The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-19 00:00:00

NEW REVOLVING LIGHT ON BERDIANKA

POINT, TAGANROG.
By the following extract of a letter received at Lloyd's
from the British Vice-Consul at Taganrog, it appears
that the fact of a new light having been placed on Ber-
dianka Point, coast of Russia, is not generally known to
mariners : _ " Taganrog, Aug. 16, 1844.

" Some masters of British vesselsls
recently arrived in
this port, have informed me that that they have been
much perplexed by the new revolving light placed on the
Berdianka Point not being marked on the chart, nor
noted in the Book of Instructions,"

DUBLIN, SEPT. 15.
MEETING OF THE REPEAL ASSOCIATION.
This day the attendance at the Repeal Association
was as crowded as upon the former occasion when
Mr. O'Connell appeared for the first time after his
imprisonment. The enthusiasm was as great, and
the same anxiety was exhibited to behold him. About
half-past twelve o'clock, the leading members of the
Committee, Mr. John O'Connell, M.P. ; Mr. Smith
O'Brien, M.P. ; Mr. N. Maher, M.P. ;
Mr. Barry,
barrister ; and Mr. M‘Nevin, barrister, took their
places at the Association amid loud cheers. They
were followed by Mr. O'Connell, and the enthusiastic
greetings which burst forth on his appearance, which
were renewed again and again, could only be at
length suppressed by his intimating his intention to
address the Association. Upon his motion, the chair
was taken by the lion. George Hely Hutchinson.
Mr. HUTCHINSON observed that, though a young
member, he was still an old repealer, although not so
old as their Liberator.—(Cheers.) From the moment
he had been able to form an opinion on the subject, and
after having studied the history of his country, he had
decided in his own mind that the measure the most dis-
astrous that had ever been entailed upon this Country
had been the legislative union between England and
Ireland.--(Cheers.) Some five•andstwenty years had
passed over his head since he had come to this opinion,
and everything that had since occurred had only tended
to strengthen that opinion, and increased his determina-
tion to do the utmost that lay in his power in doing
away with a measure that had entailed so much of
misfortune and disgrace upon his country.—(Hear,
hear.) How often had he, when stretched upon
the bed of sickness, wept over the wrongs per-
petrated on Ireland by the English Government, and
how often had he read with delight of the means pro-
posed by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for the re-
peal of the union, as those calculated to be the salvation
of their country. The union had been imposed upon
them in a moment of weakness. It was perfectly well
known to every person who had studied the history of
the period, that the rebellion of '9B, if not got up, had
been fostered by the Government of the day, and the
worst means were resorted to for the purpose of carry-
ing that measure. Bribery to the greatest extent had
been practised—intimidation was enforced, and all the
guarantees of the constitution were done away with, and
that for the purpose of carrying this most iniquitous
measure. Their country was reduced from a country
into a province. The greatest promises were held out
to them. Commerce was to be extended, manufactures
to be encouraged, fisheries were to be made to flourish.
and it was promised that they should be placed on an
equality with England in all their commercial transac-
tions. So far from these promises having been realised,
the measure had entailed upon them political degrada-
tion, and upon the people the greatest social misery.—
( Hear, hear.) During the period of five-and-forty years,
which the union had now lasted, England had given
them Coercion Bills—it had given them Arms tills, it
had suspended the Habeas Corpus Act, for the purpose
of putting down the expression of public feeling.—
(Hear.) And what had been the result of all this ?
That they had in a great measure been deprived of their
political liberties, and the country reduced to the lowest
state of impoverishment. And why was all this ? Be-
cause from the moment that the union took place, as
a matter of course, the gentry of the country aban-
doned it ; their farming interests decayed, their
manufactures were ruined, and the tradesmen of that
great city were reduced to the lowest state of
misery. But this was not all. There was not fair
competition on the part of England with respect to
their commercial transactions. A system of fraud
was resorted to fur the purpose of spreading abroad the
notion that Ireland was a country in which it was im-
possible for a man to lire, and in which capital could not
be safely placed ; and thus capital was prevented from
being embarked in commercial enterprises in Ireland.
