The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-04 00:00:00

*Wafted with those proceedings.- It was unwisely sal4-. -SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
by a portion of the press in this country, that the sym". 1., " -PION THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
pathy which had been manifested was merely a Whi TIMES.—A somewhat heavy storm seems to be
manoeuvre ; but the assertion was obviously untrue, and gathering in Ulster. The Presbyterian marriage ques-
'he emphatically contradicted the newspaper writers who tion threatens to bring no small weight of Presbyterian
had given currency to the opinion. At the dinner in - denunCiation upon the heids of Lords Lyndhurst, Cot-
Covent-garden Theatre there were not 20 Whigs pre= ten4rn Abinger, and all other judges and justices who
sent ; and there was nothing therefore more distinctly, :, have been
_party to the late judgment in the House of
more unhandsomely untrue, than the assertion that it 1 Lords. The excitement was of course not wholy unex-
was a Whig manifestation, and not a spontaneous popular
movement, unconnected with party, and springing from 'petted, but anything more strangely gratuitous we have
seldom had occasion to observe upon. The Presbyte-
a high-minded sense of justice—a wish for fair play and
a horror of oppression.—(Hear, and cheers.) At the ruins of the north of Ireland have long been a very
favoured body. They have had many of the advan-
same time he was bound to say that the Whigs had be-
haved well towards Ireland on this occasion. Could tages:without the dependence of an establishment. On
this point (the celebration of marriages—theiaposition
anything be more honourable than the conduct of Lord
contrasts somewhat favourably with that of the Eng-
J. Russell after the debates were over, and tmajority he- lish clergyman. Observe the restrictions as to time and,
of 99 declared in favour of the finistrittqaleitr.j place--the paraphernalia of bans, licenses, and registra-
Could anything be more manly and mOriO6nSistent tions—which surround the solemnizations of our own
with the high station and character of that Noble Lord; ' marriages) the penalties of transportation for four-
than his coming forward and making a solemn protest; 7 teen , years, by which a departure from the pre-,
• speaking judicially, that they had not a fair trial in scribed formalities is visited on the unlucky clergy-
Ireland ?—(Hear; hear.) It ought not, therefore, to be : man—the legal obligation which was unquestionably
cal-led a Whig movement, nor ought the Whigs to be•rdaid upon him till within the last few days, and perhaps
blamed for what had occurred on this occasion—they ;is so still, to administer that sacred rite in its full so-
had done great service to the people of Ireland, and the , lemnity to any notorious despiser of religion and mo-
Irish ought to feel grateful to them.—(Hear, hear-) r rality who , may choose to demand such a mockery ;
There was a hearty and cordial spirit amongst a great I we ,say, wsai,y, all this variety of necessary and mis-
many of the English people ; there was a disposition to 1, ehievous, wise and unwise, valuable and vexatious, but
see this country done justice to, and there was a great":certainly stringent, regulations, which are enforced in
inclination to consider the repeal question. He found The celebration of marriage in the English Church ; and
some persons in England who went further than- he then turn to the Presbyterian minister, who can unite
would go himself, for his violence consisted only iir the I his own people in his own way, and at his own time, and,
expression of a determination never to cease his legal above all, who is not bound to profane the ceremony
and constitutional agitation for the procurement of which he respects by administering it to scorners. Any
repeal.—(Hear.) But what benefit were they to derive-'; one, we think, who regards the religious solemnity as
from this kindly demonstration of the English people ? . more important than the fees by which it is attended,
Much of sympathy, much of pleasure, and of gratifiea- will think that the Presbyterian has indeed little to corn-
tion the human mind must always experience when just'. plain of in point of freedom of conscience or dignity of
and honest people sympathised. But how could those position. A grievance, however, has at last arisen. A
good wishes serve Ireland while the Parliament was - doubt has long existed whether marriages performed by
packed ?—(Hear, hear.) They might, to be sure, eon:. a PresbYrterian minister, between parties of whom
trol some few Members of Parliament, but the over: both were not Pre;hyterians, were valid at law. Those
whelming majority there was against them, and there:- ministers, 'naturally perhaps, but, as the event hai
fore, while he expressed his gratification at the sympathy shown, not very considerately, eager to extend the
of the English people, still he was bound to exclaim— sphere of their services, chose to disregard that doubt,
"Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not, and ao "encourafte persons not members of their own
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ?" communion to be satisfied with this disputable form of
—(Loud cheering,) What chance had they of the Par- , marriage. At last a prosecution for bigamy has raised
liament doing anything for them ? They certainly had the question in a court of law, and the ablest and
some chance of their doing something against them, but "t
ham, the last man to favour any extravagant claims in
not the least of anything favourable, unless it might be
some miserable sop in the pan.—(Laughter.) This very the Anglo-Irish Church, or to cast a slight upon any
body of Dissenters, have pronounced that the law—the
day, almost in a few hours after he should have done
ancient law of England—the law as it stood centuries
speaking, new measures would be brought into Parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Eliot had selected to-day— back in the time of Lord Cottenham's great grand-
father, and previously—did not sanction the authority
very appropriately, as it was the Ist of April—(Laughter)
which,the Presbyterian, ministers have somewhat reek-
-to brines in two Bills, one to amend the franchise in • et
less]y exercised. And now these same
Ireland, the other, relating to municipal reforms. The . ministers—
first of these Bills purported to augment the franchise, weprseusprtse,tomake up for their past indis-
but he (Mr. O'Connell) had reason 'to know that it r carnemitioonusia zeal—fly out, not against the judges
would annihilate the popular franchise in Ireland.— or legislatorsy
who determined the law of past centu-
(Hear, hear.) The principle it went on was that of the ries, but against those who have been now the passive
instruments of declaring that law—Lords Cottenham
Chandos clause, giving the votes to tenants-at-wilt The -,
arid Abinger—against the Irish Church, " from the
English people complained that the Chandos clause had
Mitred bigot," as one Presbyterian minister chari-
made the county representation a representation of serfs
—alas ! he (Mr. 0 Connell) was bound to say it was ad- ,tablY expresses himself, amidst the cheers of his
audience, " who misspends his time in the House of
mated by Lord John, as it was emphatically announced
Peers, to the almost imperceptible midge of a curate
by Lord Stanley, that the object was to throw the repre- that floats in the sunbeam of metropolitan patronage, or
sensation of the counties into the hands of the aristocracy.
• g-asps for promotion in some obscure nook of the
—(Hear, hear.) The other Bill, which related to corpo-
countiy." Presbyterians are told to "think on the
rate reforms might to a certain extent do some good. It
bloody persecutions that theii forefathers have endured
would do away with the payment of the mass of taxes
formerly necessary to entitle persons to vote, and a for these principles." They are told that " the State has
they would now have to pay only the poor-rate, the pronouneed th • religion 'not to be Christian, their-
borou~h-rate, their.
borouah-rate, and gran.] jury cess ; but many exist-
!?members to be un aptized individuals,
. and the acts of
ing grievances would be increased by it. They shoul4 their worship to be unmeaning and worthless ;" and,
the Moderator of the General Assembly has
therefore, continue to struggle, and should never abate
exertions until the perseverance of Itishmeti in the _
finally,issnecl an address to the ministers, bidding them to con-
theirexpression of their opinions would convince Englishmen meetings, which he says " are to be pre-eminently
Nene _
devotional," but at which—
that the Government of the country could not be carried •- t' In' addition to devotional services, the minister is at
on in war as well as in peace, unless justice was done to each meeting to preach or address the congregation from the
Ireland.—(Cheers.) He asked the people of Ireland pulpit, explaining to them the origin, progress, and present
what did they mean to do? Did they mean to give up state of the marriage question, and exhorting them to be
their struggle for repeal?—(Cries of "Never.") Did fervent in prayer,- and diligent in the use of every miens by
they mean to allow him to conlurt that struggle as he which their religious rights may lie vindicated and their
pleased ?—(Loud cheers.) If so, he should, in the first liberties secured."
...

