The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-03 00:00:00

-71 it SUN. LONDON, WrDNP,SD A. 17 EVENT N!G, APRIL a, 18444

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satisfied with those proceedings. It was unwisely said
by a portion of the press in this country, that the sym-
pathy which had been manifested was merely a Whig
manoeuvre ; but the assertion was obviously untrue, and
he emphatically contradicted the newspaper writers who
had given currency to the opinion. At the dinner in
Covent-garden Theatre there were not 20 Whigs pre-
sent ; and there was nothing therefore more distinctly,
more unhandsomely untrue, than the assertion that it
was a Whig manifestation, and not a spontaneous popular
movement, unconnected with party, and springing from
a high-minded sense of justice—a wish for fair play and
a horror of oppression.—(Hear, and cheers.) At the
same time he was bound to say that the Whigs had be-
haved well towards Ireland on this occasion. Could
anything be more honourable than the conduct of Lord
J. Russell after the debates were over, and the majority
of 99 declared in favour of the Ministry ?—(Hear.)
Could anything be more manly and mo:e consistent
with the high station and character of that Noble Lord,
than his coming forward and making a solemn protest,
speaking judicially, that they had not a fair trial in
Ireland ?—(Hear, hear.) It ought not, therefore, to be
called a Whig movement, nor ought the Whigs to be
blamed for what had occurred on this occasion—they
had done great service to the people of Ireland, and the
Irish ought to feel grateful to them.—(Hear, hear.)
There was a hearty and cordial spirit amongst a great
many of the English people ; there was a disposition to
see this country done justice to, and there was a great
inclination to consider the repeal question. He found
some persons in England who went further than he
would go himself, for his violence consisted only in the
expression of a determination never to cease his legal
and constitutional agitation for the procurement of
repeal.—(Hear.) But what benefit were they to derive
from this kindly demonstration of the English people ?
Much of sympathy, much of pleasure, and of gratifica-
tion the human mind must always experience when just
and honest people sympathised. But hoW could those
good wishes serve Ireland while the Parliament was
packed ?—(Hear, hear.) They might, to be sure, eon..
trol some few Members of Parliament, but the over-
whelming majority there was against them, and there-
fore, while he expressed his gratification at the sympathy
of the English people, still he was bound to exclaim—
"Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not,
Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ?"
—(Loud cheering,) What chance had they of the Par-
liament doing anything for them ? They certainly had
some chance of their doing something against them, but
not the least of anything favourable, unless it might be
some miserable sop in the pan.—(Laughter.) This very
day, almost in a few hours after he should have done
speaking, new measures would be brought into Parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Eliot had selected to-day---
very appropriately, as it was the Ist of April—(Laughter)
—to bring in two Billa, one to amend• the franchise in
Ireland, the other relating to municipal reforms. The
first of these Bills purported to augment the franchise,
but he (Mr. O'Connell) had reason to know that it
would annihilate the popular franchise in Ireland.—
(Hear, hear.) The principle it went on was that of the
Chandos clause, giving the votes to tenants-at-will. The
English people complained that the Chandos clause had
made the county representation a representation of serfs
—alas ! he (Mr. O'Connell) was bound to say it was ad-
mitted by Lord John, as it was emphatically announced
by Lord Stanley, that the object was to throw the repre-
sentation of the counties into the hands of the aristocracy.
—(Hear, hear.) The other Bill, which related to corpo-
rate reforms might to a certain extent do some good. It
would do away with the payment of the mass of taxes
formerly necessary to entitle persons to vote, and
they would now have to pay only the poor-rate, the
borough-rate, and grand jury cess ; but many exist-
ing grievances would be increased by it. They should,
therefore, continue to struggle, and should never abate
their exertions until the perseverance of Irishmen in the
expression of their opinions would convince Englishmen
that the Government of the country could not be carried
on in war as well as in peace, unless justice was done to
Ireland.—(Cheers.) He asked the people of Ireland
what did they mean to do? Did they mean to give up
their struggle for repeal?—(Cries of " Never.") Did
they mean to allow him to conduct that struggle as he
pleased?—(Loud cheers.) If, so, he should, in the first
place, tell them that they must observe the most un-
broken tranquillity and obedience to the law —that was
the basis of the struggle.—(Hear, hear.) It might be
said that his enemies were about sending him to prison,
and he believed they were; but that/ was only an addi-
tional reason for peace. Oh! how delighted those who
hated them would be if they could bring the people into
contact with the overwhelming military force at present
in the country! And let them also recollect that they
were accountable beings, and that every one of them
should stand before the judgment-seat of God to answer
for his conduct, and for every violation of the laws of
God committed by him.—{Hear.) Oh! the virtuous, the
temperate people of Ireland would not, he was confident.
