The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-21 00:00:00

larger proportion of the agricultural population.—
(Hear, hear.) Exactly in the same proportion as the
number of persons employed in agriculture have dimin-
ished, the number of those employed in manufactures
have increased. I find that, so early as 1570,
nearly three hundred years ago, some account was
taken of the population of the country. I find it was
then pretty nearly apportioned in the different parts
of the country. The country was divided into two
separate portions, the agricultural portion being one,
and the manufacturing and commercial portion the
other ; and it happened, singularly enough, that what
may be called the manufacturing portion took in
fourteen counties, occupying an area of the country
which was one-third of the whole of these counties.
Now, the agricultural portion included 29 counties,
being two-thirds of the area of the country. Now,
in 1570 the population was divided into the same
proportions. The commercial counties were one-
third, and the agricultural counties were two-thirds.
The number of the population at that time in the
area of one-third occupied by the manufacturing por-
tion was 1,239,000 ; in the area of two-thirds occupied
by the agricultural portion the amount was '2,498,000,
being as nearly as possible one-third and two-thirds ;
but in 1801, the proportions were altered, and in the
manufacturing counties, which was one-third of the
country, the population amounted to 2,900,000, while
in the agricultural counties, occupying two-thirds of
the country, the amount of population was 4,400,000,
not quite equally divided, there being 47 per cent. of
the population in the one-third of the country occu-
pied by manufacturers, and 53 per cent. for the two-
thirds occupying the agricultural counties. This
was very unfair as compared with the different areas,
but at each successive period the prop4tion was
more unfair. In 1811 the proportion devoted to com-
merce and manufactures was 48 per cent. In 1821
it was 49 per cent. In 1831 it was 52 per cent., being
more than one-half of the whole. In 1841 it was 54
per cent.—that is eight per cent. more than half of the
whole, while it was only 46 per cent. for the part de-
voted to agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) This is a
manifest benefit to the whole country.—(Hear,
hear.) We know that the population of the
country will increase. We know, from melancholy
statements which have been lately made public—of
which there has been no denial, no refutation—that
the agricultural counties are overburdened with popu-
lation.—(Hear, hear.) We have lamentable accounts
of cottages so crowded with people that they suffer
both in health and morals.—(Hear, hear.) What,
therefore, can be more advantageous for the agricul-
tural districts than that that portion of the country
devoted to manufactures, which occupies only one-
third, should be able to absorb the superfluous agri-
cultural population ?—(Hear.) That this is a great
advantage to the agriculturists themselves will appear
thus, that the poor-rates in the manufacturing coun-
ties are less in proportion than the poor-rates in the
agricultural oounties. I have not been able to get
the returns of the total poor's-rate for a later period
than 1841 ; but that, you will recollect, was the time
when the census was taken. From this, it appears
that the poor's-rate paid in the manufacturing coun-
ties, occupying only one-third of the area of the
whole country, but containing more than half of the
whole population, was only 42 per cent., while
the poor s-rate in the agricultural counties, occupying
two-thirds of the area of the country, but containing
only 46 per cent. of the population, was 58 per cent.
of the whole poor's-rate of the kingdom.—(Hear,
hear.) The remit is, that the poor's-rate in the com-
mercial and manufacturing counties is only 4s. 10d.
per head, whereas in the agricultural counties
it amounts to 7s. 10d. per head.—(Hear, hear.)
'Fheiefore I say that the manufacturers, and the ma-
nufacturing interest of the country, are deserving of
the support of the country, not only for the sake
of the good things which they bring us from abroad,
and which they have obtained in exchange for the
products of their industry which they have exported,
but for the actual good which they do to
the great bulk of the country, particularly
to the agricultural portion of the country—(Cheers)—
by absorbing the increased population which must
otherwise become a burden upon the country at large,
morst particularly upon the agricultural portions of it,
so as to become very injurious to the proprietors, and
likewise to the people themselves, who form a portion
of this increasing population.—(Hear, hear.)
There is also another good, on account of which,
I say, the manufacturing interest deserves the sup-
port of all classes of the people of this kingdom;
and that is the great skill, the great ingenuity, the
great activity, the great science, the great perse-
verance, and the great industry which they exhibit in
improvements which they are daily introducing into
their machinery, so that those necessaries of life
which pass through their mills are gradually be-
coming cheaper, and more within the reach of
persons of small means.—(Loud cheers.) This
appears in a still more remarkable manner
when we consider the increased value of agricultural
produce.—(Cheers.) I may be allowed here to say,
that I am the less unwilling to institute these sorts of
comparisons, because I am myself wholly and solely
connected with the agricultural interest—(lmmense
cheering)—and I have no connexion, except by pos:

