The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-24 00:00:00

FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 24j 1850.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 23.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY BILL.
This Bill was set down for a third reading this day, but
Mr. T. EGERTON moved that the third reading be
postponed-until Monday next, in order to give"the House
an opportunity of considering a clause in the Bill which
had been unanimously agreed to by one of its own Com-
mittees.

Mr. MANGLES opposed the postponement of the
third reading on the ground that the application was un-
reasonable and irregular.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL supported the motion
for postponement, thinking it was but fair that the House
should have an opportunity of considering the clause in
question, which opportunity they would not have if the
Bill passed the third reading at once. He must say tki-
hasty way in which the third reading was sought
to be carried through the House was discreditable to the
London and North-Western Railway Company, and
savoured very much of sharp practice, the promoter:
having given notice of the third reading one minute
before six o'clock, the hour when the Private Bill Office
closed, on the day of the adjournment of the House.
After some further discussion in which Mr. A. Dun-
combo, Mr. Wilson Patten, and Mr. Glyn took part,
Mr. MANGLES withdrew his opposition, and th*
motion for postponing the third reading until Monde),
next was agreed to.

PRIVATE BILLS.
The following private Billy were read a third time,
and passed:—
South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway
(Amendment of Acts, Deviation at Doncaster, &c.)
South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway
(Amendment of Acts, Deviation to Worsborougb, &c.)
The following private Bills, as amended, were con-
sidered:—

Dumfries and Maxwelltown Waterworks.
Gorbals Gravitation Water Company.
Newcastle•upon-Tyne Improvement, Amendment of
Acts, and New Streets.
New North Road.

Swansea klunicipal Corporation.
Tyne Navigation.

