The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-28 00:00:00

Je.'
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6

e—they should rely upon the League, and
The sPeedy terms with the League.—(Hear, hear.)
woi,pc'clY terms that were to be made being, that they
!,irelt serve the League, and in the end serve them-
s, by the total abolition of that infamous mono-
4ib,,(cheers.) He contended it was a warfare
44e civilisation this wanton abuse by the land-
-4,1.4, of their legislatorial powers ; for when and
e in the world's history had civilisation advanced
iolt:elcoenection with the harmonigus and harmonising
flees of commercial intercourse. To whom did
4irowerld owe its first alphabet but to those adven-
o%orr merchants, the Phoenicians ? There was
Pf cant abroad about the instability of commerce.
X the empire of the Phoenicians lasted 700 years.
at
the
it but their commercial intercourse.
.that
44, elegant and polished Athenian his superiority
kpaae rude Spartan ? In the Middle Ages h
ootirs of Italy, while they kept alive some.
°f political 'freedom, did it in connection with
rho, Commercial greatness. Their princely mer-
tom were the sources of wealth and civilisation to
tort Ineeeeding ages. In that great start which
coliti,l* took at the period of the Reformation, they
mere found the burgesses, the tradesmen, and
by th7,2lts, making good their position in society, and
advance raising the feudal lords themselves;
Co what were they then, and what would they be
w'
but for the benignant influence of commerce ?
ithot!or that those very persons who denied to the
Ohirrer the food which his labour had earned,
loke,,,theY surrounded themselves with all the
ki"es they could accumulate from every fo-
l'egion—these men would have been, instead
It/eiZg in richly carpeted rooms, dwelling in rush-
don moors, in cold and stony residences, more like
liql;°°B than anything else, with unglazed windows,
liett let in the sleet and snow, as well as the air of
lirolieit They would still, if sanctioning the char-
Ilistekilie mercantile guild, affix to it their marks
,1/4w,3 °f writing their names ; and would have been
Informed of those distant countries, over the
1 ke:es of which they exercised so large an in-
as those feudal - barons, who, when they set
'01141: the crusade to Palestine, expected in that
Eoc t 0 encounter giants riding on unicorns, to
,i'liceheack magicians, who for breakfast sucked
Irozo-''s eggs, and who expected to find griffins and
N''',Las plenty as barn-door fowls.—(Laughter.)
was commerce had made men of them.
seril.nu beggarly was the boon that was asked of
!oho, in return, to allow the very humblest of the
Livil'ers the reward of his labour which Providence
ol,i,'lotted him. Laws for the restriction of corn-
koleesvere an absurdity under any circumstances,
Stea wickedness as well as an absurdity—much
sh were they both in such a country as this.
,Att)eithis land was made for commerce—it was
out for commerce by the hand of Heaven
loy Creative power had stamped that as its des-
Their long lines of coast—their beautiful
1144 their safe harbours—all indicated that every
ttoil4nat blew ought to waft from their shores some
to : of wealth or knowledge or charity to every
tkit,,',.of the world. It was marked out for com-
ti4 °Y its coal-beds and mineral treasures, by ma-
ell4• -b, which nature itself had put into their hands
40e, them to minister to the subsistence of their
ftll67li°llS, and feeding and clothing millions and
to more. The industry, the unwearied toil,
emulated' capital, and the persevering skill and
44 of this land—the means by which
,Ne already attained all they could show—
• were the conquests they had to make,
SAats their mission from Heaven for the universal.
,teti Of mankind. Then who or what was this
',4o,e„lass, that they should stand up and.say that
not be done,because it would deteriorate
!lot;tito.perty and lower their rents? Why, sup-
,t should should do so, was there anything in that class,
thoksthad for ages such immense advantages over all
Sor;t:f society, supposing they.were to suffer a
privation, that they should allow it to
' the way of accomplishing all that humanity
Th.`44.•• 44. right to claim, and which charity
Sri. alike awarded their sacred sanction to?