disgrace themselves by resorting to force of any
kind. And if they did, he would not for an hour remain
their leader.—(Hear, hear.) After adverting to the suc-
cess of peaceable agitation during the struggle for eman-
cipation, the Hon. Gentleman proceeded to assure the
people that if they persevered in their present peaceable
course for twelve months longer, they would have three-
fourths of the people of England and Scotl-and with
them, and they would be too strong to be resisted. But
their efforts should be continuous, though tranquil.
Should it be said, that because some of them were sent
to prison, the rest were to lie down in apathy? For his
own part he had formed the determination of not know-
ing any man who was not a Repealer, or holding-any in-
tercourse with him, unless he came to him on inevitable
business.—(Cheers.) Some persons might blame him
for this, but he really considered the man who was not
a Repealer, to be a base creature, and he looked on him
as a coward, if he did not wear some outward mark of
being nne.(Loud cheers.) If every man who was a
Repealer in '43 contributed to their funds in '44, and if
every man who was not a Repeialer then became so now,
the success of their cause was certain. He had called
1843 the repeal year, and he now begged leave to name
1544 the " clinching " year.—(Laughter and cheers.)
When they set about praying for him, let them think
not of him, but of old Ireland ; let them inscribe
" Peace and perseverance " on their walls, and nothing
but their own apathy could prevent their carrying repeal.
—(Cheers.) After a strong appeal to the people of this
country to come forward as liberally with their money
during the present year as they had done during the
past, the Hon. Gentleman concluded by expressing his
conviction that the day of Ireland's happiness was not
far distant. He cared not what became of himself if he
could obtain liberty for his native land.
The rent for the week, at the conclusion of the pro-
ceedings, was announced to be 928/. 18s. 4d., including
6001. from America; and the meeting adjourned to next
Thursday week.

With this preparation, they (especially women) are
to sign congregational petitions, and to collect money
for the necessary exp'nses of the same.
"Lest absence," concludes the writer, "might have left
some of you in ignorance of these arrangaments, and to
stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance,' I have
been advised to trouble you with this notification.
" I remain, yours faithfully in the Lord,
"ROBERT STEWART, D.D.,
" Moderator of the General Assembly."
All this seems very angry and determined, but it is diffi-
cult for an Englishman clearly to understand against
whom it can be fairly levelled. Is it against the judges?
They are not charged with having done anything but
declare the law. Is it against the English Legislature ?
That body has not as yet shown any indisposition to re-
ject any the most extravagant demands of the Presbyte-
rian body. Presbyterianism, indeed, is not the established
religion of Ireland. nor probably will it be made so. But
even this is yet but conjecture. All that the Legislature
has yet done has been to anticipate the sentence of the
Peers, by passing an Act in the most generous haste and
with the most entire unanimity, to establish all past
marriages which have been solemnised under the late
misapprehension. Is it against those who have brought
the question to issue ? We know not what reasons
Presbyterians may have for suspecting the motives or
resenting the conduct of individual Irish Churchmen ;
but surely the desire to keep such a question in doubt—
to avoid the light—to bolster up a mistake of so painful
a kind—argues great want of consideration for the real
interests of those "injured females" whose battle
they profess to be fighting. Surely all honest men
must simply and warmly approve the determination
to leave nothing doubtful on a question of such para-
mount importance in its bearing on the duties of the
clergy, the devolution of property, and the :happiness
or families. What would be thought or said of an
English clergyman who first persisted in marrying
his parishioners in a mode of which he had reason to
doubt the validity, and then, on the exposure of his
mistake, flew into a passion with those by whose deter-
mination the question had been probed to the bottom ?
