The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-15 00:00:00

Council was summoned, and a proclamation was drawn
up. It appeared that the greatest care was required in
the wording it, such was the responsibility under which
they felt that they were acting ; so that time was de-
layed, and it was not until four o'clock on the Saturday
afternoon, that the proclamation was posted upon the
walls of Dublin and its neighbourhood.—(Cheers.) If
the Right Hon. Gentleman had been desirous of showing
that the existence of such officers as a Lord Lieutenant
and a Chief Secretary of Ireland was an obstruction to
public business, exposing the Government to risk and to
delay, he could not have done so more emphatically than
he had done by a relation of these proceedings.—(Hear,
hear.) He was surprised, after listening to that state-
ment of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that among the
remedial measures which the Government intended to
propose, they did not include the abolition of the office
of Lord Lieutenant and the appointment of a Secretary
for Ireland to communicate directly with the Home•
office.—(Loud cheers.) If that had been the case on the
present occasion, could there be a doubt but that the
Right Hon. Gentleman would have communicated im-
mediately with the Secretary for Ireland, and would
have addressed him instructions by the Monday's post
to take measures to put a stop to the meeting?—
(Cheers.) The Government had reason to congratulate
themselves on their fortunate escape from the fear
ful responsibility which they had incurred.—
(Loud cheering.) The Right Hon. Gentleman
himself could not deny that they had run, with regard
to that Clontarf meeting a fearful risk of the delay
which had occurred in posting that notice.—(lmmense
cheering.) When they considered the immense num-
ber of persons who on the Saturday were flocking to
that multitudinous meeting, for so the Right Hon.
Gentleman in expatiating on the necessity for prevent-
ing it had properly described it, who could doubt but
that they had run great risk in consequence of the de-
lay, of Clontarf becoming the scene, not of a peaceable
repeal meeting, but of strife, of tumult, of disorder, of
bloodshed ?--(Loud cheers.) They had run the risk of
kindling the flame of civil war—(Loud cheers)—and
had such unfortunately been the case, fearful would have
been the responsibility which would have devolved upon
her Majesty s Government.—(Loud cheers.) The Right
Hon. Gentleman had admitted that the exertions of
Mr. O'Connell, added to those of the Government, had
succeeded in preventing the holding of the Clontarf
meeting; that by his aid the appalling catastrophe
of which Clontarf might have been the scene had been
averted.—(Loud cheers.) After that admission he
thought that the Right,Hon. Gentleman had pressed
rather hardly upon Mr. O'Connell when he had stated,
in referring to those exertions of the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman, that his exertions to maintain the peace at
those meetings had been produced against him as evi-
dence to prove the existence of the conspiracy for which
he had been indicted.—(Cheers and counter-cheers.)
He thought that after the admission which the Right
Hon. Gentleman had made, that that reflection on Mr.
O'Connell might have been spared.—(Cheers.) He
knew that such an allegation had been made by those
who conducted the prosecution, but where was the proof
of it? That fact had not been substantiated by the evi-
dence submitted to the jury; and he thought that, con-
sidering the situation in which the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman now stood, such an attack upon him was
unjust and unfair.—(Loud cheers.) With regard
to the future policy of the Government, the right
Honourable Gentleman had stated certain measures
which it was the intention of the Government to submit
to that House. With regard to those measures, so far
as he understood their character, he should give them
his support.—(Cheers.) They were, as he understood,
the extension of the franchise in the counties, the re-
moval from voters in the boroughs of the necessity for
paying certain taxes before they could exercise the
franchise, the appointment of the landlord and tenant
commission, and the intended augmentation of the
grant for the purposes of education.—(Cheers.) He
believed that all these measures had a tendency to do
good ; but, whether taken separately or taken toge-
ther, they were net in the least degree adequate to meet
the requirements of the present crisis. He would ask
if they thought that a trifling extension of the county
franchise, that the removal of the necessity for the pay-
ment of rates and taxes by the borough voters, or even
the proposed augmentation of the grant for the purposes
of education—and while on that subject he would ex-
press a hope that the proposal of that grant would not
give occasion to the Hon. Gentlemen who sat behind
upon their Catholic fellow-subjects—(Loud cheers)—or
ntheeetTedrewasituhrythßeeGncohveesr,nmanednt,sotomiendouflgwehinomfrelvheraettaccokns-
s tar landlorddai nlid
.
gent it might be, could not present any Report till nearly
ttehnaatntthoeoampmpozsinsitomnr
wt,hbicyh,thneowCorro
however industrious
the close of the session,—could they imagine that any, or
all of these measures, would be sufficient to allay the
excitement existing in Ireland, or to win back the affec-
tions of the Catholic population ?—(Cheers.) These
were not sufficient to remedy the evils existing in Ire-
land, or to bring back society in that country to a state
of peace and tranquillity:—(Cheers.) They were utterly
inadequate to the occasion.—(Loud cheers.) There was
one important point which had been touched upon bl
the Noble Lord—he meant the state of the Irish Church

