The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-23 00:00:00

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same emphasis as struck the mind when the type etrttck
the eye with its larger or more impressive haracter.—
(Hear, hear, hear.) Thus be read it) and then he said
we ought to search our coaseiences, and consider the
solemn obligation that we owed to our country and our
God—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord (Stanley) said he
did not mean to give me and others any offence. I
accept his intention as he wishes us to take it, trusting he
will do the same by mine. Suppose) then, as he
has given me a lecture on perjury, I give him one
on political principle.--(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") In answer to his advice to us I will pray him
to avoid political tergiversation.—(Loud cheers.) I will
warn him of the danger of playing the renegade for
the sake of men with whom his political career can
command but little confidence—and, above all, I bid
him remember the ancient motto of his high and ho-
noured family—" Soyez tranquille."—(Cheers and great
laughter.) Let him remember, and, if possible, act upon,
that sound and judicious saying in the spirit of here-
ditary gratitude.—(Loud laughter.) As the Noble Lord
gives me his warning as to perjury, in gratitude
I tender him my admonition on apostacy.—(Loud
cheers.) The Noble Lord's advice and counsel is very
gratuitous, and, as Is usually the case when he proffers it,
not very judicious or applicable—(Hear, hear.)--but I
will leave that to come to the more important question,
—How is Ireland to be governed ? Is she to be go-
verned by verdicts and bayonets ?—(Cheers.) If you
will require Protestant juries, Protestant churches, and
Protestant ascendancy, then shall you require Protes-
tant bayonets to maintain them.—(Cheers.) Where are
your specifics for Ireland—l ask you ? You have
issued a Landlord and Tenant Commission, and you
make a great boast about it. What will it do beyond
telling us that which we all know already ?—(Hear,
hear.) You suggest for one of your remedies that the
questions of difference between landlord and tenant
shall be removed from their present cheap and easy ad-
judication to the courts of quarter sessions. Take care
what you do—take care how you interfere with
the tribunal to which the people at pre-
sent appeal with confidence —take care how you
meddle with Mr. Hensch. You may destroy his juris-
diction ; but in doing so you will not destroy discontent,
but will aggravate it by increasing twenty-fold the ex-
penses in your insane intention of appeals to quarter
tiessions.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J.
Graham) told you he should have no objection in any
future legislation on this subject for Ireland, to provide
that where tenants are removed they shall have compen-
sation for any loss they may sustain. Now this is a
question closely connected with registration. It has been
pending these three years. Do you mean to give us the
Chandos clause?—(Cheers.) If you mean to give us the
tenant-at-will clause, I tell you, you will goad out the
tenants of the country, and you will array them in one
determined opposition to you.—(Hear, hear.) In peace
you will hold them in a debasing and dangerous vassal
age—(Hear, hear)—anct in the time of commotion
where is the power that shall bind them to you ?
(Loud cheers.) But, after all, the great question is the
question of the two Churches in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
It is the question of the Church with the congregation
a.nd without the revenue—and the Church with all the
revenue and without the congregation.—(Loud cheers.)
What do you intend to do with your Church ? There
you are silent.—(Loud cheers.) Then I tell you you
you have no right to be silent on such a subject.—(Hear,
hear.) The subject must have been the theme of your
constant consideration. You must have some purpose,
and whatever it is you ought to tell it —you are bound to
tell it.—(Loud cheers.) Will you grant glebes to our
clergy ? I believe they will accept them if offered in a
sincere and conciliatory spirit.—(Near, hear.) Will you
build Catholic churches ?—(Hear, hear.) Will you
augment—really augment—your grant to Maynooth
to something like a proportion to the great and sacred
ohject it professes to have in view? You say you
will do every thing that can reasonably be desired to
conciliate and satisfy us, and all the while you are saying
this you keep back the proof.—(Loud cheers.) But what
course do you intend to pursue with respect to the Es-
teblished Church ? We are told you won't touch it.
Why ? Is it because, as the Right Hon. Recorder for
Dublin says, " your Church contains in its own and sole
bosom the religious truth."—(Loud laughter and cheers.)
Pray, in which portion of your Protestant Church is
" the religious truth" embosomed ? Is it in the Church
en the north side of the Tweed, or the Church on the
south side of the Tweed.—(Tremendous cheers and
laughter.) On the north side of the Tweed the " re-
ligious truth" is Calvinistic—on the south side it
is Armenian ; on the north it is represented by the
Right Hon. Member for Perth (Mr. Fox Maule)—on
the south by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Oxford (Sir R. Inglis) ; on the north you can recognise
" the religious truth" by the plaia black surplice—on
the south by the crozier and the mitre-head ; on the
north you claim alliance with Geneva—on the south you
show a strong family likeness to that celebrated Baby-
lonian lady who, under the auspices of Pusey, may yet
restore you to the ancient pathway of your fathers.—
(Great cheering.) But on which-side of the Tweed again I
ask you will you take your stand ?—(Great cheering.)
I ask my Lord Advocate (Mr. Duncan M'Neil)
on which side is the truth ? No answer. Well,
perhaps, as the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir
James Graham) is a Borderer, he will tell me.—(Shouts
of laughter, and applause.) In vain, then, do I ask
where I am to search for the truth.—(Cheers.) At all
events, whatever the truth may be, your Protestant
is not greatly disposed to extend it, but rather
prefers to keep it to himself—whilst my Church,
from its very rise, has extended itself in
every clime and in every region.--(hear, hear.) You
keep your Church in a short of ecclesiastical conserva-
tory, where, by artificial means, you fondle and foster it
into strength, no—into weakness; when, by more ro-
bust and vigorous treatment, you might give to it a
fulness, freshness, and vitality you little dream of.—
(Loud cheers.) But I will dwell ns longer on the
truth of creeds. I will put the question aside.