lace, tell them that they must observe the most un-
broken tranquillity and obedience to the law—that was
the basis of the struggle.—(Hear, hear.) It might be
said that his enemies were about sending him to prison,
and he believed they were; but that was only an addi-
tional reason fel. peace. Oh! how delighted those who
hated them would be if they could brine the people into
contact with the overwhelming military force at present
in the country! And let them also recollect that they
were accountable being-1, and that every one of them,
should stand before the judgment-seat of God to answer
for his conduct, and for every violation of the laws of
God committed by him.--(Hear.) Oh! the virtuous, the
temperate people of Ireland would not, he was confident,
disgrace themselves by resorting to force of any
kind. And if they did, he would not for an hour remain
their leader.—(Hear, hear.) After adverting to the suc-
cess of peaceable agitation during the struggle for man•
cipation, the lion. Gentleman proceeded to assure the
people that if they persevered in their present peaceable
course for twelve months longer, they would have three-
fourths of the people of Eigland and Scotland with
them, and they would be too strong to be resisted. Bat
their efforts should be continuous, though tranquil.
Should it be said, that because some of them were sent
to prison, the rest were to lie down in apathy? For his
own part he had formed the determination of not know-
ing any man who was not a Repealer, or holding any in-
tercourse with him, unless he came to him on inevitable
business.—(Cheers.) Some persons might blame him
for this, but he really considered the man who was not
a Repealer, to be a base creature, and he looked on him
as a coward, if he did not wear some outward mark of
being one.—(Loud cheers.) If every man who was a
Repealer in '43 contributed to th,ir funds in '44, and if
every man who was not a Repealer then became so now,
the success of their cause was certain. fie had called
1843 the repeal year, and he now begged leave to name
1844 the " clinching " year. —(Langh ter and cheers.)
When they set about praying for him, let them think
not of him, but of old Ireland ; let them inscribe
"Peace and perseverance" on their walls, and nothing
but their own apathy could prevent their carrying repeal.
—(Cheers.) After a strong appeal to the people of this
country to come forward as liberally with their money
during the present year as they hail done daring the
past, the Hon. Gentleman concluded by expressing his
conviction that the day of Ireland's happiness was not
far distant. He cared not what became of himself if he
could obtain liberty for his native land.
The rent for the week, at the conclusion of the pro-
ceedings, was announced to be 928/. 18s. 4d., including
600 L from America; and the meeting adjourned to next
Thursday week.