—(Cheers.) Was not that a grievance which was
deeply felt by the Irish Catholics ? What hope could
the Catholic population of Ireland—the millions who
inhabited that country—what hope could they entertain
of redress being granted for their grievances, while it
was determined to continue this grievance ?—(Cheers.)
In considering that subject, it was impossible for any
one who knew anything of the feelings of human nature,
not to be aware that they must be considered as a great
grievance by the Irish people—(Loud cheers)—not so
much in a money point of view, as in its operation
upon the feelings of the Irish people.—(Cheers.)
It would be recollected that seven-eighths of the people
of Ireland were Reman Catholics, and the other eighth
were divided between Presbyterians and Protestants ;
and that the Established Church was kept up. exclu-
sively for that eighth portion. That was a grievance
that could hardly be exaggerated—it was a grievance
which deManded'a speedy redress, and should be con-
sidered irrespective of all party opinion. He believed
the Right Hon. Gentleman had said that great difficul-
ties surrounded the question, as if any difficulty should
deter him from entering into the consideration
of it. Was it sufficient for it Minister of
the Crown to come forward on a great ques-
tion like that of the Irish Church, and tell that
House that it was surrounded by difficulties, and, there-
fore, they did not mean to change the present system,
nor to adopt any measure of conciliation ? Upon this
subject be (Sir G. Grey) must say that he had a very
strong feeling, and he was sure, that if any Hon. Mem
ber were to be placed in the position of the people of
Ireland, he would feel strongly on the subject.—(Hear,
hear.) Nothing had struck him with more apprehen-
sion than the expression of the Right Hon. Baronet, that
the consideration of that question was not to be at all
entered into. The Right Honourable Gentleman said
d f
that the Protestant Church Establishment had been
settle
he Actby the
of Settlement and by the Union.
He did not yield to the Right Hon. Gentleman in respect
for the Protestant Church Establishment, nor in the
desire that its principles should be promulgated ; but at
the same time he could not consent that the Protestant
Church should be made an instrument of oppression.
He repeated, that it was most unjustifiable that the great
body of the Irish people should be compelled to support
the establishment of a Church to the tenets of which
they did not subscribe. The history of the Este-
guaranteed by
blished Church in Ireland would show that it
had been the cause of endless disturbances
and bitterness which it was hardly
exaggerate.—(Hear, hear.) He was not t°
silenced by quotations from the pages of " Hansard.
Those pages would likewise furnish the sentiments of
Sir Robert Peel on the question of Catholic Emancipa-
tion, which were quite as opposed to the success thato
possible
beto
measure as any of the expressed sentiments of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Homeo
Department or the First:Lord of the Treasury, were
nw
against the modification of the Church Establishment.
He feared the discontent at present prevailiilg.mlreland
on the
would be greatly increased by the declaration
tary
of
part of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the S
eore
State for the Home Department, of his determination to
maintain the present Church Establishment. He h
Church
r s I i
re-
peated, ho believed that the question of the
was beset with difficulty ; but, at the same time, he
thought that if there was an agreement by
common consent of the leading men on both
sides of the House to enter into a . full,

