The Sun.
London, England, 1844-08-31 00:00:00

him, and must be attributed entirely to the eommu-
nimtions made by Marshal BUGEAUD, and to the in-
structions from the Minister of Marine. The former
stated that he had been deceived by the Moors re-
specting the expulsion of ABD-EL-KADER, and the lat-
ter ordered the Prince to commence warlike opera-
tions unless the ultimatum of the French Government
was accepted. It appears the ultimatum was not
accepted at the time when the bombardment com-
menced. The EMPEROR demanded the punishment
of Marshal BUGEAUD, which, of course, was not in-
cluded in the French conditions, and the squadron,
without waiting Mr. HAY'S return, began the attack.
What news our Consul brought from the EMPEROR
we have no means of ascertaining, further than from
the remarks of the Prince, that, according to the
report of Mr. HAY, he was much depressed. This
would lead to the inference that he was inclined to
yield, and possibly, also, that he had given Mr. HAY
power to effect an arrangement. Of that, however,
we can say nothing positively till our Government
throws some light on this very mysterious and unex-
pected attack upon a Power so long in friendly al-
liance with England. Dispatches from Marshal
BUGEAUD, giving details of the battle of Isly, have also
been published. They are rather of a different cha-
racter, and boast of the prodigies of valour performed
by the French troops, and the vast havoc made in the
Moorish army. " The Moors," he says, " left on the
field of battle at least 800 killed, and almost the whole
were cavalry ; the infantry, of which there were few,
escaped us principally by means of the ravines. 'The
Moorish army lost, besides, all its materiel. They
must have had at least 1,500 or 2,000 wounded.
Our loss was 4 officers killed, 10 others wounded,
23 non-commissioned officers and soldiers killed, and
86 wounded. The battle of Isly is, in the opinion of
all the army, the consummation of our conquest of
Algeria. Nothing could tend so much as this event
to accelerate the conclusion of our differences with
the empire of Morocco." The Marshal admits that
he was the agressor, but alleges that he was compelled
to attack in self-defence.

or yesteraay appears a., ante letter
addressed by a clergyman to the Bishops of Eng-
land and Wales on the subject of the present demo-
ralised condition of the poor, wherein the writer en-
deavours to enlist the sympathy of the Rev. Prelates
in behalf of the more helpless and destitute members
of their flocks, and warns them that the time is for
ever past when they can, without imminent hazard to
the best interests of the Establishment, neglect their
duties as churchmen, or discharge them—as was for
so many years the case—in a spirit of sullen coldness
and indifference. " Connected as the Church is with
the State," observes our Contemporary's Correspon-
dent, " the people have merely a right to consider
that Church as in a great measure entrusted with the
guardianship of its moral health ; we are as watch-
men, whose duty it is to proclaim the existence of
whatever may tend to undermine that health. The
poor look to us as those whose acknowledged calling
points them out as friends of the needy, defenders of
the oppressed. My Lords, is it not most true that
the seeds of moral contamination are being daily
sown amongst a very large proportion of the poor of
our flocks ? 'We cannot close our eyes to the fact,
that there is that at work which is fast weaning the
affections of the labouring poor from those above
them. Their common rights are fast pas3ing from
them, the labourer will soon become the most lite-
rally of all men a pilgrim on earth, he will not have
where to set his foot but upon a footpath of road.
Scripture once gave the poor a title to the gleanings
of the harvest field, as it gave a title to the tithe of the
priesthood; those gleanings have not been commuted
by agreement with them." For much of this dis-
heartening state of things the Church is unquestion-
ably responsible ; for though of late it has worked
with something like diligence in the spiritual vine-
yard, yet for a long series of years it paid little or no
attention to its duties, but was invariably found looking
sharply after its own selfish temporal interests, to the
neglect of all nobler considerations. Instead of
exerting the immense moral influence it possessed
over the minds of the upper and middle classes of
society in the cause of the poor and the oppressed,
and setting a lofty example of charity, forbearance,
and humility, it was conspicuous only by its apathy,
its hauteur, and its intolerance towards the humbler
orders, reserving its respect and its consideration for
thosa of superior grade. In a word, it was of " the
world worldly," and too often regarded the poor with
the same supercilious eyes with which DIVEC
its LAZARUS in the Scriptures. It is now much im

