The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-19 00:00:00

The North British Review.

A thoughtful and suggestive article on " The
Employment cf Women" is followed by a some-
what " fat" and dogmatic deliverance on "Modern
Sa,yle," presenting numerous disagreeable truths,
and, as many will say, not a few questionable dicta.
How ftr the writer's obedience to his own canon
on the Essay has extended, is the present instance,
we leave tile reader to determine. A sketch of
the career of Dr. Samuel Brown, in which are set
forth the salient features of the remarkable nature
and character of this deceased Scottish savant,
succeeds, and will be perused with interest. " Dr.
None's Arctic Explorations" are justly deemed
worthy of a po;,ular abstract, giving the reader an
idea of thy dangers the expedition encountere,i, the
scenes it passed through' and the information stored
by the adventurous doctor in relation to the various ,
nomadic tribes he fell in with by the way. "Mrs.
Browning's Poems" are the subject of a candid
and d:scriminating critique, in which their beau-
ties and faults are fairly eliminated. " Casa
Guido Windows" is pronounced her bappiest
performance. " Hook=r s Works" are handled in
a manner to which that " j edieious" divin e would,
things considered, probably have taken little excep-
tion. A paper on " Art Unions" is followed by a
lengthy article on " The Trade in Opium," which
meets with unmitigated condemnation. " Only
take the poppy out of this world wide field," says
the sanguine writer, " and we shall all fare
the better China, England, and America."
Again, " Let the facts, as far as they can be
ascertained, be perseveringly brought before
the British public, and the issue, s ioner or later,
will be the extinction of the British opium trade
with China." A survey of " United States' Poli-
tics, Foreign and Domestic," concludes the num-
ber. The writer looks gloomily ou the domestio
policy of the States, but anticipates, as wo have
from the first, despite all Ostend manifestoes, the
preservation of commerce and friendly intercourse
between the United States and his country.

The Law _Magazine and Law Revietv.—The
number for February is more entertaining than
some of its predecessors, if it does not contain more
bienepFusrbualrnieeet
Service."
,6
icsajc
perhapse
. ao f
(clietusnedhietnsrgs'in France " "Letters of James Boswelllive
able articles.
„AnmecoonigiootthioenisnoosftthneotlNicienant,siteeroßf its
ni mayiade tall
)1
Th e reader
nll
1
,i sleeping Statute;,' "Testamentary Courts'"
"Domestic Law and Legislation," and ,
".Consoli-
tdhaetsien, `Juvenile h e
:rj
aOwfrea.
deserving of most genet al attent-
drawn of the treatment of theseattention.
A fenders, which
the reader will be rducklut toacceptasPaieftallirthfe nisi.
representation of the Ite
rested in the reformatory' To
movement, we would
recommend a perusal of the pap
's er ; suchnot a s
asaarne
antago-
nistic nistic to refortuatorieq but as showing some of the
dangers ',heir T romoter's will have to provide against.
Aintneogtriietßy. ofof
that‘.‘' T
judge.
The late Lord Chief justice Jervis"
does ample jrnitce to the great ability and high

Enniirnalbi:cyPulm an a ged
CANTERBURY HALL.—Mr. C. Morton's annual ball
Although the
took place last evening, and the attendance was much
PmaennYc begane
d
greater than might have been anticipated. Thre couli
not have been lass th.ox 1,000
time the splendid perroncsk parensc;3ndta.neT. be corn.
that not' the
Corn.
8 awppearance. Alth, ball
prectoise7arntobt,:eena,:
presented a very b!ill tint
t'l nearly twelve
annul
un i 1
e c ock the
company kept
arrangements were was
occasioned to the
I least inconveniencene
o,eic,
ck a splendid votaries of
1 Terpsichore.
A r t °e
of the season,1 supper, consist-
! in
of every ee Ica 9 f was served, and after
had partaken o refreshment,
' te oompanY
dancing was
rebcommenced and kept up with unabated vigour until
six o'clock in the morning. The assembly hadof a more the
appearance of a private family party than that public
ball, and every one went away highly satisfied with their
night's amusement, and wishing Mr. Morton every sues
cog at his next annual ball.
A letter 'dated Weimar, 10th, has been received in
Paris from Liszt, the pianist, in wh.ich be speaks a good
deal of music, but not a single word of any intention of
; bkcowing a monk, It may therefore be presumed that
;the story given in the German jourm,ls of his having
entered the order of the Franciscans is without any
i foundation,

seemed to him (Mr. Cowper) to be the mostimportant one;
for if all that was asked by the secular party was that no
distinctive religious formulary should be taught to the
children of those parents who objected to it, that was no
more than was coat'.;antiy done in national schools, the di-
rectors of many of which allowed children whose parents
objected to their being present to absent themselves during
the time set apart for the teaching of religious formularies.
The principle which was contained in the bill introduced
by the right hon. member for Manchester (Mr. M. Gibson),
and which was advocated by the secular party, was that no
distinctive doctrine should be taught to the children by the
schoolmaster. That was a principle to which the denomi-
national party in this country was not prepared to accede,
and therefore if it formed part of this compromise the right
hon. baronet would meet with a very formidable opposition
from that party. To deprive the schoolmaster of the right
of giving any doctrinalinstruction waste say that he should
only give to his pupils a certain amount of information
upon secular subjects, but should not appeal to their con-
sciences, should not give them moral or spiritual training,
should be altogether silent upon everything which related
to their higher faculties, and should not teach them the
grand sanctions of all moral obligations. In the bill to
which he had referred, however, it was said that, although
the schoolmaster wasnot to teach doctrinal religion, he was
to inculcate truthfulness, morality, and the other virtues.
It was assumed by those who prepared that bill that it
was perfectly easy to inculcate all the cardinal virtues,
without teaching doctrinal religion. From that position
he (Mr. Cowper) entirely dissented. How could the
master teach a child his duty to himself without a
reference to the self-denying principles and examples of
Christianity; his duty to his neighbour, without teaching
him something of Christian love; or his duty to the Al-
mighty, without speaking to him of the covenant under
which he is placed, and his relationship as the child of a
heavenly Father? To say that the schoolmaster should not
teach doctrinal religion might amount to saying that he
should teach no morality, and that he should not inculcate
the conscientious duty of acting rightly. If, however, it
were only intended to prohibit the schoolmaster from teach-
ing certain formularies, then he (Mr. Cowper) had no objec-
tion to the arrangement. The right hon. baronet had re-
ferred to the faulty manner in which the Catechism bad
been taught in certain schools inspected by the Rev. Mr.