and impartial consideration of the question it would
do a great deal to strengthen the,bond of union between
the two countries. It would give to the people of Ire-
land some confidence in the Imperial Parliament, and
render less their anxiety for a local legislature. He
would ask in what position had the Right Hon. Gentle-
man placed those Irish Members who had kept aloof
from the repeal agitation, and who had told their con-
stituents that they believed the Imperial Parliament
would do them justice ? What satisfactory reply could
they give to the inquiries of their constituents ? After
the declaration of the Right Honourable Gentleman
must they not abandon almost altogether the hope
that the e Parliamentblemarp.e)rialmusttey u
b wouldet wish dothem justice.—
for
a local
Legislature more ardently than before ? He hoped
the House would adopt his opinions ; and, upon mature
consideration. see the necessity of entering into the
views of the Noble Lord. He thought that if there was
Catholic
an honest and determined effort made to remodel the
yhd. That
in which the
ued
Church Establishment, it would do a great deal towards
remedying the present state of excitement and discon-
tent which at present prevailed amongst the
dpeoempaluedoffelrrerleapneedi
eTehualdt wbaes
properly
poey s
n:1), wau
was the way to teach the Irish people that it was pos-
sible for them to obtain justice from the Imperial Por-
ment. He did not say that unreasonable expectations
had not been entertained, and that unreasonable
demands had not been made. Butust WAS it rea-
sonable—was it fair—was it jat the House
should peremptorily refuse to inquire into the
subject, merely because it was of a religious
nature ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, the question of the re-
venues of the Irish Church had nothing whatever
to do with religion.--(Hear, hear.) The majority of
the Irish people, he repeated, were Catholics, and
the House should deal with them as they found them.
If the people of that country were possessed of the com-
monest feelings of human nature it was impossible that
they should not be filled with bitter disappointment and
regret at the intentions of the Government, as, expressed
by the Right Hon. Gentleman in the language of warn-
ing, to consider what must be the disposition of the Irish
peoople, and what must be the consequence of a perse-
vering and determined resistance to ameliorate the griev-
ances which pressed upon them.—(Hear, hear.) The
union, to be preserved, must be maintained on the prin-
ciple of equality, and on that only. That principle could
not be acted upon so long as the Church Establishment
was maintained in its present position. With reference
to the steps which should be taken to render the union
complete, he would refer to the sentiments, which
had been lately published in the Edinburgh Review, of

