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London, England, 1850-04-19 00:00:00

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February 25, 184.
.Plirsuance of the recomMendation of a meeting of Reformer's
!elo In the city of London, on Thursday, December 20, 1849 (Sir
t?!.111ut \Urnsley, M.P., in the chair), to hold a Conference of the
riends of Reform from all parts of the kingdom, the Council have
.7fllled that the CONFERENCE shall •be held in CROSBY-
LL, Ilishopsgate-street, on TUESDAY,, the 23d, and WEDNESDAY,
1:1e. 241 h of April next, the- sittings to commence at eleven
_lock in the forenoon. The objects of the Conference will
,De to receive reports from delegates in reference to the progress
tit the RAf
toromptitude
0 Movement, to devise means of carrying out with
and vigour the objects of the Association, and to
_ complete the arrangements for realising the fund of 10,0001., re-
quinsred. for the present year's operations.
tatgentlemen eligible to attend the Conference will be
2. Those-boanbers of Parliament who support Mr. lltune's motion.
elected by Associations or Committees who have adopted
.e principles of the National Reform Association.
er Rt! C°uooll requests thatimmediate-steps be taken by the Frienda
zisheiderrn to appoint reySresentatives, whose names should be flir-
t° the Secretary as soon as the nominations are made. The Conference
1-pii-IDON TAVERN,
Conference will close with a SOIREE at the CITY
the
berg Bishopssate-street E
on TUUBSDAY EYN,NG,
t
"til Of April b had by the Mem-
bers
of th even o clock. 'I ickets may e
fai
each. e Association on application at the Offices, price, 2s. ,

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By order of the Council,
THOMAS BEGGS, Secretary.

CANTERBURY SETTLE MENT (NEW
ZEALAND) PUBLIC. LIBRARY.
Taus Ta.
The Bkhop of the Settlement, and the following Colonists :
John Robert Godley, Esq.
Lieutenant-Colonel James Campbell.
Edmund Bellairs, Esq.
Henry Chapman, Esq.
The
031,,
,rls :Hon. Sec.—W. G. Britton, Esq.
libra Proceeding to' settle at' Canterbury are collecting
1-7 for the use of the Settlement, and they hereby solicit contr i
f:If!" of use
from such of their countrymen as may
be disposed
It
p',7,5111 conferring upon this new colony of England the advantage
8,..e41ng from the outset a store of
general literature.
Tionoir requested that communications may be addressed. to the
LondoZY. Secretary, at the Colonists' Rooms, 1 A, Adelphi-terrace,
Arnpl
skuociateiinferrnation concerning the plans and proceedings of the
an
Price 6,1 c' Contained inCanterbury Papers," 1
d 2,
• each, published by Parker, West Strand.

LONDON LIFE ASSOCIATION.
INSTITUTED 1806.
ibrogi °PrICE, 81, KING WILLIAM-STREET.
tent—Sir CLAUDIUS STEPHEN HUNTER, Bart.
This goeiet Vice-President—CHAßLES FRANKS,
.Eeq.
y le essentially one of Mutual Assurance, in which
14;5!
eenla Imps of its Members are reduced after seven Years.
S,; 1417. rte of reductioa of the Premhttne of the present year will be
N trr leaving less than ene-third of the original Premium
alertakes other deaorlP
allow beermcalembor/V haTinir etasedimt to
to
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30 ;17 ° 40 215 5 55 51 •
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The
to o+►nce of Directors are authorised by the Deed of Settlement
'3. Money on the securit♦ of Policies in this Association.
EDWARD DOCKER, Secretary.

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COMPANY.
"Merl Established by Act of Parliament in 1834.
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12, .. Place,Pall-mall, London ; 97, George-street, Edinburgh;
st. Vincent-place. Glasgow ;4. College-green, Dublin.
CHAR LONDON BOARD.
LES GRAHAM, Esq., Chairman.
R, Ai , CHARLES DOWNES, Esq., Deputy Chairman.
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44.1, t 0.,,,, .„'''e, Esq. F. Chas. Maitld, Esq.
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corn- "wine., Esq
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useem flux added to
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policies from March, 1834, to the 31st of