Such was the state to which the country was reduced,
that, he declared, on landing ten years ago at Kings-
town, for the purpose of presenting his wife—a foreigner,
to his family, that his cheek was suffused with shame
and indignation on seeing the miserable and degraded
state of the peasantry; for, instead of seeing a popula-
tion decently clothed and fed, he found none but miser-
able and starving wretches. It was not necessary for
him to enter into an explanation on this subject, but
.
a place built for 80.000 inhabitants, and occupied but by
30,000. For such a state of things the remedy had been
found by the great Liberator, under whose guidance he
had the honour to place himself, and that was the repeal
of the legislative union between the two countries.—
(Cheers.) It was he who had formed, and given life to
the Repeal Association, and animated it with his own
vigour. During the imprisonment of the Learned Gen-
tleman it had been guided by another gentleman, who
was then there—(Cheers)—but then, when they were
thus proceeding in a course of conciliation, it was said
by their opponents, the Whigs, " Why seek for repeal?
—we are ready to increase the number of representa-
tives—we are ready to increase the number of the con-
stituents in counties and towns of Ireland—we are will-
ing to give you a large grant for public education, and to
build for you Catholic universities." All these things
were excellent in their way ; but none of them went to
the root of the evil. One of the evils of increasing
the number of representatives would be, to add to the
number of absentees, and having some fifty or sixty
thousand pounds more spent in London, and withdrawn
from Ireland. It was evident that these measures, how-
ever excellent, would not affect that which was the pur-
pose of that Association. At least such was his opinion
of them, if he did not greatly mistake their views. It
was impossible for any one of all these measures to re-
store them to their manufactures. None of them afforded
the means of doing justice to the country, and of raising
it from the degradation in which it was now plunged.
The people of England, he remarked, were beginning
to discover how difficult it was to manage the affairs of
the three kingdoms. The English Parliament had quite
enough to do to attend to its own affairs ; and the con-
sequence was, that at the end of the session many Bills
had to be laid aside, or were passed in the most slovenly
manner. There were only two courses open for the Eng-
lish Government—either to proceed with further steps of
coercion, or something which was still more dangerous,
in his opinion, and that was the arrival of the Whigs in
power, and the using on their part of bribery and
treachery. The Whigs had always professed great
things ; but he did hope that forewarned was forearmed,
and that now, if this attempt were made, it would not
succeed; but that determined they would stand together,
and never abandon the cause of repeal. There were two
reasons why they must succeed. One was that they
would not resort to violence, but continue in the course
which their groat leader had marked. The second was,
that the holy war in which they were engaged called
down Almighty. In conclusion, he
a
all
with peace and perseverance,
conciliating blessings
they could not but succeed.—(Cheers.)
The SECRETARY having :read,. the minutes of the last
day's proceedings,
Mr. O'CONNELL rose and handed in 4/. Os. 6d. from
said that. ththate,
Edinburgh, and in doing so said he would avail himself of
that opportunity of calling the attention of the repeal
wardens of Scotland to the existence of secret societies
amongst the Irish there. He was very sorry to learn
that they had formed societies under the detested name
of • Ribbonmen," for he had known Ribbonism do more
mischief to the cause of Ireland than any other faction
whatever. They had also in Scotland other secret so-
cieties under the name of United Irishmen," and he
believed also of " Rechabites." It would be necessary
for the repeal wardens of Scotland to take care that the
names of any repealers who may'belong to these asso-
ciations shall be at once erased from their books. It
was astonishing that people who were so shrewd as the
Irish should persevere in maintaining secret societies,
which could only be productive of mischief: His coun-
trymen were in general but too ready to boast of what
they considered
their good actions. They never put a
bushel over their good deeds, and secresy in any of their
societies or meetings, therefore, proved that their object
could not be good or beneficial. He felt it due to those
deluded men, to let them know that every one of them
who joined a secret society rendered himself liable to
transportation by the law of the land, and placed himself
at the mercy of spies and bloodsuckers • The Honour-
able and Learned Gentleman then moved the suspension
of the standing order, and a resolution that it be referred
to the general committee to prepare an address to the
Irish in Scotland, warning them against joining the secret
societies to which he had alluded.
The motions were carried unanimously.
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL read a letter from Mr. John
Augustus O'Neill, of Bunowen Castle, apologising for his
absence at this critical but auspicious moment. It was
with regret he
had to state that it was a dangerous ill-
ness that deprived them of the very able assistance of
Mr. O'Neill.
