The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-27 00:00:00

ROEBUCK AT SHEFFIELD.
SHEFFIELD, THEilSDAY.—Yftrtiay Mr. J,,hn A LI; ur
H &Jack, one of th;. Pit,.it.ttne,ifary represent.Atis this
6:_trough, app-!ii.l7ed hjor,l eo!,stituent.; to dliver to
them an ati:tre,,a, in a-cr..)rdsne- with an attriull custom
th It was established by his nredecetsor, Sir H. G. WArd.
There was a large at:d influential meeting, hel.: in the
Town Hall, under the presidency of the Mayor (Mr.
Thomas Birks). The proceedings began at one o'clock
in the afternoon.

through in spite of every thing—a Protectionist Minis-
r try, eat', L ed Stanley at its head, end a proposal to
ut 00 z: es: eie duty en corn. That will -be proposed
as sure as we aie in ex tense and it will only
(R timid upon tie strength of feeling out of doors
whether or not it will be succesefut —(eha era.)
Mr. Roebuck next addressed himself to the working..
men of the town, and pointed out to them that it lay
with themselves to secure the 101. householder fran-
chise. He did not know how many pots of beer
a good hardworking man might drink in a week,
but if he would only cut off one and put by the six-
pence that it cost, every one of the class might be a
freeman. The Honourable Member then referred to
a case tried at the recent York Assizes, when two
Sheffield men were convicted of a diabolical outrage
against one of the principal manufacturers of the
town. Trades unions were in great force iu
Sheffield, and according to the manner in which
that forco was employed would be the opinion of
their capacity for government. If by their conduct
they persuaded the middle classes that there would be
danger in trusting them with the franchise, years
would pass away before the fatal impression could
be removed. Mr. Roebuck thee proceeded as fol-
lows:—Now, gentlemen, I could by taking separate
topics keep you here hour weer hour; but, as I said at
the commencement, my career as your representivive has
been st-p by step before you. If any proportion, or Vie
mejority, of my constituents think I have done wrong,l
only ask of them just that fairness and goad faith that
they will tell me openly what they think. Give me in
opportunity of removing misrepresentation, setting
right that which has been wrongly conceived, and de-
fending myself if I be myself accused.—(Hear.) I l &Wee
that from the beginning to the end I have had only ) our
interest at heart. My own individual aggrand z -ment.
after now eighteen years of public life, I may nk t think
myself called upon to talk of; and I shall believe that
any man who makes any open or covert imputation or
insinuation respecting myself and my mo ives must
either be very blind or very malicious. [Alderman
Dunn—Hear, hear.] Hitherto there has been no
benefit for myself. \ And if, as some of you have
now and then told me, I believe, that I ought
to have been present here or there when a di-
vision took place, my answer is, it is impossible
with limited strength and human endurance to do all
that lam called upon to do. There are Members in
the House of Commons who make a glory of being in
every vote. Now, first and foremost, I honestly tell
you that many a thing is decided in that House
which I do not understand—(Laughter)—and I do
not like to vote in a matter that I do not compre-
heed .—(Hear, and cheers.) I never can, and I believe
there is not a man in that House who can, understand
a debate upon a private Bill. Uuless I really know
the contents of a Bill and understand the matter I
always go out of the House. But if I gloried in
being in every division this would rob me of a glory—
a most easily acquired one. It only consists
.in
a power of sitting—(Laughter)—and carelessness as to
the consequences of your vote. But as I believe a vote
a solemn thing, I never give one unless I understand the
matter in hand.—(Hear.) Now I have no doubt that
there are certain gentlemen in this town who take a great
interest in questions releting to Church and State.—
(Hear.) So did L And if you listen to any ono of
us who shall come and describe to you the course of
conduct in the House of Commons with respect to ques-
tions, you will know that it is a much more easy thing to
desire a discussion than to be able to bring it on. Mr.