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500 0 0 787 10 0 6287 10 0
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N4I:IONAL LOAN FUND LIFE
ASSURANCE SOCIETY.
26. CORNIIILL, LONDON.
CAW ~
edi 4.00,000. Emowered by Act of Farßement.
rrill ..et features of the Society are guaranteed of an ample
D ary
Siodei.ate Wtal.
Tveo.tv, lutes of Premiums.
Anlet° Premium Loaned to the Assured.
Division of Profits.
nal the
iium may remain as a Loan for Five Years.
.ravelling Leave granted, without extra Premium.
is,l7 extra Premium for Residence in Tropical Climates.
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leun, —AS to age) on the Premiums paid.
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,sei •.s2-',14, TTP\::,_:4; sel
• 43.1 . .. -7----*l-:.,,. ca
i
'ght, for instance,- confine tho right: esaierieto Ow,
heir male of the body, with a reservatt 14e.aqqrlAaill;
case of failure, or they might extanrat ''!i.''' •5a.1.064 X
'iral no right by birth, and who form& ' PL.:, 11410)
class, being neither subjects nor sage ig i
might, as in the case of Colaba and bcindia
priucipie of limitation to the heir male, or, as
in the sovereignty of Cutch, restrict the SUL'.
Cession to legitimate children. excluding all il-
legitimate offspring, They might extend the suc-
cession also if they thought proper to " heirs and suc-
cessors," meaning thereby heirs and successors generally.
Well, then, did they agree with the Governor-General
that the state of Setters. was an independent sovereignty?
The first paragraph of the Governor-General's minute
stated " The death of his Highness Shreement fllabaraj,
the sovereign of Sattara, has rendered it necessary for
the British Government to determine the important
question whether the state of Sattara shall be continued
as an independent sove,eiynty, or whether it shall be
held to hive lapsed to the paramount state,
and shall henco forth form an integral portion
of the British Essipiro in India." Here was an
express recognition of the Baja oi. Sefton; as as inde-
pendent sovereign. Now there was only one other
point on this subject to which he would call their at-
tention. Wt a', he would sok, was the distinctive mark
laid down by writers on intareutional law, to distinguish
as independent soveregnty ? It was this—" When the
ministers of two posers, which are of o quel rank,
sign a treaty, it is usual to make two originals, or a
double instrument; tach ricaeinates his own sine eign
first in the copy which he keeps and signs first, in order
that there may be no prejudice to their claims
sf rank when this is contested." Now this
distinctive mark was to sbe found in their
treaty with the Raja of Sattara.; Article 2 ran
thus:—" This treaty, consisting of eleven articles, being
this day settled and concluded at Sattara by Captain
James Grant and Wittul Punt Furnavese, Captain Grant
has delivered to his Highness Maharaja Pertuub Shean
a copy of the same in English, Mahratta, and Persian,
under the seal and signature of the said Captain James
Grant and his Highness Maharaja Pertaub Shean, has
delivered to the said Captain James Grant another
copy, also in English, Mahratta, and Persian, bearing
his Highness's seal and signature." This was a proof
that the Rajs! of Sattara was a sovereign in the ordi-
nary sense of the term, and was equal in status and rank
to the British Government. It was, then, with a perfect
knowledge of the subject that Sir James Carnac, when
a proposal was made to him to bring the first Raja to
trial, said that by doing so he would " be accused of de-
grading a sovereign from his acknowledged rank, and
offering violence to his feelings and dignity, and of
assuming a right of superiority to which we have no
claim." Ile -would allude to one other circumstance as
another proof of the shameful ignorance with which this
important subject had been dcided. The Governor-
General said, "It was under the clause of that treaty
(the treaty of 1818) that the present Raja was
called into existence by an exercise of the powers
an d.generosity of the British Government. All the
ordinary rights, therefore, possessed by a sove-
reign over a subordinate and long.-constituted alltates,
must, from the very nature of the case. have been
stronger in this case than in any other. I can find no-
thing whatever in the terms of the treaty which would
justify the assumption that it was intended to curtail
those rights, or to confer larger powers in respect of
adoption on the part of the Raja of Sattara than are en-
joyed by an old-established state." That was written in
perfect ignorance of all that had been done by his pre-
decessors. If he had looked at the proceedings of
his predecessors he would have have found that
the Raja of Sattara put fiat th exactly the
time claim which had been admitted on no less than six-
teen different occasions by all their Governments in
India for some years past. He (Hr. Sullivan) would
have to ask the Court to agree to another resolution,
which was to the following effect:—
" That the rights of succession of inferior chiefs who
held their possessions by grants from former Govern-
ments, to whose rights the British Government has
succeeded, must be determined by the terms of such
grants."
The absolute necessity of such a security would be ap-
parent, because when they could prove that a prince was
not a sovereign in the ordinary sense of the term, they
usually claimed the right to deal with him as if no right
existed. Now, what had been the practice with regard
to the intermediate class, who, as Sir Charles Metcalfe
had stated, were neither subjects nor sovereigns; but who
must be: dealt with exactly according to the terms on
which they hold their respective possessions? What was
the nature of their engagements with these chiefs, and
what what was their practice under these engagements?
lie would take, first, the Sunnud granted by them in
1811 to the Raja of Chickoree, one of the ancient here-
ditary chiefs of Bundlecund. By that Sunnud they
made over " the lands and villages enumerated in the
subjoined schedule to the said Raja and his heirs, with
all their rights and usages, except for payment of re-
venue to the British Government in perpetuity, so long
as the said Baja and his heirs and successors shall ob-
servc and remain faithful to the second article of the
Ikranamah, the obligation of allegiance." Here:was a chief,