proved in its tone of feeling---an amendment, how

ever, which is less, we fear, the work of choice, than
the result of imperious necessity—but there is still

room for further improvement, and it must be greatly
changed from what it now is, even if it can be said
fully and conscientiously to fulfil its mission, as the
accredited Church of the. poor. The injurious conse_

quences of the neglect of years is not easily reme

died, and it will be a long time before the Establish,
ment regains its old place in the affections and confi,

deuce of the lower orders. To advocate the building
of new churches is doubtless a discreet act of policy
on the part of the priesthood ; but we tell the Bishop
of LONDON, who is the chief promoter of this scheme,

that he will be far more usefully—and we may even

add, piously—employed, in exhorting his clergy to be
more constant in their attendance on the poorer mem-
bers of their flocks, in ministering to their necessities,
consulting them in their difficulties, sympathising
with them in their sufferings, and acting towards
them in the triple capacity of guides, guardians, and
friends. The multiplication of new churches alone
will not suffice to make a people religious; this can
only be done by the zeal, the charity, the toleration
and munificence of their spiritual pastors and masters.

Mr. D'lsiunu, who, we believe, is generally con-
sidered the founder, as he is one of the chief sup-
porters, of that school of political zealots who call
themselves " Young England," has just been address-
ing his constituents at Shrewsbury in a speech not
less conspicuous by its calmness and good sense, than
by the manly, healthful tone of independence that
pervades it. Though we may differ from this gentle-
man in some of his more extreme opinions, yet it is
impossible to deny him the praise of being influenced
in his public conduct by the loftiest and most disin-
terested motives. There is nothing petty or grovel-
ling in his views; and if at times he pushes his poli-
tical theories to the verge of Quixotism, yet the error is
one that may be readily forgiven, for it originates
in the most generous impulses, and in a hard, selfish,
utilitarian age like the present, when Mammon-
worship pervades all classes of society, and lofty
principles of action are treated with supercilious con-
tempt, it is little likely to find numerous imitators. We
are by no means unqualified admirers of the doctrines
of " Young England," but mixed up with much
that is .puerile, romantic, and extravagant, there is
much that is substantially good in them—much that
appeals to the better feelings of Englishmen—much
that is calculated to elevate and purify their tone
of thought, by reviving their proudest historical
recollections, and raising them from that slough of
distrust and despondency in which the majority are at
present sunk chin-deep: But what we chiefly admire
in " Young England," is the intrepid uncompro-
mising stand which the party is making against the
fashionable Expediency system of the day—a system
which is the bane of every generous emotion, which
begins and ends in Self, and which sacrifices the
great interests of the future to the petty necessities of
the passing hour. Against this narrow, purblind rule
of action, the " Young Englanders" strenuously and
conscientiously protest. They plant their feet on
the high, broad, solid vantage-ground of prin-
ciple, and are not to be lured from their
position by the intrigues, the flattery, or
the sophistries of the expediency-mongers. The
right is with them the expedient, and they will
not allow that a shuffling, timid, evasive course of
policy, can be followed either with honour to the Go-
vernment, or advantage to the country. What they
feel strongly they express boldly ; and do not hold
one language to-day and another to-morrow, merely
to satisfy the small exigencies of the moment. They
are not Conservatives—they are not Whigs—they are
not Radicals--they are not Chartists. They do not
believe in the infallibility of Sir ROBERT PEEL, nor
do they oppose, as a matter of course, every
public measure that emanates from a Whig
workshop. They do not think it necesssary
that the agricultural and manufacturing interests
should be kept continually at variance with each
other; but, admitting the latter to be in its way as

