The Sun.
London, England, 1868-04-29 00:00:00

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LONDON, IVEDNESDAY, APRIL 29, 1868.

The receipt of additional intelligence from the
Earl of BELMO RE, by the Colonial Secretary, respect-
ing the attempted assassination of the Duke of
EDINBUBGH, leaves no room for doubt that the
assassin was a Fenian. The dastar3iy attack of
O'FARRELL was made, it seems, in obedience to
messages sent from conspirators in this country,
who ordered the death of the Prince. It is under-
stood that O'FARRELL was selected by lot to perpe-
trate the crime, though whether the selection was
made in this country or in Australia is not stated.
The attempt was to have been made when the
Prince landed in state, but the opportunity
did not occur, without risk of injury
to others. This, if true, was a piece of very
unwonted forbearance on the part of a Fenian, since
the risk of injury to others has hitherto put no re-
straint upon their outrages. Clerkenwell is a
notable instance of their total disregard of human
suffering and recklessness of consequences. The
New South Wales Government are evidently con-
vinced that the criminal is only one 'of many, and
are determined to root out the conspiracy from
their midst. They have marked their sense of the
outrage and the resentment of the injury done to
their honoured guest with praiseworthy prompti-
tude and liberality. They have offered £1.,000 re-
ward for the apprehension of each accomplice of
O'FARRELL'S, and already we learn that one arrest,
believed to be au important one, has been made in
Victoria. We may hope that the vigour and libe-
rality with which the colonial authorities have
taken up the affair will succeed in discovering the
whole of the nefarious band of associates who are
thus carrying treason and disaffection and secret
assassination into the prosperous and loyal colonies
of the southern seas. It would be the greatest
possible gain to Australia herself to get rid of such
men at any cost. We know by painful experience
in this country that no man or woman's life is secure
from their attacks, since in their unscrupulous aim
they have no regard for the lives or limbs of those
who have no possible connection with them.
What they can have proposed to themselves by
the murder of the Duke of EDINBURGH it is diffi-
cult to imagine. He is neither the Sovereign nor
heir apparent, and has not even a nominal connec-
tion with Ireland. Such a wanton murder only
testifies to the cruel and cowardly nature of their
aims, which seem rather to harass and irritate
than to effect any definite end. If the Duke of
EDINBURGH had been murdered in Sydney,
Ireland would have been no nearer the
repeal of the Union ; and, in fact, how

little connection there is between the Irish
people themselves and the Fenian conspiracy
is shown by the unbroken cordiality of the recep-
tion given to the Prince and Princess of WALES in
Ireland itself. There is much cause for thankful-
ness that no member of this wretched conspiracy
should have been found to attempt the Prince's life
during his Irish visit, since it is evident, from the
disaster at Sydney, that no attention on the part of
the authorities and no loyalty on the part of the
people can insure the frustration of such a scheme.
We hope that more information will be brought to
light by the arrest of O'FARRELL'S accomplice, and
that the offenders may at least learn that such
crimes cannot be committed with impunity.

The dullness of the House of the Lords was yes-
terday once more enlivened by the Rupert of debate,
and his remarks were the more interesting as he
touched upon the subject now uppermost in men's
minds—the Resolutions of the leader of the Oppo-
sition in the House of Commons. The main object
which the noble lord had in view was to seek infor-
mation from Lord RUSSELL as to the course which
he would take in reference to the House of Lords
and the resolutions now before the other branch of
the Legislature. In doing this he took care not to
enter too fully upon the subject so as to violate
the spirit, if not the letter, of the orders of
the House. Before the Easter holidays an eminent
member of the House of Commons submitted to
that assembly some important Resolutions, and the
motion to consider them was carried by a large
majority. This was important, as the change
thereby proposed certainly justifies any inquiry
being male as to the course to be_taken in respect
to them in the House of Lords. Lord DERBY was
certainly fully justified in assuming that the noble
lords opposite to him have matured their plan in
concert with Mr. GLADSTONE, and could therefore
state what line of policy they would take. Lord
RUSSELL might well be supposed to take the respon-
sibility of conducting the matter, became he had
addressed a public meeting on the subject, and put
himself very prominently forward in supporting
these Resolutions. Lord DERBY entered with a
spirit worthy of his earlier days into an analysis of
Lord RUSSELL'S career respecting the Irish Church,
and showed his inconsistency. He concluded his
criticism on the assumption that the noble lord ad-
hered to that " last phase of his opinions, though it
was at least a fortnight old," but the alterations he
has made during the last few years have been so
extraordinary that much allowance must be made
for the judgment passed upon him. In 1866, when
Lord RUSSELL was Prime Minister, a motion was
made by a noble lord for inquiring into the state of
the temporalities of the Irish Church, and the
noble Premier resisted the attempt as most
imprudent, and he defeated the attempt made.