Cobden says that he has balloted, I believe, every time
that a ballot has taken place in the House of Commons,
for the purpose of bringing on his views about peace and
arbitration; and yet Mr. Cobden, with all his good inten-
tions, has been unable to get a night for that purpose. I,
like Mr. Cobden, had my hobby; it was not the peace
society, but it was the Church of Ireland. I tried, night
after night, to be on that ballot to get a chance. But
there is a set of honourable gentlemen—and we are all
honourable men—(Laughter)—who have a fancy and a
pleasure to see their names always upon the books of
the House of Commons. They are invariably pro-
posing questions about which the world takes
no earthly interest; and as sure as the day for
balloting comes round you find twenty or thirty
balloting papers which relate to those mysterious ,
matters that only concern the gentlemen who
propose them. The consequence is that the real work-
ing business of the days which are devoted to the
private Members is overrun by those ideal matters;
and the consequence resulting from that is, that
those in which the people really take an interest
when the people desire it cannot come on to be dia.
cussed. I will give you an illustration. There
is a body of gentlemen in this country—l dare
say you have heard talk of them—called country gen-
tlemen. Now, the country gentlemen had a great
ambition about the malt tax. They wanted to discuss
the malt tax. They, like us, found the ballot overrun.
There was no possibility of getting the malt tax dis-
cussed, but instead of the malt tax there was something
about the Raja of Sattarah or Kamschala—(Laugh-
ter)—or something in which nobody took any interest.
Under these circumstances ten of them, I think,
combined together, and every one of them put his hand
into the box, with the full intention that the first of
them that was called should give the malt-tax for dis-
cussion ; and that was the only way in
which they were enabled to get the discussion.
They got it, and they were beaten as you
all know. If I could get ten friends to do the same
with respect to-the Irish Church, I should fancy I had a
very decent minority to go out into the lobby of the House
of Commons with. Whether I shall ever get ten men into
the lobby Ido not know. Bat as good luck would have it
I did get a day • and it is to explain the con,equences of
that day that I favour you with the description which I
will now give you. The day came, and I was first on the
list. The Irish Church had been down many mouths on the
books of the House of Commons, and that was the first
night I had a chance of discussing it. I had taken great
pains with respect to the foreign policy of this country.
For a fortnight lasi not in bed till after thred in the
morning, and was necessarily obliged to be up at half-past
seven. There is but 'lgnited endurance in man—l broke
down, and when the Irish Church came on for discussion
I was lying on my bed and unable to move. I hope ray
friends will take that as an apology for deserting that
which I could not help deserting.—(Applause.) I hardly
know whether I have any further explanations to make.
You know what I have done for you ; you know
the principles upon which I have acte.i. The time
will come—it may come more rapidly than some of
us, or at least some of you, expsct—when you will
be again called upon to select your representative's.
If the sample that I have given you the last
two sessions be not to your liking, you will then
have the remedy in your own hands.—(Hear, hear.) I
am frank with you—you will then be frank with me.
I cannot alter my course of conduct, because that
course of conduct is the result of a good deal of calm
reflection. The principles which have governed that
conduct y( u know. The conduct itself has been before
you. If it suits you, you know how to reward the ser-
vatit; if it does not suit you, you know how to punish him.
Gentlemen, I have done.—(Vehement and protracted
applause.)
The meeting, before it separated, unanimously re-
solved, " That the best thanks of this meeting are here-
by given to John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., for his inde-
pendent conduct in Parliament, and for his attendance
here this day."

Before Mr. ROEBUCK made his address he replied to
queries put to him by individual members of his consti-
tuency. He defended the vote of 24,0001. to the family
of the Duke of Cambridge on the ground that the
majority of the people of England were determined
to have monarchs, and therefore it was but jus-
tice that the members of the Royal Family should
be suitably provided for. He explained his absence
from the meetings of the Parliamentary and Financial
Reform Association, by stating that the House os Com-
mons was his arena. It was easy to talk to an applauding
audience. The difficulty was to go iute an assembly
where all the prejudices of social life, all the prejudices
of ancient education, all the prejudices of individual am-
bition were against you—to state boldly, fairly, freely,
and decorously, your opinions, discuss arguments opposed
to you. and never shrink from meeting a discussion.