Brookfield ; but it seemed to him (Hr. Cowper) that this
did not go so much against the teaching of the Catechism
altogether as against the mode in which it was taught; and
he was afraid that the teaching of it only at a particular
hour, instead of allowing it to be enclosed and enveloped,
as it were, in the ordinary teaching of the schoolmaster,
would have a direct tendency to encourage its being taught
in a perfunctory and ill-arranged manner—being learned
by rote, and not being understood. Upon this point, how-
ever, and upon others connected with the arrangement
mentioned by the right hon. baronet, he would not now
pronounce an opinion, because the house was not suffi-
ciently informed upon the subject. To the other principles
stated by the right hon. baronet heought that no rea-
sonable objection could be taken. Whatever might be
the objections to proceeding by a voluntary and local ar-
rangement, yet at present this was the only way in which
we could proceed. It was pretty clear that no system of
national education to be supported by rate could be
adopted so as to be comulsory upon the whole country,
but it was quite possible that certain parts of the country
--such, for instance, as the city of Manchester, which was
most anxious to be allowed to rate itself—(" No, no," from
Mr. Hadfield)—might gladly adopt some such system as
that now proposed. There was also great use in dealing
separately with towns and rural districts, as there
was always a difference in the circumstances of those two
classes of places, which rendered it essential that there
should be distinctions made in the mode in which they were
dealt with. The right hon. baronet had quoted as prece-
dents two cases of successful permissive legislation. Per-
haps he (Mr. Cowper) might be allowed to add to these the
Public Health Act, which had now been adopted very ex-
tensively throughout the country, and under which many
large towns had obtained advantages which they would
have rejected and repudiated had it been sought to force
the measure upon the whole country at first. lie was glad
that the school committee to be elected by the ratepayers
was, to have no power to interfere with the in nagement of
existing schools, because such a provision would preserve
the great advantages of the present system, the voluntary
management of particular schools with aid from the gene-
ral funds in the country, and would add such further as-
sistance as could be given by a local central authority. As
regarded the help to be given to schools from local rates,
he thought that any one who had witnessed the great diffi-
culty experienced by the friends of education in raising the
funds necessary for the suppori of schools must feel that
such assistance would be a great benefit to them, especially
the clergymen, who were now constantly obliged to provide
from their poor pittances funds for the support of schools
which they did not like to see neglected. If the arrange-
ments proposed by the right hon. baronet for establishing a
system of local permissive rating were agreed to, the bene-
volent persons who were now bearing the burden of sup-
porting the schools of this country would be relieved from
the necessity of attending to the wants of children under 11
or 12 years of age, and would be able to devote their atten-
tion to those young men and women who, having left the
primary schools, needed help to enable them to pursue their
studies in the evening, and we should then make some real
advance in the education of the people. (Hear.) He could
not at present commit the Government to the adoption of
any particular course in regard to this measure : but he
should offer no opposition to its introduction. (Hear.)
Mr. E. BALL complimented the right hon. baronet (Sir
J. Pakington) upon his industry and perseverance, but ex-
pressed his opinion that a system of education to be na-
tional must be religions. He therefore regretted that the
right hon. baronet had introduced a bill which, to a great
extent, excluded religious teaching, and had accepted the
secular, which on former occasions he had himself repu-
diated and rejected. (Hear, hear.)
Lord R. CECIL said that this was an attempt to get in
the thin edge of the wedge, which was sought to be intro-
duced by the resolutions of the noble lord the member for
the city of London (Lord J. Russell), which were so sig-
nally defeated. The instancing of the police bill, which had
just been changed from a permissive to a compulsory mea-
sure, was a clear intimation of what was the ultimate in-
tention of the right hon. baronet, and showed that the
only advantage over the rural districts which he designed
for the towns was that of being eaten first. Having caught
the towns, he fully intended to catch the rural districts,
which he said required such a measure still more. In his
representation of the several parties into which the friends
of education were divided, the right hon. baronet had en-
tirely forgotten the adherents to the Privy Council system,
His (Lord Robert Cecil's) objection to this measure was
that` its supporters were too hasty, that they were in too
great a hurry, and would not allow the existing system to
be sufficiently tried. That system had been in existence
only ten years; we ha I had no census for six years, and
we had therefore actual information as to the result
of only four years of its operation. It was hasty
and unjust to condemn a system on such slender evi-
dence as this. The right honourable gentleman had, it,
seemed, for the first time discovered that the secu-
larists were not anxious to prevent children receiving
religious instruction in the course of their education. If
he ever entertained the belief that the suppsrters of the
secular scheme had such anxiety, he must have enter-
tained it alone in that house, for no one else could ever be-
lieve that persons of sense, persons knowing the feelings of
the people of this country, would seek to exclude religion
from education. He had found that they sought merely
to exclude religion from the domain of the schoolmaster,
because he taught it inefficiently, and he cited the report
of the Rev. Mr. Brookfield, who said that wo ought to pro-
vide more efficient instruments for teaching religion ; but
did this bill pr wide them ? The right hon. baronet had
regaled the house with figures showing the frightful igno-
rance and destitution in which the juvenile population of
our large towns were plunged; but would he tell them
that the homes of these children would furnish them with
more efficient religious teaching than that now given by
the schoolmaster, and to which he sought to put an end ?
He had said that the money of the ratepayer's was not to be
applied to the support of doctrinal teaching, but he had at
the came time said that it was to be applied in aid of ex-
isting schools. Would he tell the house how many schools
there were in the country in which doctrinal religion was
not taught ? It was of no use urging other objections,
because the right hon. baronet had given notice that he
did not intend to be convinced—(a laugh)—and he (Lord
Robert Cecil) would therefore confine himself to the ex-
pression of his opinion that in exact proportion as you
raised money by a rate in that exact proportion would
subscriptions fall off. In support of this position he ap-
pealed to the experience of any hon. members who had
during the last few years been engaged in promoting the
establishment of reformatories. He had heard of cases,
and no doubt there ware numbers of instances, in which
persons ba I promised to subscribe to the erection of
reformatories by means of private funds, but with-
drew their subscriptions as soon as they heard that the
Government was going to contribute. It had been tried in
a hundred cases and had always failed. You never would
get both voluntary subscriptions and Government aid for
the same object and within the same limits. (Hear.)