, . . .
one of the most eminent of living authors—LordJeffrey.
He pointed out, in the language of truth, the attempts
which had been made to dissolve the union, and, advert-
ing to the struggles between the two countries, said that
of course it would terminate in favour of the superior
power. But such a victory would be to England the source
of unspeakable calamity, and the signal of her weakness
and insecurity. Lord Jeffrey further said that the Govern-
ment was bound to make every possible sacrifice to
diminish the grievances which afflicted Ireland—to do
justice, and to show kindness to a people whom it was
their interest as well as their duty to cherish and pro-
tect.—(Hear, hear.) The union, his Lordship said, must
be made complete, or it would be broken in pieces and
thrown in their faces.—(Hear, hear.) He asked whether
England had done all that it could do to avert the im-
pending calamity, and whether it would not be prudent
in the House to make a step in advance in the course of
conciliation, and acquiesce in the motion of the Noble Lord ?
It was not merely measures that should be suggested,
but the House should show a sympathy with the Irish
people.—(Hear, hear.) That people wanted to see a
Government in which they could place confidence.—
(Ironical cheers from a Member on the Ministerial
benches.) The Hon. Gentleman cheered, but in order
to cement the union a disposition should be evinced to
conciliate the feelings of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
What was the feeling in Ireland towards the present
Government ? Need he answer ? Measures good in
themselves had been suggested, but the Irish people
viewed those measures with distrust—they viewed their
acts with reference to their past and present policy. IV hat
was the position they occupied with respect to Ireland ?
Their professions were smooth as oil, but their practice
sharp as the sword.—(Cheers.) He could not forget
the language they used when sitting on the Opposition
benches. -They now looked upon Ireland, and be-
held the fruits of their past opposition.—(Hear, hear.)
They had chosen Ireland as the battle-field on which
they enlisted the feelings and prejudices of the English
people, with a view to overthrow the former Govern-
ment—(Hear, hear)—they remembered the conduct of
the Members of the present Administration on the appro
portion clauses, and their refusal then as now
to depart from the existing ecclesiastical system.
They remembered their conduct with respect to the
Municipal Corporation Act, and their determined op-
position to the municipal franchise—an opposition
grounded on the belief that a large portion of the
Roman Catholic population would be thereby endowed
with increased privileges.—(Laughter.) They remem-
bered, when that Bill had passed through that House,
the resistance which it met, through the agency
of those with whom they were in daily communication,
and who sat in the same Cabinet with them.—(Hear,
hear.) They remembered their conduct on the Regis-
tration Act. The Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) smiled ;
he hoped he would never find it a subject for
bitter regret and deep remorse.(Hear, hear.)
He now told them with all sincerity that, in order to
prove the reality of their repentance, they must retrace
with wider steps, and give more ample evidence than
those declarations in the appointment of a Landlord
and Tenant Commission and some improvements in the
educational system.(Hear, hear.) Something else
was necessary to convince the Irish people, to enlist
their affections, and to win back their confidence—to
make the union a union of strength and of affection. The
present moment, when, in the language of the Right
Hon. Gentleman, the law had been triumphant, was not
the least favourable for an advance in measures of con-
ciliation.—(Hear, hear.) The Irish people would look
with a favourable eye on a disposition on the part of the
Imperial Parliament to enter into a consideration of their
wrongs. Such a step might be the means of uniting
them cordially with the people of England. At least
there were grounds for entertaining such an opinion, and
no opportunity should be lost for attaining so desirable
a consummation.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) For these
reasons, and because he considered that the present crisis
imperatively demanded the interposition of the House
of Commons for the amelioration of Irish grievances,
and the allaying of the excitement which at present
prevailed in that country, he would give his cordial
assent to the motion of the Noble Lord.—(Loud and
prolonged cheering.)
Lord ELIOT said, that his Right Hon. Friend, the
Secretary for the Home Department, had so ably vindi-
cated every act of the executive Government, that he might
well content himself with resting the vindication of the
Government upon his statements, but the situation which
he held would not allow him to remain silent on this
debate. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat
down had commenced his speech by adverting to a
statement made by his Right Hon. Friend, regarding
the military occupation of Ireland. His Right Hon.
Friend had drawn a comparison between the years
1844 and 1834 ; and shown that there was smaller
military force at present in Ireland than before
the accession of the present Ministry to office. In Sep
tember, 1841, to November, 1843, there was a diminu.