S they et ‘ permanently divert this island from it
"Plm Work--could - they succeed in permanently
laws which must cripple the manufac
kfiZ kid Commerce, by which they had been en-
Q' Which_ had made them a great and strong
`ttild„ 'mould they go on in suppressing these ?
they keep &yin the ebullition of misery and sup-
'qe• "" indications of discontent—could they, through
%• a
ng Years, to the fullest extent carryout, which
ilre far from being able to do, the purpose for
1/44011 the monopolist laws were enacted, what dis-
ktilt s re •
sults would take place from end to end of this
I 41? With a growing population, and a declining
g'4tiet with ports barred against the' foreigner by
einisease and famine would continually stalk
d'qtc4-0--frightful demoralisation would ensue—
arrn of power must be put forth to keep
the millions - they must "Make a solitude and
ch peacekreir ;' such peace as would he the peace of a
ik% ,„),Ird, where every man was nerveless, every
,14;:r118 cold, and all were mouldering fast into one
i Corruption. The land would be portioned
/tiii,"o little squirearchies, and each rural tyrant
stalk, in all the solitary majesty_ of self-as-
On, over his own petty domain. The peasant
",pod think it a great prize when he got a good
tl4 wt_Potatoe Intellect, the arts, all that civilised
ned life,would leave the country, which, de-
} ele,tk7ll,abandoned, would become so fearful a spec- •
we should say, " God of heaven! let this island
11-1, inl agained beneath the ocean from which it
1t ihellt ion
it find a worthier grave there rather than
g annals of its glory should end in any-
IN mnus
and so
• Irifa disgusting!"—(Loud cheers.)
ti, not then advocating any mere ma nufac-
ere
:I°l'stion ; they were not pleading for any mere
ft to the poor ; they were asserting one common
ij,l+Vt right of humanity, and one interest, which
Merely a pecuniary interest of the passing
hlhto tit
.Z.Pie interest of human nature in all countries
or all t-`4l- ag'es—a cause which was the cause of ci-
itse lf. That •for which they strove was,
44derlworld's progress should not be turned back
e effect of this mischief and wrong. It was
• e that would call forth the 'warmest
ks of
their hearts and the intensest devotion of
▪ dig; a a use that would be before them from
' till
and from night to night, and from year to
the the that e result they contemplated. was obtained ;
C'ss 't was- regarded, in all its importance, by
r, gin station gave them ampler means of
theß. on that result. For should the Sovereign
i'NfAi.3 realms have her moments of perplexity and
kt,9lllCoe, 85 distracted by conflicting councils, and
tad
'look wistfully at the battles of warring
1,17* Should she, in such a moment, desire to
what it was hich would make her reign
Its to wipe away the tears of the distressed,
Tee ;11,0 the naked, to feed the hungry, and
ti:),'e who were trampled down ; should
tt'''.lll(l 3" to know what it was that
OIL, render her reign illustrious, not only by
„I'''ll)e, misery. sad recovering her people from
ttletitt:nit by giving a higher splendour, one before
1,11(14," glories of conquest and of legislation, insti-
paidw ikle,l of revolutions in former times should alld't
t -111 comparison;—should she desire to know
as
th • that magic which should render her reign
ethielnthe world's history, and the best and
ktirbit.io the annals of Great Britain ;_ when she
1, "'is, oh that some good angel would whisper
f'l4 We
that the talismanic words that would do all
" Commercial Freedom !"—(Loud cheers,
Ni 4, the conclusion of the Hon. Gentleman's
:the
N„.„,"ArasaJoas then announced that these meet-
aoti4ld be re-commenced after Easter, and that
e ass, e°l the day of meeting would be given.
otobly then dispersed.