The next year, when out of office, Lord RUSSELL
actually made the same motion himself that he had
opposed the previous year when brought forward
by another. A commission was accordingly ap-
pointed. Without waiting for that commis.
sion to report he made an expression of opinion
relating to the distribution of the income of the
Protestant Church in Ireland. These changes of
opinio❑ are, indeed, startling ; and it is not to be
wondered at that so►ne curiosity should be expressed
as to what the future course of so eminent a states-
ma❑ may be. It is quite idle for the supporters
of Mr. GLADSTONE to affirm that the course pur-
sued by the Liberal party has been consistent for
years past when the line taken by its leaders has
been so tortuous, and their notions so vague at one
time and so extreme at another.
In the face of this sudden effort to disestablish
the Irish Church Lord DERBY wishes to glean some
intelligence as to the feelings of their Lordships'
House on the question, in order to ascertain what
will be done should the House of Commons affirm

the principle of the Resolutions referred to. We
entirely concur with Lord DERBY'S advice to the
Government ; it is plain and straightforward, and
sets the case very clearly before us. Whatever be
the determination come to by the present House
of Commons, which was not elected under
the auspices of the present Prime Minister,
the noble earl truly said he and his colleagues " are
too well aware of the importance of the question,
and of the duty they owe their SOVEREIGN, to think
of resigning their offices, under any amount of
pressure and opposition, however factious, if any
such should be offered, until they have had a fair
opportunity, if not of perfecting the measure for
the Reform of Parliament, at all events of testing
the sense and feeling, not of the existing consti
tuencies, but of the larger constituencies created by
the Reform Bill of last year." This is very true,
and the ingenious hints given by Lord RUSSELL
only show the game a little too clearly, and
reveal the motives that urged on the pre-
mature and hasty discussion of an important
scheme,when, in all common consistency, it belongs
of right to the new Parliament so close at hand.
Mr. DISRAELI and his colleagues have every right
to meet the next Parliament, which owns its pri-
vileges to them ; and it is quite absurd to declare
that they should resign office and make way for
those whose policy was not acceptable to Parlia-
ment or to the country when they were last put on
their mettle. Lord RUSSELL said that the framers
of the Resolutions thought of framing a bill upon
them, and submitting them to both Houses, and
then submit it to
.the sanction of the QUEEN
The noble lord' further intimated that the.
Ministers would be doing a great constitutional
wrong if they refused to resign, and advised the
house to resist the opinion of the House of Com-
mons. The Duke of ARGYLL made one of his most
virulent speeches on the audacity of the Earl of
DERBY in venturing to ask the question he had no
right to expect an answer to.
In the House of Commons the debate on the
Resolutions was continued, but with very little
spirit, and was adjourned after an attempt had
been made to count out the House, which proved
ineffectual from members flocking in ; but the oc-
currence showed how thin the attendance was.
Mr. MOWBRAY'S speech was a good one, and
he showed the House how momentous was
the change contemplated by the framers of the
Resolutions. It touched the Crown, it affected
the House of Lords, by the removal of the Lords
Spiritual from Ireland from its precincts. He re-
plied to the taunts of Lord lIARTINGTON, that the
policy of the Government was not to keep things
as they are. They had, on the contrary, admitted
that some legislation was necessary, though the
actual moment before us is not the proper one to
choose. He concluded his impressive remarks by
intimating that the Government would appeal to
the new constituencies, and not to moribund con-
stituencies. Mr. IVIIALLET said that he had sup-
ported Mr. GLADSTONE, but he condemned the
right hon. gentleman for bringing forward his
scheme as a concession to Fenianism. Lord ROYS.
TON, while he admitted the " grievous anomalies
of the Irish Church," declared that the attack on
it was pressed forward with too much haste, so that
the country could not well consider it, and this was
the more unsuitable, as in some parts of Ireland it
was not popular. On the whole Mr. GLADSTONE
came in for some pretty plain hints, and by this
time his most ardent supporters must feel that his
zeal has outrun his discretion, for if he at-
tains the summit of his wishes he can do
nothing this year, so that he has wasted a
great deal of the session with his efforts to do
the work that belonged to a later period to discuss
and dispose of. Whether the majority be large or
small that settles the first Resolution ; it has evi-
dently failed to meet the expectations of its framers,
for a more spiritless debate could hardly have taken
place on so important a subject. It is supposed
that the division will take place to-morrow, and
what next ? as Mr. COBDEN would say. According
to Earl RUSSELL, the programme that lies before
the Opposition cannot possibly be carried out this
year, and therefore the work will, after all, be in-
complete. It was not the way to persuade
or to impress the ignorant for Mr. GLADSTONE
to be in such haste to put forward his motion on
the subject, and the question of disestablirhment
itself would have stood a much better chance of
being settled if it had been left alone for another
year. Passing the House of Commons is not all
of the affair, and to produce controversy and excite
suspicion of motives is not the way to attain a diffi-
cult object ; so that looking at the question under
any aspect it cannot be said that a very satisfactory
result is likely to be arrived at, and that a very suf-
ficient reason can be given for curbing this unex-
pected move made so inappropriately.