Mr. COBDEN—The objection urged by the noble lord
who has just spoken has rather surprised me. He accused
the right hon. bark (Sir J. Pakington) of haste. Now, I
think it is more than 20 years since this question of educa-
tion was launched in this house. I have witnessed the dis-
cussion of many knotty subjects in this country, and have
been a party to some, and have always been accustomed to
consider that seven years is about the natural duration of
any agitation or any great movement for effecting an im-
portant political change. This measure of education has
to my knowledge had three seven years of discussion iii
this house, and therefore I think that, whatever other
fault may be laid to the charge of the right hon. baronet
opposite, he ought not to be accused of haste or precipi-
tancy. Ido not now intend to go into thealetails of a bill
which is not before us, but I have always bsen prepared
for the difficulty which has already been thrown in our way
—the question of religious teaching. The noble lord who
has just spoken asked whether it was intended that the
rate should be applied to pay for doctrinal teaching. I
answer, "No ; that is not contemplated." (Hear.) The
essential difference between this bill and others which have
been brought into this house is that while it leaves denomi-
nations to teach religion in their own schools it does not pro-
pose to raise a raie to pay for that teaching; and it at the
same time stipulates thatparties having schools in connexion
with churches or chapels shall set apart a particular time
when their own doctrinal religious instruction shall begiven,
an I during that time they shall not be subject to the inspection
of the inspectors, nor shall children who are not of the reli-
gious denomination to which the school belongs be required
to attend. Well, surely there is nothing so difficult about
this that it cannot be accomplished, if we are in earnest
and wish to accomplish it. It is not a question of prin-
ciple, but merely a question between 9 o'clock in the morn-
ing and some other hour. If lamto be told that it is not
possible to set apart a particular port'on of the day when
the Catechism can be taug)it, it must be equally impossible
toali
tsethmapart
,
ah ps
ta
or
rt
yi
aec,
tur
oi
one
rgt
aehhonsaofytt uu
atr4
oihyfteoh should
tr h es
uteaching
yet tl giteoigir
easpsV;i:
ttt
hii
time
1 etmof
aotirht
eeeraw:ahe
nl well-ordering
subject,otrhd schoolthiomuel tsdhsnahototyulcii.
tduLsbiheno
tduoel
another.
atihv eebrya.
Surely, if doctrinal religious teaching
be of that importance
which those who object to the right hon. baronet's bill
attach to it, you yourselves will say that it is of so much
moment that a time should be named when such insti ue-
tion should be given. It is done already. When this
subject comes to be fully discussed it will be found that
your national schools have already adopted this plan; that
many national schools are now receiving children of all
denominations, with the understanding that they are not
to be taught the Catechism. And how are you to carry
out that in good faith, unless ypu have a particular time
when the Catechism is taught ? Then see how the middle
classes overcome the difficulty. In the city of London
you will find a school kept by that excellent man Dr. Mor-
timer, who will tell you that he has Jaws, Roman Catho-
lics, and every denomination of children. If you ask him
how he gets over this difficulty, hewill tell you what every
man who is worthy to bo at the heal of a school will tell
you, that he has forms of prayer —w7lich he will show you
r--which are read 'se, the children ; and that when this is
over he directs their attention to French, to German, to ,

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. the most important towns in the empire, namely, Man-
ychester. I am glad to tee my right hon. friend the member
_
for Manchester in his place. I am sure he will not dispute
the accuracy of my statement. I find that the Rev. Dr.
M'Kerrow stated, in his examination before the commit
tee upon the Manchester and Salford Education Bill,
that there were 30,100 children in Manchester who
were neither at school nor at work. (Hear.) I had
an opportunity of conversing with him on the subject
about a week ago, and he informed me that the state of
things has become rather worse since that evidence was
given. I have before me a memorandum of a report
which was given to me a few days ago by a clergyman
who is much estee:ned by all those who know him for
the exemplary manner in which he discharges his spi-
ritual duties in the great town of Manchester—l mean
Canonßichson, the rector of the parish of St. Andrew's.
That parish is only of the extent of 97 acres, upon which
there is a population of 13,000. Canon Richson's re-
port states that, of the population between 3 and 16
years of age, 431 per cent. attend Sunday schools, 25
per cent, are at work, 29 per cent. attend day schools,
and 46 per cent. are neither at school nor at work ; the
result being, as he assures me, that not less than 1,200
children in that single parish attend no school whatever.
I appeal in the most temperate manner to every gentle.
man in this house, even to my strongest opponent on
this subject, to say whether such a state of things ought
not to be remedied. Ido not undervalue the present
system. I acknowledge the benefits that it has con-
ferred, but I ask whether there is anything in it which
can cope with the evils to which I have briefly adverted ?
I wish to deal with the house with the most perfect fair.
ness, and I therefore at once avow that I desire to esta-
blish religious freedom and toleration with reference to
the education of the people. (Hear.) I am in favour
of local contributions in support of an object which is
interesting to every home in England, and I want to
establish local management and control of the funds so
raised. When the right hon. gentleman the member
for Manchester addressed the house in favour of the edu-
cational bill which be introduced two years ago, las stated
that in his opinion the division of the British public into
three great parties on this question was fatal to legislation.
The three great parties to whom he adverted consist,
first, of the religious party—that is to say, those who are
in favour of combining a religious with a secular educa-
tion—of whom I am' one ; next of the voluntary party ;
and, thirdly, of the secular party. He said that
no measure on education could be passed until two of
those great parties united, and that those who were most
likely to unite were the first and the thirdly mentioned
parties. So far as one great locality—viz., Manchester,
is concerned, such a union has taken place. Tne bill
which I desire to introduce has been prepared. with the
co-operation of a very large committee consisting of very
able men, and representing in equal numbers those two
great parties—the religious and the secular parties if I
may so call them—who, I am thankful to say, now act
cordially tegether. The bases upon which they have
consented to act are briefly these ; Those who are favour-
able to religious teaching have cansented that the rates
should be expended for the benefit of secular schools,
while the secular party have consented to allow the rates
to be applied in support of those schools in which reli-
gion is taught. The secular party yielded on one con-
dition only—namely, that the money contributed by the
ratepayers should not be applied directly to doctrinal
religious teaching. I cannot help here stating what in
my opinion are the real objects of the secular party.