-
`lll▪ 'at kdONNELL AND THE GOiERNMENT.-
littt't it Qe..ginning to ask themselves what effect will the
tcliZt eK?linisters on the Factory question have on the
)PitliY, O'Connell? Connell? It was supposed to be a very hazardous
doh the I,en Sir Robert Peel's Government was surrounded
6ert '4lO 0111 di ',tied power and appeared to have the
I;.ee 151' tl n vi
• Cr e, 'e great majonty in England and Scotland, to
yLI, I,roven,ell up for
"convicted It has lately been dis-
hy.' tio eq that the conspirator" is regarded
N lot; niense number of Englishmen as Ireland's best
While the Ministry was strong, and, appa-
Neeely I ` the Government. tsins4 omnipotent, they made common cause with
qift But now the Government has
~,)ecome a mere rope of sand.. It cannot hold its own
nlo,`"gether : it is damaged beyond healing. Half the
cult; (3,f England have decided against it. From. the
t-kjor rt'fai saints, led on by Lord Ashley, it is obliged to
jog t'itige to the manufacturers who are opposed to it. In
VoPpoz.t_
.layv into execution against Mr. O'Connell, whot
Yep4l), 171 by all Ireland and a great porti, of England, i
for feeble assistance. IVill this damaged Go-
rZit to : the, denuded of popular support, venture to give
ther miliverdict which no person defends as just, after a
vilittebe re, till no man describes as fair ? It is concluded,.
sat the Ministerial defeat on the Factory Bill
hyo field for Mr. O'Connell.
):ttl_4l;towil"s--The high and universal celebrity
,all 4 ad's Kalydor continuesto maintain, as an active
11,11, is, do:P.' soothing extirpator of all impurities of the
ssl.4°S.rearieg the period of Spring, most pleasingly evinced.
11.44!1ng, &Lien, eminently balsamic, restorative, and invi-
tiohdieg ,faerluelly celebrated for safety in application, as for
arovi_eaeYin removing all impurities and discoloura-
tkZe
"PartingSkin'" a healthy freshness and transparency
tlif'‘es the omp Its universally great demand
41,title of Nidity: of unprincipled shopkeepers, who give
zo74efact.._ trennine" Ralydor to compounds of their own
Ltilerai :ire., of the most deleterious character, containing
titei74"legents utterly ruinous to the Complexion, and,
17,,,inlreapetiN1!_anotnaction endangering health. It is, there-
N,,
r‘,=, Purchasers to see that the words Row-
:,oll,it•TeTe. are on the wrapper.—All 'others are *audit-
iljpkb
• .4„ ,
cm tcy '3.1...11-JURE OF A DREADFUL SKIN
j`itsofive Yea IOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND Pius.—A child,
tht ehoo,,r_s, flanged Jones, whose parents live at No. 4,
co age of _T'eY, Wilson-street, Finsbury-, London, was, from
oo „..,?!xleen months, fearfully swollen in the body, and
ho4llthen'illti irge, black sores. This child had been taken
, :paws in London, but got no relief ; she has,
Yekt,',e,inos7wdically cured by means of these wonderful
?)aq, staudiun'en will cure any skin disease, even if of twenty
! 244,
rg. sold at Professor Holloway's Establish-
tivot9roost '_tnand (where advice may be had gratis) ; and
wed NvoariVectablo medicine vendors throughout the

ebtrb Mftition

SUN OFFICE, Sevez o' Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—We are glad that farther interference with
adult labour is not carried by a coup de main; and that
Parliament and the public are allowed some interval to
" look before they leap." There are two points of view,
a party and a public one—from which the subject may
be'regarded. We have refused to place ourselves at the
party point of view, though we see as clearly as the
Times the chance of Opposition advantage from making
this question the occasion for detaching the wavering
or malcontent section of the Ministerialirts. Our versa-
tile Contemporary expresses this with some naivete; and
indicates that he has a month's mind to strike in with
such a combined movement. He exclaims, "Let it be
looked on as a Ministerial question. Ministers make it
one. Can there be a question more important and
more worthy to divide the House ? At present there is
no rallying point in the House—no one respectable
standard to assemble round. Why not gather
into one all those who are not ashamed of
the principle of protecting the labourer ?" Certainly
here is a great temptation ; the easy virtue of the
Times jumps at it. The Times is tired of the pre-
sent Ministry ; " small blame to it," as Paddy
would say. So is Young England ; those young (or
ci-devant young) gentlemen occupy a place in their own
opinion which, at present, they occupy nowhere else.
