The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-21 00:00:00

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M. Blake, M.P., C. Power, M.P., Michael Staunton,
M.P., S. Kelly, M.P., E. B. Roche, M.P., O'Conor
Don, M.P., Ilerry Grattan, M.P.
The usual toasts having been given, Mr. E. B. ROCHE,
M.P., spoke to that of the people.
The next toast, which was proposed by Mr. SMITII
O'BRIEN, M.P., as Chairman, was thus proposed to the
meeting :—" Mr. O'Connell'6 health and happiness, and
that he may live to see the darling object of his life ac-
complished—the Repeal of the Union."—(Lond and en-
thusiastic cheers, which continued several minutes with
unabated enthusiasm.)
Mr. O'CONNELL rose to return thanks. This was the
signal for one of the most glorious and soul-cheering
bursts of applause we have ever heard. Every man rose
as if with one impulse—hearts. hands, and voices were
called into requisition, and the scene of enthusiasm
which followed was indescribable. The ladies in the
galleries: participated in the tribute of grateful aflectiur,
and as one cheer died away, another as gloriously trium-
phant, as full of honest joy and gratulation, broke forth
with increased vigour. When at length sib nee was re-
stored, the Liberator proceeded to return thanks. lie

said—There cannot be one amongst you aho supposes
that I rise in order to pour out Ale sweet words to ex-
press my gratitude. I rise for another ,a bettor, a nobler
purpose. I rise to instigate you all, and, through you,
to arouse all Ireland to renewed exertion for the repeal
of the union.—(Chetrs.) It is very good to chter—
it is very pleasing to be cheered, provided it does not
last too long—(Laughter)—but cheering alone won't
do—words won't do—we must have actions. From this
spot I call upon every man, of every creed, sect, and
persuasion, throughout Ireland, to rally for Ire-
land.—(Cheers.) The illustrious Grattan well said
that be stool by the cradle of Irish independence—that
he followed her to her grave. She is not dead, my
friends—she only sleeps, and here I am calling upon you
to sound the trumpet for her resurrection.—(Cheers.)
Yes, she shall arise—she must rise—in her native dig-
nity—majesty ; she will arise glorious, and as far fin-
mortal as anything earthly can be.—(Cheers.) Grace-
fully she shall proceed in her career of liberty and
happiness, gently bowing the head of allegiance to the
English crown, but asserting firmly her right to be go-
verned by her sons.—(Cheers.) Ours is a country that
ought to be free, and must be free. She has been too
long sunk in provincial degradation—she must be the
sister and co-equal of England, and not continue the
slave of any land.—(Cheers.) And are our prospects
darkened ? Is the vista gloomy through which we be-
hold the coming dawn of Irish freedom ? No ;we are
triumphant to-night—we are celebrating our triumph—
it is an ovation for Ireland and freedons, and the glorious
prospect of liberty shines bright and steady before us.—
(Cheers.) We are celebrating a triumph. A celebrated
French general has rightly asserted that difficulty does
not consist in obtaining victory, but in profiting by it.—
(Hear.) We have gained a victory—certainly without
personal difficulty to ourselves, for it came at a moment
that it was least expected, and when we anticipated that
the dark bolt of Ministerial injustice was shot closely ou
the door of our prison. At that very moment there
came an unseen hand, that shook to pieces every ob-
stacle—the prison door was opened, and it was declared
that Ireland had a right to take her measures
to obtain legislative independence.—(Loud cheers.)
How are we to profit by it ? By redoubling every exer-
tion—by increasing every effort—by organizing every
peaceful energy—and by one and all being prepared to
approach the Parliament at the commencement of the
nest session with the united and combined voice of Ire-
land embodied in our petitions, giving England to under-
stand that as there is not rest for the wicked in the pre-
sence of the Almighty, so there shall be no rest from
agitation until Ireland is righted.—(Cheers.) What is
our first duty in that agitation ? Our first duty is to
combine together the Irish of every sect and persuasion
—to unite and combine all Irishmen of every gradation
of opinion who agree with us in thinking one thing ne-
cessary—the repeal of the union.—(Cheers.) I read
with pleasure, though with some surprise (I called for it
to the secretary), the letter of Mr. Sharman Crawford.
—(Hear, hear.) He seems to think that the leaders of
the agitation have excluded the federal principle from
their consideration, and will not act with those who are
simply federalists. lam happy from this spot—and I
deem it part of my duty—to inform him that he is
mistaken in that supposition. We prefer—most of
us prefer—the simple repeal of the Act of Union ; but
there is not one of us that would not be content to re-
peal the Act of Union, and substitute a federal parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Not one. I don't think federalism
to be the tfest ; but I never was one of those who had
such an overweening opinion of the infallibility of my
own judgment, not readily to yield to argument, and
co operate with any man that thinks better. lam ready
to join with the federalists to repeal the Act of Union,
and obtain, in the words of Mr. Sharman Crawford the
power for Irishmen to make laws to bind Ireland.—
(Cheers.) We have in the Association numbers of per-
sons who have joined us as federalists.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. Grey Porter has proclaimed himself a federalist,
and in the name of the Irish people—(Cheers)—l pro-
pose that he should become the leader of that move-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) I don't want to be leader. lam
quite satisfi•• dto be driver.—(Cheers and laughter.) I
ask, is there any man who can doubt the truth of this
proposition, that the union was carried by the foulest
and most profligate means that ever disgraced a Govern-
ment—force and fraud—bribery and bloodshed—the
bayonet and the triangle—the corrupting influence of
gold—every base passion was sent abroad—every foul
motive was fostered into increased guilt—our country
was filched from us, while we were made to contend
against each other, and the greatest crime that
ever was perpetrated by one nation against another
was perpetrated by England against Ireland, in the
extinction of the Irish Parliament ?—(Hear). I turn
then to the people of Ireland, and telling them that the
guilt was that of the English Government, I ask them
whose was the punishment ? The English Government
sinned, and the Irish people bewailed and suffered for
the crime in misery, poverty, distress, and destitution.