tion to the extent of four battalions of infantry, and one
regiment of cavalry; surely that showed no disposition
on the part of the present Government to take military
possession of Ireland. But this he would say, that what-
ever amount of military force was necessary for the se-
curity of life and property in Ireland, should be placed
in, that country. The state of Ireland at this moment
was not worse, he was bound to suppose, than when the
Coercion Bill was brought forward by the Noble Lord, a
measure which the Right Hon. Gentleman said he would
not support if it were brought forward by the present
Government. What was really the motion of the Noble
Lord? Did he ask for a Committee to suggest measures
for the amelioration of the evils of which he com-
plained ? Was it not rather a motion, having for its
object, the taking the reins out of the hands of the pre-
sent Government and placing them in the hands of the
Government to which he belonged? The Right Hon.
Gentleman and the Hon. Member for Waterford spoke
in vague and general terms of the grievances of Ireland,
Church
terthy did
oheEetahnlotst phmreopeto,see a
and said
it
wasT They talked of th
t aciuestionoef
money ; but if it did not refer to the revenues of that
oCohwurch camteo
twohtahte
questiondidhe
eettion
opfropthoesied change
eeeingof r t
heee proclama-
tion. ? He
o ol a
ina_
tion. The Noble Lord then read the conclusion of the
Solicitor-General's address to the jury on the State
trials, justifying the course pursued by the Government
on the ground that a meeting per se did not constitute
an offence, but that it was the frequency of those meet-
ings and their general tendency which called upon the
Government to interfere. The Noble Lord then referred
to the exclusion of Catholics from the jury, and read the
declaration of the Crown solicitor, which affirmed that
one of the two Catholics rejected, although not
a member of the Repeal Association, had, in his
belief, signed the Carlow repeal requisition, and that
the other be believed to have been a Protestant.
Her Majesty's Government had been advised by the
Law Officers of the Crown that this was a dangerous
confederacy—dangerous to the peace of Ireland ; but
that it was their duty not to interfere till it bad deve-
loped itself. The Right Hon. Gentleman talked of the
peaceable state of Ireland. He had read to the House a
tThrl
heaahtendterkeeraNb
wewooeefbhnr
eehc he he
ee p
eh
at: de
rsr:ceived from a Magistrate, and
which described the alarm which was created in the
minds of the Protestants, and stated that the well-dis-
posed Catholics were reluctantly obliged to join the
An Hon. MEMBER--Who wrote the letter ?
Lord ELIOT said he had no objection to name the
gentleman who wrote it. It was written by Mr.
nwt
hoeatrtebiepf rpaerpseaipmrai
simultaneous
ad tnhteoeoi
urmsa armske movementi nan
y expectation
Saunderson, a Magistrate of the county of Cavan, who
formerlynoLordsoithendi
soldiers
r sa
rMiene
de Member of
letter,
t; t
etthrh,aatt House.—(Hear.)
whichue s
Protestants
Protestants, who .were preparing for a confleeixcttch.eepyt would
aofuelwd
An How. MEMBEIZ—What is the date of that letter ?
Lord ELIOT—It is dated the sth of June, 1843.
(Opposition cheers.) But military forces were being
then introduced into the country. He would take that
opportunity of saying that the Protestants of the north
of Ireland were entitled to the thanks of the Government
for their conduct. They heard the Roman Catholic
peasantry using expressions which were calculated to
arouse the most serious apprehensions. They believed
that an insurrection was preparing, but not to create
jealousy. Among those from whom they apprehended
danger they maintained a perfectly passive attitude,
which did them the greatest honour. They were accus-
tomed to assemble on certain days, but they at once
yielded obedience to the law when the law forbade those
resistance,took pl ac f a n (oaut e stated
ae thatark.)

meetings ; and they could not see the difference between
their meeting with Orange flags and the repeaters meet-
ing with green flags. He now ' returned to the
Clontarf meeting. There were circumstances attentl-
ing that meeting which tended to give it an illegal
character. The Lord Lieutenant had been absent in

England for the benefit of his health, and the Lord Chan-

cellor was exhausted from the continual attendance in his

Court; to which no person who ever sat in it brought higher
ornaments. He also was absent. The placard which
had been read last night by his Right Hon. Friend, was
issued, and such were the circumstances attending the
meeting, that he was prepared to venture to prohibit it
on his own responsibility. He stated 'his views on the
subject, and his Right Hon. Friend near him had con-
curred with him in the views he took of the subject.
He believed it was then agreed that the proclamation
should be issued. It arrived on the 4th day of October,
_
the day on which his Noble Friend left London. He
_ _

left on Thursday, with the Chancellor, and arrived in
Dublin on Friday.. The Right Hon. Gentleman ac-
cused them of having a proclamation ready cut and
dry. It was left to the discretion of the Irish Govern-

ment to act as circumstances might point out, aad when
the Lord-Lieutenant arrived they all agreed that
the meeting should be prevented. (Hear, hear)
It had been said that Chief Baron Brady and Mr.
Blake, two gentlemen he was proud to call friends,
_ were
not summoned, and that this was an insult to the Ro-
man Catholics of Ireland. That observation had been