PETITIONS.
Several petitions were presented against Sunday
labour in the Post-office.
Mr. G. DUNCAN presented a petition from a place
in the Isle of Arran against the Marriage Affinity Bill.
Mr. WNEILL presented a petition from Inverary to
the same effect.
Mr. ELLIOT presented a petition from factory ope-
ratives in Peebles against the Ten Hours Bill.
Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from
Bradford in favOur of the Bill for secular education.
Mr. MITCHELL presented a petition from the
Bloomsbury Savings Bank against the Savings Bank Bill.
Sir J. TROLLOPE presented a petition from Lincoln
in favour of protection to agriculture.
Lord NAAS presented a petition from Queen's
county in Ireland against the national system of edu-
cation in Ireland.
Mr. BOUVERIE presented a petition from Kilmar-
nock against the Marriage Bill.
Mr. GROGAN presented a similar petition from
Dublin.
Mr. HUDSON presented a petition from the Mayor
and Corporation of Sunderland against any alteration
in the present system of revising the burgess list.
COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY.
Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that to-morrow he
should move for a report of the number of commission:
of inquiry issued since the year 1830, together with the
expense of each.
MILITARY KNIGHTS OF WINDSOR.
Colonel SALWEY gave notice that on going into Com-
mittee of Supply, he should move that the sum to be voted
for the maintenance of the Millitary Knights of Windsor
be refused.
RECALL OF THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR
On the motion for going into Committee of Supply,
Lord PALMERSTON rose, and said he felt, in con-
sequence of what had passed on a former occasion in that
House, with regard especially to an answer which he had
felt it his duty to make to a question put to
him by his Right Honourable Friend the Member
for Manchester, it was due to himself and the
House to make some explanation.—(Cheers.) His Right
Hon. Friend on Thursday last asked him, if he rightly
remembered his question, whether there was a perfectly
good understanding then existing between the
Government of France and her Majesty's Goverment
in regard to the affairs of Greece.—(Hear, hear.)
He stated, as far as he could recollect, that the French
Ambassador had left London the day before—that he had
been charged by her Majesty's Government with expla-
nations to the French Government—that the chief ob-
ject of his going was to give the explanation himself
in person, and that ho also hoped nothing would
arise out of the matter to disturb the friendly relation,
which existed between the two Governments.—(Hear,
hear.) Now about that time there was read in the
French Chamber, by General Lahitte, a letter recalling
—no, that was not the proper term to apply to it—
ordering the French Ambassador's return.—(Hear, hear.)
It was thought by many persons, in and out of the House,
that there was some inconsistency between that letter
and his answer, with regard to the transaction itself—
it was thought, indeed, that he was endeavouring to
suppress something that the House and the public
had a right to expect from him.—(Loud crier
of " Hear, hear.") Now what passed in regard to
the circumstances was this: A difference of opinion had
arisen between the Government of France and the Go
vernment of her Majesty as to the affairs of Greece.
and the previous few days' proceedings which her
Majesty's Government had taken in relation to that dis-
pute—in fact, the difference of opinion arose out of
the manner in which the affair had been terminated be-
tween England and Greece.—(Hear, hear.) On the
Saturday previous to this was the first opportunity he
had had of receiving the dispatch from Greece and com-
municating it .to the French Ambassador. On the
Monday morning the French Ambassador came to
him for the purpose of entering into a discussion of
the dispatch, but, in consequence of his being summoned
that day to give evidence before a Committee of the
House, he requested him to come the next morning.—
(Hear, hear.) The French Ambassador did come the next
morning, on the Tuesday, and they went at great
length into the dispatch which had been received
from Athens, which was read to him, and
he explained to the French Ambassador the
views of her Majesty's Government on the
subject, and told him that her Majesty's Government
did not think the course they had adopted ought justly
to give any ground of offence to France.—(Hear, hear.)
The conversation was long, and the French Ambassador
left him at rather elate hour, stating that he would return
the next day. At twelve o'clock on the Wednesday he
accordingly came again, and in the course of the con-
versation which then ensued the French Ambassador
read the letter which be had just received from
General De Lahitte.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
That letter expressed the conditions on which the French
Ambassador was to return to France. The French Am-
bassador said " to-morrow the papers will be presented
to the Assembly, and to-morrow there may be a discus-
sion in that Assembly, and it is my duty to be at Paris
before the Chambers meet in order to afford
any explanations they might wish to hear
from him." He (Lord Palmerston) said he
concurred in the course the French Ambassador mean;
to pursue. The next morning he (Lord Palmerston)
begged M. Drouyn de l'Huys would communicate to his
Government the substance of the explanations he had
given him, and he furnished that gentleman with certain
of Mr. Wyse's dispatches to lay before his Government,
having previously marked certain passages which he
deemed important. So stood, things on the Thursday,
when he (Lord Palmerston) was questioned in this
House. In the first place, he could not have ex.
peered in the ordinary course of things that the letter of
General Lahitte would be read to the Assembly—
(Cheers) even before the Assembly was in ' pos-
session of the documents connected with the trans-
actions to which his letter related. It certainly
never entered into his (Lord Palmerston's) mind,
that such a course of proceeding would be in
any case adopted ; but he was also justified
in thinking that the explanations he had furnished would,
if they did not remove any dissatisfaction the French
Government felt, at all events tend greatly to modify
their feelings and lead to fresh explanations. Now, at
i rtohuaytn
House
d oeu 31: Hwu
hyos
hadN anyw just appreciation of the
the very moment, he (Lord. Palmerston) was giving his
answer, the French Minister must have been assigning to
the French Assembly reasons for the return of M.
D he would ask any man
n
interests of his country, and of the position of a Foreign
Minister in that House, whether he should not have
been guilty of the greatest indiscretion if he had pro-
claimed to the House the contents of that letter when
he had hoped the misunderstanding had ceased?—
(Loud cheers.) He would give a further justifica-
tion of the course which he took ; it was dictated
by an earnest desire to avoid and soften if possi-
ble anything like angry feelings on the part of
the French Government, which mast seriously prejudice
the character of the relations of the two Governments.
Now, the letter itself required that he should make some
observations, because that letter charged her Majesty's
Government, and especially him (Lord Palmerston),
as the organ of that Government, with having
broken faith with the Government of France, inasmuch
as it asserted that, contrary to the negotiations of Baron
Gros, as controlled by the acts; of Mr. Wyse, coercive
measures were resumed. The papers already in the
hands of many Hon. Members showed that the functions
of Baron Gros were not suspended by any act of Mr.
Wyse. but by the act of Baron Gros himself ;
and that Mr. Wyse, ao far from giving instruc-
tions to suspend him, had expressed a strong
desire that he should be continued. He (Lord
Palmerston) thought the papers would show that even
after Baron Gros had communicated to Mr. Wyse that
his functions were suspended, and his mission for the ,
moment was put an end to, Mr. Wyse, so far from taking
advantage of the earliest opportunity to have recourse
to coercive measures, made a proposition to Baron Gros,
which, if it had been accepted, would have, satisfied
those claims, the principle of which were not in
dispute, and have left untouched, or subject to further
discussion, any particular points on which differences of
opinion had arisen. Baron Gros's request to Mr. Wyse
was—" Refer to your Government instructions as to the
point of difference which has taken place; retain in
your possession the vessels_ which you have in posses-
sion, but abstain from taking any wore." After the

