The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-11 00:00:00

THE STATE OF IRELAND.

Mr. MAGUIRE then rose to move the following reso-
lution :—" That, this house will upon resolve itself
into a committee, with the view cf taking the condition and
circumstances of Ireland into immediate consideration."
He said, in bringing forward this subject, he had to
ask for the indulgence of the house whilst he did so, be-
cause it was a motion of the gravest description. He
thought the time had arrived when the condition of
Ireland might be considered irrespective of party and
sectarian feeling, because at that particular time
its towns were now such as only could be com-
pared to a beleaguered place ; its barracks were
crowded with soldiery, and there were in addi-
tion to all that a force of 13,000 constabulary, all
armed with the most deadly weapons known to military
authorities. The station-houses of the constabulary were
being loopholed—there were gunboats in the rivers,
and there was "watch and ward" all round
the coast in looking out for suspicious cruisers.
(Hear, hear.) They had had trials in all the
courts, and also by commissions. There was unusual
searching of houses, the ransacking of whole stret ts in
search for arms ; and, to crown all, the Constitution was
suspended. Any man now who spoke freely his
mind on the present condition of Ireland was looked on
with suspicion, land, in fact, such was the state of personal
liberty in that country that it was to be equalled
only by that enjoyed by the subjects of the
Emperor of Morocco or the Sing of Abyssinia.
(Hear, hear.) The state of Ireland in 1851 was
not to be at all compared to what it was in 1867, and
it was altogether ridiculous to contrast the state of things
of these two periods. It appeared to him that from human
causes alone the productive power of the country was
going back, and the reason for such a state of things
was that the farmers were beginning to loso heart
from a want of security, and withheld their means from
those landlords who were not guided by a higher law than
Parliament enacted. The towns of Ireland were falling to
decay ; of course he excepted suck places as Dublin, Cork,
Waterford, Limerick, and one or two others, but with that
exception a sense of despair seemed to fill the minds of the
traders in the other towns, and their only hope appeared
to be in emigration to other lauds. And what was the state
of Irish feeling at the present moment? If he said there
was general discontent, he thought he should be using a
mild definition of it, but if he said there was almost
universal disaffection he should be a great deal nearer
the truth. He did not say Parliament was responsible for
all that existed, but for a great deal of it, and it had in a
great measure been brought about by the attempts made by
England to blot out the history of Ireland. (Cheers from
the Irish benches.) What had England done for Ireland
since she had assumed the responsibility brought about by
the Union ? Why, the manufactures of the country have
been destroyed, and trade and commerce almost
annihilated ; and, then, how was the Union
brought about ? Why, its perpetration was dark and
hideous. It was effected through terror, of false promises
and corruption, and all the great and brilliant inducements
made at the time had been totally and systematically dis-
regarded. Cork had been promised docks and
arsenals, but we should like to know when it
was likely they would be erected. Other and great pro-
mises had been made for other places, but like all that he
had said, they were altogether passed over and totally dis-
regarded. Ono of the great grievances of Ireland was the
state of land tenure. (Hear, hear.) He had spoken some
time ago to an American gentleman who inquired the
reason that the land was not so freely cultivated
as it ought to be, and when he was told
that the great want was security by leases,
ho said such a thing was an almighty grievance, and
that they would deal with such a system in the
country at the other side of the Atlantic by revolu-
tion. He (Mr. Maguire) did not go to that
extremity—he did not think that revolution was the groat
panacea for national suffering—(hear, hear)—ho had a
strong hope in the wisdom of the people, and in
the wisdom of those who occupied important
positions in Parliament. Let them but bring forward
measures to improve the great and crying evil that existed
in respect to the tenure of land in Ireland, and a great
thing would be done towards destroying that feeling of
disaffection and discontent that existed—(hear, hear)—
throughout that great but unfortunate country, which,
instead of being one of the most glorious appen-
dages of the British Crown, was a constant
thorn in the side of Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) Too
many in Ireland held their property at the will of
others—(hear, hear) —and until that state of things
was altered—until Ireland was pacified —which she could
only be by having justice done her—until that was done
it was hopeless to hope for a restoration of tranquillity and
contentment in the country. In conclusion- he moved that
the House should at once resolve itself into a committee
with the view of taking into immediate consideration the
condition of Ireland.

Mr. NEATE moved, and Mr. D. GRIFFITH seconded, as
an amendment to the motion, a resolution declaring that
the constant recurrence of impracticable resolution; and
the proposal or suggestion of extravagant and impossible
remedies, were the great obstacles to the restoration of
peace in Ireland and to the prosperity of the Irish people.
The proposition was, however, subsequently withdrawn
in favour of another by Sir F. Heygate (who rose with
Lord A. Clinton), to the effect that, before taking into
consideration the constitutional changes in the laws and
institutions of Ireland, it was both just and expedient to
inquire into the causes of alleged discontent, and the best
mode of remedying the same. The hon. baronet con-
tended that Ireland was slowly but gradually recovering
from the effect of free trade until the outbreak of Fe-
nianism three years ago ; and that as the conspiracy was
now dying away, it would be better not to disturb the
country by any precipitate legislation. At the same time,
as an Irish landlord, he was quite roady to support any
well-considered scheme for giving security to the tenant
for permanent improvements.
Lord A. CLINTON next moved his amendment in the
form of a series of resolutions, affirming that the continued
existence of disaffection and discontent in Ireland was not
only an injury to her, but a source of embarrassment and
uneasiness to the United Kingdom; and that it was essen-
tial to the interests of the kingdom that the causes of such
disaffection awl discontent should be removed ; that this
result could not be attained unless the Government of Ire-
land was carried on and the laws and institutions of the
country were framed in accordance with the wants and
wishes of the Irish people; that the educational and eccle-
siastical arrangements maintained in Ireland were not in
accordance with the feelings and wishes of the people ;
that the system of land tenure was not suited to the wants
and circumstances of Ireland, and that it had failed in
giving to the agricultural occupiers security of tenure and
assurance that they would enjoy the fruits of their indus-
try or the means of living in comfort and independence in
their native land ; that while the grievances arising- from
this state of things continued, the causes of discontent and
disaffection must remain ; and that, while the house was
sensible that the effectual redress of these grievances
might involve extensive changes in the laws, institutions,
and social system of Ireland, it was also of opinion that it
was essential to the contentment of Ireland and the honour