In my humble judgment they made a most serious mis-
take in adopting that name. I believe that they ought
rather to have called themselves the separate party, be-
cause their object is not to prevent religious instruction
being imparted to children, but to impart secular educa-
tion only through the medium of the schoolmaster, leav-
ing religion, which they consider too sacred a matter to
be mixed up in ordinary schools with secular education,
to be taught by a more appropriate instructor. The
most eminent leaders of the secular pasty are as deeply
impressed with the necessity of religious instruction, and
as zealous for its spread, as those who belong to the reli-
gions party. I admit the force of their objection to reli-
gious education being imparted by the ordinary school.
master, but my opinions are on the opposite side. I
think that religion ought to be mixed up with the whole
system of education from infancy. (Hear.) But before
hon. gentlemen make up their minds to condemn the
secular system I beg them to look at the report
of the .Rev. Mr. Brookfield, given in the very last
minutes of the Council on Education, and which was
placed in our hands in the course of last week. Mr.
Brookfield is a clergyman of the Church of England,
and his report shows with great force the evils which
arise from the imperfect system which he describes.
After giving a report of the very absurd answers which
the children gave whom he examined in the Catechism
of the Church of England, he says :
" It grieves me, who am not prone to use such words—
it grieves me to think how this daily half-hour, which is
usually spent in learning the Catechism by rote, and with
such poor success, might have been spent in learning small
portions, such as the Lord's Prayer, the Commandments,
and the duties towards God and ourneighbour, thoroughly
and wall and with intelligence, and how in the course of
those years which result in such grotesque results as I have
recited almost every recorded word of the Redeemer might
have been stored in the memory, never to be forgotten.
That I think ought to show us that we
_ought not too
hastily to condemn the view of those who think that the
schoolmaster is not a fit person to impart religious in-
struction to his scholars. The basis of the arrangement
between the religions and the secular parties is this, that
the rate shall be granted to every school, that the reli-
gious teaching in the existing schools shell be left pre-
cisely upon the same footing as that which it now rests,
and that every school, whether it be a Church of Eng-
land school or a Dissenting school, shall be allowed to
teach its tenets to the children who attend it, but that
there shall be no violation of conscience, and therefore
that children shall not be compelled to learn the creeds
or Catechisms against the wish of their parents. In a
speech which I lately delivered elsewhere I said that it
was most desirable that any new legislation upon this
subject should be in the direction rather of supplement.
ing the existing state of affairs than of attempting to
substitute another system which should be wholly and
entirely new. I have endeavoured to have this bill
drawn with close attention to that principle. It pro-
poses that the rate to be laid shall, in fact, be a rate
in aid of the existing system ; that the pence
now drawn from the children's pockets shall
continue to be contributed by them ; that the assistance
now granted by the Committee of Council shall not be
interfered with ; but that the difficulty of giving certainty
and permanence to the schools, which now exist, shall
be removed by means of a rate in aid, to be levied ac-
cording to regulations laid down in the bill. At one
time I thought of introducing a provision giving a power
to establish free schools to be supported by this rate ;
bat upon reconsideration that part of the bill has been
altered. (Elear, hear.) I should myself prefer t 3 see
the general adoption of a free system, but I believe that
at present, at all events, the country is not prepared fur
it, and tI think that it would not be wise to introduce
such a system partially by legislation. 'therefore, the
only provision with regard to the establishment of free
schools contained in this bill is tbat the local committee
shall in particular localities, after clear proof of their
poverty has been given, have po .er either to establish
free schools or to admit a certain proportion of free
sch6lars into existing ones. Ido not know that there is
any other important principle of the bill to which it is
necessary for me to advert, with this important excep-
tion, that the framers of the bill are most anxious to
make it perfectly clear that it is not intended that there
shall be aey interference with the management of exist-
ing schools, beyond that point up to which interference
may be necessary and inevitable in order to insure com-
pliance with those conditious without the observance of
which the objects of the bill would not be obtained—
(hear, hear)—but that the principle of the bill shall be
with regard to religious teaching perfect freedom of con-
science, and with regard to the management and conduct
of schools that there shall be no unnecessary or avoidable
interference with existing arrangements. I am quite
aware that I run the risk of being assailed with those
imputations which have been made on former occasions ;
that I may be told that I am promoting an irreligious
plan—(hear, bear)—that I am seeking to destroy an ex-
isting system which works well—(hear, hear)—and am
introducing a measure which, if successful, will put an
end to the voluntary exertions which have done so much.
(Hear, hear.) I can only say that, w bile I feel profound
respect
octbfjoerettns,
e z t
and good feelings ofhose who make
I feel bound to disregard the objections
themselves. (Hear, hear.) I will nut consent to be di-
tftvohoe
uertyntaedkwdeec, ruiopii onobitall hlit
ehectvihasleilanmst
teulobwajvnehbeedientc
thdbuaiyrl
,metpoyatgose
objectionsest
aeihonsenks
raeotoef
erroneousf
tmhwd euahnthi ycnoheuhrsalecsa
consider
consci-
entiouslylsneddsti
un-
founded.
the case of necessity which has been proved,re-
ferenceuthdeart
prejudices.
t o
Thatparty
db declare
natt
rohseeo mol
ony nl existingygfi wrnaivy i ei wn s
which won'tt callqu themt
before
belief Paasr Parliament, atcmhhadrstri,
Ch
if ristian,
as bnae
sCwhiltutilcrechdhh;maaasunnd,oalwnd as an English politician,
Parlia-
ment will adopt the principles which I am about to pr •
pose, we shall not only promote the intellectual advance-
ment of the people, but shall do more than we can in any
other way accomplish to extend sound religion among
them. On the other hand, if this bill do not pass, the
discussion of such a measure can do nothing but good.
I offer it as a contribution in a great cause, and I believe
that the more we discuss such contributions, the more
we analyse and debate this great subject, which touot,e.4
every home in England, the wore we shall soften preju-
dice- rernob e erroneous impre-sions, and el cit truth ;
and that then we may hope ere long to arrive at a prac-
tical solution of this great and most important question.
(Cheers.) The right hon. baronet concluded by moving
for leave to introduce the bill.
Mr. W. F. COW PER said that he did not think that
any one would oppose the introduction of the measure which
the right hon, baronet had with so much perseverance, and
acting from so high a sense of public duty, proposed for
the mature and deliberate consideration of the house. The
risshggmaphpaetothtoretof:ntut.iboobotnaronet had shown a most conciliatory spirit by
not reproducingto hied measure of a former year, but turning
the objections of some of his oppo-
nents, and introducing which should receive the
soonwlyhoofhaself and his friends, but also of
quently, this bill was edntiaPtrleebdviilitooufly opposed him. Copse-
incomdpirreoemtisaeodbeit between
each
other. He (Hr. Cowper) did the result of atconsiderationwo
parties
wahs
obei
hadng
olg-continued opposition to
hitherto been
dofnotthat present feel com-
eheeof
objriucl dlege
waso fbtehf
before
r charactere it
the house waotu l compromise,
abeer w butha what
of the concessions which hadd
e:l:l:ot3heenntsh:tge. With regard to religious instruction fliutadu la;
point would be whether, according to the terms of this in-
com-
promise, the master of a denominational school was to be
prohibited from giving doctrinal instruction to those pupils
who were of the 831/29 denomination as himself. The right
hen, baronet was not very clear upon that point, which

ROUSE OF C OMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER to'o't the chair at 12 o'clock.