These preliminary queries disposed of, Mr. ROEBUCK
addressed the assembly as follows am here, Sir,
at the request of certain gentlemen who believe that
there was a sort of implied obligation on my part, when
I received the honour of being your representative at
your hands, that I should from time to time make my
appearance amongst you and explain what required to
be explained in my conduct. Now, I think I may say
one word more about this, and then dismiss it. The ex-
ample is constantly brought forward of the celebrated
Andrew Marvel; and people appeal to his conduct
towards his constituents, and say, " there is the model
of a representative." Now, my answer is, that the
time of Andrew Marvel and the present time are
greatly different. When he represented Hull there might
be a newspaper, but it did not travel down into the
country until a month after it was printed. There were
no railroads; there was no electric telegraph; and in fact
the country was as different from the present as
light is from darkness. You, I believe, know every
act of my political life just as well, by the aid of
those gentlemen (pointing to the reporters) whom I see
so well represented at this table, as if I were to come
down once a week and tell you what I had done—and I
suspect a great deal better. Every step that we take as
your representatives you know. Every vote we give is
published next morning before our eyes are_open. There
is no hiding what your representatives do. Therefore,
I say they need not be anxious to thrust themselves be-
fore your notice unless some very important matter
calls for them. I have been now asked to make my
appearance here with a full persuasion in my own mind
that I could explain nothing that you did not already
know, but it being part of my duty to satisfy you
I have come down here to do so. As I am here,
permit me to say a few things. First, with regard
to my view of what will be our political history for
the next year, at least what I prophesy it may be. I
will then say a few words respecting the individual acts
of the present Parliament in the present session, and I
will close what I have to say by addressing myself to
certain public transactions in which the working men
and masters of this town have an especial interest.—
(Hear and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, our friend the
mayor has referred to one act of my Parliamentary life
in which, as far as I myself am concerned, I feel perfectly
satisfied; and that is a late motion which I presented to
the House of Commons, and which the House of Com-
mons was kind enough to pass with a large majority.
That motion referred to the foreign policy of the Go-
vernment. Now, I must frankly tell you that with the
present Administration lamby no means satisfied. I
do not agree in many portions of their public policy
with regard to our own international affairs. But in so
far as I believe that the English Administration, as now
constituted, represents to foreign nations a great
liberal principle, I was anxious that that principle
should not be put down in their person. And when
I say that I do not agree with them in many por-
tions of their policy as regards our internal concerns,
I say that which I fear you yourselves will discover
to be the truth in a very short time. If, instead
of being at the end of a session, we were at its com-
mencement, you would find that the great principles
of free trade and liberal government would be in daily,
hourly, danger. And so sure as Parliament assemble
together next year in the month of February, the old
fight between free trade and protection will have to be
fought.—(Hear, hear.) We have gained one victory,
but we have not subdued the foe. The present Admi-
nistration is, unfortunately, in all its good purposes, un-
decided—it is in its aspirations for liberal government
so lukewarm, that the slumbering power of the House
of Lords, which is ever directed against liberal go-
vernment—(Hear, hear)—has reared up its front and
has awakened its energies ; and next year, so sure as
Parliament meets, you will find that those energies will
be directed both against free trade and liberal govern-
ment generally.—( Hear.) There is only one way to meet
it. It is to have an Administration strong out of doors,
strong in the support of the people, and strong also in
its own individual energy and knowledge. There must
be no lukewarmnees, either as regards tree trade or the
Irish or the English franchise.—(Hear.) These three
things will he made the battle-field next year; and you
will have this Administration, so cure as it meets in Feb-
ruary, put day after day in a minority in the House of
Lords; and every act of theirs, whether good or bad, will
be shipwrecked by that body. The consequence I believe
to be unavoidable. And I was extremely struck by reading
the observations made by the present Attorney-General
upon his re-election at Devonport. He unequivocally
stated what I now state. He saw, as I see, that this divi-
sion will occur, and that this dispute and this eager fight
will take place. Ido not know that the Learned Gentleman
felt as I do, but a great interest is about to be jeopardized
because of the lukewarmness of some of those who will
have to conduct the fight on our side. Therefore I -do
hope that the feeling abroad will have its influence upon
the Administration—that we shall have an Irish fran-
chise that deserves the name—(Bear, hear)—that we shall
have, as connected with what I believe will be the strongest
support that a Liberal Administration can receive, a pro-
posal to make a large addition to the Eogiish suffrage.