With this preparation, they (especially women) are
to sign congregational petitions, and to collect money
for the necessary expenses of the same.
" Lest absence," concludes the writer, "might have left
some of you in ignorance of these arrangements, and to
stir up .your pure. minds by way of remembrance,' I have
been adviaed to trouble you with this notification.
I remain, yours faithfully in the Lord,
" ROBERT STEWART, D.D.,
" Moderator of the General Assembly."
All this seems very angry and determined, but it is diffi-
cult for an Englishman clearly to understand against
wham it can be fairly levelled. Is it against the judges?
They are not charged with having done anything but
declare the law. Is it against the English Legislature ?
That bddy has not as yet shown any indisposition to re-
ject any the most extravagant demands of the Presbyte-
rian body. Presbyterianism, indeed, is not the established
religion of Ireland, nor probably will it be made so. But
even this is yet but conjecture. All that the Legislative
his yet done has been to anticipate the sentence of the
Peers, by passing an Act in the most generous haste and
with the most entire unanimity, to establish all past
marriages which have been solemnised under the late
misapprehension. Is it against those who have brought
the question to issue ? We know not what reasons
Presbyterians may have for suspecting the motives or
resenting the conduct of individual Irish Churchmen ;
but surely the desire to keep such a question in doubt—
to avoid the light—to bolster upa mistake of so painful
a kind—argues great want of consideration for the real
interest s of those "injured females " whose battle
they profess to be fighting. Surely all honest men
must simply and warmly approve the determination
to leave nothing doubtful on a question of such para-
mount importance in its bearing on the duties of the
clergy, the devolution of property, and the :happiness
families. What would be thought or said of an
English clergyman who first persisted in marrying
his parishioners in a mode of which he had reason to
donbt the validity, and then, on the exposure of his
rnistake, flew into a passion with those by whose deter-
mination the question had been probed to the bottom ?
Could we avoid, thinking that such a gentleman was
rather more careful for his own dignity than for his
PeOple's welfare ? But it seems that the judges have
found it necessary to deny the validity of Presbyterian
orders. What this complaint means, we profess our-
selves wholly unable even to comprehend. The English
Church and the English law acknowledge three orders—
thoee of Bishop, Priest, and Deacon—and no more. This
every child knows. Which of the three pan the Presby-
terian ministers possibly want ? The office of' deacon,
we believe, exists among them, but is surely below the
acceptance of a minister. The name of priest would be
rejected with horror and indignation ; probably, there
are not ten ministers in the Assembly who have not, in
the course of their teaching, expressly repudiated the
anti-Christian title. And as for the episcopate, we know
that it is the very monster against which their name,
their history, and their constitution are so many stand-
ing and deadly protests. The Roman Church indeed has
a few more orders at their service, but we presume they
can hardly be anxious to be known as " exorcists" or
" acolites. And yet those who deny them any or all
of these titles are accused of" pronouncing their religion
not to be Christian, their members to be unbaptised in-
dividuals, and the acts of their worship to be unmeaning
awl worthless." How are these gentlemen to be pleased,
or what is to be done for them ?
CIIRONICLE.—The House of Commons adjourned
for the holidays last night. We do not-think Ministers
are likely to have a very pleasant Easter. What with.
Lord De Grey in Ireland, and Lord. Ashley .at home,
the harmony within doors cannot be very great, and an
earthquake may come any day. Sir James Graham of
course resigns, if a Ten Hours' Bill is carried, or if the
towthers are preferred in the Lord-Lieutenancy of
Westmoreland. Lord De Grey resigns if he is not
allowed to appoint anti-education bishops. Poor Sir
Robert Peel is in a sad fix with his Jack Cedes. They
all require so much, and will let him do so little, that his
character for power is gone, and his character for pru-
dence is declining. The Duke of Wellington has en-
sured the Irish Church a longevity equal to the union—
how prudently those who remember his analogous de-
clarations about Old Sarum will determine. The Duke
of Richmond willenot stand another peck of corn, whe-
ther foreign or colonial. It does not matter whether
Australian or from New Zealand, not a grain shall
come. Mr. Hutt may go out if he please, and be a fari-
naceous animal amongst his brother colonists ; but not
a taste shall the people of England have of what their
swarm of compatriots can grow. The New Zealanders
may eat them, and welcome ; but as for sending such
outlandish grain to the mill, or such outlandish flour to
on; English housewives, it must not be thought of. Sir
Robert Peel may reduce the Three per Cents., and wel-
come. The noblemen and gentlemen of the Anti-
League Association have not much to do with them ;
but as for doing anything which has the remotest ten-
dency to pull down the price of true born British wheat,
the time is gone by for any such concession. These
things were permitted for b, time, during the Peel
honeymoon ; but a course so opposed to the wisdom of
the squirarchy, and the new balance of power conse-
quent upon the Richmond treaty, is out of question.
Things, in short, are approaching the annual dead
lock. The schemes of Government appear before the
public like the magic-lantern phantoms. This time last
year there was a Factory Bill, with education clauses.
P'eqe, the dissecting clauses' were denounced, and the
Factory Bill fell into the shade. The Ecclesiastical
Courts Bill fared no better. It was too good for the
Tories ; this year it is too bad for the Liberals. In
841 it proposed some useful charms and was worth
having, of itself, although an imperfect measure. This
year its changes are so valueless, that it will do. more
habaurmse,s,bytbganivignognda,
bsyorrtemoedying
Sir
te of new lease to ecclesiastical
sor9eminor grievances.
Itoirsearncmreeanttiowne sliiirceeunlanrdle.
yrcharac is supported by
et. i
of the sort of
G
without Tories, andtbe
psornalenresce,laensidasttbicae
proctorslabuses.
eannnetarnowtitdbo.
out abuses. The public know these things,and
see them.
They know that the measures proposed by the late
Government to correct those abuses were adequate and
efficient. They see by the failure of last year that the
Tories will not permit their chief to do so. Sir R. Peel
was saved last year from a defeat on this very Bill by the
Opposition, as he was last week on the factory proceed-
ings. He cannot, therefore, carry out his own declara-
tion with respect to his willingness and power to
remedy proved abases. If the unanimous opinion of
mankind means anything—if reports of committees super-
added to reports of commissions, are of any avail, if
there be a concentration of opinion amongst all
laWyers of sound mind that the courts ecclesiastic are
a. nuisance—that they require changes not less than
those of last year to make them endurable, and far more
to make them popular,—if the allegation of a proved
abuse means anything, Sir R. Peel is bound to do some-
thing more drastic in the way of remedy than his puny
efforts of the present year to brirg up the old rectep-
• -