I' VATE BUSINESS.
1 bills were read a second time, and
The following T .t 'ate
()mere to be co' 3:103: , :—Banff, Porsoy, and Strathisla
itailway ; Chat hatilt-Uistrict Water • Medical, Legal, and
General htutuf
'Jew Equitable Life Assurance Com-
panies .taaalr .smaDir,n ; National Assurance and Invest-
ment Assoc' A.rqon. ; Orkney Roads ; Ringwood, Christ-
church, and-Dorarnenaouth Railway; and St. Philip's
Church ArtaverPrJol):

RAILWAY RATING.
Mr. IT ArefIELD presented a petition from the Man-
chester, SlN)ffield, and Lincolnshire Railway Company,
complai fling of the present duty of 5 per cent, on the gross
amount of the passenger traffic, and a'so against the pre-
Bent high rate of local taxation, and the want of a proper
court of appeal against the injustice complained of.

TEA AND SUGAR DUTIES.
Mr. TIORSFA.LL presented a petition from the mer-
&ante sof Livercapl, complaining of the Chancellor of the
Exchequ'er's proposition in reference to the tea and sugar
duties.
THE IRISH JUDGES.
Mr. NAPIER asked the Attorney-General for Ireland
whether any arrangement had been made to secure the
attend ance of a Judge at Chambers in Dublin during the
circuit which is now fixed to go out at the end of this
monti .
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND said that
no offi .tial reference had been made to the Government on
the m. ►tter. The remedy, which was in the hands of the
judges, would no doubt be of great importance and con-
venteace, and he suggested that if the circuit were so ar-
ranged that one of the judges left for circuit earlier than
the others, that he would be able to return to Dublin
within a day or two after the Chief Justice had left for
circuit, and then the grievance complained of would be
remedied.

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1 S 7.

mathematics, or to classics, but that he does not, nor would purposes of tient doctrinal instruction ; that that in-
any other man of sense, run one study int, another, and struction will be imparted at certain fixed hours, which will
blend in the minds of his pupils things which are en- be duly notified ; and that children may be aelmitted who
tirely unconnected with each other. There is really uo do not accept it, and who will be absent during the time
difficulty, and the reason why lam so glad that the right that it is given. But, then, it is not a correct description
hon. baronet has brought in a permissive hill is this, that of the scheme to say that the rotes will not go in aid of
when the matter comes to be put to a practical test, when doctrinal teaching. They wi'l support the school ; and the
you have one municipality which does itself the honour to school will still remain a national or a 'denominational
lay a rate in the cause of education, you will find that all school, as the case may be, in which religious instruction
this religious difficulty will vanish—(hear, hear)—and that will be given exactly as heretofore. I have heard of a pro-
we have been amusing, or rather terrifying ourselves for 20 position, emanating, I believe, from a section of the volun-
years with a mere bugbear. (Hear, hear.) There is no tary party in Scotland, to the effect that, while consenting
practical difficulty in the matter. In the Bluecoat School to give religious instruction in the public schools, there
you have from 300 to 500 boys, but you have no difficulty should be a separate payment for that instruction. Thig
about this religious question. There are also in different appears to me a very objectionable proposal, but I &TA
parts of the country many proprietary schools. There is understand it to form any partof the righthon. gentleman's
the celebrated school at Birmingham, of which the present scheme. Therefore notwithstanding all the objectionsnrged
Bishop of Manchester was head master, and it is his boast to his plan, the right lion. gentleman does propose thattbis
that no one was ever excluded on account of his religious rate should form an additional fund for schools in which
opinions. The Bishop of Manchester gives his sanction and religious instruction is given, and given, too, not according
approval to this measure. He was head master of this to a mode of which some hon. members disapprove, al-
Birmingham school, in which there were 1,200 or 1,300 though Ido not--viz., by the teaching of the Bible only,
boys. He had children of all denominations, but he did but according to the form now adopted in the national and
not attempt to proselytise them and turn them from the many other schools. This being so, it does notappear to me
faith to which they belonged to his own. There is really that the right hon. gentleman has made any such dangerous
no difficulty about this question if we set honestly to work ; concession to the secular party as the last speaker seems to
and Ido sincerely hope that at this day, in the year 1857, suppose. On the contrary, that has itself made an import-
we shall not lay ourselves open to the reproach which was ant concession—namely, that the religious teaching of the
made by Sir Samuel Romilly in his diary some 30 years ago. schools she,' be supported from the rates, provided only that
When speaking of the discussions concerning education in religious liberty is not infringed by compelling those of the
this house, he wrote—" lam afraid that people are not in pupils to attend such instruction whose parents dissent from
earnest about education ; that they are afraid of the tax it, and that it is given at certain fixed hours, to be duly
that would be imposed upon them to educate the people." notified. The right hon. gentleman elsewhere stated fairly
We have come to a time when we are all in earnest, all the opinion of the secular party when he said that they
wishing for a better system. If so, Ido not think we shall hold that the children ought to be religiously brought up,
have any difficulty in carrying out some plan, and I don't but that the schoolmaster is not the person nor the school
think there has been any scheme submitted to the house the place for doing so. My view, agreeing with that of the
more likely to meet with general acquiescence than that right hon. gentleman, is, on the other band, that the
which the right hon. baronet has proposed. Ido not in- school is the place and the schoolmaster the person. (Hear.)