made by Mr. Sheil in his speech in Court, but he (Lord
Eliot) believed that the fact was, that Chief Baron
Brady was a Protestant, and he (Lord Eliot) took upon
himself the blame of not summoning those individuals.
He considered that it was an act of 'the Executive Go-
vernment, for which they were responsible, and he did
not think that it would be delicate to ask the political
opponents of the Government to be present at the coun-
cil, where they would be in a small minority. Even if
they dissented from the views of the Government, which
he was not sure they would do, their dissent would not

be recorded, and it could only be known that they did
so through paragraphs in the newspapers. But it was
from a feeling of delicacy that they were not summoned.
—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had alluded to
the risk which was incurred in not giving more time for
the suppression of the Clontarf meeting. Now he
(Lord Eliot) believed that the people did not assemble at
the place of meeting until after mass, and from an early
hour the whole of the ground was occupied by an over-
whelming military force, and no mass of unarmed in-
dividuals would have ventured to encounter sucha force.

Information had been sent of the proclamation to all the
police-stations, and he believed that few persons were
present at the meeting before the day on which it
was to take place, except, perhaps, an inconsiderable

number. But from the display of military force. he be-
lieved that no collision would be possible. The Right
Hon. Gentleman had said that the meeting'was not legal,
but nothing could have been easier for Mr. O'Connell
than to try that question by going with a few persons to
the place of meeting and bringing an action of trespass
against those who prevented them from meeting. The
Noble Lord proposed to go into Committee of the whole
House, and then to propound resolutions condemnatory
of the conduct cf the present Government, but the Noble
Lord cautiously abstained from propounding any reme-
dies except to increase the number of stipendiary magis-
trates. His Right Hon. Friend gave that Noble Lord
such a le,son on this subject, that he believed he would
not be in a hurry to propose such a recipe again.—
(Cheers) The Noble Lord spoke of the Established
Church of Ireland, which he would break up into a
tripartite division to make provision for the three
Churches in Ireland, Catholic, Protestant, and Presby-
terian. But the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Waterford, repudiated any idea of making a State pro-
vision fair the Roman Catholic Church. It was not
worth while therefore discussing the subject, because
the only object the Government could have in view in
proposing such a State provision for the Catholic clergy
would be to secure their good will and affections; and if
they were told by Roman Catholics it would
be injurious to their religion, it would be al-
together hopelesS to attempt such a proposal.
Then they came to the question, were they to subtract
any p of the revenues of the Protestant Church.
In his speech the Hon. Gentleman disclaimed any such
intention ; lie said it was not a question of money.
Well, then, it must be the actual existence of the
Established Church which was concerned and
though he believed that the great body of
Roma.' Catholics would adhere to the declarations
which they had made on this subject, yet he believed
that there were men, there were agitators, in Ireland,
who would not be satisfied with any measure, short of
the actual subversion of the Protestant Church.—(Hear,
hear.) He did not believe that that House, or
any House which might be assembled, would consent
to the subversion of the Protestant Church in Ireland.
He did not know what might now be the opinions of
the Noble Lord opposite ; but when he introduced the
Church Temporalities Bill, be stated that he did so with
a vieiv rather of strengthening the Protestant Church ;
and, therefore, though he might have been disposed to
take a portion of its funds, as in the csse of the Appro-
priation Bill, for other purposes, he would not be disposed
altogether to subvert the Establishment. The object in
that case was to apply a certain part to general educe-
cation, and not to provide for the religious education of
the people. Some references had been made to the de-
clarations that he (Lord Eliot) had formerly made in
that House. To those declarations he adhered, both in
their letter and in their spirit.—(Hear, hear.) He did
not remember the very words, but they simply imported
that the Government, of which he had become a member,
would conduct the Government of Ireland in a spirit of
impartiality. Now, notwithstanding all the aspersions
which had been cast upon her Majesty's Government,
he was quite unable to fix on any single act which
required defence from him. The Government had been
in power two years and a half, and during that time he had
not heard any imputation except that which his Hon.
Friend had expressed last night in reference to the jury,
and, generally speaking, their exercise of Crown patron
age; and he presumed the Right Hon. Gentlemen oppo-