" great a fact" as the former, they would see fair play
meted out to both. Surely there is nothing here to
which a dispassionate, thoughtful mind, need object!
The yiews are neither those of Revolutionists nor of
bigots, but simply those of men of reflection and
principle, whose feelings have been quickened, and
whose convictions have been strengthened, by the
humiliating acts of tergiversation which they have
lately witnessed among public men, and which,
instead of calling forth the unanimous disgust
of the people, have been regarded by a
large portion of them with absolute indif-
ference, if not approval, as the results of inex
orable necessity. Now the " Young England" party,
if we understand them rightly, hold as the funda-
mental article of their creed, that what is morally
wrong cannot be politically right ; and that no ne-
cessity, though it may partially excuse, can wholly
justify, a glaring dereliction of principle on the part
of public men. So far we are fully prepared to agree
with them, for the proceedings of parties on one or
two memorable occasions during the past session, hare
quite sickened us of the very mention of the term
Expediency.

Intelligence from Madrid, to the 23d inst., has been
received. A change of Ministry was still talked of,
and it was said Queen C/IRISTINA had written to
MARTINEZ DE LA RosA, the Spanish Ambassador
at Paris, requesting him to accept the office of Mi-
nister for Foreign Affairs, and it was generally be-
lieved he would yield to the desires of the QUEEN.
The military authorities waited on NARVAEZ to con-
gratulate him on his return to the capital, when the
General addressed them in a long speech, and called
on them to promote as much as possible the security
of the throne with the liberty of the country. Mr.
BULWER had arrived at Gibraltar.

Madrid Bourse on the 23d—Three per Cents. 27
for account ; Five per Cents. 20i for cash.

When the Paris papers went to press on Thursday,
neither the dispatches from the Prince DE JonivILLE
nor those from Marshal BIIGEAUD had been published,
art flln+ - im.l,4laso ry oiu
were received. Little doubt, however, exists that they
would afford the highest satisfaction both to the
Royal Family and the country. The journals are
chiefly occuped with the question of war or peace.
Those of the Opposition still madly urging on the
Government to extremities, while the others are
calmly endeavouring to bring these fire-eaters to