tend now to go into details, but I thought it necessary to At the same time, if you support a school by rates—if you
allude to the religious difficulty, which has been thrown require that people not of one, but of many different de-
in oar faces so long that it is high time that we should in nominations, be they Presbyterians, Roman Catholics, or
some locality put to the test this great bugbear, which I Jews, shall contribute towards the maintenance of that
apprehend will instantly vanish, and we shall then find school—you cannot after that well insist that only a
that we have been alarming ourselves with a shadow, particular kind of doctrinal instruction shall be given
Mr. HENLEY—Sir, lam quite ready to concede at the or that the children of those who do not receive that
outset that the discussion of questions of this kind does instruction shall be excluded from the school. • Thus
fir I think the bill of the right hon. gentleman accords
good, and leads eventually to the discovery of the truth ; with the principle of religious liberty. I don't quite un-
but I disagree with my right hon. friend as to the effect of deritend ralether or not he proposes to assist by a rate a
the decision which the house came to on his scheme last school in which the secular principle is followed, and no
year. It is taking a very narrow view of that decision to religious instruction given. (Hear.) Such a provision, if
say that it was based on the simple fact that the measure iti formedic partl icl)afstliles,imneoastlarec,e
iraniagnhyt
antes considerable
wiiei
tr
was intended to be general and compulsory in its operation: the right hon. gentleman orl I have ventured to propose to
The bill of my right hon. friend both last year and the the house. We shall, however, be Letter able to judge of
year preceding was objectionable, because it would have this bill when we have had an opportunity of carefully
completely sapped, and ultimately done away with, the examining its various clauses; and I can only trust that
until that time no hon. gentlemen will raise a prejudice
existing system of education; and that was the ground on
which the house rejected it. The hon. gentleman who against a scheme intended by its author as a concession to
spoke last told us that the religious difficulty is a bugbear, objections which he does not himself feel, but by conciliat-
ing which he hopes to be able to take a step towards the
and that no man of common sense has any trouble in over- attainment of a proper system of national education. For
coming it. Every man has a perfect right to hold his own my own part I heartily wish the right hon. gentleman
opinions, but the assumption of the hon. member unques- every success, end sincerely trust he may be able to obviate
tionably implies that come tires-fourths of the people of the objections to which his scheme is liable. (Hear.)
this country are destitute of common sense. A great Mr. HADFIELD regretted that the right hon. gentle-
many persons, quite as earnest in the cause of education
as the hon. gentleman have applied their minds for many man (Sir J. Pakingtona in his re view of the educational
condition of this country, had omitted to notice the
years to this subject, without discovering religious educa-
tion to be a bugbear. 2,500,000 children now regularly receiving instruction,
Mr. COBDEN—The right bon. gentleman must excuse under upwards of 300,
right
teachers in the Sunday schools
me. I attach as much importance to religious education of this country. The right hon. gentleman had hitherto
identified his advocacy of education with a section of the
as he does. I say the bugbear is—not religious instruction, clergy of the Established Church, but he now suddenly
but—the difficulty of separating doctrinal from secular in-
struction. turned round and threw himself into the arms of the seen-
Mr. HENLEY—I thank the hon. gentleman for his tor- far party, whose views he sought to embody in his scheme.
rectfan, because I am the lastwho would person
another man the result of my own misapprehension; but he He lately went down to Manchester to hold a conference.
with the leaders of that party, and in a two hours' inter-
another
allow me to say that the religious teaching which is
confined to half-an-hour or an hour per day, and is fm- view with them he professed to, have settled this great ques-
tion off hand for the whole world. How powerful must
the spell of the right hon. gentleman's genius be when with
parted simply as you would teach French, German, and
a single wave of his wand he could set at rest the vexed
mathematics, or as you would give any other lesson, is not
question that had so long agitated the country.
a teaching likely to reach the hearts of children, but will Sir J. PAKINGTON—Iver said that.
prove wholly barren and inoperative. Religion must be
Mr. HADFIELD had not heard the statement himself;
diffused over the whole surface of their training, or it can
never be useful in regulating their conduct. Hence arises his only authority for it was the newspaper reports. This
the difficulty when the matter comes to be fairly worked bill would stir up and perpetuate a greater amount of secta-
r
out. This point was well touched upon ay the right hon.ian bitterness from one end of the country to the other
gentleman opposite (Mr. Cowper), who said that if this im- than had ever been produced by the agitation about Church
rates or Maynooth. The Roman Catholics would not send
portantleranch of instruction could be limited to half an hour
each day it might easily be dealt with, hut that when. you their children to the Protestant schools, and the conse-
come to teach the child his rule of life doctrinal religion quence would be that the Roman Catholic schools would
meets you at every turn and constitutes your real difficulty. also have to be supported from the proposed rates. The
As far as I gathered from my right hon. friend's statement non. member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Spooner) vehe-
he makes no provision whatever for new schools. How then meetly condemned the vote sof 26,0001. a-year from the
is the deficiency to be supplied ? Aer of schools now in ex-
ll that his scheme does is public funds for the College of Maynooth ; but what would
this—there being a certain numb
he say to a measure like this, which would probably saddle
istence, the greatest proportion of which are attached to
the people with taxation to the extent of several hundreds
of thousands per annum for the support of a religion often
some religious denomination or another, it is proposed that
described by the
nothon. gentleman in terms which he (Mr.
you should aid the funds of these schools by a rate. This
Redfield) ridventure to repeat ? The sacred prin-
is what my right hon. friend, in very gentle language calls on wre made the football of parties in that
a local contribution. (A. laugh.) Why, we have local
house
whooreolueght to set the people an examaae of respect
contributions now, only they happen to be volunaarY, and
for them. He was confident that this bill would be unpo-
are not exacted by the tax-collector. My right hon. friend
putting his case with great skill, said, "I sin forfocal ton- puler with the country, and would share, as it deserved to
tributions and local management." Well, so am
•• I :for do, the fate of its unlucky predecessors.
local co ntri contributions
freedom.utio nsan
How
locoalwmdaoneasgemmyenritg;htbhuotnl. itatileillisod,
_ Tpsoasiidtively d
that the state of Vacation in our
for religious
isgraceful, and that until
deal with that point ? There are numerous schools in' he rualralr.dWist.riEctWs wAalts
country, each affiliated to some religious community, iit' nekes d
of life
present, grossly neglected, it was vain aspect
totlle
Illeo
been built and supported ; and what has been the greatas
4ahltiifoe n
wag o f the
better femaleatte populationndedt o, ins of
instead
ofe being, humblest
whose cost, either entirely or in the main, they have: .
me training of the young to be what it ought to bet The
inceptive to the public to devote its money, and, what
true system of national education was the voluntary sys-
is a thousand times more valuable, its time, for the or-
Lem, but that would be best conducted by means of a
ganisation of the vast machinery now at work? Un-
rate. If a rate could only be imposed, as in the
donbtedly, the mainspring of it all has been the
case of the Libraries Act, by the declared will of the
desire to give a religious education to the children of their majority, was not that essentially a voluntary species of
neighbours. (Hear.) In this state of things my right hon. taxation ? Religious training was, no doubt, the highest
friend interposes. " True," he says, " you have got your of all education, but then religious instruction was per-
schools and your schoolmasters ; true, you are making no fectly compatible with religious freedom. This bill sane-
complaints ; but I think you have not enough money. 1 tioned doctrinal teaching where it now prevailed, and did
must levy a rate and pay you a certain sum from it for not impose the secular - system where it did not exist.