not a sovereign in any sense of the term, but one owing
them allegiance, to whom they had granted lands in per-
petuity. When he died did we pretend to say that the term
" heirs and successors" in the grant meant natural heirs?
No such thing; he adopted a son to the prejudice of the
collateral heirs, and that adopted son was recognised as
his successor by the British Government. Now, how.
ever, they easy the new doctrine promulgated, that if a
chief, let him be whom he may, should happen not to be
a sovereign in the mangled sense of the term, then that
they had a right to seize upon his possessions. He would
now only trouble them with another resolution, which
was us follows:
" That justice requires that all cases of dispute be•
tween the British Government and the sovereigns and
chief. of India who are too weak to resist injustice by
war, or the pastels claiming to be heirs to such sove-
reigns, relative to the meaning of treaties and engage-
ments into which they have mutually entered, should
be decided on a full and impartial consideration of all
the circumstances by a tribunal qualified to investigate
the facts and principle: involved in the matters a: issue."
That resolution raturally grew out of the others, for if
a sovereign prince had a right of succession which ho
wished to establish, it followed, as a matter of course, that
there should bo sonic tribunal to which they might
appeal in case that right was infringed. They were all
perfectly well aware that they could not touch a single
rupee or a particle of peoperty belonging to a subject in
India without the due process if law; and why should
they, in the face of solemn:treaties and engagements, take
forcible possession of principalities, territories, and
sovereignties, and afterwards maintain that the owners
of them should have no opportunity fur redress? Ac-
cording to the principle they now acted upon, they had
only to strike a pen through a treaty and say it meant
so and so, and immediately proceed to take possession.
They would perhaps allow him to give a few instances
in which they had summarily entered upon a state or
principality. After the war of Seringapatam and
the fall of Tippoo Saib, his territories became
divisible between the two belligerent parties—
the Nizam and the British Government. They made a
partition treaty, by which they engaged to take certain
portions on their own account, and to give the remainder
to the descendant of the ancient Raja. It was arranged
that the descendant should have the aid of a subsidiary
force from the British Government, for which he was to
pay annually seven lacs of pagodas, and there was a
provision in the treaty to the effect that in the event of
the Governor-General seeing any reason to be-
lieve that the funds for the payment of this
subsidiary force should fail, he should be at
liberty to take possession of a certain portion
of his territory.
The Raja remained in undisturbed
io possess n until 1831, when the British Government
assumed that the resources fur that payment were
going to fail, or they thought or wished they had such
information, and they at once took possession of the
whole of the territory. The second instance to which
he would refer was the treaty with the Nabob of Surat,
by which
it was agreed that the civil and military go-
vernment of his territory should for ever be vested in
the East India Company, on the condition that a cer-
tain payment was made annually to the Nabob, He
found a passage in the diary of Mr. Duncan, the
then Governor of Bombay, on this subject, which
stated that he had intimated to the Nabob that the se-
curity given to him by the East India Company for the
punctual payment of this money to himself and his heirs
and successors was greater than any he bud yet had.
But what was the result? The Nabob died; the Go-
vernment took possession of all his territory, and even
refused to continue the pension to his daughter. The
third case which he had to bring to their notice was that
of to • treaty which was concluded with the Raja of
tie The Government relinquished all right
state -to the Raja, but they re-
' themselves the power to nominate
who. among his heirs . should be his successor, when
he should be adopted, a collateral or a legitimate heir,._
t eogi reserved to themselves the right to ayel.Pcoon":
• .or, in the event of his he ving no linealhde
Go-
fer tfiti e. adopted heirs. The Raja died,
e'er , e ent construed the treaty
have appointed a successor, and, as be 11
as meaningsda thatnt.
gdi hoietdshould
to d o
so, they at once seized upon the territory
found for such a
of Colabo.
Was there an example anywhere to
proceeding ? Why, in the case bef their little ally,
same() relation o us as
at tomee of
Greece, who stood in much the
the Raja did to the East India Company
been under considerable
his death, the public had lately
theo.reprisals which had taken
apprehension respecting
I our Government; but
place at the instigation
r
it turned out, fromd the correspondence whi
only that
to obtain our rights
twenty years' negotiation
that we had felt it our duty to turn round and
give the Government of that state a slap in the face.
But the East India Company had not so much as inti-
mated to those independent sovereigns to whom he had
alluded what their intentions were. Being powerless,
they had only to submit and secretly to curse them, as
he thought, in their hearts for the commission of so gross
an injustice.—(Hear.) Groat importance had been at-
tached to what was called the paramount power, but
what did it mean ? It could not be denied they were
the most powerful state in India, by conquest after
conquest; but Bonaparte, whose power a few years
ago was so omnipotent, did not crush petty
states as they had done. The Government of the United
States of America was a most powerful one in America,
but it claimed no such privilege as that which the East
India Company had arrogated to themselves. The Hon.
Gentleman concluded by expressing a hope that the re-
solutions which he had read would receive the sanction
of the Court, observing that it was the solemn duty of
allied Powers, in cases where any doubt arose as to the
meaning of a treaty, to give the benefit of the doubt to
the weaker power.—(Cheers.)
The resolution having been read,
Colonel Dies:issuer said—l have great pleasure in
rising to second the motion of my' Zen. Friend
_Titlar..
Bb
Sullivan, and to express the grateftel sense which I 11