function of Baron Gros had been susp-nded
Nit.. Wyse said, if the Greek Government
would seed him (Mr. Wyse) a sum which
he thought was the just amount of compensation
due for the losses of Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifice,—if the
Greek Government would send 180,000 drachmas, and
would accompany that with a letter, stating that that
sum was in full satisfaction of all the claims mentioned
in his (Mr. Wyse's) note of the 17th January, with
the exception of M. Pacificm'a losses resulting from the
destruction of his documents, he would then—what ?
Put the country in statu quo ? No. He (Mr. Wyse)
would immediately release all the Greek mer-
chantmen. and give freedom to the commerce of Greece.
That would have been a very just arrangement for the
Greek Government. By that arrangement the terms of
the letter of ap logy for the insult offered to the British,
and also the arrangement for the settlement of
Pecifico's other claims, would have been left to be settled
at a future time. Baron Gros replied to Mr. Wyse
that he was no longer the official mediator, but that he
would recommend the adoption of those terms in his
private capacity. That was on the 24th, and on the
morning of the next day Baron Gros informed Mr.
Wyse, by a private letter, that it was prebable that the
British Minister would before evening receive th it sum
,f money and the desired hitter. On this understanding
elr Wyse had suspended the resumption of coercive
neasures, and it was not until five o'clock on the same
/lay, when the money and the letter had not arrived.
hat he again gave orders for the resumption of
coercive ineesures. They were therefore j usti-
tied in saying that it was certainly not
gr. Wyse who put an end to the mission of
tiaron Gros, or that he had refused to allow coercive
neasures to he suspended. Mr. Wyse considered that
riaron Gros had voluntarily withdrawn himself from his
fission. And he (Lord Palmerston) thought that the
French Government were entirely mistaken in supposing
that there was any departure from the clear understand-
mg that it rested with Baron Gros, and not with Mr.
Wyse, to put an end to his functions as mediator. As
o the second question, giving credit to Mr. Wyse for
eaving judged right in his opinion that Baron Gros had
withdrawn himself from the mission—and he (Lord
Palmerston.) certainly thought he was right--as to the
,econd question, whether the point upon which they
differed was one in which it was right for Mr. Wyse to
refer to his own Goverment for further instructions.
Ind in the mean time to allow matters to remain in statu
quo, it was clearly understood that although the English
Government accepted the good offices of France, it was
for the purpose, and with the hope, of obtaining that
satisfaction which it had already began to endea-
sour to obtain, and it was at the same time clearly
understood that this Government could consent
to abandon any one of its claims. And that there was
no misunderstanding on this point was perfectly plain
from the dispatches of M. Drouyn de l'Huys which were
already published, he supposed, from authentic sources.
In these dispatches M. Drouyn de l'Huys clearly laid
down what he understood to be the limits of the media-
tion of Baron Gros. He was not to enter into any
negotiations which at all touched upon the principle of
the demands of this Government, nor to enter
into the sums which had been fixed as a satisfactory
compensation to be obtained. The good offices of Baron
Gros were not to be employed on fixing the amount of
hese sums in any case unless they were not expressly
stated by this Government. The principle of our de-
mand was contained in six articles transmitted to the
French Government, in which were advanced the claims
for compensation for certain lonians who had been
111-treated at the hands of the Greeks; and also for
.he claims of Mr. Finlay and Pacifico. On the 16th of
February Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys wrote to say that the
question to be settled was one which would not at all
infringe upon the principle of the British claims. In a
iispatch of the 22d of the same month he again ex-
pressly repudiated anything that would seem
to be a negation of the claims of the British
Government; and he there remarked that it only
remained to he settled what !should be the amount of the
ndemnity to be granted to Pacifico and Finlay. On the
22d of March he also repeated the same, and laid down
what he understood to be the extent of Mr. Wyse's powers
It was distinctly understood by that dispatch, that the
Portuguese claim should be a separate question, and
should remain to be afterwards settled. There appeared,
However, to be some misunderstanding at Athens on the
subject, and on the Bth April M. D'Lhuys wrote another
letter to General Lahitte, in which he explained to the
French Government that if any difference of opinion
should arise betweea Baron Gros and Mr. Wyse as to
the compromise which the negotiator proposed relative
to the only points they had to examine, then, and only
then, would Mr. Wyse and Admiral Parker have
:o consult with their own Governments. Some doubt
't appeared, then arose between Baron Gros and Mr.
Wyse, and the former intimated that he would with-
traw from the negotiation. The question then came to
this—did the matter upon which this doubt or difference
of opinion arose, form one of the points which the nego-
tiator had to settle, or not? He thought he (Lord Pal-