Mr. O'Cor•rELL bore testimony to the worth and ser-
vices of Mr. O'Neill. He had been a Conservative and
an Orangemen, and had joined them at a moment when
such an accession was of great moment. He considered
Mr. O'Neill entitled to the gratitude of the people of
Ireland.
Mr. WILSON GRAY handed in 201 from Detroit ; and
said that, being a member of the press, and not a member
of the Association, he regretted he could not move the
insertion of the names of the subscribers in the books of
the Association.
Mr. O'CONNELL said, that being a member of the Asso-
ciation—(Laughter)—and as he intended to continue so
for time, at least till they had a Parliament in College-
green—(Cheers)—he would discharge the agreeable
duty of moving the inse
• rtion of the names on their books,
and at the same time move the thanks of the Associa-
tion to the repealers of Detroit for their patriotism and
liberality.,

unsuccessful competitors.
" The Committee will not hold themselves bound to
award the prizes, or any of them, unless the essays sent
in by competitors shall be of such a character as to
render their publication advisable, with a view to the ad-
vancement of the cause of repeal. The Committee re-
serve the right of publishing the prize essays at the ex-
pense of the Association, without the interferepee of any
claims of copyright.
" It is suggested that the authors should state and re-
fute the arguments which may be advanced against the
establishment of a domestic legislature for Ireland; that
they should state fully the arguments for repeal; that.
they should develope a form of executive and legislative
constitution calculated to secure the happiness of the
Irish people, and to promote unity of feeling between the
constituent parts of the British empire; that they should
illustrate the international relations which they propose
shall hereafter subsist between Great Britain and Ire-
land, by examples taken from the existing institutions of
other countries; and, in particular, that they should
examine how far the constitution of Norway, and its
connexion with Sweden, may serve as a model for the

_ ~ ....
new constitution of Ireland; that they should describe
- - - • •

the probable consequences which may be expected to
result from a repeal of the union—pointing out the
dangers to be apprehended, and the means by which
those dangers may be averted.
" N.B. These suggestions are not obligatory, and are
meant only to intimate the sort of essay which the Com-
mittee consider would be most useful.

" The essays are not to exceed in length 200 pages of
the ordinary size and print used in the reports of the
Repeal Association.
" The Committee, in awarding these prizes according
to the comparative excellence of the essays, will not hold
themselves responsible for the sentiments which they
contain.

" Judges appointed:—Mr. John O'Connell, M.P.; Mr.
Thomas Davis; and Mr. Wm. Smith O'Brien, M.P."
Mr. O'BRIEN then said that the object of the Associa-
tion in giving the notice he had just read was for the
purpose of directing the attention of the intelligent
minds of this country to all that could be said for and

against the repeal Of the union. They were satisfied
they had truth on their side, and were confident that any
thinking man who weighed the subject with philosophical
impartiality would arrive at the conclusion that the
union should be repealed.—(Hear.) The people had
been listening to arguments why the existing union
should be repealed, but they had not as yet heard what
was to be said on the contrary side, and their object was
to enlighten the people of this country. The question
was an open one, whether they should have a separate
Legislature or a federal Parliament ; whether they
should stand in the same relation to England as Sweden
to Norway. He was glad the leaders of the Association
had not pressed any particular form of Government on
the attention of the people ; their sole object was to
secure that which would be to ensure the happiness and
prosperity of the coantry.—(Hear, hear.) In England
it was received as an axiom that repeal meant separa-
tion;• but he would assert, on the other hand, that repeal
was essential to the integrity of the empire.—(Cheers.)