tacles'of ignorance and superstition to the level of the
age. He claimed peculiar qualities and peculiar in-
fluences for such achievements. The House of Lords
admired him, the House of Commons obeyed him, the
Church trusted him, the Tory party wore at his feet.
Was it not desirable to have a Minister who, if he at-
tempted less, would finish everything he attempted? The
public thought,so. He was made Minister by acclama-
tion. But the proved abuses continue : he cannot re-
move one. The Bishop of Exeter and the proctors com-
bine against his ecclesiastical reforms. Lord De Grey
leads Orangemen against his chief on Irish policy ; the
squires refuse to give him corn; the West Indians insist
on his adherence to the minimum of sugar; Lord Ash-
ley wishes everybody to do less than the Minister; and
on the only question where common sense and the real
judgment. of the middle classes is with Sir Robert
Peel the Minister is beaten. We cannot tell how all
these things happen, but there they are:—no Chancery
reforins, in the face of enormous promises ; vast
compensations under the name of subordinate reduc-
lions; clerks in the Augean stable of that court re-
tiring upon the allowance of ambassadors ; a six clerk
richer than an Irish bishop ; three or four such per-
sonages with greater compensations than maintain the
exiled princes of the French and Spanish Bourbons.
A glimpse into the ancient preserves of the wig and
gown will repay most Reformers. The good old times,
no doubt, are almost over, but we may judge what sort
of things were formerly in esse, when we see such an
office as that of the Six Clerks abolished at an outlay
as great as Jamaica costs us. The old system, however,
is gone, and we shall see after Easter, on Mr. Watson's
motion, how far the compensations have been fairly or
unfairly, parsimoniously or prodigally dealt with. But
law reforms, it appears, have not prospered under the
Peel Administration. The appointments made by the
Tory Government have been enough to sicken the
country with the name of law reform. Salaries have
been raised with the usual consequence, that the indivi-
duals selected have smaller qualifications. In respect
to the Commissioners of Bankrupts, the old and experi-
enced provincial practitioners were discarded, and broken
down Tory hangers-on preferred. Mr. Foster, of Man-
chester, was superseded in spite of great experience, and
a place found for the inexperience of Mr. Phillips. Mr.
Brandt, of the same district, was for°etten, in spite of
extensive knowledge and established powers of use-
fulness ; and Mr. Skirrow, in spite of incapacity,
equally established, was appointed. To the gentlemen
so able and so experienced compensations must be al-
lotted ; how much we cannot say, but to a considerable
extent. To the gentlemen now upon the bench large
salaries are paid ; and it shall be for our readers to say
how the public has gained. The fault, however, is with
the Chancellor, and not with the Act" of Parliament. If
he had contented himself with salaries to the amount of
1,0001. or ',NO/ a year, the places would have been as
much sought after as legal places ought to be ; but they
would have been sought after by persons who did not
want a Ten Hours' Bill, and who were equal to their
situations. At present the public have an equal right
to find fault with the Tory Treasury for fixing salaries
too high, and with the Tory Lord High Chancellor for
being contented with qualifications not high enough.
They. must further keep a sharp eye upon the super-
annuations. Every guinea paid in superannuation
must be justified on the ground that the individual
superseded was inferior. to the individual appointed,
otherwise why charge the over-burdened funds of
the country with unnecessary superannuations ?—why
superannuate gentlemen who are perfectly willing
to discharge old duties under a new system, and who,
for the most part, are as able, and in several instances
far more able to do so, than the parties for the benefit of
whom the supercession has taken place ? We contend,
therefore, that, look which way we will, there are as yet no
results from this wonderful Administration which entitle
into the confidence of the public. an foreign affairs it
gradtially loaes ground. In Irish' affairs it gets worse
and worse, losing character in' registration Bills, popu-
larity from its treatment of O'Connell, and strength from
the well-known inconstancy and irresolution of the
Premier. In Great Britain it has made no reforms
worth mentioning, and some of the best attempts have
been decided failures. In legislation it does nothing use-
ful, and in administration nothing welL It is without
cordial support in many circles, and, perhaps, to its
credit ; for cordiality in such circles is never given to a
Minister who has good intentions towards the people.
Sir Robert Peel, we believe, has fair designs, and would
far rather conduct the Government on Liberal than coer-
cive principles. He would far rather be a Conservative,
if such a name is' to be endured, than be called a Tory ;
but:he would far rather be a Tory Minister—ay, we
fear, an' ultra-Tory Minister—certainly a do-nothing
and phantom Tory Minister -- than be without
place, than continue a few more .years of public life
without power; of Privy-gardens, without abridge to
Dovrning-street; of Tamworth in the House of Com-
mons, to its coronetted earldom in another place. Let
any one see the position of the Ministry, and doubt, if
he can, another moment. Observe the iron links of the
Churchman's Chain, in which he binds the reluctant hand
of every friendly Government; see the fetters which
bind hand and foot the Tory Minister who presumes to
breathe a sentiment inimical to their views of. the mys-
teries of agriculture ; see the doom which awaits a
Liberal Minister, in the antipathy of the Tory press,
Irish as well as English, to the mere suggestion of de-
corous clemency to the great champion of the Irish
people. For our own parts we see no use in such an
Administration. It keeps, no doubt, the house aired,
the fires warm, the roof dry, in the absence of the spirit
and energy which used to inhabit Downing-street, but
more than this it does not. But what a pass nave things
come to, when everybody feels that Sir R. Peel can be
spoken of in such a way; and what is worse, that it is
the truth.

