The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-16 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 16, 1868.

To-night will witness the resumption of the Irish
debate in the House of Commons, and, of course,
expectation is still rife, though the excitement on
the question is not so great as it was at one time
supposed that it would be. Many speeches of re-
markable ability have been delivered during the
discussion, but, to all intents and purposes, no real
proposition has been put before the House of a na-
ture that it can entertain. We do not mean to say
that no good has been done by the debate, or
that it would have been desirable not to have
had it come on, for after the events that
have occurred, and the state of feeling in Ireland,
it was most necessary for the attention of the
Legislature to be drawn to the subject. To have
passed over the session without a special reference
being made to the state of that country, and some
efforts being directed to benefit its condition, would
have been quite impossible, and if the zeal or
assiduity of Mr. MAGUIRE had not precipitated
things a very short time would have seen the Go-
vernment enter upon the subject, and afford the
House an opportunity of hearing their determi-
nations. One curious thing strikes us in this
matter, and that is the discrepancy which prevails
between the course pursued by the Opposition leaders
in both Houses. In the Commons they are chiefly
conspicuous by their silence, and no serious inten-
tion can animate them, or they would have given
notice of some motion at an earlier time, but it is
far otherwise in the more august assembly where
Earl RUSSELL presides over the councils of the
Liberals. There a kind of fury seems to possess
them, and it would almost appear as if they were
indignaat with their friends in the other House for
the moderation they are showing, and were
resolved to do something themselves rather than
present so quiescent an appearance to the world.
Lord MALMESBURY asked very pointedly if there
was no member of the party in the House of
Commons who could ask Mr. DISRAELI himself
what he meant by his remarks at Edinburgh, and if
the answer to this very natural question had been
given, we should perhaps have learned that the will
was wanting, though the opportunity favoured such
a scheme as that referred to. At any rate we think
that all disinterested persons will agree with us in
giving the preference to the mode in which the
Opposition is conducted in the Lower House, rather
than to that which directs its proceedings in the
" other place." The remarks which Lord RUSSELL
made upon the occasion when Lord MALMESBURY
announced to the House that Mr. DISRAELI had
accepted office were quite uncalled-for, and, indeed,
were_so violent in style that the Premier judged it
advisable to depart from his rule, and direct atten-
tion to them in a letter to the noble earl. This was
not answered, and the public might have been jus-
tified in thinking that the subject was dropped,
when another RICHMOND appears in the field, and
the fight has to begin again. The Duke of ARGYLL
took upon himself to recommence the whole thing,
and renew the vexed question ; but we
think that the noble Duke has gained nothing in
the encounter of a character that is likely to induce
him to follow the same course again. Of all the vex-
atious interruptions and unnecessary interference
with the business of the House this perscnal rating
of Friday evening is about thegreatest, and it would
have been well for the dignity of the House of
Lords that it should not have taken place, even
though thereby we should have lost the admirable
speech of the Lord Chancellor on the subject,
which will long live in the recollection
as a masterpiece of wit and humour.
The worst part of the affair was the time which was
selected for the onslaught, and it was certainly a
specimen of very bad taste to make the inquiries
when an important debate was going on in the
other House, but tact and discretion do not often
distinguish the factions of the Whig coteries, and
they look to the end more than to the means. In
this instance we consider that the attempt has met
with the failure which it deserved ; and the very
excitement and bitterness which characterised the
speeches of the Duke of ARGYLL and of Earl RUS-
SELL only showed how mortified they were at their
opponents' success. The only effect of all this tirade
in the House of Lords will be to show the inde-
pendent members of the House of Commons how
eagerly some distinguished individuals are looking
to a change of places.

There is always something to mystify one in the
affairs of Prussia, and the journey of Prince NAPO-
LEON to Berlin has given rise to all kinds of ru-
mours and speculations. The various accounts
which have reached us of his doings in that city
seem to show that he had some intention, although
it is as yet impossible for us to fathom it. That
the French EMPEROR has in some way concurred in
this affair is most likely, and naturally this idea sets
one to work assiduously to find it out. Had he
not been willing that this expedition should take
place, we should not have heard so
much about it in various directions, and
the Paris Press would not have announced
his departure in so open a manner, and evidently
with the desire to direct attention to it. There is
no country in Europe where the policy of keeping
back intelligence and hushing up awkward things
can be practised more perfectly than in France,
and hence we all know what to expect when there
is the manifest endeavour made to be open and un-

reserved iu communicating details. At any rate,
there seems no reason to suppose that the conse-
quence of this visit of his Imperial Highness to the
capital of Prussia will be the rupture of the friendly
relations between the two countries most im-
mediately concerned in the matter, and hence
the chief subject of anxiety respecting it is removed.
We may speculate upon the meaning of the affair
to our hearts' content, and listen to all kinds of
suggestions possible or impossible, as the case may
be, without exciting ourselves, as we should if the
issues of the affair were likely to be serious. What
is likely the true version of the strange story is that
the Prince's mission related to the Eastern question,
and that he went to Berlin in the hope and expec-
tation of doing something decided iu that matter.
Prussia has a good deal to do with the settlement of
this awkward question, and hence the very natural
desire to propitiate her, and gain her intiuence to be
exerted in the right direction. The policy of Count
BISMARCK has led Lim for some time past to culti-
vate the friendship of the Cabinet of St. Peters-
burg, doubtless believing that this alliance would
serve him in good stead if France and Austria were
leagued against him. The danger being practically
cleared, the Prussian statesman very probably holds
it to be the safest course to attend to the wishes of the
French EMPEROR, and, therefore, Prince NAPO-
LEON'S efforts may have been directed to this end,
and he may have been the medium of communica-
tion with the Prussian Government in a manner
more direct, and yet not so compromising as if
formal communications were exchanged between
Ambassadors and Ministers. It shows the very un-
certain state of public affairs that a journey like
that of Prince NAPOLEON'S should have given rise
to so many rumours; but, although productive of
anxiety in itself, its result may, in reality, remove
some of the unfavourable impressions now enter-
tained.