reason.
"We have highly blamed," says the Journal des
Debats, " the insulting and provoking language of
certain English newspapers, and we must equally
condemn such of our own journals as seem to take
pleasure in crying out for war. The Government
has declared in the most solemn manner that, in re-
pelling an unjust aggression, France did not intend
to make a conquest of Morocco, and form permanent
establishments in the country. This declaration has
all Europe for its witness, and our national good faith
for its guarantee. We add, that the Opposition itself
has become a party to it. It may then he said to be
a settled point, a word of honour, by which we are
bound. War, no doubt, may compel us to
occupy for the moment a port or town belonging to
an enemy, or even a point of his territory.
We, on this occasion, do occupy the island of Moga-
dore, and the Prince DE JOINYILLE has landed some
troops ; we will go up as far as Fez, if we should find
it necessary; we will, in fine, use every means which
war affords us ; but they will be employed only for
imposing secure terms of peace, and not for conquest ;
to obtain the reparation and guarantees to which we
are entitled, and not to aggrandise our possessions in
Africa. In saying this we say nothing but what has
been formally declared from the tribunes of the two
Chambers, and repeated by the press. Is it the Na-
tional alone that has not heard these declarations ?
How can it talk of confidential promises made to
England ? England has much better than confi-
dential promises, it has the public pledge of France !
Confidential promises might vanish with the Minis-
try that had the imprudence to make them—an
engagement entered into in the face of the Cham•
bers, and ratified by them and by public opinion, be-
comes a national obligation. It is not a concession
yielded to foreign influence, it is a resolution demanded
in our own interest. To accomplish the pacification of
Algeria, and to colonise it, is the great object of our
present efforts; and the burden of this alone is suffi-
ciently heavy for our budgets. We have nearly
100,000 men in Afrien, azsa rieberre
Morocco, we must have another 100,000 men ; and
while all the blood and treasure of France will be
absorbed by a land which cannot render any return
for a long time, what would become of our position
in Europe ?—where would be our political freedom ?
It requires no magic to answer this question. There
is no need to recur to secret and shameful compro-
mises, for explaining the resolution taken by the
French Government not to conquer and keep Mo-
rocco; it is not her interest to conquer and keep it.
She desires peace, and she will gain it by making a
barbarous people feel the superiority of her power in
arms. She will dictate her own terms of peace at
the point of the sword. Morocco has attacked us,
and the lesson to be given to her must be severe
enough to make her lose for ever all temptation to
disturb our possessions. This is the only object of
the war which we have undertaken and carried on
with so much vigour."
In reference to the affair of Otaheite the same
journal has the following remarks :
" The Bourse was again much agitated on Wednes-
day; some alarming reports were circulated, and a re-
markable fall took place. We are aware of the gravity
of the question pending between France and England—
we consider the excitement prevailing in the two coun-
tries perfectly natural. Nothing demonstrates the ne-
cessity for a good understanding better than this agita-
tion and this general uneasiness ! Whilst we reckon
upon the wisdom of the two Cabinets, we are ignorant of
the manner in which the differences will terminate, and
for no consideration would we lull to sleep public opi-
nion in presence of so serious a danger. We must, how-
ever, add, that the greater number of the reports in cir-
culation are inexact, or at least premature. It is not
true that the Government has received the ultimatum of
England. Up to the present moment there is nothing
new and nothing changed in the relations of the two Go •
vernments. As for us, our hope is ever that a pacific so-
lution will restore tranquillity to the public mind, and
that two nations, whose concord is necessary to the
world, will not rush into a fatal war from inability to
discover a means of reconciliation consistent with their
reciprocal dignity."
The other Ministerial paper, the Globe, is equally
pacific. " The situation of things," it states, " may
be delicate, but nothing ought to be added to it by
exaggerations without any serious motive. The men
who in France and England are charged with the
task of deciding the question raised between the two
countries have confidence in each other's honourable
dealing ; they have kept up, for four years, friendly
relations founded on a pacific and civilising policy ; a
fact unexpected, personal, foreign to the general
system of their policy, has occurred not to trouble
this harmony, but to occasion an incident. It cannot
be doubted that this grain of sand will soon disappear
from amongst the wheels where chance has intro-
duced it; the dispositions on both sides are friendly.
The same desire of peace exists, and a suitable solu-
tion must be expected to a difficulty evidently in a
course of being settled."
In another place, the same journal, in alluding to
the banquet given by the National Guard, says :
" There are people who imagine that they exhibit
boldness when they bawl out, and who confound energy
with brutality. In general, the democratic party falls
into this double error, and it fancies that it has not
given a proof of firmness until after having made itself
hoarse with singing the Marseillaise. A banquet was
given on Tuesday at the Opera, by a part of the National
Guard to the officers of the garrison, who had directed
the school of instruction of the legions of Paris. There
is no grand dinner without a toast, and some of the Na-
tional Guards, more patriotic than prudent, had thought
in
sults
addressed right to prepare speeches in reply to the sully
addressed by'the Times to the French navy. The Na-
tional pretends that a roll of the drums prevented the
toasts from being proposed. If the fact be exact, we
cannot but approve of it. Serious men cannot be af-
fected by all kinds of insults ; no one thinks of replying
to the invectives of a drunken man. The abuse of the
Times could not excite amongst us more than a shrug of
the shoulders ; and the English journals generally prove
that public opinion in London is impressed by the
height of dignity and disdain which had greeted in
France the correspondence of the Times. It would,
therefore, have been a great piece of childishness to ex-
change in a banquet of the National Guards ridiculous
threats with the taverns of London. The speeches that
might have been pronounced could never have been as
eloquent as silent contempt."

The Revue de Paris gives the following as a reason
for the Government not publishing the whole of the
dispatches transmitted by the Prince DE JOINVILLE.
We give it to show the spirit of the writer, but really
it is entitled to no credit :
" Great astonishment is expressed at the Ministry