administrations, abolished. The business heretofore so
transacted by the superior court in London, is in future
to be done by the diocesan courts. Respecting this new
regulation the Administration have spoken out, indeed,
most strongly; insisting upon it in opposition to all
reason; and refusing to give to the head court in London,
even so much as a concurrent jurisdiction in regard to
those matters over which it had hitherto exercised a sole
jurisdiction. And what excuse (for reason is not a word
that can be applied in such a case) do the Administration
give for this their conduct? All of them, who have yet
spoken on the subject. repeat, as it were mechanically—
possibly on the principle that few "words are best"—" We
admit that what we are about to do is not right—we ad-
mit our measure will perpetuate a nuisance. We admit it
will do more—it will even increase that nuisance. But,
we are afraid, ,if we attack these diocesan courts, the
parties interested in their retention will be too strong
for us. More-than this: we, in order to escape a de-
feat by them, are not only obliged--ethough a very
strong Ministry—to allow all their present privileges and
advantages to remain untouched; but—as a sop with
which to stop their mouths—as a bribe by which to
purchase their favour and neutrality, we are com-
pelled to grant to them additional privileges and advan-
tages, in spite of our own and every body else's con-
viction that we are by so doing acting wrongfully—in
spite of the report of the Ecclesiastical Courts Com-
missioners--and in spite of our own repeated declara-
tions last year, that we never would act as we are now
acting." These plain and simple facts are admitted by
the Administration—the "strong Administration." They
are not equal to cope with the country practitioners !
This is the excuse, put forward by one and all of
them who have spoken on the subject. Their organ,
the Lord Chancellor himself, tenderly courting and
coaxing the country practitioners—kneeling, like a lover
to his mistress ; afraid of a misunderstanding ; frightened
and timid ; requesting peace and quietness ; or, like the
lovely goddess as she is described in Virgil :
" At regina, nova pugna3 conterrite sorts
Flebat, et ardentem generum moritura tenebat ;
Turne, per has ego te lachrymal, per si quis Arnata3
Tangit honos animum; spes to nunc una senectie,
Tu requies miserm; decus iraperiumque Latini
Te penes ; in te Omnis Domus inclinata recumbit."
The country practitioners, though thus wooed,, may,
however, not be won so easily. Like girls whose suitors
are elderly gentlemen, he may want more settled still.
ThuS, between demands on one side and unnecessary and
improper concession on the other, the time occupied by
such a courtship will be vainly frittered away, and the
whole affair at last explode—as all such affairs invariably
do—in the elderly gentleman doing nothing ; the girl
being satisfied with nothing ; and eventually the real
friends and supporters of the venerable lover being
obliged' to interfere and put a stop to the absurd
exposure.
STANDARD.—The Houses of Parliament adjourned
last night for the Easter recess. The House of Lords
to Tuesday, the 16th; the House of Commons to Monday,
the 15th. In the House of Lords, Lord Campbell intro-
duced a Bill to place writs of error in criminal cases upon
a footing similar to that in which appeals to the House
of Lords in civil cases now stand. In the present state of
the law a writ of error in a criminal case does not suspend
the judgment; and the party convicted is subject tore-
' ceive sentence, and to be consigned to punishment, just
as if no such appeal was made ; in civil cases
every appeal operates as a direct suspension of the
judgment of the court appealed from. Lord Campbell's
Bill would remove this seeming inconsistency, by sus-
pending, the judgment of the court in every case,
whether civil or criminal. There is some speciousness
in tho.proposition, but it would be found impossible
to adopt it without a total change in the whole sys-
tem of administering the criminal law—without, in
fact, resorting to the principle of a French Court
of_ Caseation. At present writs of error are, in
criminal cases, the exception, and a very rare
exception too ; but let Lord Campbell's Bill become
law, and they will' Constitute 'the rule ; every convic-
tion for' misdemeanor will be appealed from, and
if the House of Lords is to retain the final
jurisdiction it will have little time for any other
business, and must. abandon altogether its legislative
functions. And then what is to be done with con-
victions for felony ? Writs of error, in the case of
such convictions, cannot now be entered without the
actual bona fide, not perfunctory, consent of the
Attorney-General, and, in fact, scarcely one such
writ is entered in a century. There is, however,
no proof of inconsistency in the -law in the rarity
of such appeals, for while the judgment in all
cases takes effect immediately—non obstante " a
writ of error"—the convict felon has little in
terest in prosecuting an appeal, the result of Which.
is not to be ' known until after he is hanged
or transported, or has suffered his sentence of imprison-
ment or whipping. But would the country -permit, that
while the person exposed• to a comparatively trifling
offence should, as a. matter almest of course, avail him-
self of the` chances of a second trial, the unhappy
wretch doomed to the gallows or to exile should have no
melt advantage? This, we ail)" persuaded, is what
the country would not bear. The Attorney-General
Would be compelled to consent to writs of error
in cases of felony as he is now compelled to consent to
such writs in cases of misdemeanour; and the whole
administration of the criminal law would assume a new
face.. Whether this would be, or would not be; an im-
provement we do not at present say farther than
this, that having seen something of the working of
the French Court of Cassation, we think it works
well. The question is not, however, whether there
ought to be any appeal, suspending the judgment in
criminal cases, but whether, if there be any, it ought
not to extend to felonies as well as misdemeanours ;
and .whether it would be possible for the House of
Lords to discharge the duties of the common court of
appeal in addition to its present duties? The effect
of Lord Campbell's Bill would be to throw upon
the House, sooner or later, the whole of this load,
unless some other court of appeal should be estab-
lished.. Lord Campbell explained that as his Bill
is not to take effect until the Ist of August, it
' cannot operate upon the proceedings against Mr.
O'Connell and his accomplices—we do not see the
necessity of the inference. The Irish convicts are to
be brought up for judgment, we believe, on the 15th,
and even suppose them committed in execution
upon that day, they may , easily enough perhaps
fight off the decision of their writ of error until
the la of August, when, under the terms of Lord
Campbell's Bill, they would be let loose for the summer
agitation with little more than throe months' imprison-
ment—the old penalty of an innocent insolvent. There
is; however, little, danger that the Bill will pass, though
we hope that, the consideration of extending the oppor-
tunity of fairly appealing from all conviction in crimi-
nal may continue to engage the minds of the Le-
gislature.