Could we avoid thinking that such a gentleman was
rather more careful for his own dignity than for his
people's welfare ? But it seems that the judges have
found it necessary to deny the validity of Presbyteriaa
orders. What this complaint means, we profess our-
selves wholly unable even to comprehend. The English
Church and the English law acknowledge three orders—
those of Bishop, Priest, and Deacon—and no more. This
every child knows. IN hich of the three can the Presby-
terian ministers possibly want ? The office of deacon,
we believe, exists among them, but is surely below the
acceptance of a minister. The name of priest would be
rejected with horror and indignation ; probably there
are not ten ministers in the Assembly who have not, in
the course of their teaching, expressly repudiated the
anti-Christian title. And as for the episcopate, we know
that it is the very monster against which their name,
their history, and their constitution are so many stand-
ing and deadly protests. The Roman Church indeed has
a few more orders at their service, but we presume they
can hardly be anxious to be known as " exorcists" or
"acolytes." And yet those who deny them any or all
of these titles are accused of" pronouncing their religion
not to be Christian, their members to be unbaptised in-
dividuals, and the acts of their worship to be unmeaning
and worthless." How are these gentlemen to be pleased,
or what is to be done for them ?
mt
hoinnsk adjourned
s
o u
Wee o
df C
notom
forC the °h
oNI ildCa yLsElastTnhi ge ht
are likely to have a very pleasant Easter. What with
Lord De Grey in Ireland, and Lord Ashley at home,
the harmony within doors cannot be very great, and an
earthquake may come any day. Sir James Graham of
course resigns, if a Ten Hours' Bill is carried, or if the
Lowthers are preferred in the Lord-Lieutenancy of
Westmoreland. Lord De Grey resigns if he is not
allowed to appoint anti-education bishops. Poor Sir
Robert Peel is in a sad fix with his Jack Cades. They
all require so much, and will let him do so little, that his
character for power is gone, and his character for pru-
dence is declining. The Duke of Wellington has en-
sured the Irish Church a longevity equal to the union—
how prudently those who remember his analogous de-
clarations about Old Sarum will determine. The Duke
of Richmond will not stand another peels of corn, whe-
ther foreign or colonial. It does not matter whether
Australian or from New Zealand, not a grain shall

THE LAND COMMISSION.
The following brief report of the progress of the Land
Tenure Commission appears in an Evening Paper:—
" The Commission, consisting of Sir R. Ferguson, Mr.
G. Hamilton, Mr. Redington, and Mr. Wynne, were
actively engaged at Belfast on Monday, Tuesday, and
Wednesday last, in making inquiry respecting the occu-
pation of land in the counties of Down and Antrim.
They examined at great length the agents of the exten-
sive properties of the Marquis of Hertford, the Marquis
of Londonderry, Mr. D. Tier, and other proprie-ors, to-
gether with a number of occupying tenants and farmers,
as well as the persons selected for examination by the
several boards of guardians in the neighbourhood of Bel-
fast. On Thursday they proceeded to inspect the exten-
sive andinteresting improvements now in progress on
Lord Dufferin's estate, near Donaghadee, and on Lord
Londonderry's, near Newtownards, and the draining,
&c., on the property of Messrs. Andrews, at Cumber.
On Friday they held their inquiry at Antrim. On Sa-
turday they were joined by the Earl of Devon, at Ban.
bridge, and examined a number of witnesses respecting
the occupation and management of land on the large
estates in that neighbourhood of the Marquis of Down-
shire, as well as those of Lord Roden, Mr. Whyte, of
Lougbrickland, and others. During the present week
they are to visit Larne, Coleraine, and Moneymore.