merston) had clearly shown by the extracts he bad
referred to that it was clearly understood between the
two Governments that the only points which the nego-
tiator would have to examine were those having refer-
ence to the amount to be given to Mr. Finlay and M.
Pacifico. Now it seemed that the negotiation broke off
not on those points, but on the question whether the Greek
Government was or was not to make an engagement
with the view of not only examining into the losses of
M. Pacifico, but of agreeing to pay him the amount of
any loss which it might be proved he had sus-
tained by the instructions of his Government.
Baron Gros had not only agreed on the 16th
to the engagement, but had actually consented
that there should he a deposit ref 150,000 drachmas, as
security for the fulfilment of the negotiation. The only
difference of opinion between him and Mr. Wyse, on
that occasion, was that Baron Gros contended that
the deposit should be held jointly by Greece and
England, while Mr. Wyse, on the contrary, con-
tended that the security stionld be deposited
in the Bank of England, or, if Baron Gros preferred it,
in the Bank of France. Baron Gros, however, consented
to take the matter into further consideration, but ho
afterwards altered his opinion, and said he was not sa-
tisfied that the claims of Pacifico were deserving of any
serious consideration. Mr. Wyse showed his instruc-
tions to Baron Gros, and said he could not deviate from
them, but Baron Gros appeared to have acted on an er-
roneous impression produced by a dispatch of M. Drouyn
de l'Huys, and a difference of opinion having arisen
between the two negotiators, the negotiation was ac-
cordingly broken off. Baron Gros had originally
proposed that the ships, with their cargoes, should be
restored in the same condition as when captured.
Baron Gros having withdrawn his proposal, Mr. Wyse
withdrew his ; but Mr. Wyse having learnt in
the meantime that the Greek Government was
collecting a statement of its losses through Portu-
gal, with the view of setting them off against
,he claims that were made upon Greece, he thought
it right at once to discountenance any such demand.—
(Cheers.) Throughout the whole negotiation Mr. Wyse
had insisted upon the principle being admitted that M.
Pacifico had a claim upon the Greek Government, but
he had never disputed the right of Greece to an inquiry
into the validity of the amount claimed. It,
however, had mattered not to her Majesty's
Government what the amount was, whether it was 11..
10/., or 201.; but were it ever so small her Majesty's
Government felt it to be a point of principle to
support the claims that wore madc—(Hear, hear.)
From the very first it was established as a point
of principle that the Greek Government was
justly liable, and that principle throughout the whole
negotiation was never disputed nor departed from.—
(Hear, hear.) He had now stated generally, and he
hoped explicitly, the circumstances which led Mr. Wyse
to break off the negotiations.—(Heaa hear.) He
need not say that every occurrence which was
calculated to suspend the friendly relations
which had hitherto subsisted between France and
England must he a source of deep and painful regret to
her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers.) He hoped he
had said nothing—he was sure it was not his wish or in
;ention to do so—that was at all calculated either to in-
crease the misunderstanding or to throw any obstacles
in the way of its speedy settlement.—(Cheers.) He
was not without hope that when this question
came to be calmly, dispassionately, and clearly investi-
gated by the French Government, it would at once see
that there was not the slightest ground for its seeking
to interrupt its communication with a friendly power like
England, and he therefore could not resist the hope that
the discussion now going on between the two Governments
might tend to a result satisfactory to both sides.—
(Cheers.) He hstl already stated that he should be
sorry to say anything that could stand in the way of a
speedy settlement of this question, and he had only to add
a hope that it would not be agitated in that House until
it was known how the discussion going on between the two
Governments would terminate, bat, however, should it he
necessary now to speak upon the subject, he should
hope that no Hon. Member would say anything or ex-
press himself in a manner that was at all calculated to
affect the feelings of France or its Government.
It was the anxious desire of her Majesty's Government
to cultivate the most friendly relations with France—
it was quite immaterial to them who were the
men who composed the Government of France.
They did business with the Government as it
existed and was recognised by the country, and none
other did they negotiate or hold communication with.—
(Cheers.) In conclusion, therefore, he could not help
expressing a hope, that whatever the Govern-
ment of France might think of the real
matter at issue, at least it would do her Ma-
jesty's Government the justice to admit that there
intentions
on no ground to complain of a want of good
on the part of her Majesty's Government towards them,
or any wish to withhold that respect which it was the
duty of her Majesty's Government always to extend to-
wards them.—(Cheers.)
Sir J. WALSH thought it right to remind the Noble
Lord that when he answered the question of the Right
llon. Member for Manchester, he must have been in