It mattered little, however, what they thought, as the
event could be accomplished, not through the interven-
tion of English opinion, but by the exertions of Irish-
men. There was a ♦ast difference between the Catholic

question and the repeal. Many had great and selfish
reasons for opposing the former, but every man who had
any regard for their mutual welfare should support the
latter.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman

then proceeded to point out the many advantages which
a resident Legislature would confer on Ireland—
dwelling on the evils of absenteeism, the constant drain
of money from this country, the removal of the public
offices, and the monopolisation of those offices by Eng-
lish and Scotch, and the unequal representation of the
two countries. He then contended that the fear of losing
these advantages was the sole reason of the hostility of
Englishmen to the repeal, and should, consequently
prove as an argument for Irishmen to seek for it. He
then proceeded to say that the time would shortly come
when the alternative would be proposed to English states-
men—Repeal or Separation.—(Cheers.) For his part, he
would certainly oppose anything having a tendency to
separation, but in spite of the efforts of an O'Connell,
O'Brien, and other leaders, the alternative would come
—Repeal or Separation. Under, these circumstances,
he would contend that the advocates of repeal were the
true friends'of the Connexion between • the, countries.—
(Cheers.) It was, therefore foiqbe purpose of enlight-
ening the people thAt the. ,docanvttee, lead come to the
conclusion of disser9inatink the-:eSsays lie, had alluded
to ; and he would be surprised; indeed, if the prizes that
were proposed did "pet calf forth An amount of talent
that would do credtt to the national genius. The Hon.
Gentleman then cqncluded by submitting his motion to
the meeting. ti

Mr. 11. GRATTAN seconded the motion, and wished'
in doing so, to ask their Chairman whether he had heard
of any communication or announcement from the Go-
vernment of compensation to his Hon. and Learned
Friend and his brother prisoners for the great injustice
done them, or of redress to the constitution of
their country, that had been so grossly violated in
Vieir persons? He saw in the late proceedings an im-
provement on the old principle of one law fur the rich
and another for the poor, for he the re saw that the
Government had one law for England, and another for
Ireland. He was determined never to sleep in quiet, or
to feel a moment's peace of mind, until he saw signal
punishment inflicted on the perpetrators of such out-
rages on the constitution. He would say that it was
impossible the proceedings that had taken place in the
law courts in that country could be justified. It was,
he would say, folly to suppose that the Recorder, sitting
in his court, could not know or find out who it was that
had stolen the jury list. Would the people of England
then assist them in insisting on the impeachment of the
Ministers and the others concerned in such injustice ?
He would maintain that the proceedings that had re-
cently taken place had brought disgrace on the adminis-
t-ation of justice, and that no man could at this moment
enter the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland, and feel
for an instant that his life, his liberty, or his property,
was safe under such management as they saw there car-
ried on. If such proceedings had been attempted in Eng-
land, the perpetrators know that their heads would pay
the forfeit of their crimes. After some further remarks
in a similar strain, the Hon. Gentleman continued to
state that he would intentionally abstain from referring
to other exciting topics that pressed upon his mind, and
that prudence cautioned him against approaching. He
then quoted the opinion of Lord Erskine on the value
and importance of maintaining inviolate the sacredness
of trial by jury, and expressed his decided opinion that
the rebellion of 1798 had been intentionally fomented and
brought about in Ireland by the Government of the day,
fur the purpose of effecting the legislative union between
the two countries.
A deputation, consisting of three gentlemen from
Liverpool, here presented an address to Mr. O'Connell,
congratulatory on his liberation.
At Mr. O'Connell's request, the reading of the address
did not take place in the Association.
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose amidst loud cheers, and
proceeded to say that it was his duty to call the atten-
tion of the Association to the matters of which he had
given notice on the last day of meeting. They were,
perhaps, too buoyant in their spirits on that day to re-
gulate with care and consideration the mighty concerns
of the nation ; for the concerns of Ireland were now in
their hands.—(Hear, and cheers.) They were arrived
at a period when, if they acted with discretion, and pru-
dence, and propriety, the repeal of the union was not
only certain, but near at hand.—(Cheers.) He even
doubted whether they were able to spoil their cause; in any
case it was in a prominent and a powerful situation, and he
also knew that an awful responsibility hung over them.
The liberty of Ireland was at stake ; the prosperity of
the people of Ireland was at stake ; the restoration to
Ireland of her national Parliament was at stake. All
the blessings that the Constitution can give, and, above
all, the combination of the different sects and persuasions
in one bond of Christian charity and affection, all these
important concerns were now at stake. They had ar-
rived at a time when they could be free if they deserved
it, and conducted themselves accordingly.—(Cheers.)
They were then somewhat more sober than they had
been last week.—(Laughter.) They had been, then,
naturally warm with the triumph which they had ob-
tained, but more sober thoughts had come upon them
since. Every thought and reflection which he since had
convinced him more and more that the hour of liberty
was at hand, and that they should be free, if they con-
ducted themselves as freemen ought to do.—(Cheers.)
