The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-19 00:00:00

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HISTORY OF 7'EN YEARS. Part if.
Chapman and Hull, London, 1844.
The first part of this work, commencing with the
restoration of the Bourbons in France, and terminating
with their expulsion in 1830, was noticed some months
since in The Sun. The present part carries on the
history from the July Revolution, when Louis Phi-
lippe was called to the throne, down to the death of
Casimir Perier, and though leaning somewhat to the
anti-monarchial side of the question, is, on the whole,
penned in a singularly moderate and dispassionate
spirit. The author, M. Louis Blanc, is evidently one
who has -been let -behind the scenes of political in-
trigue, and we .do not wonder, therefore, at the in-
terest which his history has excited in Paris. His
details respecting the trial of the Polignac Ministry
for treason against the country, and of the curious,
underhand shifts had recourse to by the King—not
so much from motives of humanity as of
self-interest—to save the lives of the criminals,
are full of interest; and not less entertaining
are his graphic descriptions of the rage and
desperation of the Parisian populace during the
progress of these important trials, and of
their abortive attempts at getting up an in-
surrection when the decision of the Chamber of
Peers was made known to them. Our author, it is
clear, has no great affection fur Louis Philippe, and
the statements he makes respecting his treatment of
that well-meaning but vain, silly old man, Lafayette,
and his friend Laffitte, impress us with no very exalted
idea of the manliness and plain-dealing of the King
of the Barricades, whose policy has always had much
of Macchiavellanism in its character. There is much
truth and shrewdness in this remark, with which M.
Blanc closes his account of the Court intrigues by
which Lafayette, who had raised the Duke of Or-
leans to the throne, was deprived of the command of
the - National Guard of France :—" Lafayette's ser-
vices were too well-known to be forgiven. Such is
the vice of monarchies, that if one serves them in a
strikingly conspicuous manner, one menaces them.
The reproach of ingratitude is idle when addressed
personally to kings, and it is to the principle of
Royalty itself it should be addressed. Any king who
should prove himself grateful to a subject, an illus-
trious citizen, would thereby place the throne in a
subaltern position." The particulars respecting the
Polish insurrection, and the spirit in which the intel-
ligence was received in Paris, forms a striking
episode in our author's history ; but we prefer quoting
his able character of Casimer Perier, the first Premier
after the Revolution of July:—
"Such was the end of-Casimir Mier. lie had viewed
in society, not men to direct, but enemies to destroy ;
for he was a Minister of strong hatreds and narrow
views ; of a vigorous and yet morbid soul. A man in
business, a banker, he desired peace ; but the powers
desired it also, and the more eagerly, that they saw the
genius of revolutions all ready to follow the march of
armies. This, however, Casimir Porier did not under-
stand : his own fears prevented him from profiting by
the fears of others, and he compelled France to submit
to the conditions imposed by European repose, at a time
when he might have dictated instead of receiving condi-
tions, as was thoroughly proved by the affair of An-
cona, which went off with such impunity, an affair in
which he engaged with an energy of will, that was not
to be subdued by the decided opinion of MM. Sebas-
tiani and do Rigny, nor even by that of the King him-
self. Unfortunately, the expedition of Ancona infringed
upon the principles of policy which had been hitherto
acted upon, in an abrupt way, and upon an inadequate
occasion. The results of this policy had been the occu-
pation of Warsaw by the Russians, the first entry of
the Austrians into Bologna, the annihilation of our in-
fluence in Belgium, the abasement of France, weakness
throughout the civilised world. The living strength
that had been awakened by the Revolution of 1830 began
audibly to murmur at all this, to manifest impatience
for a change. It would have been easy to appease and
satisfy them by at once setting about the vast social re-
forms required by a State, the prey to all the disorders
of irregular competition ; but Casimir Peeler was pow-
erful, was rich, and the necessity for change did not
present itself to him. Besides, even had he possessed
the disinterestedness of a true reformer, he had not the
peculiar knowledge. and boldness which the task de-
mands ; his was not the genius of reform ; it was his
destiny to crush under foot the power which he was in-
capable of disciplining, and directing onwards to a great
aim. This, at least, was what he essayed to do, amidst
the applausive shouts of the bourgeoisie; and certainly
no man was better fitted than lie for this work of hate.
Strife suited his temperament, and superseded the ne-
cessity of his having ideas. For the rest, his policy
which in the first instance was entirely a matter of
egotism, became in the end sincere, in becoming fanati-
cal, and he applied to its defence an ardour which
sometimes really assumed the appearance of heroism.
But the civilisation of manners refused his violent spirit
its weapons • the scaffolding was wanting. Casimir
Perier readered himself the object of much hatred and
very little fear."