possession of the contents of General Lahitte's letter,
though it bad not been oflluiallv communicated to him.

It was not his intention to fellow the Noble Lord iu
his statements. Nu time had been given Members to
read the bulky documents just laid on the table of
the House. The great question at issue be-
tween the Noble Lords ant the French Government was
whether Baron Gros's mission was at an end; or
whether instructions should be received from Lon-
don and Paris? It was clear that Baro❑ Gros
did nct think the negotiation was at an end,
and there the British Government and the
Baron were at issue. It was clear that the French Go-
vernment considered that the claims ought to be sub-
mitted to the discretion of their negotiator. It was
most desirable that good relations should be kept up, not
only with the French Government, but with other states
*were the relations with this country were hanging on a
slender tie. The policy of the Noble Lord seemed to
be to suuder the tie of every country with England.
had done so with almost every state in Europe, and

he was now attempting it with Franc©. The course he
had pursued with respect to Greece had placed Dig-
land in a most unenviable position.—(flear, hear.)
He believed at present that the affairs of this country
with France were not serious, but he warned the Noble
Lord of the effects of the course he was pursuing.
Lord MAHON deprecated the great delay that had
taken place in the delivery and production of the docu-
ments that were so important to the discussion of the
question. He thought time ought to be given to consider
the documents before the question was fully discussed.
Mr. SMYTHE believed that the Noble Lord was
in error in stating that M. Gros had given up
the negotiation, and read a letter of Monsieur
Gros's in order to support that assertion. He agreed
with the Noble Lord that the time had
not arriseil properly to discuss this question, but he
thought that the time had arrived when some course
should be pursued to prevent the interruptions
that were threatened of the good feelings be-
tween this country and France.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord had taken every opportunity to endea-
vour t accomplish the severance of this country with
France. The course that had been pursued by the
Noble Lord in the whole f the present transaction
had shown a pedantry unworthy of a great
nation, and a jealousy and insult Cu France than• was
easily uncalled tor. The Noble Lord had insulted
France by entering into a convention on the lath April,
which he was (,b;iged to repudiate and reject on the loth
slay. And why was be °Wig d to repudiate anti reject
it? beeeuse on the 27,11 April, by the aid of the levia-
than fleet of Great Britain, he at last harpooned his
miserable minnow—the in fieitessimal monarchy of
Greece.—(L eighter.) What wonder, then, that an
ardent and susceptible people like the French, in the
pre: ence of such an outrage, from such a great power to
so feeble a state—what wonder that a fiery and suscep-
tible people in the presence of so long a series of evil
offices from the minister of July, 1840—what wonder
that they should have arisen as one man, represented
by seven-eighths of the Chamber representing universal
suffrage, to applaud the recall of weir Ambassador. He
had seen it stated that the recall was not sympathised in
by the higher authorities of France. But this much he
would venture to say, that the prince or governor, who-
ever hejmight be, who was at the head of ethics in France,
would have a very good chance of sleeping at Vincennes
if he had ❑ot exhibited that sympathy.—(Hear, hear.)
It was stated that one-fourth of the Assembly did
not entertain the same feeling of indignation to-
wards the conduct of the Noble Lord which was
felt by the larger portion of that body. Now he
(Mr. S.) was reading a work the other day,
written by the most able leader, and most elo-
quent champion of the democratic party in France—
Ledru Rollin, in which he spoke of England and its
foreign policy as a worn-out vulture in its isolated eyrie;
and he said there was no treaty into which this country
had ever entered which had not been violated, and that
the sea is not more full of ruin and wreak than the
history of English diplomacy is of trickery and deceit.
It appeared to him (Mr. S.) that there were only two
solutions to this question, which would be satisfactory to
the House One, perhaps, it would almost be too absurd
to name —the retirement of the Noble Lord—(Laughter.)
So:far as the balance of power was concerned, no man
could doubt that Great Britain was a necessary party in
the present condition of the world; that in the present
state of Great Britain the Whigs were necessarily the
Government, and that the Noble Lord was necessary to
the Whig Government.—(Laughter.) It was, therefore,
impossible to come to that solution. But there was
another solution, and he would venture to implore the
Noble Lord to give effect to that solution, by which ho
would confer a great benefit on Greece, show duo cour-
tesy to France, and do justice to England, whose honour
was in this matter so solemnly engaged.—(Hear.)
Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND—I am of opinion that
the statement made by the Noble Secretary for Foreign
Affairs on a former evening, which has not been inter-
preted by some persons as it ought to have been, has
now been satisfactorily explained.—(Hear.) It further
appears to me that the Noble Lord did nothing but his
duty in making that statement in the terms which he
used. There is, however, much truth in the old saying,
that when a man is determined either to marry or to
fight, it is very difficult to prevent him.—(A laugh.) I
wish I did not see such a pugnacious spirit—such a des-
perate desire to fight, on the part of her Majesty's
Ministers.—(Hear.) It is true that many cases may
arise in which it would be impossible to put up altoge-
ther with an insult from a weaker power; but I remem-
ber perfectly well the great Mr. Grattan observing, upon
some occasion—l think it was when Sir F. Burdett was
committed to the Tower—" Every ono sides with the
weaker party. You may sometimes see a little
(.1( formed dwarf kicking the shins of a great giant
of a fellow, and when the giant, very properly,
boxes his ears, all the bys antlers sympathise with
the dwarf by calling out Well done, little one.' "
(Laughter and cheers.) lam willing to admit, though
only for the sake of argument, that it was necessary fur
the British Government to send a fleet to exact a sum
of money from Greece; but the moment a great power
like France offered its mediatio❑ in the matter, Minis-
ters would have best consulted true policy and real dig-
nity by at once surrendering up the whole question, and
putting it entirely out of their own hands.—(Loud
cheers.) They ought to have given France a carte
blanche to deal with the matter as she pleased.—
(Cheering renewed.) It unfortunately happens that the
documents which have been placed upon the table of the
House contained evidence showing it to be the general
opinion of foreign powers that the English Government
have instigated every rebellion that has occurred
throughout Europe.—(Cheers.) It is alio the opinion
of the rebels themselves, who complain that England
fomented their mischievous proceedings at . first, and
left them in the lurch at last. The result is that now
we have not a single friend in any part of Europe.
It must be admitted that the Noble Lord the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs is not particularly nice as to giving
offence to foreign Governments. Only that morning, on
reading some papers lately presented to the House, rela-
tive to the renewal of terms of amity between this coun-
try and Spain, I observed that the Noble Lord had inge-
niously contrived to rub the old sore.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) The Noble Lord professed an anxiety to be
upon terms of peace and amity with the Spanish Go-
vernment, and yet be went out of his way to parade be-
fore that Government in the most offensive and insulting
manner a name which he knew was odious to it.—(Loud
cries of " Hear.") Now, suppose two private gentlemen
had had a quarrel about one of their servants, and
agreed to make peace with each other, would not
every feeling of delicacy and honour prevent the name of
the servant from being introduced into their conference?
—(Cheers.) It is slesirable the House should clearly
understand that it is not upon Ministers they are called
upon to pronounce judgment in these matters. It is
the honour of the Crown which is at stake—it is a
question of peace or war.—(Hear, hear.) If the House of
Commons do not decidedly say by a large majority that
they will have peace with France—cost what it may
cost. (Cries of " Oh!" from the benches usually oc-
cupied by the Financial Reformers and friends of peace.)
Oh (continued the Hon. Member, turning to them), I
am not a member of the Peace Society.—(Great cheering
and laughter.) lam not one of those who say that there
should be no war, but I have a great contempt for the
pot valour which would rush into a war without counting
tho cost—(Hear, hear)—and would then come back here
whining and crying out for diminished armaments, to be
followed again by compl tints of crippled commerce and
starved manufactures.—(Hear, hear.) Let us under-
stand what we are about. We are going to war, not
with Franco alone, but with Austria and Russia secretly
backing her, and we must look very sharp if, arter the
dispatches which have been received this day, America
is not found behind them.—(Cheers.)
Colonel DUNNE next addressed the House, but the
hugs of conversation made him almost inaudible. He
was understood to say that he was willing to preserve
peace at any price save the sacrifice of national honour,
which compelled us to protect thu persons and property
of all her Majesty's subjects.
Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I would recommend the House
not to ratify, with too assenting a cheer, the position of
the Noble Lord the Member for Hertford, that we
should not presume to give an opinion upon any foreign
transactions in this House, until the papers are laid be-
fore us. I remember last year, or the year before, with
respect to certain transactions in Italy, that considerable