site were not so ignorant of the Constitution of this
country as to imagine that her Majesty's Government
were bound to dispense that only to their political oppo-
nents. Now it did so happen, unfortunately, that a very
large majority in the liberal professions in Ireland be-
longed to the Established Church. Take the instance
of Queen's counsel. The Queen's counsel were about
sixty or seventy in number. How many Roman Catho-
lic Queen's counsel were there ? Twelve. Had it been
said by any man in that House, or in Ireland, that
either the late Lord Chancellor, Lord Plunket, or the
present Lord Chancellor, had excluded from the
honour of the silk gown any man whose pro-
fessional standing entitled him to it ?—(Hear, hear.)
He denied that that had ever been the case. Eight
Queen's counsel were employed by the traversers. It
was to be presumed that they put into requisition the
services of the most eminent men at the bar of the Ro-
man Catholic religion, yet out of the eight Queen's
counsel five were Protestants. Could there be a stronger
proof that the great majority of eminent men belonging
to the bar were Protestants?—(Hear, hear.) It was this
circumstance which made it difficult for the Government
to select for office men professing the Roman Catholic
religion.—(Hear, hear,) It was painful to him to enter
into these personal discussions, but he asked gentlemen
opposite, who brought these grave charges against the
Government, to consider in what position they were
placed. He contended that the Government had con-
ferred honours on men who, by the common consent of
their profession, stood in the foremost ranks, and he de-
fied the lion. Gentleman to produce any instance in which
any unfit or improper man had been raised to the Bench
or appointed to any office. As so much had been said
of the partiality of the English Government to English-
men, he had thought it right to state that he believed,
since their accession to power, the Government had not
made a single appointment which they had reason to
regret. Her Majesty's present Government had ap-
pointed three stipendiary magistrates—a situation of
very grt at responsibility. They had selected an assist-
ant barrister for a high judicial office, and that gentle-
man had conciliated to himself the good-will and affections
of the inhabitants of one of the most important counties
in Ireland. He referred to Mr. Sergeant Howley, who
had received from the whole of the magistracy, upwards
of 100, from private gentlemen, from the yeomanry, and
from the inhabitants at large of the county of Tipperary,
an expression of satisfaction at his appointment. He
believed that Mr. Sergeant Howley was the only Roman
Catholic whom the Government could have selected for
the honour conferred on him ; but, at the same time, he
must assert that there were many gentlemen at the bar,
belonging to the Protestant Church, whose claims i
were quite equal to those of Mr. Sergeant Howley,
whose politics, though they had always been moderate,
were certainly not those of the present Government.
He thought he had said enough to show the House
that, in the distribution of patronage, her Majesty's Go-
vernment had not been actuated by any exclusive or un-
worthy motives, but that they had endeavoured to select
the men whom they thought best qualified for their re-
spective offices, without reference to religious distinc-
tions or differences.—(Hear, hear.) He did maintain,
that in the whole course of their administration, the
Government had been guilty of no dereliction of duty
whatever, either by tampering with the administration
of justice or by promoting anything like an ascendancy
of one party over the other. Be believed that the
strictest impartiality had been observed, and he should
be prepared, whenever called upon, to vindicate any of
the appointments or any particular acts of the Irish
Government. But it was very difficult to deal with these
sweeping, vague, and general accusations. He had taxed
his memory to the utmost, for instances in which some
apology or explanation might be necessary, but he
honestly confessed that he could not find one. He
would not indulge in vague and general expressions of
attachment to Ireland, but he said unaffectedly that he
had always entertained a warm desire to promote the
prosperity of that country, and his official connexion
with it, the kind and hospitable reception which he had
met with in the country, and the friendships which he
was happy to say he had contracted there, as well as
all which he had seen of the country and its inhabitants,
had greatly strengthened and increased that desire. He
might be mistaken in the means which he thought
adapted to that end, but he honestly declared that he

would never be a consenting party to any measure
which he did not seriously believe to be calculated to
advance the welfare of the Irish nation.—(Loud cheers.)
On the motion of an Hort. MEMBER the debate was
again adjourned. _ _

—Mr. FIAIRAND then moved for a copy of the General
Order of the Poor-law Commissions, which has received
the sanction of the Secretary of State, that no child of
seven years old shall be separated in any workhouse
from its mother.

