The Sun.
London, England, 1868-07-23 00:00:00

MR. GLADSTONE ON IRELAND.

Mr. Gladstone, who was unable to be present on Tues-
day at the inauguration of the Palmerston monument,
visited Romsey on Wednesday morning, and addressed a
large assembly in front of the Town Hall. The Mayor
presided, and several members of the corporation were
present. The Right Hon. W. Cowper, M.P., also attended.
The Mayor having introduced Mr. Gladstone, a compli-
mentary address to the right hon. gentleman was read by
the Town Clerk.

-~Mr. GLADSTONE commenced by alluding to the cere-
monies which were performed on the previous day, and
paying an eloquent tribute to the character and services
of Lord Palmerston. Then, having touched upon the
settlement of she great Reform question, he continued as
follows : In some considerable degree we trust that within
the limits of Great Britain it may be said we are a united
people. We may have our differences, and we always
shall, and they are serious differences, upon many affairs.
But, notwithstanding that, we are in the main a
united people. The masses of the people, from the
highest to the lowest, are attached to the Queen, to the
Throne, to the Government, to the laws, to the institu-
tions of the country, and attached to one another. But
when we cross the Channel we unfortunately come, not to
a united, but to a very divided country—a country divided
in itself, and a country a large portion of whose people—it
is painful to confess it, but it is for our welfare as well as
theirs that we should not blind ourselves to the undoubted
fact—a large portion of whose people are either dull or
indifferent in their attachment to the rest of the United
Kingdom, and to its laws and institutions, or even
positively estranged from them. (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, do nut let us deceive ourselves. There is
no deceit to pitiable as that which a man, or as that
which a people practise upon themselves, and there is
no deceit so common ; for if we could get rid of self-
deceit, the deceit that others might practise upon us
would produce but very insignificant effects. And
allow me to tell you, that the wealth and power and
security of this country in itself makes the
people of this country liable to self-deceit, and
especially with respect to the condition of Ireland,
which is not immediately under our daily view. We
are able to think that after all we have got on
somehow, and that so we shall continue to get on.
It is shocking, if it be true, that after seven centuries of
political action between Great Britain and Ireland—not
of equal political connection, but of connection up to a
quite recent period as between a superior and a subordi-
nate country, entailing nearly the whole responsibility
upon the superior country, and taking it away from the
1 subordinate country—it is painful, I say, to hear that
' after seven centuries of such connection this condition
of fundamental estrangement should still to a lamentable
degree prevail. (Hear, hear.) Well, gentlemen, we pro-
posed what I in my sphere shall endeavour to do —which
I believe my right lion. friend near me, if honoured with
your suffrages, will co-operate in doing—and it is this.
We pr,.pose to try no other medicine for the sister
country than the medicine of justice. (Cheers.) We have
no ma,s;icaltacts to practice—we have no special recipes,
or formulary-, or fine phrases, to dangle before you or
before the eyes of Ireland. Our business and our duty is
this. For the state of things which exists it is more
especially our duty, but under all circumstances it
would be our duty to examine carefully the manner
in which the laws and institutions of Ireland have been
regulated, mainly under our predominating influence,
and unless we find we have treated Ireland in
the mode in which we should wish Ireland should treat us
if she had the power—unless in our hearts and conscienes
and understanding we are prepared to meet and abide by
the one searching test—then to lose no time where too
much has already been lost in endeavouring to clear this
entangled account, and to give both England and Ireland
to understand that we propose that hereafter they
should live in brotherly communion, and upon a footing
of an honourable and perfect equality. (Cheers.) I ask,
can any Englishman—l care not whether he is a Liberal
or a Conservative, because I urge this plea to men calling
themselves Conservatives, with the same feeling of right
to urge it as to men calling themselves Liberals—can any
Englishman place his hand on his heart, and surveying the
manner in which things are regulated on this side of the
Channel, and the manner in which things have been regu-
lated on the other side of the Channel, say with truth and
honour, that if he, his people, his religion, all the incidents
of his life were under the paramount influence of Ireland, he
would be satisfied to be treated in the same manner as he now
treats his Irish brethren? (Cheers.) That is one ques-
tion, though not the only one. It is a very great question,
• and I believe it will probably be the key to whatever may
remain. We propose to proceed by giving to Ireland that
religious equality which her circumstances appear to
demand, and which she herself desires ; and we are not to
be challenged by men, if such there be, who proceed upon
some cut-and-dry theory which they have elaborated
in their closet, and which the intend to apply,
to all nations and under all circumstances what-
ever they may be. We propose to apply reli-
gious equality to Ireland—to remove the State Church
which now exists there— (cheers, and cries of " No")—and
carefully to avoid, and, if necessary, to resist, the erection
of any other State Church. (Cheers.) We propose tc
apply this method, not because it is a method necessarily
suited to all circumstances and all countries, but because
it is eminently suited to and required by the circum•

stances and the case of Ireland. (Cries of " Hear, hear.")

Let England be judged by its own standards and mea•
sures, according to what its public interests require. Let
Ireland be judged upon the very same principles ; but do
not let a system because it is thought to be good for
England be forced by British power upon Ireland, who
desires to shake herself entirely free from such a
dominion, and who protests against our right and title
to force it upon her by any other law than that odious
law, the law of force. (Hear, hear.) Well, to come
back to the point at which I started. It is our earliest
belief that by removing causes of just, although now
inveterate, complaint, we shall by degrees be per-
mitted, by the blessing and through the wisdom of
Providence, to bring about a better and a happier state
of things; and my belief is, that if you act as I believe
you will, and return my right hon. friend, and if the new
Parliament should live something like its natural term, you
will, during the period of its existence, see this great con-
troversy brought to a close. (Cheers.) If my right
hon. friend (Mr. Cowper) shall have occasion to render to
you an account of his stewardship, he will be able, I
trust, to point to some work done on your behalf, on
behalf of Ireland, and on behalf of the great, and
we hope it will be tin united country to which we
owe our birth, and our own best affections, and to
the service of which our lives are heartily devoted. (Loud
cheers.)

OVERCROWDED HOUSES AT THE WEST-END OF
LONDON.—A recent investigation has brought to light
, some startling facts as to overcrowding at the West-end.
In a street abutting on Regent-street, twenty-six
houses have been measured for the purpose of intro-
ducing the Lodging House Act ; and, allowing 500
cubic feet for each person, they should have contained
198 people. It was found, however, that no less a number
than 549 human beings were sheltered in these
houses, giving an excess of population in twenty-six
houses of 351 persons. Dr. Lankester has given it as
his opinion that 500 houses in the district of St. James's,
Westminster, are thus overcrowded. At the lowest
calculation this district contains 7,000 more inhabitants
than the law permits, and as there is no probability of
extending the building accommodation, it is only by
sending the excess of population out of the parish that the
provisions of the Act can be carried out.