The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-24 00:00:00

CALEDONIAN ASYLUM.

A special general court of the guardians and direc-
tors of this institution was held yesterday at the rooms
of the Scottish Hospital, Crane-court, Fleet-street, for
the purpose of receiving the report of the committee
appointed at a previous meeting to consider the affairs
of the Asylum.
His Grace the Duke of Buccleuch took the chair.
stated that the number of boys at present on the The report, which was read by The Chisholm,
es-
tablishment was 61, of girls 50—total, 111 children.
The income of the institution during the year 1849
d-, while the expenditure
m 8 ounted to 3,4291. 3s. Bd.,
leaving penditure over income of
dla:nu6iruooi
3nlgn nl . t el
tadii.
se. to;
se
at excess
meet time
oflw2hse ai.
expenditure
h a
sale of 1,750/. of capital
ifd stock—thus to be effected. During the last five years tbere had
sbteoecnk ,a
n producingannu al
e xcem 1,6141.0 of
s. 3d., was found necessary
expenditure over income
amveetrabgyingenln,
re-
duction of capital in five years of 8,500/., and
reducing the income derived from that source
by 255/. per annum. The committee first recom-
mended that no further sale of stock should take
5u3a14 / .
ae 2s.
7eo. each
h—thus creating a
year, which bad been
place except what was necessary to meet existing
liabilities. The expenses under the head ,i Estab
lishment," consisting of the salaries of superintendent
and secretary, matron, &c., amounted to 375/. ; the
salaries of officers and domestic servants to 4881,
which, with the expense of maintenance, &c.,
amounted to 7971. The committee recommended
that the office of resident superintendent and secre-
tary should be immediately abolished, and that a non-
resident secretary be appointed, at a salary of about
105/. per annum. Other considerable reductions
were recommended in the salaries of the officers of
the institution, by which the committee expected to
reduce the expenditure to 53311 instead of 797/. per
annum, as at present. The committee were of
opinion that the maintenance, clothing, and incidental
expenses for the children should be covered by 14/.
or 15/. a head, which would enable the institution
to support about 80 children from the funds that were
directly available for the purpose. or
—the terui en-
suing this would not appin as the committee did hut
recommend that the children I t uthorieed to be elected
in June next should be interfered with. It was pro
posed that the offices of band muster and pipe master
should cease after the midsummer term of 1851, until
the asylum could afford to have them renewed. Other
reductions were recommended, and particularly a
more strict adherence to principles of.econon,_
y in all
that regarded the contracts and general management
of the asylum.
The adoption of the report was moved by the Duke
of MONTROSE, who complimented the committee on
its efficiency, but regretted that.they had been obliged
to show the affairs of the asylum to be in 59 miserable
a condition.

Lord KINNAIRD seconded the resolution, and ex-
pressed himself to a similar effect. •
The motion was supported by Sir George Clerk,
Sir John Maxwell, the Right Hon. Holt Madenzie,
Dr. Cumming, and other gentlenien.