se6sing the acquaintance, and, I believe,.the good-will
of many gentlemen connected with the manufacturing
districts—except, I say, that I possess their acquaint-
ance, and, I believe good-will, I have no connexion
whatever with the manufacturing part of the coun-
try.—(Renewed cheering.) Many gentlemen who
are present here to-night, I will not say many ladies,
because to these things ladies are not, perhaps, much
in the habit of paying attention—(A laugh)—but

many gentlemen present know that annually returns
are made to Parliament of the value of the exports of

the kingdom. In these returns there are two
columns, one representing the official value of
the goods exported and the other representing
the real, or the declared value. Now, about 150

years ago, in the year 1694, the practice first com-
menced of entering in the books at the Custom-house
the value of the exports of the country, and a certain
sum of money was put down opposite each as its va-
lue per lb. or per cwt. at that period. That has never
varied up to the present period, but the real value of
these articles has varied very much. Of course, it is very
desirable to know the real value of the exports also ;
and for many years past, the practice has been to give
in these returns the declared value as well as the
official value. The declared value is the real value
at the present time; the official value, of course, gives
you no idea of what the real value of any commodity
is at the present moment, but it shows what
would have been its value in the year 1694.
Now, it appears from these returns, and by com-
paring the declared with the official values,l the value
of manufactured articles has since the year 1694 de-
creased 60 per cent., whilst on the other hand agri-
cultural produce has increased in value 143 per cent. ;
so that any given amount of agricultural produce
which in the year 1694 was worth 1001. is now worth
2431., while any given amount of manufactured goods
which in 1694 was worth 100/., is now not worth
more than 401.—(Hear, hear.) Now, after this I
think that the agriculturists ought at least not to
complain.—(Loud cheers.) The result of all this is,
that at the present moment agricultural produce of
the value of 1001. will purchase as much manufac- j
turing produce as 6001. worth would in 1694. Now,
I really think that ought to make the agriculturists
rather wish that manufactures should thrive and
flourish—(Cheers)—and if it does not make them do
so, Jam sure I donot knew what will.—(Loud cheers.)
The benefit is all on their side certainly.—(Renewed
cheering.) For these reasons lam anxious, and I
think that the country ought to be anxious also, that
manufactures should flourish, and it was in order to
profess that anxiety and to state the reasons why I
felt it, that I accepted the offer which was made to
me to address you from this place.—(Loud cheers.)
If I am not wearying you—(Cheers and cries of
"Go on")—I would wish to state to you two other
reasons why I came here this evening.— (Loud cheers.)
The first is that I felt great anxiety to express here,
in the strongest possible manner, my adhesion to
what are now called the principles of free trade.—
(Immense cheering.) I believe that on the carrying
out of those principles the happiness and welfare of
the country depend.—(Cheers.) And I believe that
the success of those principles depends mainly
on the exertions which you and other
persons are making and have made, on this
and on former similar occasions, at the meetings
which have been held in this theatre and elsewhere
in support of free-trade principles—(Loud cheers)—
for it should never he forgotten that we have resolute
and interested opponents. I believe that, as has been
said by others, the principles of free trade are the
principles of common sense—(Cheers and laughter)
—and I also helieve that they are the principles
of benevolence, of charity, and sound policy.
—(Loud cheers.) I believe that they are the
soundest principles on which the policy of
any country can be conducted, and that they are
the principles on which eventually the whole coun-
try will be governed.—(Loud cheers.) I have
heard it imputed to those who espouse these prin-
ciples, that they are hostile to the maintenance of the
credit of this country, and that they will violate the
national faith, because, it is said that if you carry out
the principles of free trade, you destroy the
national credit by taking away the means of
collecting the revenue, from which we are to pay
the interest of the national debt. I dispute that
proposition altogether. I admit that if we were
in precisely the state that we could wish, we might
very well desire to have no taxes at all—(Cheers and
laughter)—and, undoubtedly, it would be very ad-
vantageous to commerce that it should be debarrassed -
from all Custom-house duties.—(Cheers.) But that
is not necessary to free trade. All that is neces-
sary for free trade is, that no tax should be imposed
except for purposes of revenue, above all that no tax
should be imposed for protection—(Loud cheers)—
for the purpose in fact of protecting one interest
against another. That is really contrary to the prin-
ciples of free trade.—(Cheers.) But it is said by