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and welfare of the United Kingdom that such changes
should be made.
On the noble lord resuming his seat,
The SPEAKER intimated that as ono amendment was
already before the house another could not be put.
Mr. O'BEIRNE pressed the Government to declare at
once the true nature of its Irish policy, predicting that if
it were not liberal, just, and.sagacious, it would not satisfy
the people of Ireland.
Lord MAYO was not prepared to deny that much dis-
affectiEn, disloyalty, and dislike to British rule existed in
Ireland, but he contended that it was of foreign growth,
and that the upper and middle classes, both Catholic and
Protestant, were well disposed towards the British Crown,
and were prepared to defend the institutions of their
native country. Adverting to the charge that Ireland was
governed on an English system, and that its people were
downtrodden and oppressed, he appealed to the earacter
of the Executive Government, to the judges, to the con-
stabulary, and to the municipal authorities, to show that
the country was practically governed by Irishmen, and
in accordance with the feelings of the great majority of
the people. Ile also contended that notwithstanding
the disturbing political element the country had gone
on materially improving. This was proved by the value
of the live stock, which had risen from X 19,000,000 in 1811
to .£56,000,D00in 1866. The rate of wages had also risen
about 109 per cent., while the consumption of beer and
spirits had largely increased of late years, notwithstand-
ing the high duty on the latter. Crime had decreased in
Ireland by 50 per cent. of late year; which might perhaps
be accounted for by the increased means of education
afforded to the people. Having enumerated at some
length the various remedial measures suggested by Mr.
Bright, Mr. Mill, Sir John Gray, and others, and com-
mented upon them, the noble lord referred to the great
diminution of agrarian crime in Ireland to show that the
occupiers of land were not so much dissatisfied as was al-
leged ; in further proof of which he remarked upon the
fact that very few indeed of the tenant farmer class had
joined the Fenian conspiracy. Roferring next to the past
policy of the Government he maintained that they had ad-
hered to-the moderate and impartial course laid down by
Lord. Derby when he took office in 1860, and he claimed
for the Administration the credit of having kept the pace
in a period of great difficulty and danger. With regard to
the future, he proposed next week to bring in a land bill
very similar to that of last year, which, however, should
contain provisions to enablolimited owners to charge their
estates for improvement; and to encourage written con-
tracts between landlords and tenants, instead of the pre-
sent parol agreements. In addition to this, it was proposed
at tho earliest possible moment to institute a solemn in-
quiry by commission into the relat'ons between landlord
and tenant. (This announcement was received with loud
laughter by the Opposition benches.) Until that inquiry
was instituted Parliament and the country could never
arrive at the truth, and England would continue to suffer
in the estimation of foreign countries. The Reform Bill
would be introduced in a few days, and steps would be
taken to increase the efficiency of the Irish railways. The
question of education was under consideration by a Royal
Commission, but the inquiry had been delayed by the
death of the Earl of Bosse. With regard to university
education, he believed that nothing could be more im-
politic than to interfere either with Trinity College or with
the Queen's University. They had both effected much
good, and enjoyed the confidence of the sectians of the
people who adhere to them. Many Roman Catholic;
however, objected to send their sons to any college where
religious instruction in their own faith was not a leading
element. It was desirable, therefore, to establish a third
institution, and with that view it was proposed to advise
her Majesty to grant a charter to a Roman Catholic uni-
versity. The names of the first senate would be mentioned
in the charter. The latter body would include a chan-
cellor, a vice-chancellor, four prelate; to be elected by the
hierarchy, six laymen, and the heads of colleges.
The Senate would have the power of granting degrees, of
holding university examinations, and of determining what
colleges should be established, and the course of study to
be pursued therein. In order to carry out this scheme it
would be necessary to provide for the expenses of the
universities and professor; and make some provision for
the building, and for the endowment of certain university
scholarships. With respect to the endowment of the col-
lege; however, he was not in a position to make any pro-
posal on the subject until ho knew what the nature of the
colleges was likely to be. On the subject of the Irish
Church the noble lord reminded the house that a commis-
sion was now inquiring into the Establishment, and that
it would be premature to attempt any hasty legislation
upon such a question. He did not believe that the Irish
Church could be overthrown without a fierce and pro-
tracted struggle, and he considered that if it were even-
tually to fall it would inflict incalculable injury on the
country.
On the motion of Mr. HORSMAN, the debate was ad-
journed at one o'clock until Thursday next.
In reply to Mr. GLADSTONE,
Lord MAYO said that the Government, as at present
advised, intended to oppose both the original motion and
the amendment.
The other business on the table was disposed of, and
the house adjourned at five minutes past one until twelve
o'clock this day.