Their Chairman had said well, that their first duty was
conciliation. They had every encouragement to conci-
liate those who were opposed to them. If they looked
at the transactions of the last twelve months, they would
see that there was springing up at every side a disposi-
tion amongst Irishmen to combine one with another. He
would take his own individual case. When the verdict
was found against him, in a manner which he need not
then describ, there was no triumph exhibited on the
part of those who were called the Orange faction. There
was no Orange lodge illuminated—no Orange proces-
sion marcheeforth, in commemoration of the triumph—
there were no drunken orgies—no toasts of" To hell
with the Pope and O'Connell."—(Laughter.) There
was nothing of that kind done ; but three years ago
the thing would have been very different. It was
but a little more than that time since he risked
his life in going along the Queen's highway to
Belfast.—(Hear, and cheers.) Three years ago the
North would have been in 12.1aze
_d_tsien,mb
slightest kind. Such neutrality, if it went no further,
was a matter that they ought to hail as a harbinger of
better days to Ireland.—(Cheers.) He rejoiced in that
neutrality. He was grateful for it. He thanked the
Orangemen for their forbearance, and he expressed his
strongest gratitude to them for that proof that they were
becoming more Irish than they had been formerly, and
that they, at least to his sense, held out a prospect of
better days for their common country.—(Hear.) But
what had since occurred ? Since he had been liberated
had the popular triumph been marked by any discontent
on the part of those who opposed them ? Had there
been any meeting held to express their resentment at the
manner in which the ultimate success of the cause of the
prisoners had been attained, or to disparage the conduct
of those through whom that success had been announced?
It was quite the contrary. He was proud to say that he
hal received the congratulations of persons who had been
formerly opposed to him, and whose polities were even
yet not identified with his. He was proud to say that
many who would formerly rejoice in his conviction, had
joined in the illuminations that had followed his libera-
tion.—(Cheers.) These were excellent symptoms, and
they ought to do everything to ensure a continuance of
them, by reciprocating the kindliness that was extended
towards them by those who were formerly opposed to
them. But in addition, had they not the most perfect
tranquillity on the part of the people ? He saw his
Learned Friend (Mr. O'Hea) near him, who had at-
tended a ease at the Tullamore sessions, reported in the
Freeman's Journal of that morning, which served as an
instance of that feeling. The people had been lighting
a bonfire in a place where the law permitted them to
light it, when a single policeman interfered to prevent
them. The people at once obeyed him, even though he
was acting illegally, and separated peaceably -towards
their homes. The case would come before the Go-
vernment, as it could not rest where it then was, but
he mentioned it as showing that the people of Tulla-
more were deserving of the warmest thanks of the
country for their conduct.—(Hear, hear.) The first
subject which he had to bring Wore the Association, in
pursuance of the notice of motion which he had given on
the last day of meeting, was, that it be referred to the
Committee to report on the necessity of holding the
Clontarf meeting.—(Cheers.) He had preceded the an-
nouncement of that subject by describing the increasing
disposition of mutual forbearance among all classes of
the community as one of the strongest motives for regu-
lating the future conduct of the Association in calling
that meeting. His own opinion was, that the Clontarf
meeting was now unnecessary, and he was sure, if it be
not necessary, it ought not to be persevered in, as it
would be considered to have too much the appearance of
triumph and defiance. That meeting had been legally
convened—its purposes and its objects were legal, and
its suppression was unjustified by law and unsanctioned
by any constitutional principle. Need they now vindi-
cate that principle ? He thought not ; and that for this
reason, that the indictment itself had done so. The five
first counts of the indictment declared their meetings to
be illegal, but the counsel for the Crown were obliged,
in open Court, to consent that these counts should be
pronounced falsehoods, and that they should be acquitted
of the charges of holding illegal meetings. The princi-
ple was, therefore, already established, and they were,
therefore, under no necessity of vindicating it. They
would thus show to their fellow-countrymen, of every
religious persuasion, their anxiety to take no step in
promoting the repeal cause that is not absolutely neces-
sary for its success. He would impress this upon his
Protestant fellow-countrymen. But why should be
mention them, when he had more Protestant gentlemen
sitting near him than Catholics?—(Hear' and Cheers.)—
They had forty-one monster meetings. They held them
with perfect tranquillity and the absence of the slight-
est breaches of the peace or violation of order. Not