They are the natural and inevitable malcontents of the
present party in power ; and ready to swell any defec-
tion, " pour avoir de la consideration." They fight, or
rather stand under arms, " under the cold shade of
Peel," and have lost hope of their " exquisite notions".
flourishing, unless in a new and " bright field." It
may suit party purposes to offer this field to these inte-
resting and select combatants ; but we cannot think
" All the Crotchets" an acquisition, so much as a nui-
sance, to any party. These gentlemen are so fine, that
they are always shooting over everybody's heads.
They are always aiming at something, which is to do
something no one else ever dreamed of. We are to "keep.'
the holidays of the Church," or restore the monastic
orders, or liberate Don Carlos, or send an ambassador to
the Pope—in short, we are to retrograde, as far as possi-
ble, from all that three centuries have been doing. It is
a curious historical and political theory which these
gentlemen would seem to have imbibed. One of their
kindred geniuses, of a clerical cut, not long back, in
the British critic, declared that English history
stopped, at the.end of the seventeenth century—that no
farther development of the national mind or spirit was
to be looked for in the eighteenth. Forsooth, priestly
ascendancy came decidedly to an end in the former pe-
riod ; and of course the progress of empire, science, and
industry,-. could deserve no notice afterwards. Ac-
cording to these innovators backwards, it is, our
supposed progress which has planted us where we are.
The whole tendency of the age is towards over-exer-
tion, and over •production. People require to be checked
in the excess of their eagerness to better their condi-
tion. Above all, we must discard that horrible indus-
trial heresy of laissez faire. And here the Retro-
grades have really distinguished support amongst writers
and thinkers ; though it always appears to us that
such reasoners do not put the saddle on the right horse.
When a writer quarrels with the whole tendency,
theoretical and practical, of the age he lives in, it is
a fair. question—What are you driving at ? What is
your ideal of social economy ? If he says—lt is not
my business to tell you—l am sufficiently occupied in
uncovering the social sore places which you cannot deny
to exist—we reply : That answer might perhaps be al-
lowed to pass, if you did not indicate some theory of
your of own by your mode of criticising others—if you
did not:assume that certain philosophical and political
aberrations were the causes of certain social disorders—
that at some former period(unspecified) things were better,
because men acted on better principles—at some former
period -men were more guided and governed ; and
prospered more accordingly. Now, we demur to this
assumption of the cause of existing evils, as residing
in the too • great laxity and independence in the rela-
tions between man and man. We deny that the con-
nexion existing in former ages between superiors and
inferiors was more in the interests of the latter ; and
we do not believe that a total revolution in the pre-
valent tendencies in this respect is possible or desirable.
And we deny, above all, the justice of attacking the
factories as the worst example of present ill. Indeed,
the best disproof of this is, that people go thither from
the country, and won't go back. -The Dorsetsbire
philanthropists may find the pressure on labour nearer
home. Let them single out the first hedger or ditcher,
eking out his pittance by piece-work. Let them exa-
mine if that man does not endure harder toil than fac-
tory operatives—endure it voluntarily—as voluntarily
as can be said of .a man working for scant bread for
himself and children. There is no " factory system"
there. There are general causes of pressure, periodically
aggravated, on individual labour everywhere. Unless
that pressure is worst in the factories ; unless the
" factory system " dictates the laws (instead of suffer-
ing the common necessities) of labour—unless it can
be shown—not that the competition is severe—we all
know that—but that its severity is owing to too wide
a field being left open by law to industry—instead
of being owing to too narrow a field being left open for
its returns—unless existing evils can be traced to the
factories as their source and birth-place, we must con-
tinue to think, as we think now, that the whole agita-
tion against them is a farce. And we must protest very
seriously against Lord Ashley paying himself the unde-
served compliment of imagining that the mantle of "Mr.
Cade" (commonly called Jack Cade) has fallen on him.