SOITTIIAMPICON, APRIL 2.--The East India and China
mails, consisting of 94 boxes and 7 bags, were dispatched
from this port yesterday at 4 P.M., in the Oriental Company's
splendid steam-packet the Great Liverpool, Captain M'Leod,
rid Alexandria. She has also upwards of 40 passengors,
and a very full cargo of bale goods. The Liverpool upon her
homeward voyage will proceed into the docks and discharge
her passengers and cargo, and then undergo, a thorough re-
pair. The mails of the first of June will be taken out by the
Great Western steamer, which has lately become the pro-
perty of the Oriental Company. The Royal West India
steam-packet, the Tay, Captain Hayden, left this port to-
day for the West Indies. She carries out the South American
and West Indian mails, the largest ever shipped from this
port. The Tay has thirty-nine passengers on board, besides
1,460 bottles of quicksilver and 4,0001. in specie. The Rain-
bow, 500 tons, Captain Arnold, sailed out of dock, at 4 A.m.,
this day, for Canada, with 185 emigrant passengers. She
will call at Plymouth, where it is expected she will take in
many more. The next emigrant ship will sail on the Ist of
May. The passengers and luggage came down on Saturday
by a special train, which took them alongside the vessel.
The Peninsula mail packet, the Pacha, Captain Wilson,
arrived last night from Gibraltar, and proceeded into the
docks, and landed her mails, which were forwarded to London
by the ten minutes past two mail train this morning. Her
dates are—Gibraltar, 23d of March ; Cadiz, 24th ; Lisbon,
27th ; and Oporto and Vigo, 28th. She has a full cargo of
fruit, and only six passengers.
MILITARY HEROES.—Mr. Field last week delivered
his second musical lecture on the military service and its
heroes at the City of Westminster Literary and Scientific In-
stitution. Mr. Field introduced the discourse of this evening
by a chronological description of the various improvements
in the implements for warfare, in short, tracing them from the
hands of the rudest art to those of the most profound science.
The costume of the army was also briefly noticed, not for-
getting the reminiscences of that so recently in use,• but
which appears, from having left no- trace behind, to be as far
removed as the buff jerkin of a couple of centuries gone by :
need we particularise the powdered hair, the well-nourished
queue, and the white (and tight) Inexpressible shorts of our
tall grenadiers. A sketch of those hospitable retreats for dis-
abled veterans—Greenwich and Chelsea—and a reference to
the visit to them made by the Queen and Prince Albert, ap-
propriately introduced a very
Here's a health' to Victoria."
good song, the words and air
ornents.of a soldier's life were briefly glanced at—his
of which were by Mr. Field, "
Tenhfreaenncihisement from all the ortlintwy perplexities of daily
life—the hearty abandon of the bivouac—enlivened Liy
fives, in which the narrator is often the hero of his own
1 story—and the rousing call to arms in the freshness and
.beality of the morning. Mr. Field here introduced a fine
hearty 41' pbeeriug melody, "Our homes and native
land," which elicited withusiastic encore. This was a
manuscript composition by Mi. West, (SONR 7al Academy
of Music. In celebrating the achievements iif our mostells,'
tinguished Generals, the sad fate of Sir John Moore at Co;.
ppm could not fail of notice ; and the lecture was brought to
a close law a deaf sketch of the European career of the " Hero
of a hundred fighti,'? and including a personal narrative, by
of Hougon-
the,w,..armest plaudits.
j‘l,) of thA lirv,,iavorrms,yof.
at the dNeaaivnyc6„ bwiat4s,suchnteg :s4.fltiq
mont,
re; aiicl
i72endsetral irehricl bad interview
with Au i
Mr.TFielde
A Attorney-General
retired y
-aG
with Sir Robert Pee; og Monday.

come. Mr. Hutt may go out if he please, and be a fari-
naceous animal amongst his brother colonists ; not
a taste shall the pe,)ple of England have of what their
swarm of compatriots can grow. The New Zealanders
may eat them, and welcome ; but as for sending such
outlandish grain to the mill, or such outlandish flour to
our English housewives, it must not be thought of. Sir
Robert Peel may reduce the Three per Cents., and wel-
come.. The noblemen and gentlemen of the Anti-

League Association have not-much to do with them ;
but as for doing anything which has the remotest ten-
dency to pull down the price of true born British wheat,
the time is gone by for any such concession. These
things were permitted for a time, during the Peel
honeymoon ; but a course so opposed to the wisdom of
the squirarchy, and the new balance of power conse-
quent upon the Richmond treaty, is out of question.