Based upon those two principles, free trade and a
large and liberal acquisition to the constituency of
this country, I thiuk there will be such a feeling
throughout the country in support of the Ad-
ministration, that the _House of Lords will not
dare to interpose between the people and their repre-
sentative.—(Cheers.) At present they have done so.
And I was struck by an observation made by a Noble
and Learned Lord the other day, who said that there
was a tendency out of doors to speak with contemptu-
ous feeling towards the aristocracy of this country,
and generally to bring the House of Lords into con-
tempt. Now I believe that if ever we do come to
speak of the House of Lords with contempt—if
there should be at any time a feeling in the edu-
cated mind of England against that noble body—they
will have nobody to blame but themselves.—(Hear,
hear.) If we should find that they are constantly hos-
tile to the wishes of the people—if we should find them
ever active in thwarting those desires for literal insti-
tutions—if we should find them giving way to indi-
vidual and party purposes, and seeking to again
power reckless of the consequences to the English
people—then indeed we may not only speak with
contempt of the House of Lords, but have a bitter
indignation against that body. And I must say there
was a tendency in my mind to look with anything but
favour upon them when lately I saw the despots abroad
found their chief support in that Right Honourable
House—(Hear)—when the battle for Russia, for Austria,
for Prussia was fought there, and successfully fought;
and when I saw that our only hope to prevent the
down-sinking of the heart of every liberal-minded
man in Europe was, by getting an opposite ex-
pression of opinion by means of the House of Commons.
—(Hear.) Now I would warn that Right Honour-
able House that this is an experiment that will be very
dangerous to themselves; that the less often they repeat
it the more sure will be their tenure of being; and that
they cannot risk its existence but by being thus
opposed to the true interests of the people.—
(Applause.) There is always the temptation, and
that Right Honourable body have a desire to over-
step what I call the liberal aspirations of this country,
which cannot in any way be checked or controlled ex-
cept by the united feeling of the United Kingdom. Be-
lieving thus 1 am ready, as I have hitherto been, to sup-
port the Liberal Administration. But I will in no case
link myself to them. When I think them wrong
I will say so, even though it should lead to put-
ting them out of office—(Loud cheers)—for I must
say that of all the acts that have given me
offence on the part of the present Administration—
the calling together a body of Members of the House of
Commons, and threatening them with resignation unless
they did what their conscience did not approve—of all
the Ministerial acts that gave me offence that proceeding
of Lord John Russell did so the most.—(hear.) I thought
it most unjust towards the persons he addressed, most un-
wise as regards his own influence with the country, most
dangerous as a precedent in a free country.—(Cheers.)
Such, then, is my view of the question. I shall now, gen-
tlemen, with your permission, touch upon some of the con-
duct of the House of Commons and the Administration
during the past session. I believe that in the present Ad-
ministration, as I have always stated, there is not a hearty
feeling towards the advancement of liberal opinions, and
that they have, by presenting a multitude of measures upon
the table of the House of Commons, prevented themselves
from doing anything like what ought to have been done
during the last session. Day by day we saw fresh
measures brought in. At the end of the session they are
all lumped together, and then occurs what has been face-
tiously termed the massacre of the innocents. Careless of
the enormous expense to which the country is put—care-
less of the constant disappointment in the public mind by
the very fact of the want of order and energy in the cause,
they are doing more mischief than if they did not
ABATEMENT OF RENT.—At the rent audits re-
pretend or attempt to do anything. And I do hope cently held by Mr. Horncastle for the Venerable the Dean
that in the coming session of Parliament there may and Chapter of York, Sir Henry Fitz-Herbert, Bart., and
be such a lesson read them by the various means which Henry Frederick Walker, Esq., returns were made, varying
we have of telling the Administration what we I according to circumstances, from 74 to 12} per cent, upon
desire, that when next year comes they will base their the half-year's rent due at Lady-daylast. Edward Coke, Esq.,
principles upon some one great measure—bring that of Longford, near Derby, has reduced hisrrer&skle9opieortecoeitaito.n;
forward—carry it on from day to day—and not waste we understand that an intimation of
attended the rent audit with the full
their time and our time arid your money, and their enee. had been giventoone tenant, who did nMot.apprise the others,
gies and ours, in a heap of little, unworthy, peddling, consequentlyt e r they
h i gratilication at having to re-pocket the 10 per
pettifogging legislation, which occupies our time, and
cent. reductioni was great. The trustees of the Wakefield
andrenta
only spoils our tempers, and does no good.—( Applause.) Charity (Sir Oswald Mosley, Bart., acting trustee) returned
If they will next session bring forward what they will 20 per cent. to the tenants on Monday, the 15th instant.—
not pass this, namely, an Irish Franchise Bill, if they Derby Mercury.