" I say that it is necessary to undertake against
Socialism,which is devouring us, a Roman expedition at
home.—(Loud applause on the Right, and violent ex-
clamations on the Left). In the same manner that an
expedition was undertaken to Rome against a republic
with which it was wished to unite our responsibility,
should an expedition be entered on at home against
Socialism, in order to prove that it has nothing in com-
mon with the Republic.—(Hear, hear.) The position is
so much the same, that a cry is now raised about a vio-
lation of the constitution, as it was at the period of the
Roman expedition. The same accusations are brought
forward which it was then wished to follow up by a
commencement of execution; the same had been wished
at the present time, but those who advocated it have
shrunk from it. With regard to the expedition to Rome,
there were three paths to be pursued—nentrality,
complicity, or hostility. Neutrality would have been
the abdication of the influence F, of France; complicity
would have been disgraceful, for we should have assumed
the joint responsibility of revolution which aas inaugu-
rated by assassination.
" On the Left—You know very well that that is false.
" On the Right—Yes, yes! assassination.
",M. de Montalembert—War was made by France
against the Roman Republic. God blessed the under-
taking, and on several occasions 450 votes in this As-
sembly have sanctioned it. You are in precisely the
same situation against Socialism at home. Neutrality is
death. If you cross your arms you may as well make
your will, but that will be of little use, for your heirs
will tear it. Complicity is disgraceful, for Socialism
dishonours the Republic. There only then remains
for us war—war carried on energetically, and by every
means.
" M. Lagrange hero again rose, and endeavoured to
spook, but-was pacified by M. de Lamartine.
" M. do Montalembert—ln acting thus, we shall con-
tinue our campaign of the days of Juse, 1848, that
campaign which was so well and so energetically con-
ducted by General Cavaignac. We have now the same
enemies under the same flag. I regret to have heard
General Cavaignac—l am anxious not to say anything
unpleasant to the Hon. General, but ho must allow me
to ask him—and history will one day put the same
question to him—where are now those men whom he
fought against, whom he chastised, whom he pulverised,
whom he transported? Wtero are they? They ere at
his side!"
In conclusion he said—
" We have in our favour right and strength, numbers
and courage; but have we time? No; time is against
us. We have ahe ady lived a year; in six months we
shall have turned the hill and commenced our downward
passage. But for an Assembly which has not, perhaps,
done all that was expected from it, the period of its
wane is a time of death-throes. Our dissolution will, in
fact, be forestalled, and before we shall have finished
our legal term we shall, like the Constituent Assembly,
find ourselves squeezed flat between the parry which de-
sires the ruin of society and that other which will r. -
preach us with not having been energetic enough in the
fulfilment of our mandate. I repeat to you, then fore,
that we have no time to lose. A final word relative to
the men who have received the appellation of the seven-
teen! We have been told in a democratic journal—and
without any contradiction or retractution being made to
the declaration—that our heads—of us, the seventeen—
are devoted to the infernal gods of the revolution!—
(Sensation.)
" On the Left—What does that prove?
" M. de Montalembert—The history of the high deeds
of your ancestors proves clearly enough what it means!
Can we forget the scaffold of the revolution ? Are we
pot acquainted with the democratic dagger which assas-
sinated Rossi? Well, then, the fate so threatened I ac-
cept ! Yes, I prefer it a thousand times to the contempt
which, amongst posterity, will hang on the memory of
those men whom France charged to place her in safety,
but who failed in that sacred duty—those men who,
through pusillanimity, will have left France abandoned
to the shame, the servitude, the barbarism which social-
ism is preparing for us !—(Tremendous cheering, which
lasted for some time.)
" Gii eat agitation followed this speech. General Ca-
vaignac at once hurried to the tribune, but he was
obliged to remain standing there for ten minutes, at
least. before the sitting could proceed.
" General Cavaignac—The Hon. M. de Montalembert
commenced his speech by passing a eulogium on me;
after having heard his speech, I am entitled to say that I
was right in receiving that praise only with mistrust; I
expected it to be followed by a censure. Once for all,
what is the meaning of those reminiscences incessantly
renewed in the tribune? Why am I constantly reminded
of the duties which I one day had to fulfil? Is it wished '
to intimate that it was necessary to remind me that I
had great duties to perform? That would bc an insult.
—(Marks of denial.) It appears to me that that is very
evident.—(Cries of ' No, no.') I repeat that I should con-
sider as an insult the expression of an idea which would
tend to bring me here to say that I have had great duties
to fulfil.—(Murmurs.) Is it sought to atop by fear in
the accomplishment of those duties which I have now
to perform?—(Allons donc.) I do not seek for oppor-
tunities of entering into discussions so personal and so
animated, but I know not how to shrink from them. Is
it that you pretend to stop me in the accomplishment of
my duty by fear?—(Murmurs.) Those who think so
deceive themselves. There is nothing in what I say, or
what I think, which tends to make me obtain in the So-
cialist party, to which I do not belong, a false popu-
larity. It is not my fault if you have now placed right
on the side of your adversaries. It has been said that I
had changed my part and my opinion, but that is not
the case; Ido now what I did in June, 1845. I then
defended universal suffrage as I do at the present time;
such has always been my course of acting.
" M. Em. Arago declared that he was opposed to the
Bill, and then, proceeding to criticise the speech of
M. de Montalembert, he affirmed that that gentleman
desired to bring on civil war.—(Loud exclamations,
marks of denial.)
" On the Right—lt is you, it is you.
"From the Mountain—M. de Montalembert is nothing
else than insurgent! •
"On the Right—That charge comes from a strange
quarter!
"Other Voices on the Right—M. President, call the
gentlemen in the tribune to order!
"The President, to M. E. Arago—You have no right
to use such language.
" M. E. Arago—l am then prevented from expre
ing my sentiments.—(Oh! oh I—laughter.) Has n, , t .
de Montalembert said—' Lot us wage the war of Rome
at home!'
" On the Left—Yes! yes!
" A Voice on the Right—That means that Soeiltlisre
vents he Inv down by every legal means!
"M. E. Arago—Did GentEetil ()tutus wage-war on the
RomT he Preeitient—Me
aes with the laws?
f{. .
rage, you are travestying the
Ivords a, d ietentions•of,Meclo sliontelernhert.
"From. the elounrain-e-Nst! nog---we protest!
" Tile:President—Yee: have gore -t.r.td the right (.41
thee felt ass, M rA rs to. 167 fie!4.Yl t 3 rer'rf your
'weeds, Fee wy ;sec- I COns ' th'se.lusely„...-
(Hear, hesi.)
DID. Nadaud, Baudin, an i others—ite qute
right! Ile is quite right!
The President—You can do nothing but interrupt.
" DI. E. Arago—l ask for nothing better than tit in-
terpret in a different manner the words of M. de
Montalembert, but it is impossible to look on his
language as that of conciliation.—(Applause on
the Left.) DI: do Montalembert too, appears to me
to have a strange mode of respecting the constitution,
when he declares that he submits, to it, but that
he considers it contemptiisle. The country cares but
little about the pretend, d accord amongst citizens who
are no longer in France.—(Laughter.) But M. de
Montalembert has no right to cast an insult on a cer-
tain number of his colleseues, by declaring that they
were anarchists under a former Government.—(Move-
newt.) There is now in France a now right; I obeyed
it when I revolted against a Government of privilege.—
(NO, PO) One word iu terminating. The lioveroignty