Mr. Cade was an Irishman, and a Parliamentary Re-
former, and would have been sent to Kilmainham, if the
ecclesiastical statesmen of that age had not found shorter
ways of dealing with him. Mr. Cade was a decided Laissez •
faire man, more likely to have been an Anti-Corn-law
Leaguer than a single-string performer in the Short
Time strain. It appears from Mr. Cade's memorials
to the King, .that his views were partly directed to-
wards reform of the game-laws—" Simple people (he
says) that use not hunting are greatly oppressed
by indictments "—partly to reform in Parliament:—
" People of Kent not suffered to have free election of
their knights of the shire, but letters have been sent to
the great rulers, forcing them to choose other per-
sons than the Commons wished." It appears from the
following heads of grievance, that Mr. Cade was the
decided opponent of the Statute of Labourers, which the
Morning Post considers the great precedent for " pro-
tecting" labour :—" That all the extortions used daily
among the common people be laid down ; that is, the
green wax so falsely used to the perpetual destruction of
the commons of Kent ; also the King's-Bench so greeve-
ful to the shire of Kent ; also the taking of wheat and
other grains, beef, mutton, and all other victuals, which
is importable to the said commons ; also the statute of
labourers, &c. &c." We are not profound enough in
local and general research to trace the exact sense of
some of the above items • but viewing Mr. Cade's opi-
nions with the respect Parliament now views them, we
should suggest to both Houses whether the present corn-
laws may not come within the meaning of " taking"
from the commonalty " of wheat and other grains"—
" which is importable to the said commons." The
words, doubtless, were used in another sense at the time ;
but it is the property of great men's utterances to ac-
quire an enlarged scope in the lapse of ages.
STANDARD.—Our readers will have seen by the
report of last night's proceodings in the House of Com-
mons, that the Factory question is postponed. Sir
James Graham will to-morrow night withdraw the
Bill now before Parliament, introduce a new
Bill at the same time, and take the dis-
cussion on this second Bill as soon as possible after
the recess. Lord Ashley assents to this arrange-
ment, reserving to himself the right to introduce a
short-time Bill, independent of tho Gevernment
measure. • In one view this arrangement is satisfactory,
for the great question in issue will thus be distinctly dis-
cussed, otherwise we must lament that the postpone-
ment takes place with little prospect of accommodation,
though.with a perfect certainty that, sooner or later, the
ten hours' limitation will be carried. We are weary of
the subject, and so, no doubt, are our readers; but
duty requires often that we submit to what is weari-
some in order to arrive at truth and to do justice,
as all of us have felt in listening to tedious stories and
investigating long and complicated accounts. Such is
the case in the matter before us ; for not only are the
circumstances perplexing in themselves, but every day
brings forth some new fallacy, or some new scheme
of accommodation, the more to entangle our judg-
ment. This morning's fallacy is the argument of
the Morning Chronicle against the competency of
the Factory Commissioners as witnesses in the case.
It is known that the opinions of the Factory Com-
missioners, men selected for their intelligence and
sagacity, and officers of the Government, which opposes
Lord Ashley, are all favourable to a considerable limi-
tation of the hours of labour. And accordingly the
Morning Chronicle finds it necessary to impeach their
authority :—" It is the more necessary to insist upon
the impropriety of resting the whole case upon the dicta
of the Factory Commissioners, because not only is
Lord Ashley's interference with millowners, and
the other parts of society, defended by appealing to
their report, but the superiority of their know-
ledge is assumed to be so great, that it is described as a
new species of reason for other men to surrender their
own judgment to the conclusions of Messrs. Horner and
Saunders. Parliament, which deputed them to inquire, is
held to have given up its own senses and will to them, and
is held to be bound to see only with their eyes, and le-
gislate only with their understandings. By this kind of
deference they are elevated into the masters of the Minis-
ters and the Parliament. By Lord Ashley and some of our
Contemporaries they seem to be regarded as the concen-
trated essence of good sense, which alone is capable on this
subject of giving flavour to a general vapidness. Now,
it is precisely because their attention has been closely
and exclusively fixed on a single point that we are dis-
posed to resist their authority, and affirm that their sug-
gestions, as the basis of a law which is to affect the
vhole community, are unworthy of notice. Let it be fur-
ther remembered that the inquiries of the Factory Corn
missioners have been as much limited in time as in space.
They have seen the factories inoprderAatsiohnleyon,s Bill;and
only, be.
lieve since 1833, the date of
Lord
sr
hvas; i
have
e seend in
the manufacturing districts. The
certainly the greatest and thhernwnogrhstacloamrgpelapinortstinhnavoef
been made since that time.