Things, in short, are approaching the annual dead
lock. The schemes of Government appear before the
public like the magic-lantern phantoms. This time last
year there was a Factory Bill, with education clauses.
Presto, the dissenting clauses were denounced, and the
Factory Bill fell into the shade. The. Ecclesiastical
Courts Bill fared no better, It was too good for the
Tories ; this year it is too bad for -the Liberals. In
1843 it proposed some useful changes, and was worth
having, of itself, although an imperfect measure. This
year its changes are so valueless, that it will do more
harm, by giving a sort of new lease to ecclesiastical
abuses, than good, by remedying some minor grievances.
It is a creation singularly characteristic of the sort of
Government we live under. Sir R. Peel is supported by
Tories, and so arc ecclesiastical abuses. He cannot do
without the proctors, and the proctors cannot do
out abuses. The public know these things, and see them.
They know that the measures proposed 'by the late
Government to correct those abuses were adequate and
efficient. They see by the failure of last year that the
Tories will not permit their chief to do so. Sir R, Peel
w4s saved last yg4p from a tjefeftt on this very gill by t 4
Opposition, as he was last weep on the factory proceed,
ings. He cannot, therefore, carry out his own declara-
tion with respect to his willingness and power to
remedy proved abuses. If the unanimous opinion of
mankindmeansanything—if reports of committees super-
added to molls of commissions, are of any avail, if
there be a concentration of opiifion aulorigst all
lawyers of sound mind that the courts ecclesiastic are
a nuisance—that they require changes not less than
those of last year to make them endurable, and far more
to crake them popular,—if the allegation of a proved
abuse mean; a,nytiiirig, Sir R. Peel is bgtinci tp clo. ;;or} er
thing more drastic in the way of remedy than his puny
efforts of the present year to 1)41 up the old recce-

"SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. tacks of ignoratece and stiperetition to the level of the
FROM TUE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. age. He claimed peculiar qualities and peculiar in-
TIMES.—A somewhat heavy storm seems to be
fluences for such achievements. The House of Lords
gathering in Ulster. The Presbyterian marriage ques- admired him, the House of Commons obeyed him, the
tion threatens to bring no small weight of Presbyterian ' Church trusted him, the Tory party were at his feet.
denunciation upon the heads of Lords Lyndhurst, Cot- Was it not desirable to have a Minister who, if he at-
tenham, Abinger, and all other judges and justices who tempted less, would finish everything he attempted? The
public thought so. He was mede Minister by acelama-
have been party to the late judgment in the House of p
Lords. The excieement was of course not a holy unex- tion. But the proved abuses continue :he eannot re-
petted, but anything more strangely gratuitous we have move one. The Bishop of Exeter and the proctors corn-
seldom had occasion to observe upon. The Presbyte- bine against his ecciesuietical reforms. Lord De Grey
rians of the north of Ireland have long been a very leads Oratigemen against his chief on Irish policy ; the
favoured body. They have had many of the advan- squires refuse to give him corn; the West Indians insist
tares without the dependence of an est on his adherence to the minimum of sugar; Lord Ash-
this point (the celebration of marriages—their position ley wishes everybody to do less than the Minister; and
contrasts somewhat favourably with that of the Eng- on the only question where common sense and the real
lish clergyman. Observe the restrictions as to time and .itidgment of the middle classes is with Sir Robert
place—the paraphernalia of bans, licenses, and registra- Peel the Minister is beaten. We cannot tell how all
tions—which surround the solemnizations of our own these things happen, but there they are:—no Chancery
marriages) the penaltiee of transportation for four- reforms, in the face of enormous promises ; vast
teen years, by which a departure from the pre. compensations under the name of subordinate reduc-.