The intelligence which the Cuba brings us from
New York, dated March 6, tells us, of course,
nothing more than we already know through the
medium of the Cable, but it gives us fuller and
more ample details of the movements of the con-
tending parties. The House of Representatives
has adopted twelve Articles of Impeachment, charg-
ing President JOHNSON with high crimes and mis-
demeanours in violating the Tenure-of-Office Law,
by the removal of STANTON and the appointment
of THOMAS without the advice and consent of the
Senate ; in violating the Army Bill, by trying to in-
duce General EMORY to obey orders not sent through
General GRANT; in denying the legality of Congress;
in denouncing Congress in public speeches ; in at-
tempting to devise means to defeat the execution of
the Reconstruction Laws. All the other charges
are merely variations or amplifications of these lead-
ing ones. The salient points are the removal of
STANTON and the dnrespect shown to Congress ;
and upon these, apparently, the PRESIDENT'S ene-
mies mean to take their stand. It says something
for Mr. JonNsoN's administration of public affairs
that all the offences charged against him are purely
personal and partisan. There is no mention of any
dereliction of public duty except so far as the
direct interests of the Radicals are concerned.
In the eyes of Messrs. STEVENS, SUMNER, and their
associates, no doubt such crimes are of the deepest
dye ; but we must not measure political judgments
in accordance with the estimates of interested
parties. The spirit which actuates the House of
Representatives has been elearly shown throughout
the whole of the proceedings, most especially in the
haste with which affairs have been hurried on ; and
we are not surprised to find the Democratic party
making a protest, though it is fully in keep-
ing with the injustice and intolerance of the
Radical party that they have refused to re-
ceive that protest. Congress is nominally a
deliberative assembly, in which all opinions
are represented, all parties are to find a voice ; but,
in point of fact, for the last eighteen months there
has been but one form of policy which has had a
chance of a hearing. The Radicals, always impa-
tient of opposition, have grown since their tempo-
rary ascendancy absolutely intolerant, and have
contrived to reduce the small party which resists
their oppression to almost absolute silence in Con-
gress. It is manifest that where such a spirit
exists there is little real protection for public
liberty. If the voice of opposition may not be
heard a legislative and deliberative assembly be-
comes nothing more than a sinecure. In the case
of the Impeachment it is no great wonder
that the dominant party should refuse to listen to
the reasonable and indignant protest of the Demo-
crats. The latter declare that the majority acted
with tyranny in limiting the debate upon the Articles
of Impeachment, and with indecent haste in press-
ing the Impeachment under a strict party vote, and
they denounce the whole affair of the Impeachment
as a partisan attempt to break down a co-ordinate
branch of the Government. This protest, as we
have said, the House refuse to receive, but it is
nevertheless heard by the country. It is a proof
of the weakness of a cause when its promoters dare
not hear an adverse opinion, and it is sufficiently
evident that the Radicals fear that should they allow
breathing time their- last chance would be lost. It
is not in such a spirit that a grave constitutional
matter, in which all ranks and classes, all sects, and
parties in the State are more or less interested
should be treated. If there really is ground
for charging the chief ruler of the State with
an infraction of his solemn duties, a misuse
of his high powers, the charge should be
made.with all due gravity and caution, and exa-
mined with the deliberation and the impartiality
suited to its national importance. The Radicals
could hardly adopt a surer method of displaying
their malignity and their injustice than by openly
acknowledging that it is only by hurrying on the
trial and silencing all remonstrance and inquiry that
they can hope for success.

The retirement of Mr. ADAMS from his arduous
and responsible diplomatic duties is a matter of
general regret. More especially is it felt to be a
public loss at a juncture like the present, when so
many weighty questions are left unsettled, and so
many important interests are involved in the cor-
respondence between this country and America.
We may hope that Mr. ADAMS' successor may be as
wise, as temperate, as well fitted to deal with intri-
cate and irritating controversies as he has shown
himself to be, but it is merely matter for hope or
speculation that he should be so not a case of abso-
lute certainty, as with an old and tried diplomatic
friend. The members of the International League of
Peace and Liberty have taken the opportunity of his
departure to present an address to Mr. ADAMS, and
to assure them of the anxious desire of themselves
and their countrymen to maintain friendly relations
with the great Republic which he represents. Pro-
bably Mr. ADAMS did not require to learn. this fact
through the agency of Mr. BEALF:S or Mr. POTTER,
and probably, too, he can form his own es timate of
the sympathies of the English people. He
must have heard with some Burp rise of
the " clemency " with which the people of
America crowned their " splendid. victory"
over their fellow-countrymen, and he may have
thought it a singular time to choose for congratu-
lating the Americans on " the wiser and noble