The disputes concerning the Erie Railway in
America have for some time past attracted a good
deal of attention both in this country and in the
United States. The singularity of the whole affair,
the vehement antagonisms of the two wealthy rivals,
the enormous wealth accumulated by them, the
bribery practised in the courts, the open abuse and
recrimination passing between the lawyers in open
court— all have combined to render the quarrel be-
tween the DREW and VANDERBILT parties a remark-
able one, even in the States. A new element
has just been introduced into the affair, and
one of a most painful and harrowing nature. One
of the most fearful railway accidents on record
has just occurred on the line between Buffalo and
Port Jervis, by which twenty-three persons are
known to have lost their lives, sixty-nine have
been wounded, and four are yet missing, with
little hope of their reappearance. The circum-
stances under which the catastrophe occurred were
peculiarly harrowing. The line between the sta-
tions of Ilarrowsburg and Port Jervis is naturally
a dangerous, one. It runs along a narrow
road excavated from the side of the
rock which towers above the ravine through
which runs the Delaware river, a narrow
stream at this point. There is a plateau a
short distance below the railway line, and from
thence the fall to the river bed measures 125 feet !
Naturally such a route demanded the most vigilant
watchfulness over the state of the rivers, and the
greatest care in driving the trains. On the night of
the 14th of this month, however, a train from
Buffalo to New York was, through the careless-
ness of its driver, nearly an hour behind time. He,
contrary to rule, endeavoured to gain lost ground
by going full speed along the dangerous part.
The result was that the rails gave way, and four
carriages broke off, and with their half-awakened
occupants crashed down the precipice into the river
bed, where soon the horrors of the scene were in-
tensified by the burning of one of the cars. The
catastrophe was almost beyond description, and it
was some hours before the mangled bodies of
wounded and dying could be extricated from the
wreck. Some were even burned to death beforethey
could be rescued, and a child which had been flung
into a brook in an inaccessible gorge died wailing
there where no help could reach it. The awful
nature of the accident has scarcely a parallel even
in American railway history, and the whole of it is
due to tho DREW and VANDERBILT quarrel. Last