scribed formalities is visited on the unlucky clergy- tions; clerks in the Angean stable of that court re-
man—the legal obligation which was unquestionably j tiring upon the allowance of ambassadors ; a six clerk
laid upon him till within the last few days, and perhaps richer than an Irish bishop ; three or four such per-
is so still, to administer that sacred rite in its full so- sonages with greater compensations than maintain the
lemnity to any notorious despiser of religion and mo- exiled princes of the French and Spanish Bourbons.
rality who may choose to demand such a mockery ; A glimpse into the ancient preserves of the wig and
observe, we say, all this variety of necessary and mis- gown will repay most Reformers. The good old times,
chievous, wise and unwise, valuable and vexatious, bat no doubt, are almost over, but we may judge what sort
certainly stringent, regulations, which are enforced in of things were formerly in esse, when we see such an
the celebration of marriage in the English Church ; and office as that of the Six Clerks abolished at an outlay
then turn to the Presbyterian minister, who can unite as great as Jamaica costs us. The old system, however,
his own people in his own way, and at his own time, and, is gone, and we shall see after Easter,, on Mr. Watson's
above all, who is not bound to profane the ceremony motion, how far the compensations have been fairly or
which he respects by administering it to scorners. Any unfairly, parsimoniously or prodigally dealt with. But
one, we think, who regards the religious solemnity as law reForme, it appears, have not prospered under the
more important than the fees by which it is attended, Peel Administration. The appointments made by the
will think that the Presbyterian has indeed little to com- Tory Government have been enough to sicken the
plain of in point of freedom of conscience or dignity of country with the name of law reform. Salaries have
position. A grievance, however, has at last arisen. A been raised with the usual consequence, that the indivi-
doubt has long existed whether marriages performed by duals selected hive smaller qualifications. In respect
a Presbyterian minister, between parties of whom to the Commissioners of Bankrupts, the old and experi-
both were not Presbyterians, were valid at law. Those enced provincial practitioners were discarded, and broken
ministers, naturally perhaps, but, as the event has down Tory hangers-on preferred. Mr. Foster, of Man-
shown,. not very considerately, eager to extend the chester, was superseded in spite of great experience, and
sphere of their services, chose to disregard that doubt, a place found for the inexperience of Mr. Phillips. Mr.
and to encourage persons not members of their own Brandt, of the same district, was forgetten, in spite of
communion to be satisfied with this disputable form of extensive knowledge and established powers of use-
marriage. At last a prosecution for bigamy has raised fulness ; and Mr. Skirrow, in spite of incapacity,
the question in a court of law, and the ablest and equally established, was appointed. To the gentlemen
soundest lawyers in England, including Lord Cotten- so able and so experienced compensations must be al-
ham, the last man to favour any extravagant claims in lotted ; how much we cannot say, but to a considerable
the Anglo-Irish Church, or to cast a slight upon any extent. To the gentlemen now upon the bench large
body of Dissenters, have pronounced that the law—the salaries are paid ; and it sha'l be for our readers to say
ancient law of England—the law as it stood centuries how the public has gained. The fault, however, is with
back, in the time of Lord Cottenham's great grand- the Chancellor, and not with the Act of Parliament. If
father, and previously—did not sanction the authority he had contented himself with salaries to the amount of
which the Presbyterian ministers have somewhat reek- 1,000/. or 1,2001. a year, the places would have been as
lessly exercised. And now these same ministers— much sought after as legal places ought to be ; but they
anxious, we suppose, to make up for their past indis- would have been sought after by persons who .did not
cretion by present zeal—fly out, not against the judges want a Ten Hours' Bill, and who were equal tp their
or legislators who determined the law- of past centu— situations. At present the public have an equal right
ries, but against those who have been now the passive to find fault with the Tory Treasury for fixing salaries
instruments of declaring that law—Lords Cottenham too high, and with the Tory Lord High Chancellor for
and Abinger—against the Irish Church, " from the being contented with qualifications not high enough.