every child that comes under your training." The schools, If the right hon. gentleman would introduce a clause
however, having been established on the express condition providing that, while the religions teaching should be free,
that the scholars are to have religious instruction, my right the conductors of a school should nevertheless see that no
child was left without religious instruction of one kind oi
hon friend says, "I will give you money to take a number
of children who shall receive no religious instruction at another, religious freedom would thereby be maintained
all." That is the principle of his scheme. Let us see how inviolate, anti religious instruction at the same time ex-
it would work; Suppose a Presbyterian school to be set tended. It was quite right to make this a permissive bill
up in a locality where many Roman Catholic children re- only, and it was to be hoped that when the good effects of
side. The Presbyterian schoolmaster is to be compelled— the system had been shown in one or two instances it
on the principle of religious freedom, forsooth l—to admit would be adopted generally throughout the country.
any number of these Roman Catholic children for whom Under the Factory Act a certificate of attendance at
there is room in his school, and to teach them everything school must be produced before they could be employed,
else, but not a word of religion. What is that but ignor- and he was in favour of extending this principle to agri-
ing religion altogether, under the specious guise of religi- cultural labour as well. A. crisis had now arrived in the
ous freedom, and doing palpable violence-to the consciences educational question, and it behoved all parties to unite to
of the men who, in order to give instruction set on foot solve it in a conciliatory spirit, for unless some system of
almost your present machinery, and who are nevertheless national education were adopted there was but little hope
to have pupils threat upon them (in place of those whom of preserving our prosperity or of bettering the condition
they now teach) of whose education religion is to form no of the people.
part ? True, my right hon. friend says he is for religious Six. J. PAKINGTON, in reply, protested against Lord
instruction, but the supporters of the secular system hold Robert Cecil's version of what he had said. The objection
that the school is not the place for teaching religion. of Mr. Henley that the measure made no provision for new
Sir J. PAKINGTON—I do not say so. schools was quite correct. The bill had been advisedly
Mr. HENLEY—I am aware that my right hon. friend drawn in that form, because it had been far more difficult
does not say this, but his new allies do. He differs in to keep than to establish schools. (Hear, hear.) He knew
a case in which a very good school-house had been built,
opinion from them, but then he proposes-a scheme that
will do exactly what they say. (Laughter.) The house but which bad never been opened, because sufficient funds
must not run away with the notion that this bill is only could not be obtained. (Hear, hear.) He perfectly agreed
permissive. Permissive for what ? --that is the question. with all the right hon. gentleman ha .l said with reference
Is it under the vote of a narrow majority, obtained in a to,the fitness of ignorant mon to receive the gospel, but at
the same time the concurrent testimony of all clergymen
51
be4th 9e
tmebxbeing
areendg ,
ue sr
for
rs ygivingou don'tany
know
instruction how,
so,
was to the effect that the ignorance of the population was
where there are 100 people in a place, and the greatest difficulty with which they had to contend.
(Hear, hear.)
Leave was then given to bring in the bill, Mr. Disraeli
againststrongly favourablep
their
to s
e d
hepiroasuchconsciences,
a p
co i
i ent,
ee
terb,o
ips large
the
toosl
teach
y remainingwimei
anything
trhiminority
ollf
in the world
and Lord Stanley being associated with the right hon.
except our duty to God and man. (" Oh," and " Hear.") gentleman for the purpose of preparing it.
I cannot believe that the people of this country will ever ENCUMBERED ESTATES COURT (IRELAND).
be content with such a state of things; and in so grave a Mr. WHITESIDE moved for returns of any commu-
matter 1 for one doubt whether they ought to be allowed nications addressed to the commissioners for the sale of
to establish it. I know it is said that unless persons pos- encumbered estates in Ireland, or to any of them, relating
sess a great deal of secular knowledge your labour in to the removal of Baron Richards from the Mace of chief
attempting to give them religious inerection it thrown
away. (Cries of " Hear, hew., "in which Sir J. Peking- ctammassioner., and of the dates of said communica-
ions, if any , of the order or communication addressed to
ton was understood to join.) My right hon. friend cheers Baron Richards, containing his removal from said court,
that statement, lam sorry to hear him cheer it. All I and of the date of same ; and, of any order or warrant for
can say is that I differ from that opinion as much as light the appointment of a third commissioner since the removal
ignorant man who ever drew the breath of' heaven was not
differs from darkness. I do not believe that the most of Baron Richards. The hon. and learned gentleman said
amenable to the truths of Christianity, (Cheers.) Those
who have had the most extensive experience on this point.
tchbaatnne much
byi interest t epraers
at
gwr
aaps
;a greeted
which
recently
e thentl y other
appeared
in
nf
theth e
will tell you that the best examples of a truly Christian
yfteandafputrnedisthoedthbeywthaentms
of
fst
man
ntetrhataet owfhoiluer
tfhele- Baron Richards in the Encumbered Estates Court, at a sa-.
publicay papers, announcing the fact that a certain eminent
low creatures. The Divine message of mercy to • had been appointed to the office lately held by
spirits o n d e arer
f u I often
pur-
humblest peasant can understan 1 and receive its • gracious
selves to its lessons of humility. (Hear, hear.) If you
man is so Lary of 3,0001. a year. It would be recollected that a com-
pose of investigating the true state of things in the En-
accents, the highly intellectual and most cultivated of our mission er
had been issued about two years ago for the
assert that our duty to God and man is to be sought only cumberedsubsequently race will esteem it their greatest privile •
ge to submit them- that the business of that court, and its arrears, should be
Estates. Court. That commission recommended
of seven years of discussion, at what you might easily havecomposed of some of the most
through the intellect, you have only arrived, as the result
handeginoenvetlrytoapthpeoiCnoteudr, of Chancery. A. committee was
eminent men in that house, to consider the matter. It was
I n n,tba t committee,t
hoof
two which
vtiho
Vice-Chancellors
Cb e nee
llorsAttorney-Generaloould
seen from the beginning was the radical difference between
us. I say that you must invert the process. Yon must first wstaa t e
thee
transact all the business of Chancery done by the four
teach our duty to God and man, and as a consequence of masters, as well as all the business of the Encumbered
that teaching induce people to cultivate their intellects ac- Estates Court with its arrears. The amount of those ar-
cording as their means p.nd opportunities enable them. I rears, however, was never stated, nor was it ever thought
chthaairt
hold, then, that you never will teach the young their duty necessary to summon over Baron Richards to 'inform them
to God or man if you attempt to do it through the intel- of it. It was understood that Baron Richards should be
lect. Such an attempt strikes at the root of the whole reli- restored to his place in the Exchequer, and that the re-
gions teaching of this country; and I trust, that when m 3 maining commissioners should transact all the business of
right hon. friend's bill is before us it will not he found to the court. No communication was ever made to Dr. Long-
be based on so pernicious a principle. If, however, it is field or Mr. Hargraves of the intentions of the Govern-
otherwise, I can only promise him to givehim my warmest ment, in order that they might make arrangements for the
opposition. There is an essential difference of opinion on disposal of the business in the absence of Baron Richards.
