The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-17 00:00:00

THE PREVENTION OF CRIME.

LETTER 11.

TO TT-1E RIGHT HON. SIR GEORGE GREY,
HART.. M.P.,

Sir,—ls it not therefore, as I htfore said, as clear
as the sun at noon-clay, that it is not severity, but
real kindness to the criminal that he should be trans-
ported for life for his second offence, of course so
punishing those who are guilty of great crimes for
their first offence; and I ought to be here asked,
would it not be equally kind, nay, would it not be
more so, to transport all for the first offence they
commit.

My decided answer is assuredly it would be more
kind to the criminal, and better for the country ; no
person possessed of sound judgment can doubt it ;
there may be exceptional cases, but such are to be
found in every truth, serving as excuses for the in-
dolent to do nothing, but never used by the states
man. I believe that if you adopt the plan I propose
the public will be so convinced of its benefit, thst
society will soon be prepared for the extension of the
principle, which would ❑ot now be the case inde-
pendent of other difficulties.
I now come to my second proposition, viz.--That
the plan I have proposed will, beyond doubt, be the
most certain means of preventing the increase of
crime ; not merely of the criminals A, B, and C, whom
you have transported, but of D, B, and F, who are,
under the present system, demoralised by living in the
neighbourhood of, and associating with, A, B, and C.
To show this clearly, it is necessary to inquire into
the principal cause of crime in its most frequent as-
pect—Theft. Assuredly the principal motive which
actuates a criminal to steal is not the mere possession
of the object purloined ; this is very seldom the real
object he desires to obtain. That which operates upon
his mind, and induces him to commit the crime, is,
that he may enjoy some gratification which consti-
tutes his pleasure, and which the proceeds of the
stolen article enable him to enjoy.
The low theatre—the dancing-room—the skittle-
ground—the beer. shop, with the various haunts of
more profligate vice, are closed against D, E, and F,
with empty pockets, but they see A, B, and C entering
the doors as often as they please, and the natural
question is, How can they enter into such places ?
Evidently not by the proceeds of honest labour, for
such is incompatible with the frequent resort to such
places.
_ _

The inquiry is made, and eagerly responded to—
Do as we do—pick pockets—steal what you can,
bring the stolen article to us, and we will instruct you
as to the best means of disposing of it ; with the
money you obtain you will be able to pay your foot-
ing, and we will be all merry together. Is not this
the truth, and am I not, therefore, correct in saying,
that if you had transported A, B, and C, D, E, and F
would, in all probability, have escaped a criminal
career.

I shall not attempt to designate in fitting language
the wickedness of the present system. The wit of the
wittiest, combined with the judgment of the most sa-
gacious, would fail in devising a better or more correct
answer to the question, What is the very best mode
of fostering and rearing an abundance of criminals
from infancy to manhood in the various shades of
guilt from theft to murder ?—than the one furnished
by the Government of this country—Do as we do,
adopt our system.
And will you permit so infamous a reply to be any
longer given, or will you not brace up your mind to
discover the best means of adopting so truthful a
remedy as the one I have proposed. We are informed
by Holy Writ that the poor shall be always with
us, but it does not say that it is necessary to have a
criminal population ; still less that they should be
fostered by Government.
This question is of infinitely more importance than
that on which the anxious care of Government is
constantly employed—the improvement of our civil
code • for the laws respecting property may be most
absurd, and contrary to what the people desire, yet,
as it operates equally upon all, they accustom them-
selves to it.
But a criminal law under which crime is fostered
until it Las reached to the enormous extent of 400 per
cent. within the short space of forty years, strikes at
the very root and well-being of society. Vires
acquirit eundo is the characteristic of vice, and yet the
Government, with the full knowledge of this fright-
ful increase, sit with their hands folded, waiting for—
what ?
The public are exerting themselves—the active be-
nevolence of an Ashley—the shrewd sagacity of a
Pearson—and the liberality of a Gurney, aided by
numerous volunteers, have been all employed in de-
vising schemes, which shall prove a remedy for the
increase of crime. At last the Government is aroused

—for that is the proper term, since their first cry is
precisely the same as that which emanates from one
just aroused from heavy slumber—" What is the
matter ?"