even a single accident occurred at any of them—their
purpose being to show to the British Parliament and to
the people of England the conviction of the great ma-
jority of the Irish nation that their country was misgo-
verned,___ and that the union ought to be repealed. They
had demonstrated that completely, and, therefore, though
he would go through the form of referring the sub-
ject 1
to the Committee on account of its importance,
it
would be with the anticipation that the Committee would
, decide as he had done, that the Clontarf meeting would
not now be necessary.—(Hear, hear.) The next subject
to which he had to refer was the formation of a Preser-
vative Society. He; thought that society ought to be
formed of men who would make a sacrifice for the ser
vice of their country, and he thought it would be well
that they should be entirely distinct from and uncon-
trolled by the other. He wanted to give the principle
of fixity to their arrangements, and to remove the im-
pression that any of the institutions of the country were
to be injn'ed or disturbed by: the repeal of the Act of
Union. If there was one thing that Would tend more
than a'iother to inspire confidence, it would be in having
persons of property formed together in an association for
the re-establishment of an Irish Parliament. He agreed
with his friends Mr. Grattan and Mr. O'Brien, that a
continuance of the union would cause a real danger to
property, but he did not go so far as Mr. O'Brien when
he said that he would resist separation as long as he
could resist it. For his (Mr. O'Connell's) part he would
never consent to separation under any circumstances,
and he would give up the repeal to-morrow irhe thought
it would lead to such a result. On the contrary, one of
his reasons for working for the repeal was, that he was
most firmly convinced that it would be the only means of
maintaining the connexion between the two countries.

Jral
ex-
tracts from Mr. Gray Porter's pamphlet on federalism,
in support of the same opinions, and then continued to
say that the Preservative Society, acting like a kind of
House cf Lords, would, when brought into operation, be
most advantageous in rentoelne all false impressions and
alarms from the minds of the randed proprietors of the
country. The third subject which its had to bring forward,
was that of the impeachment of the Minletry, With respect
to the Judges, he thought the better come would be
to have an address to the Crown from both Moises o f
Parliament for their removal, as was the case in to
removal of Sir Jonah Barrington. That would be the;
most constitutional principle, as it would require an in-
quiry before Parliament in the first instance. He had?
himself seen two instances in t' hich danger to property-
' was anticipated, but in which no danger had followed..
When the Catholic Emancipation was first discussed, he
heard in the House of Commons—where he ought not
to have been—more than one gentleman declare that
the property of Protestants would be endangered, and
its influence shaken to its centre—that claims weuld he
made upon the forfeited property, and that many of the
Roman Catholics had preserved the title deeds to these
lands, if the Emancipation Act were carried. That Aa.t
was carried. The Irish people had carried it, and that
at a time, too, when the supporters of the cause could
not have collected in a fortnight as many gentlemen as
were now reporting around the table. What was the
consequence ? Had property, he asked, been injured ?
Had the forfeited lands been claimed ? Had Protestant
influence been lessened ?—(Cheers.) No ; none of these
things happened, and no apprehension had ever been see
futile (except that of the speedy carrying of the repeal
of the union), as the fear that such things could occur.
—(Cheers.) Iu opposing the Reform Bill, it was said
that, if successful, it would shake the old institutions of
the country, be the author of many evils, break up the
common law right of representatieu, and violate those
rights which made property secure. It was said, ire
fact, "if you pass this Bill, you deprive every man of
the value of hie property by depriving him of the exer-
cise of its rights." The result showed the fallacy of
those f ars. As in 1782 the restoration of Ireland to
her rights had, instead of diminishing the value of pro-
perty, just produced the contrary effect ; and it eras a
notorious fact, that in no country in the world had 03-
perty so much increased in value as in Ireland subse-
quent to 1782.—(Cheers.) Now, it was important that
those who thought that the value or stability of property
would be injured by repeal, should become acquainted with
it and he told them emphatically that the repeal would not
injure either one or the other—(Cheers)—but that by it
the Irish people would have the benefit of Irish taxation,
and he did not think that man worth conciliating who
did not think that worth striving for.—(Cheers.) He
wouli now come to the address to the people of England,
and the impeachment of the Attorney-General.—(Loud
cheers.) There was no need for him to enter into the
details of the trial ; but he wanted to know this : They
had heard much of English sympathy.—(Hear, hear.)