Can you make the Church consistent with principle ?
You say you cannot, but I will show you that you can.
What have you done with respect to the clergy in Ca-
dada ? The clergy of Canada were, by Act of Parlia-
ment, provided with an appropriation—but this appro-
priation was confined to the Protestant religion. Before
the rebellion in Canada, effort after effort was made for
the purpose of procuring a better and more national ap-
plication of the clergy reserves. Until the revolt—that
fatal means by which statesmen are to be taught—until
the revolt, every effort to apply the clergy reseves in a
more judicious manner was made, but in vain. At length
you consented to make an appropriation, and to depart
from the Act of Parliament—the fundamental Act of
Parliament. The Archbishop of Canterbury came down
and mid that he deeply felt the necessity of making that
chnsige. The Bishop of London said the same thing,
and the only man that stood firm to his principles was
the Bishop of Exeter—(Laughter)--who said that he
objected to the change, because he saw that the Irish
Papists would take advantage of it. He was right. The
inference was irresistible. You take away a portion of
the clergy reserves in Canada from the Protestant
clergy, and you give it to the Catholic priesthood ;
and at this moment--(here Sir James Graham
made some observation across the table which
e could not hear)—you do appropriate an amount
to be applied to the support of the Catholic clergy. I
have got a return from the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley)
upon the subject. I moved for a return, and I defy the
Noble Lord—l beg pardon for using such language to-
wards a person so high in office—l call on the Noble
Lord to show me that no portion of the clergy reserves
is applicable to the payment of the Catholic clergy. The
Noble Lord knows it perfectly well. The clergy reserves
were applied to the payment of debts contracted on the
faith of the Crown. Part of those debts are payments
to the Catholic clergy.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord will
not deny it. Now, then, how inconsistent is your con-
li
duct with respect to the Irish Protestants. You
struck off church-rates in Ireland ; but you
did not abolish the prejudices of the people.
You struck off eight bishoprics—if you reduced
bishoprics. why did you not reduce some of the bene-
fices ? If there were too many bishoprics, of course
there were too many benefices.—(Hear.) In 1838 you
commuted the tithes. The Roman Catholic Members
did not then ask you to confiscate a single farthing.
They asked you to apply the surplus to charitable pur-
poses—they asked for nothing else. You refused.
The Bill was carried by the Whigs but proposed by the
Tories. The Gallant Officer, who was then the Se-
cretary for Ireland—and it should be a Gallant Officer
that you ought now to make Secretary for Ireland—
(Cheers)—that Gallant Officer proposed a Bill by which
one quarter of the tithes would have been confiscated.
But no, you put it into the pockets of the landlords ; but
why could you not have applied it to charitable pur-
poses ? You could not have applied the tithes to edu-
cation. No, you took one quarter from the Church, and
put it into the pockets of the landlords. In England,
where you have an Established Church, you teach the
religion of the people. You gave up the Factory Bill,
and you perpetuated ignorance rather than infringe on
the prerogative of the Establishment, whilst in Ireland
von declare that the Church has no such prerogative.
You have stripped the Church of Ireland of the privi-
lege conferred upon the Church in this country, and you
have declared that she is not fit to have the tutorage of
the national mind. The state of the Church in Ireland
is unexampled by any Church in any country in Europe.
Yea, there was one, that was in Poland. The Emperor
had issued his ukases, in which he states that Poland is
for ever to be united to All the Russias. In these he ex-
pressed his hope that the fanciful grievances of the Poles
would be done away. anti lie expresses his astonishment
that his benevolent feelings are not appreciated ; and he
says that the establishment of the Greek Church will be
an excellent bond of connection between the two coun-
tries. The Greek hierarchy was to supply the absence
of the Polish nobility. We have an almost annual
debate with respect to the grievances of the Poles. The
Right Hon. Baronet has often declared his wish to pro-
cure a mitigation of the sufferings of that very interesting
nation. But I cannot help thinking that if my Lord
Aberdeen were to consult Nesselrode on the subject, he
would immediately say " What is your example with
respect to Ireland ?" Since I have spoken of Lord
Aberdeen, I must take the opportunity of expressing my
unbounded admiration of his foreign policy.—(Laughter.)
So long as the Home Secretary shows a belligerent in-
tention with respect to Ireland, so long does it become
Lord Aberdeen to show a mild behaviour and humility.
Rightly do you recognise the possession of Algiers—
rightly do you look quietly on the state of Spain--
rightly will you sacrifice the treaties of 1831 and
1833, by which the slave-trade was to be suppressed.
You say we will rule upon the fidelity of international
friendship, and we will obtain peace by the interchange
of mere Royal courtesies. You one t you will c.onfide
in the permanence of the throne of the barricades,
which has no foundation in legitimacy on the
one hand or prop of liberty on the other.—(Cheers.)
The time may come when the Right Hon. Baronet may
hare reason to attend to the admonition of the Noble
Lord the Member for Sunderland, when he referred to
the speech made on Catholic emancipation, to which the
Lion. wad Learned Member for Worcester has called
titteution. Thaso so perilous topico.—(tears bear.)