will make it a Bill for England and Ireland—a ArevEreelsErsveretii:_e],r,An—mvieTuaaa:sstnEhnanMessina,
nauEAßLastounding
care
ShFebey
o extract f t
no: 04
this miraculous
really united measure—a measure for the United AND iilnOL,L.OrteArlre'Sverary
Kingdom, we shall beat our opponents. But if they
medicine, letter, dated
merely indulge, as they did last recess, in a series of Lordship'srrrofessor Holloway—Sir : I beg to acquaint
YOleigtatrny, FeetiValiv"et
ambitious promises, by which great expectations may be feecetnedaalceoufrleohoe faculty,
fe a disordert .
a
aanmo homey
eliv and e all over t
livstomacher acid
tin
which
e all
raised, which expectations are only raised to be disepeeminent
pointed by the Ministerial answer on the first night of rienbad. (Signed) " ALyt
oaoaouG:Y'e haetseerswofenCdar.
continent, thh
had e m_;:tt
not
pointed
the session, their doom is sealed, and we shall have to go cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also Holloway's
through—what I believe sincerely we shall have to go Oinby trnmtlacint Pervefeenarormitcbrusahyo'ustEtitateheillahmviusedent,wo2:ll, Str
au
s, adi

THE SIR ROBERT PEEL TESTI--

MO VIAL.

The following communication has been received by
the treasurers to the Peel Fund:—

" City of London Police, Chief-office, July 25.
" Gentlemen, —I have much satisfaction in sending to
you, at the instance of the contributors, the sum of 431.
13., in aid of the ' Peel Fund,' frc m the officers and con-
stables cf the city of London police force, being a sub-
scription of half a day's pay by each member, including
my own, as the commissioner.
" I avail myself cf the occasioa to advert to a letter
under the signature of ' Leo,' to the editor of a morning
paper, in which the writer asserts that it is not true
that the subscription from the police force in the city of
London is voluntary. It is the result of an intimation
from their superiors that the force is expected to sub..
scribe half a day's ray; and while very favourable to
the subscription on general grounds, I protest against
any direction being given to the police, or any others,
in any department cn such a subject.' Nothing can be
more remote from the truth than the imputation of
Leo.' The first intimation I received of an intention
existing among the members of the force to subscribe to
the Peel Fund was in the form of an inquiry, whether I,
as the commissioner, had any objection to their subscrib-
ing a day's pay, such being the very general wish of its
members. My reply was, that while I was greatly
pleased to hear of the prevailing feeling among them, I
considered half a day's pay would be ample, and that
every man was to consider himself a free agent to sub-
scribe or not. When the subscription was placed in my
hands the superintendent observed that every officer and
constable had subscribed, except two, and at the same
time produced to me a list of names of the subscribers,
but which I declined to receive, inasmuch as it would be
to make me acquainted with the names and numbers of
the men who had declined to subscribe, and they will
consequently remain unknown to me.
" It is my uniform practice to allow every man the
same privilege of thinking and acting that I claim for
myself.
" I feel sure that you will concur with me in the
opinion that whoever assumes to enter a protest which
implicates the official conduct of the individual to whom
it relates should take care to be well•informed as to his
facts. I willingly admit that the character of a public
man is public property, but it is not therefore open to the
malicious attack of every unmanly assailant who may
choose to shelter his malevolence under a fictitious aig•
nature. " I am, Gentlemen, your faithful servant,
D. W. HARVEY."
" To the Treasurer of the Peel Fund."