ADVERTISER.—In another part of our journal
will be found most interesting information from Dublin
—Mr. O'Connell's appearance at, and reception by, the
Repeal Association. It may be remembered, it was
insinuated that Mr. O'Connell's praise of the English—
his just acknowledgments of the altered tone of the
great body of the people of this country since their
eyes were opened by the abominable trials, would have
the effect of hazarding his popularity at hoine. Well,
he returns. He appears among his countrymen, and re-
minds them how unwillingly he' had made his last jour-
ney to England; but he boldly and undisguisedly added
that he now rejoiced that he had gone, for that though
the "'oligarchy were omnipotent, "he was glad to say
he had found a spirit of concession, and a spirit of good-
will so prevalent among the people of Eng-
land, that he heartily rejoiced at his change
of determination." These sentiments—this testi-
mony to the truth —instead of diminishing the
warmth of his friends, only -increased their enthu-
sia3m towards him. The account will be read with-
great satisfaction and greater hope by all good men ;
for, as it is said, "war is a game kings would not play
at were their subjects wise," we apprehend the power of
party, or ascendancy, would soon cease to be of baneful
influence to the general interests, if the people of differ-
ent countries can be brought to understand their own
rights and welfare, to know how truly " party is the
madness of many for the gain of the few ;" and no
longer to allow themselves to be the dupes and tools of
factions. An immense deal has been achieved in a short
time to enable the English to understand the Irish and
the Irish question ; and hence we augur the most
favourable results for the amelioration, security, and
stability of both countries. Injustice to Ireland has been
the grave of many an administration—and Peel and his
Government, although backed by the Iron Duke, will
not escape the common fate. There are black and
ominous gatherings already in Downing-street ! Mr.
O'Connell proposed, most honourably to himself and
usefully to the cause, that it be referred to a Com-
mittee "to prepare an address of gratitude to the
people of England." The rent for the week will
amount to above 9001.—curious proof of the diminished
feeling towards Mr. O'Connell for doing "justice to
England."
. GLOBE.—The Ecclesiastical Courts Bill has passed
from the Upper to the Lower House, with a:few parting
words of portentous import to its reception and success
in the latter assembly. The Lord Chancellor, who stood
Sponsor for the Bill on its introduction to the Lords, and
kindly took charge of it on its passage through the several
stages of its progress, admitted that it was a weakly
bantling,, of little promise. His remarks implied that
its parents were ashamed of it, and felt little affection
for its form, and had but faint hopes of. its life. The
obvious answer to these apologies for the infirmities and
defects of the Bill, was that if not able to produce some-
thing more 'creditable to themselves and beneficial to
the public interests, the Ministry had better not have
attempted to legislate in the matter. The Bill per-
petuates the diocesan courts— a positive nuisance—
on . the one hand ; and even increases the mis-
chiefs which the present perplexing, and frequently
injurious, law of bona notabilia inflicts on the public.
The measure bel, ngs to the series of law reforms
which were to constitute a large amount of the superior
claims of the Peel Government to the confidence of the
country. These vaunted measures have actually had the
effect of damaging its reputation, and making it a pro-
verb of alternate ridicule and reproach. There is not one
of these " reforms" that does not brand its authors
with ignorance,' or lay them open to suspicion of
sinister designs; instead of obtaining for them cre-
dit for being actuated by a sincere intention of
improving the jurisprudence of the country. The
falsely-called improvements in the Court of Chan-
cery ; the alterations in the Bankruptcy Court ; and
last, not least, their Ecclesiastical Courts Bill of last ses-
sion—abandoned, because found too bad to mend ; and
brought forward in the present session, with the best
part left out.. These specimens of. tinkering in legisla-
tion confer, on. Lord Lyndhurst, and the other law offi-
cers- of the Peel Administration, a reputation as law re-
formers by no means calculated to disarm the hostility
of opponents, or to strengthen the attachment of friends.
The recess will afford an opportunity to the Mem-
bers of the House of Commons, before whom this
notable specimen of Ministerial wisdom will be brought,
to- examine its detail 4. We trust that such an exami-
nation will induce them to determine either to improve
its provisions, or to consign it to the receptacle of re-
jected measures. Let us see how the case stands. A
reference to the former Bill, and to that now in em-
bryo, will illustrate and expose the utter destitu-
tion of all claim to approval by which this new
Ecclesiastical Courts Bill is distinguished. The Bill
purports to be founded on the report of the Eccle-
siastical Courts Cornmissioners—a report for the ob-
tt reportc ourts,
as w
taitiing of which, and its publication, the country
(as every' one must readily admit) has paid dearly.
That
recommendselia
s thpeecuitoitaarli. abolition
present
roefseanitl
dio-
cesan
not-only does not abolish the diocesan courts, but actually
gives them more power, and a more extensive jurisdic-
tion than they ever, at any time whailiever since their
foundation, possessed ; for, by abolishing the peculiars,
it follows, as a matter of Course, that the law respect-
ing bona notabilia (by means of which all the probates
and administrations of persons dying possessed of pro-
perty, both in a peculiar and in. a. diocese, were of
right heretofore granted by the superior court in Lon.
4011),is K-farasregarda such prolntosiwd