this subject between two parties in this house; but lam They, as well as the public generally, only discovered the
not sorry that this discussion has • been raised, because I fact on finding a notice one morning on the door of the
believe it will elucidate the truth. (Hear.) court that Baron Richards was removed. What was the
Lord J. RUSSELL—I am glad, sir, that the right hon. discovery then male as to the arrears in the leaned
gentleman the member for Droitwich has again brought the baron's court ? It appeared that there were 700 peti-
question of national education before the attention of this tions in hie office, 500 abstracts of titles lying unread,
n whch should be d before any of the estate
house. I cannot but admit—although I do it reluctantly—
r aelad tinei to them couldrea be put up for sale, and 21) ache-
s
that the best, or at least the most prudent, course is to dales were unsettled which should be settled before a far-
make the bill merely permissive and local. At the same time thing of money could be paid in respect to them. The bill
I have no wish now, any more than on any former occasion, brought in by the Government was ono to create two vice.
to conceal my individual opinion that it is the duty of this glee nbcnesllionress,s withall
be theirconrtof
staff, who were to transact all
Chancery ; and, according to
country to render national education compulsory and pe-
report, it appeared that a third commissioner was to be
remptory. Yet lam quite aware that that is the view taken appointed. He trusted that the house would not suffer a
by this house, and that such difference sof opinion prevails now place to be created until they knew the whole facts.
among the public that it would be utterly impossible at The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by making his
present to obtain a general assent to any plan fouuded on motion.
Colon el DUNNE seconded the motion.
such a principle. I think, however, that the right hon- Mr. HORSMAN said that the hon. and learned gentle-
ourable gentleman does well in endeavouring to take a step
4. man bat evidently founded his statements upon a news-
in advance a ith the view of giving an impetus to this great
a air report, without taking the pains of ascertaining the
question. lam afraid, inieed, that the prospect before P I
accuracy of them by putting a simple question across the
us, partially opened though it is, is not quite so en-
table. Although the hon. and learned gentleman had now
couraging as the right lion. gentleman seems to iniaeine ' • thought proper to speak in terms of praise of the two corn-
and that local and permissive as this measure is and con -
MI .
ssioners, they have had on former occasions reasons to
fined to promoting the success of the existing schools •
complain of the chergee which he had brought against
though it appears-to be, still it is liable to misconceptions
them.' The commissioners had performed their duties
and misrepresentations, producing unfavourable opinions,
faithfully, zealously, ably, and beneficially to the
_ country as well as to the Govertnnent, and the
which always impede the progress of a measure of this
them every
ki ed. The right hon gentleman in some degree represent
ing ea he does the sentiments of others, seems tome rather
to place a liar in the way of his own bill when he says that
occupied
'CpGßlic'
auaoscaurrivutslorepitantarai: net' ti
hdmetelihnieedneht 1
jai‘rtonrehndt
eNgwu'
vs theircraehnogroyst fieou:resetteth;ataoepeti:steoi iEndFwragli etprurchtsp.shotae
Exchequer.
ql
ihrßoueeAfi
ademns:
itosognhtti
eallovl
vi
Richards
1 linjobbetgfhhye( eae:t nrhtdr
he.
sal
belonging to different tal
the rates are not ta go towards religious instluction. What
is intended is that they shall be applied in aid of schools
under the present system
earCl 11
rhdreoarnwrs s.
would beforer
anaanbini
and
answer to complaints made against the Encumbered Estates
Lord J. RUSSELL—I trival instruction is given. l
Sir J. PAKINGTON—
'3I°''''' aon was, "not direct y removed from that court to the seat which he had before
y expresa.,
applied."
•rue of that gentleman himself '
learned had frequentlycomplained of the
distinction. The rate will go in aid of a national seise
i-df4dio°nOs telti te seedenominations, '
e ve—in which,'
1 way business was transacted by the three commissioners,
say, in Birmingham or elsewhere,
and that school will con- .:ndetated that two were amply sufficient for the discharge
tinue to give doctrinal instruction in precisely the same of thae duties, The Attorney-General had refused to give
manner as it is hitherto done—that is to say, the Bible will any pledea that a third commissioner would not be ap-
be read, the' Catechism taught, and the great tauths of pointed. It appeared that his right hon. and learned friend
Christianity impressed on the pupils exactly as is the 4ause was entirely in the right, and the hon. and learned
now. Therefore there is no room whatever for the quo 1 gentleman opposite, as was not unusual with him, entirely
Lion just raised by
the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Henley) % , • the wrong. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. liorsrnan)
—viz., whether religion should be taught by the intellect, ia --eceeding with his observations, when he was sad-
or whether the heart is to be reached at once ; because was a- . -erupted by
thatreligious instruction is still to be continued with
denly irate_ --PM, who intimated that it was a quarter to
which that right hon, gentleman himself and also the no- The SPEAIa. discussion was then suspended.
hie lord (Lord R. Cecil) are perfectly srtisfied. The only six o'clock, and the., 'a &LLERY or ART.
'
question regarding the application of the rate is that the NA "lONA."
ee • "IVY of any correspondence
money will not be directly and professedly given for the , Mr VERNON moved fax A
~ ..,

between her Majesty's Government and Mr. Sheepshanks,
res ,ecting the gift of his collection of pictures to the
nation.—Agreed to.

TEA. DUTIES.

Mr. GLADSTONE gave notice that, on Friday, he
should submit a motion to the house in committee on
ways and means, that this house does not grant any addi-
tion to the tea and sugar duties of the act of 1855.
The house adjourned at a quarter to six o'clock.