—(Hear, hear.) Oh, sacred Heavens ! how can I look
round this beautiful island, and not see that she contains
all the material elements of the greatest prosperity a--
(Hear, hear.) The industrial resources of Ireland have
been racently brought before the public in the most dis-
tinct point of view by Dr. Kane in his work.—(Cheers.)
Her natural advantages are such, that in describing them
even my prosy language assumes the dignity of poetic
diction. Her perpetual fertility, her green fields, her
verdant valleys, her noble mountains, pouring forth
unceasing torrents that would supply power to turn
the machinery of all the manufactories in the world.
Her spacious bays—her noble harbours—her majestic
estuaries open at every hour of every tide, and cure
against every wind that sweeps through heaven, renders
her a nation qualified in a transeendant degree to attain
a proud and eminent position amongst the commercial
countries of the universe. Nature has endowed her with
all the elements of greatness, happiness, and freedom—
yet how comes it that she is not great, nor happy, nor
free ? She is no nation—she is a pitiful pelting pro-
vince, with a people who are everywhere the victims of
distress, and would be the victims of despair were it not
for their virtue. How comes this, I ask ? It is all the
effect of the deleterious union, and the unhappy system
of things which now exists must for ever exist unless we
resolve upon achieving legislative independence, and in-
sist that Irishmen shall have Ireland for themselvea.—
(Hear, hear.) But there are men who decline to join us
from an apprehension of religious ascendancy being one
of the consequences of a repeal of the union. Ah, Sir
(turning to the Chairman), if you thought so, you
would not be in that chair to-night.—(Hear, hear.)
You have been actively and incessantly engaged
in our movement during the last twelve months.
Not only have you taken part in all our public
manifestations during that period, but you have been
sedulous in your atttendanco upon our private com-
mittees, and you best know whether, from the first day
of your connexion with us to the present hour, you ever
heard from one of us a single expression derogatory to
the religion of those who hold different tenets from the
vast majority of the Irish people.—(Hear, hear.) No
such expression you ever heard issuing from our lips,
and for this manifest reason, that no such thought ever
had existence in our hearts. As a Catholic, I have seen
nothing hut evil offeetc from roligimio , sow r
hate it too intensely to permit that the pure faith which
I conscientiously profess, and which I think the best,
should be contaminated by it.—(Cheers.) But, while we
disclaim all idea of ascendancy on our own parts, it is a
privilege too odious that we shouldsuffer it to be onjoyed
by any other party whatever. Equality, not ascendancy,
is what we labour to attain, and the whole philosophy of
our political principles may be compruiasieelriignhttshisan sentence
e a
—the smooth level of freedom--equal
liberties for all ; but ascendancy or superiority to none.
—(Cheers.) This is our creed—this is our practice—.
these are the objects of our political ambition. Haar
proud would the enemies of Ireland be if our conduct
had been such as to afford any colour or pretext for
a doubt as to the sincerity of our motives. We are
the part of others; and we are equally sin-
re candid when we declare that we will not permit any as-
cendancy
weon
say that we will not lay claim to any such
ce when
thing for ourselves. We are struggling for the three
greatest blessings that can be enjoyed by any people ; a
free press—freedom of education—and freedom of con-
science. This is the reason why we frankly and warmly
call upon our Protestant fellow-couitrymen to join us.
The struggle in which we are engaged is one in which
all classes of Irishmen may, whether Protestant, Catholic,
or Presbyterian, zealously combine and co-operate with-
out the slightest sacrifice of principle. True. lam now
only once more repeating what I have uttered many end
many a time before; but political truths ripen in repeti-
tion, and, as a new generation is every hour arising,
and as a new flow of blood is day by day gushing into
the national veins, it is not absurd nor inexpedient, but
on the contrary highly judicious and advisable, to
reiterate continually a great political fact.—(Hear hear.)
I speak to the young blood of Ireland, and from this spot
I tell them that the hope of their country's salvation is
based on the practical acknowledgement of this great
truth, that that man who for the enforcement of his own
doctrine has recourse to the soldier's bayonet or the
policeman's staff, affords by his conduct the strongest
possible presumptive evidence to show that he has no con-
scientious conviction of the genuine and intrinsic value of
the tenets he professes. When he thinks it necessary to
have recourse to the soldier, the constable, the excutioner,
or the gaoler, he shows that he has no very strong con-
fidence in the intrinsic superiority of the opinions he
professes, and that be suspects they have not truth or
reason to support them. I care not who is the man who
pursues such a course—l care not who may be the per-
secutor, whether Protestant, Catholic, or Presbyterian,
in my mind he is no Christian at all.—(Cheers,) An-
other impediment in the course of repeal is the alleged
danger of a convulsion in property ; but nothing was