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.'
TIMES.—The. premium on gold, at Paris is 13f per
mile, which, at the English Mint price of 3/. 17s. 10f d.
per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 25
49 ; and the exchange at Paris on London at short
being- 25 65, it follows that gold is 0.64 per cent.
fd.
dearer in London than in Paris.
By advices from Hamburgh the price of gold is 434
per mark, which, at the English Mint price of 3/. 17s. 10
per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 13 91;
and the exchange at Hatnburgh on London at short
being 13 10f,. it follows that gold is 0.34 per cent. dearer
in London than in Hamburgh.:
The course of exchange at New York on London is
1081 per cent., and the par of exchange between Eng-
land and America being 109 2340 per cent., it follows
that the exchange is 1.33 per cent. against -England.
But the qUoted exchange at New York being for bills
at 60 days' sight, the interest must be deducted from
the above difference.
CHRONICLE.—Our attention has been direcied to
an article on the currency in the Foreign and Colonial
Quarterly Review for April, which will repay perusal to
those who feel an interest in the question. It is written
by one who evinces perfect knowledge of his subject,
and who makes the best use of his materials, placing
his views in a clear and well-defined light, and endea-
vouring so to arrange discussion as to proceed step by
step until he arrives by demonstrative means at the
wished-for end. Lie lays down the proposition that the
" regular fluctuation in the country circulation, which
takes place at specific periods of each succeeding year,
is a sufficient proof that these results are, regulated by
the seasons, and not by the influence of the bankers.'
He, therefore, defines them to be the " laws of the cur-
rency," as neither caprice, 'nor avarice, nor ignorance,
could produce such uniform effects.
The following table shows the gradual falling off that
has taken placeain the country circulation : •
1839
• 1840
1841
' 1842
• 1843
The Reviewer accounts for this extensive reduction by
three different causes, the last of which we look upon
as the most powerful—namely, by the failurefailure'sof pri-
vate banks, by
banks, and by the arrangements made with the Bank of
the merging of others in joint-stock
England by several country banks who have withdrawn
management, as respects the currency, he speedily placed
their notes, and now issue Bank 4,f England paper.
The Reviewer is of opinion that unless our system of
upon a sound basis, a re-action will take place, and pro-
duce effects similar to those that occurred in the years
1836 and 1839. We do not look upon the remedy sug-
gested in this article on the currency sufficient to pro-
tect the country from the anticipated changes, for the
writer says he sees nothing that requires improvement
in the. currency of Scotland, Ireland, or the provinces
of England, except to admit large banking companies
within the limits of the Bank Charter, both in England
and Ireland, and placing all banks upon an equal footing
with regard to the law of partnership. He seeks no
change in the constitution or government of the Bank of
England, but recommends to the Directors to adopt some
principle that would save the country from the great
fluctuations which take place in the amount of her issues.
He says that " the monster evil is the increase of notes,
when gold flows freely to the Country," and he sug-
gests some remedy for this, showing, by the way, that
his " laws of the currency " are not so immutable as the
laws of the Medes and Persians.