He was 'oathd with letters telling him he was wrong in
fixing en the English people the faults of their governors,
and that he should not have used such harsh language
towards them. Now, he must remind the English people,
with all respect, that they had borne with the greatest
patience with the Times when it lavished the foulest
abuse upon their Irish brethren, and called their priest-
hood " surpliced ruffians—hooded incendiaries—monkish
assassins," and themselves a" felonious multitude."— (Loud
cheering.) Now, if he called them Saxons, was it not a
very mitigated term, compared with the language he had
quoted from the Times, at the period when writing the
\Vhigs out and the Tories in, which it mainly succeeded
in by exciting a spirit of anti-Irishism and a No-Popery
cry in England.—(Cheers.) Saxon was no term of re-
proach. It was an honoured name, and the purest por-
tion of liberty, was derived from Saxon laws and institu-
tions—the Parliamentary system, trial by jury—(Cheers)
—and the shrievalty.—(Cheers.) But even if it were a
disgraceful name, was not " felonious multitude" rather
worse ?—(Loud cheers.) Was not " hooded assassins"
as bad as " Saxon ?" Was not " monkish tyrants" and
" surpliced ruffians" quite as strong as Saxon ?—(Loud
cheers.) But I'd tell Englishmen what I'll do, said the
lion. Gentleman—l'll make a bargain with them. Let
them forgive me " Saxon," and I'll forgive the compli-
ments of the Times.—(Cheers and laughter.) I will re-
mind you how I was received in England during the dis-
cussion of the writ of error. I was received most kindly,
and cheered in my exertions. Mr. O'Connell proceeded
to eulogise the Covent-garden Theatre dinner, and the
warmth of his reception at various times in England.
lie was, he continued, now arrived at the time when he
should test the English.—(Cheers.) There should be no
more discussion, one way or another, as to what their
feelings towards Ireland were.—(Cheers.) On this
question they would either join Ireland or not, and, one
way or another, the public mind would be tested.—
(Loud cheers.) He told England, from that place, that
if she joined them they would do her ample justice, and
would sound her praise in shouts whose echoes
should reach themselves again. They would pray
that she might be great and powerful—that she might
obtain every advantage in peace and victory in war.
—(Cheers.) lie promised them in return the lion heart
and stout hand of Ireland. He promised them her
:slowing intellect and the congregation of her virtues—
her temperance, her morality, her chastity.—(Loud
cheers.) He promised them the whole of these, if they
joined Ireland in obtaining the victory over injustice.—
(Cheers.) He had a right to expect it. Supposing that
the Member for the East Riding of Yorkshire and the
Member fee- B dh, Mr. Wilson of the Corn-law League,
and the propriee:rs of ilia Mornieg Chronicle, Adrertiser,
and Globe, as well as time Secretary to the League, were
indicted together, hurled inti a dock together, not al-
lowed to appear by attorney, but treated like so many
WireCM, Instediree,-- rify'rhtreilictsel
tenants of the Marquis of Buckingham, selected by the
Marquis himself—that they were sent to gaol for three
months without a shadow of law to warrant it, as seven
of his friends were—for where, he asked, was the
authority to do it ?—what right was there to do it ?
(Great cheering)—what a cry would have been raised
from one end of England to the other : the very stones
in her streets would have raised their voices.—(Tre-
mendous applause.) The English had a quick way of
remedying injustice. Had such a thing occurred there,
the people would have raised one universal cry, and in-
stead of asking for inquiry, would demand where was
St. James's or Buckingham Palace ?—(Cheers.) Eng-
land would have vindicated justice, and, turning out her
myriads, she would have driven her tyrants from their
seats, however ldfty.—(Loud cheers.) Now, was the
Member for Yorkshire in any way a more free-born
subject than his son John ? As for himself, he was
born in slavery ; but his son was born free : or was he
not as much entitled to protection as the Member for
Bath ?—(Grear cheerieg.) If not, what became of the
union.—(Renewed applause.) Let the people of England
give up the humbugging idea of deluding Ireland, and
either join her heart and hand, or allow her to consider
them as her bitterest enemy.--(Loud cheering.) Her
bitterest enemy, he said, because England stood be-
tween them and her oppressors, and would not re-
main neutral. England, however, must now take a
part with them or against them.—(Loud cheers.)