Sir J. GRAHAM said that all that the Hon. Member
had asked for had been placed before the House.—
(Hear, hear.) It had already been printed in every
shape and form.—(Hear, hear.) He must, therefore,
protest against the re-printing of the Order alluded to
by the lion. Member.
Mr. FERRAND said he only wished for that part of
the order which related to the separation of mother and
child.

Sir J. GRAHAM said that he could have no objec-
tion, if the Hon. Member wished it, although he could
now hand him up every information, to agree to his
suggestion, but in doing so he must e allowed to say
that it was unnecessary.—(Hear, hear.)
The motion was then negatived, and the House ad-
journed at Half-past Twelve o'Clock.

ADVERTISEMENT.
FOUR SUPPLEMENTS WITH THE " DISPATCH."-
The extraordinary demand for the Dispatch of Sunday last, Feb. 11,
witir a Second Supplement, extended to 165,000 impressions, and
affords the Proprietors the gratification of finding that the exertions
they made to famish their readers with a perfect History of the
great National Trial are fully appreciated. To render the Supplements
to the Dispatch truly acceptable to their patrons, the Proprietors
have been induced, by the length of the proceedings, to alter their
original plan, and instead of presenting Two Supplements, they will
extend it to FOUR, thus rendering the record of this memorable trial
both ample and complete. The Supplements of Feb. 4 and 11 are
still on sale ; but early applications are necessary to ensure the pos-
session of these portions of this invaluable historical register. Orders
for the Dispatch are received by every News Agent and Book-
seller in the kingdom ; and by Mr. Wood, at the Dispatch Office,
139, Fleet-street.

THE SECRET PASSION.-Of the numberless illus
trators of Shakspeare, no one has produced so animated a
picture of the poet, and the highly picturesque age in which
he flourished, as the author of those entertaining works called
" The Shakspeare Novels," now completed by the publica-
tion of " The Secret Passion ;" a production, the character of
which can be best conceived by a summary of the chief fea-
tures of its extremely interesting story. The author com-
mences with his hero in the height of his fame, from his first
acquaintance with the celebrated Countess of Pembroke, with
whose son he is placed in the situation of travelling tutor;
an office, as is well known, held at the same period by Ben
Jenson. This arrangement enables the author to introduce
some extraordinary scenes and adventures in which Shak-
speare and the young heir of Pembroke are represented as
engaged in whilst at Rome, Venice, and other Italian cities,
and subsequently at the Court of Henri Quatre. The scene
is then changed to the Court of James 1., and among the
principal personages to be found there arc the King. Henry
Prince of Wales, Villiers Duke of Buckingham, Lord South-
ampton, Sir Hugh Clopton, Sir George Carew, &c. The last
portion of the story shows the poet enjoying an honourable
retirement in his native town of Stratford-upon-Avon, which
cannot fail of being recognised as a most delightful conclu-
sion to a narrative of unrivalled interest.

Mr. Bright will thank the Editor of The Sun to
correct. the report of the presentation of a petition by him
last night. It was from Glasgow, and not from the Society
of Friends, as reported in all the papers.
REPRESENTATION OF LANCASTER.—It is said that
George Marton, Esq., one of the Conservative Members for
the borough of Lancaster, will shortly vacate his seat in
Parliament, and that William Garnett, Esq., late High
Sheriff of Lancashire, who has recently purchased the queer-
niore estate, in the vicinity of the borough, . will oiler himself
as Dar. 111artou's successor.—Linerpod Courser.