And being fairly awakened, and being told that the
fearful increase of crime is frightening all good men,
they think it necessary to do something, and they ap-
point a Committee—for what purpose? To inquire into
the best means of preventing the increase of crime ?
No such thing. The Committee shall inquire into
the state of prisons.
What was this conduct but in effect declaring that
in their opinion the present system worked well, for
under it the criminal charges had increased four hun-
dred per cent. within the last forty years ; and as it is
not possible to rtflect and to study the question without
being satisfied that the increase of criminals was the
end and object of the present system, what can we
now do except to inquire how our prisons are
conducted, and whether their inmates are sufficiently
comfortable ! !
Having, I trust, proved the two propositions,—that
it would be an act of kindness to the criminal that he
should be transported for life for his second offence,
and that the adoption of such practice would un-
doubtedly prevent the increase of crime—l will in my
next proceed to indicate one mode by which the plan
could be carried into practical execution.
I have the honour to remain, Sir,
Your very obedient and faithful servant,
RIGBY WASON.

CARDINAL ARCHBjSHOP OF
WESTMINSTER.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.
Sir,—lt will, I think, be interesting to some of
your readers to peruse the following petition from
the Dean and Chapter of Westminster to the House
of Lords, dated Feb. 5, 1848, when a similar one was
addressed to the House of Commons, containing a
protest by anticipation against the recent aggression
of the Papacy in nominating the Rev. Dr. Wiseman
to be " Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster."
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
Oct. 16. VIEDEX.

" TO THE RIGHT HON. THE LORDS SPIRITUAL AND TEM-
PORAL OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN
AND IRELAND IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED.
"The humble Petition of the Rev. William Buckland,
Doctor in Divinity, Dean of the Collegiate Church
of St. Peter, Westminster, and the Chapter of the
same Church.
" Showeth,—That your petitioners have beard that
a new Bill for 'Roman Catholic Relief' has been
brought into Parliament.
" That they regard this measure with the greatest
alarm on the following grounds :
" Because it proposes to repeal the law which
prohibits Romish ecclesiastics from officiating with
Romish rites and ceremonies in any church or church-
yard, and is thus fraught with consequences injurious
to religion and dangerous to public peace.
" Because it also proposes to legalize the admission
and establishment in England of the order of the
Jesuits, who cannot be regarded as faithful subjects
to her llajesty, inasmuch as they take an oath of
absolute obedience to a foreign superior, and who are
dangerous in every state, especially in a Protestant
one, on account of principles and practices for which
they have been expelled at different times from almost
every country in Europe.
" Because this Bill, if it pass into a law, will repeal
the Act of Queen Elizabeth against bringing in
bulls from Rome.'
"Because the Papal bull entitled In Ccentt
Domini' anathematizes and aims to exterminate all
Protestant princes and people, and is still ordered by
the Church of Rome to be read in Romish churches
every year.
"Because it has been publicly affirmed that, in defi-
ance of the fundamental principle of the English
Constitution that the English Crown is the only
fountain of honour in England, a Papal bull, or
instrument has been, or is about to be, brought into
this country, nominating a Romish ecclesiastic with
the style and title of Archbishop of that city in which
English Sovereigns are crovsned, English Parliaments
sit, and English justice is administered—the city of
Westminster.
"That for these and other reasons, your petitioners
not only pray that this Bill may not pass into a law,
but they most humbly and respectfully submit to
your Right Hon. House that the time has arrived in
which the English nation, instead of repealing its
own just and necessary laws against Popish aggres-
sion, should vindicate its own independence, by call-
ing on the Bishop of Rome to withdraw his usurpa-
tions and invasions upon the dignity of the English
Crown, upon the integrity of the English Constitu-
tution, and upon the liberties of the English people.
"And your petitioners will ever pray."

THE COUNTRY PARTY.—Our " Lord Stanley has
abandoned Protection," is a phrase obviously destined to de-
scend to posterity with " The Queen has clone it all," and
" Johnny has upset the coach." Indeed, the simple substi-
tution of " Freddy" for " Johnny" would convert the last
of these famous sentences into a capital commencement for a
Protectionist lamentation. Most assuredly Mr. G. F.
Young's bustling self-Importance and ridiculous vanity have
been the means of seriously damaging the "Country Party,"
by attracting all eyes to their distracted state and to the tot-
tering position of their chief.—Chronicle.