excitement was felt even in the House of Commons, and,
influenced by an equal delicacy, some slight discussion
only took place upon the most important transactions in

modern history. The House had made up their mind
that they would not enter into the subject until the
papers were laid before it. At the end of the session,
or, I believe, after the prorogation of Parliament, those
papers appeared in the shape of three folio volumes—
(Hear, hear)—and I will venture to say that if the Gen-
tlemen who have read those three volumes, digested their
contents, and made themselves masters of the subject,
would walk into the old lobby, they would form one of
the smallest minorities that ever went there.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, Sir, I congratulate the Government upon
the frankness with which to-day they have conde-
scended to enter into some explanation. I believe there
is no popular assembly in Europe that less willingly ob-
trudes itself upon discussions connected with our diplo-
matic relations than the House of Commons, and cer-
tainly I believe there never was a Government, even in
England, that has been treated more tenderly by the
House of Commons than her Majesty's present Minis-
ters.—(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, exaetly as that wise re-
serve prevails amongst us, I think we have a right to
ask and obtain any explanation from the Government of
the day, when it is necessary, with becoming franknems.
It is an understood condition and compact between both
sides—between the Government and the Opposition—on
these subjects, that, though unwilling to provoke discus
lions which might interfere with important negotiations,
yet when it is necessary that the House of Commons
should be made acquainted with these transactions there
should be evinced on the part of the Government a
frankness proportionate to the reserve on this side of
the House. Now to-night we have had a speech from
a member of the Government, personally and
peculiarly connected with the transaction of
the.m affairs, which has been considered a
very able and masterly statement. I listened to it, but
for the life of me I cannot understand why is was not
made a week ago.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said
nothing to-night which he might not have said before
the House adjourned; and if the moral effects of the

statement of th'e Noble Lord will be as beneficial as some

parties contemplate, it is a matter to be regretted that a
week should have been lost in making a statement which
might have been made a week ago as well as at the pre-
sent moment, and which, according to the expectations
of [lon. Gentlemen opposite, is calculated to remove all
those inconveniences which we foresee and lament.—
(ll,iar.) Ido not myself intend on the. present occasion
—I see no necessity for it—to enter into any discussion
whatever upon what aro called the affairs of Greece. I
may, however, observe, that though I think the Noble
Lord has explained satisfactorily his glamor to the ques-