mitred bigot," as one Presbyterian minister chari- They must further keep a sharp eye upon the super-
tably expresses himself, amidst the cheers of his animations. Every guinea paid in superannuation
audience, " who misspends his time in the House of must be justified on the ground that the individual
Peers, to the almost imperceptible midge of a curate superseded was inferior to the individual appointed,
that floats in the sunbeam of metropolitan patronage, or otherwise why charge the over-burdened funds of
gasps for promotion in some obscure nook of the the country with unnecessary superannuations ?—why
country." Presbyterians are told to "think on the superannuate gentlemen n-lio are perfectly willing
bloody persecutions that their forefathers have endured to discharge old duties under a new system, and who,
for these principles." They are told that " the State has for the most part, are as able, and in several instances
pronounced their religion not to be Christian, their far more able to do so, than the parties for the benefit of
members to be unbaptized individuals, and the acts of whom the supercession has taken place ? We contend,
their worship to be unmeaning and worthless ;" and, therefore, that, look which way we will, there are as yet no
finally, the Moderator of the General Assembly has results from this wonderful Administration which entitle
issued an address to the ministers, bidding them to con- it to the confidence of the public. In foreign affairs it
vene meetings, which he says "are to be pre-eminently gradually loses ground. In Irish affairs it gets worse
devotional," but at which— and worse, losing character in registration Bills, popu-
e‘ In. addition to devotional services, the minister is at larity from its treatment of O'Connell, and strength from
each meeting to preach or address the congregation from the the well-known inconstancy and irresolution of the
pulpit, explaining to them the origin, progress, and present Premier. In Great Britain it has made no reforms
state of the marriage question, and exhorting them to be worth mentioning, and some of the best attempts have
fervent in prayer, and diligent in the use of every mens by been decided failures. In legislation it does nothing use-
which their religious rights may be vindicated and their ful, and in administration nothing well. It is without
liberties secured." cordial support in_ many circles, and, eerha to its

supp ps,
credit ; for cordiality in such circles is never given to a
Minister who has good intentions towards the people.
Sir Robert reel, we believe, has fair designs, and would
fax rather conduct the Government on Liberal than coer-
cive principles. He would far rather be a Conservative,
if such a name is to be endured, than be called a Tory ;
but he would far rather be a Tory Minister—ay, we
fear, an ultra-Tory Minister—certainly a do-nothing
and phantom Tory Minister than be without
place, than continue a few more years of public life
without power; of Privy-gardens, without a bridge to
Downing-street; of Tamworth in the House of Com-
mons, to its coronetted earldom in another place. Let
any one see the position of the Ministry, and doubt, if
he can, another moment. Observe the iron links of the
Chirchman's chain, in which he binds the reluctant hand
of every friendly Government; see the fetters which
bind hand and foot the Tory Minister who presumes to
breathe a sentiment inimical to their views of the mys-
teries of agriculture ; see the doom which awaits a
Liberal Minister, in the antipathy of the Tory press,
Irish as well as English, to the mere suggestion of de-
corous clemency to the great champion of the Irish
people. For our own parts we see no use in such an
Administration. It keeps, no doubt, the house aired,
the fires warm, the roof dry, in the absence of the spirit
and energy which used to inhabit Downing-street, but
more than this it does not. But what a pass have things
come to, when everybody feels that Sir It. Peel can be
spoken of in such a way; and what is worse, that it is
the truth.