He offered her ,the allegiance of the Irish people, which
would make Louis Philippe tremble on his throne, and
would wipe away the disgrace of Mogadore. But he
bad his price. He was to be bribed, and his bribe was
justice.—(Cheers.) In return for that he would make
England the greatest of nations.—(Cheers.) He was
amused with a passage of the judgment of the House of
Lords, wherein they commanded that he and his fellows
" should be restored to all that they had lost."—(Cheers
and laughter.) There was the solemn judgment of the
House of Lords for them.—(Laughter.) How could
they give him back three months of
.his life ?—(Cheers
and laughter.) An inch was a good deal in a man's
nose, and three months was something at his time of life.
—(Cheers and laughter.) They might stop the clock,
but not the flood of time. What could they do ? They
could punish the authors of the wrong, whom he would
be ready to forgive when they acknowledged their
offences. Having alluded to the peaceable state of the
country, and ridiculed the idea of a Coercion Bill, and of
his abstaining from agitation, as recommended in The
Sun, Mr. O'Connell proceeded to argue that he had been
convicted of fifteen crimes by the jury, where only five
were charged against him. A gentleman had asked him
the day the verdict was returned if it was really true,
and on hearing that it was so, he asked him (Mr. O'Con-
nell), have the jury convicted you of the murder of the
Italian boy ? No, said he (Mr. O'Connell), because
they were not asked.—(Roars of laughter.) Having re-
ferred to other circumstances of the State trials, and in-
veighed against Judge Burton and the other judges, the
Learned Gentleman concluded a lengthened speech by a
vivid picture of the triumph of the Irish people when
their Parliament should be restored to them, amidst the
loudest applause.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN moved a vote of thanks to
Counsellors Mackey and Burke for their gratuitous ser-
vices at the late registering sessions for the city of
Dublin. Through the exertions of these gentlemen s
large majority had been obtained on the registry, and
this fact ought to prove to the citizens of Dublin that
they had it in their power to rescue the city
from their opponents. The Hon. Gentleman then went
into the subject of the registry generally, and hoped that
through the exertions of the Association, the country, at
the next general election, would be enabled to return
from 80 to 100 Members representing repeal principles.
Mr. O'CoNzenne. seconded the motion, and observed
that the gentlemen mentioned were deserving the grati-
tude of the Association for the example of disinterest-
edness which they had afforded.
A vote of thanks, moved by Mr. S. O'Barsx, and se-
conded by Mr. O'CONNELL, was then passed to Mr.
Crean, the assistant secretary of the Association, for the
efficient manner in which he had discharged the duties
of his office during the incarceration of Mr. Ray.
Mr. Daniel O'Connell and Mr. Ray bore testimony to
the efficiency of Mr. Crean.
Passed with acclamation.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he would, on the
next day of meeting, move that a second copy of the in-
structions to repeal wardens be forwarded to each repeal
warden ie Ireland, for the purpose of furnishing the
constabulary in his neighbourhood.
After some further business had been disposed of, Mr.
O'Connell announced the rent for the week to be 7151.
The meeting then adjourned.
Mr. O'Connell does not leave Dublin until this day
fortnight.
PROVINCIAL ADDRESSES to MR. O'CONNELL.
DUBLIN, SEPT. 16.—Several additional meetings have
been held, and more have been convened, to address Mr.'
O'Connell upon his liberation and triumph.
SLIGO.—On Friday there was a special meeting of the
corporation of Sligo, in the Town-hall, at which the
Mayor, Michael Gallaher, Esq., presided. On the EI:10•
tion of Alderman Sherlock, seconded by Martin Madden;
Esq., ex-mayor, an address to Mr. O'Connell was unani-
mously adopted.
CLONMEL.—A very numerous meeting of the inha-
bitants of this important commercial town was held yes-
terday, the mayor presiding, when an address to Mr.
O'Connell was adopted. . . .