•
ERRATUM.—In the Parliamentary report which ap-
peared in The Sun on Tuesday, it was incorrectly stated that
the 4hancellor of the Exchequer was to bring forward the
budget on the 15th inst. ; no day it appears is fixed, but it will
be introduced on an early day after Easter, of which due notice
will be given.
Tics DONCASTER CUP•—The cup to be given at
the races for the present year, which takes place on the 16th
of September, is expected to be the most chaste and beautiful
which has been awarded for some time. It will consist of a
group of three figures, two of which will be represented on
horseback. The subject will be the request of an archer at-
tired. as Robin Hood to King Henry the Eighth and Queen
Catherine, to enter an adjacent wood, there to partake with
tiltagelalg.4.olol3Wtija their suit festival. -

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.
MIDLAND ClRCUlT.—Warwick, April 1.

CIVIL SlDE.—(Before Lord Chief Justice TLNDAL and a
Common Jury.)
BREACII OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE—BARTLE (A PAUPER)

V. ROE,

This was an action for a breach of promise of marriage.
Mr. Mellor and Mr. Macaulay appeared as counsel for the
plaintiff; and Mr. Hayes for the defendant.
Mr. MELLoR stated the case.—The plaintiff was a young
woman in an humble station of life, who sued in forma pau-
penis, who had become acquainted with the defendant, a hair-
dresser, whilst apprenticed to a milliner, at Tamworth, and
the result was the birth of a child. The defendant had pro-
mised marriage to the plaintiff on several occasions, and after
the birth of the child he promised to go over to the christen-
ing, and in a letter read by the Learned Counsel, he styled
himself her "affectionate husband," and "hoped the child
would be a dutiful son." Alas, for his promises I in three
short days he wrote a letter, stating that his father would not
let him come to the christening, and that, accordingly, he
must break his promise to (16 so, as well as his promise of
marriage, and proposed to allow 6s. per month for the. child
instead.

Witnesses were called to prove the facts, and two letters
for the defendant were read, which proved the promise and
the breach.

Mr. HAYES, in a humourous speech, ridiculid such an ac-
tion against a " barber's apprentice," and asked the jury to
discountenance an action which he said must have been
brought by the parish attorney, and not for the benefit of
the girl.
Lord Chief Justice TEIDAL summed up, and
The jury found a verdict for the plaintiff, with 251. damages.

NORTHERN ClRCUlT—Liverpool, April 1.
CIVIL SlDE.—(Before Mr. Baron RoLrg.)
THE BURY. WATER-WORKS COMPANY v. BENSON.

This case was resumed at the opening of the Court to-day,
by Mr. Martin examining a considerable body of engineering
and scientific evidence on the part of the defendant, the ge-
neral effect of which was, that the measurements charged
in the bill of Chadwick, which had been certified by the de-
fendant, were strictly correct in all respects. The accuracy
of the measurements, indeed, was the only subject of differ-
ence between the parties, the plaintiffs contending that by
the defendant's negligence in measuring they had been
charged with and paid for 3,857 cubic yards of embankment,
and 350 superficial yards of pitching, more than they ought
to have been. ' Wortley's reply for the plaintiffs was
merely a lengthened comment upon the' testimony for the,
defendant, in which he endeavoured to show that their cal-
culations were framed upon an erroneous basis, whilst those
for the plaintiffs were taken from those furnished by the de-
fendant himself.

The JUDGE, in summing up the case, told the jury that the
only question for them to consider was, whether it was satis-
factorily made out that the defendant had, as alleged, ne-
glected his duty by not properly measuring the work of
Chadwick. In the course of going over the evidence the
Learned Judge remarked that neither of the parties in this
cause had shown themselves really desirous of.having the
difference between them properly sifted in the presence of
each other. Who was to blame he would not say; but it
would have been much better for the interests of both if a
disposition of this sort had been exhibited. •
The charge of the =Learned Judge concluded exactly at
three o'clock, having' lasted nearly two hours; and the jury
without retiring from the box, 'returned a verdict for the de-
fendant. The trial, in the whole, occupied eighteen hours.