T
the intervening period great distremsiashn
millowners
together the
they have had difficulty in scraping _
their property, and even their subsistence, in peril ;.
. the very large demands - ather they
of the public tax -gather means of paying their workpeople, and o.f rying
have been forced, therefere, to be thrifty—at times may
' have seemed to lean hard uponthe operatives, exactingout
• of them the means of bearing the public charges; and of
sustaining-their own fortunes—which we hold, when
honestly performed, to be laudable in the individual and
beneficent to the State ; they have been unable, also to

find adequate employment for men, and have been glad,
on account of the pressure on themselves, to use only the
cheapest labour." One must admire the new canon of rea-
soning asserted in this argument. The witnesses are be-
yond dispute originally impartial, and they happen
to be the only available witnesses who are impar-
tial ; if there are other impartial witnesses let them be
named. But to attend to the evidence of these, the only
impartial witnesses, is to elevate them to be masters of
the Ministers and the. Parliament ; just, we suppose,
as an impartial witness in the Court of Queen's
Bench becomes the master of Lord Denman and
a special jury. Our Contemporary, however, thinks
that notwithstanding their unimpeached intelligence and
impartiality, the Factory Commissioners are unworthy to
have their opinions seriously considered, and this for
the strangest reason in the world—" precisely because
their attention has been closely and exclusively fixed
upon a single point"—which is the point in ques-
tion, neverthless. The witness is to be slighted
because he has minutely studied the subject of his evi-
dence; or, to come to the matter, the gentleman who, by
careful consideration of repeated experiments has satisfied
himself that more work, and better work, and cheaper
work, is done by a given number of hands working ten
hours in a cotton mill than by the same number of hands
working twelve hours (a conclusion of more than one com-
missioner) is to be disregarded—because, we suppose,
he has not taken a course of the lectures of the
League. But there is another reason why the report
of eye-witnesses is to be held of no account. They
have not merely been deprived of the peripatetic
lights. of Messrs. Cobden, Acland, Bright, and
Smith, which our Contemporary designates as a
want of space. " The inquiries of the Factory
Commissioners have been as much limited in time as in
space, they have seen the factories in operation only, we
believe, since 1833." Only during eleven years ! quite a
transient glance, says the Morning Chronicle, and these
11 years have been years during which the millowners
have had difficulty in, scraping together the means of
paying their workpeople and of paying the very laro6v de-
mands of the public tax-gatherer, " and have been glad, on
account of the pressure on themselves, to employ only
the cheapest labour." Poor fellows, nothing but neces-
sity could prevent their overpaying their labourers.
But for these sad eleven years—we mast not call them
tedious—because they are but a twinkling of the eye, in
our Contemporary's opinion—for these sad eleven years,
we should like to know, to what extent the number of mills
has been diminished during the period of depression ?
Will the Morning Chronicle tell us ? Well, if it cannot
speak of any diminution, perhaps it might tell the extent
to swhich the number of mills has increased, notwith-
standing the sufferings of the poor fellows " scraping"
to pay their way. Has the increase been 10 per
cent. 7-20 per cent. ?-50 per cent. 7-100 per cent. ?
We are very much disposed to rate the increase
even above the last ratio ; and if we should happen
to be right, what becomes of the peculiar circum-
stances that render the last eleven years an unfit period
to be taken as a sample of the manufacturing history of
the country ? Mark, we do not dispute the existence of
great distress during the eleven years ; but we ascribe
it altogether to that system of over-building, over-pro-
duction, and over-working, of which long hours of la-
bour constitute the basis, and, if we may so speak, the
charter—for without long hours of labour there would
be no temptation to over-build, and little opportunity of
over-production.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
There being but 34 Members present at 4 o'clock,
the SPEAKER adjourned the House till to-morrow.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Their Lordships met at the usual hour.
Messengers from the Commons brought up the Mutiny
Bill, the Marine Mutiny Bill and other Bills, which were
read a first time, and ordered to be read'a second time to-
morrow.