat of at,
absolute sovereign, the rules of law and equity by which
the country was to be governed ; yet his belief was that

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