ADVERTISER.—In another part of our journal
will be found most interesting information from Dublin
—Mr. O'Connell's appearance at, and reception by, the
Repeal Association. It may be remembered, it" 'Was
insinuated that Mr. O'Connell's praise of the English—
his just acknowledgments of the altered tone of the
great body of the people of this country since their
eyes were opened by the abominable trials, would have
the effect of hazarding his popularity at home. Well,
he returns. He appears among his countrymen, and re-
minds them how unwillingly he had made his last jour-
ney to England; but he boldly and undisgnisedly added
that he now rejoiced that he had gone, for that though
the " oligarchy were omnipotent, "he was glad to say
he had found a spirit of concession, and a spirit of good-
will so prevalent among the people of Eng-
land, that he heartily rejoiced at his change
of determination." These sentiments—this testi-
mony to the truth instead of diminishing the
warmth of his friends, only increased their enthu-
siasm towards him. The account will be read with
great satisfaction and greater hope by all good men ;
tor, as it is said, " war is a game kings would not play
at were their subjects wise," we apprehend the power of
party, or aslendancy, would soon cease to be of baneful
influence to the general interests, if the people of differ-
ent countries can be brought to understand their own
rights and welfare, to know how truly " party is the
madness of many for the gain of the few;" and no
longer to allow themselves to be the dupes and tools of
factions. An immense deal has been achieved in a short
time to enable the English to understand the Irish and
the Irish question ; and hence we augur the most
favourable results for the amelioration, security, and
stability of both countries. Injustice to Ireland has been
the grave of many an administration—and Peel and his
Government, although backed by the Iron Duke, will
not escape the common fate. There are black and
ominous gatherings already in Downing-street ! Mr.
O'Connell proposed, most honourably to himself and
usefully to the cause, that it be referred to a Com-
mittee "to prepare an address of gratitude to the
people of England." The rent for the week will
amount to above 9001.—curious proof of the diminished
feeling towards Mr. O'Connell for doing "justice to
England."

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
CITY, TUESDAY EVENING.
TIMES.—The premium on gold at Paris is 131 per
mille, which, at the English Mint price of 3/. 17s. 10id.
per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 25
49 ; and the exchange at Paris on London at shot.
being 25 65, it follows that gold is 0.64 per cent.
dearer in London than in Paris.

By advices from Hamburgh the price of gold is 4341
per mark, which, at the English Mint price of 3/. 17s. 101-d.
per ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 13 91;
and the exchange at Hamburgh .on London at short
bcing 13 101, it follows that gold is 0.34 per cent. dearer
in London than in Hamburgh.
The course of exchange at New York on London is
1081 per cent., and the par of exchange between Eng-
land and America being 109 23-40 per cent., it follows
that the exchange is 1.33 per cent. against England.
But the quoted exchange at New York being for bills
at 60 days' sight, the interest must be deducted from
the above difference.
a perusal to
f
CHRONICLE.—Our attention has been directed to
an article on the currency in the Foreign and Colonial
tC2houasert
whoerl y Review
feela n
ifnotrerAepstriiln, wahleichquwesiltliorney t
is written
by one who evinces perfect knowledge of his subject,
and who makes the best use of his materials, placing
his views in a clear and well-defined light, and endea-
vouring so to arrange discussion as to proceed step by
step until he arrives by demonstrative means at the
wished-for end. Me lap: down the proposition that the
" regular fluctuation in the country circulation, which
takes place at specific priods of each succeeding year,
is a sufficient proof that these results are regulated by
the seasons, an I not by the influence of the bankers."
He, therefore, defines them to be the " laws of the cur-
rency," as neither caprice, nor avarice, nor ignorance,
could produce such uniform effects.
The following table shows the gradual falling off that
has taken place in the country circulation :-
1839
1840

1841
..,....., 97:66761::694:36
1842
1843

The Reviewer accounts for this extensive reduction by
three different causes, the last of which we lea. upon
as
the
most
powerful—namely, by the htilures of pri-
vate banks, by the merging of others in joint-stock
baOcs, and by the arrangements made with the Bank of
England by several country banks who have withdrawn
their note=, and now issue Bank of England paper.
The Reviewer is of opinion that unless our system of
management, as respects the currency, be speedily placed
upon a sound basis, a re-action will take place, and pro-
duce effects similar to those that occurred in the years
§:-14 and 1§39,• We go rig leol; nPcin the Lerneay' Rig-
gested in this article on the currency sufficient to pro-
tect the country from the anticipated changes, for the
writer says he sees nothing that requires improvement
in the currency of Scotland, Irelsi barong d, or the wovinces
ctf .1
-!gland, eNcept to admit large` companies
within the limits of the Built Charter, both in England
and Ireland, and placing all banks upon an oral footing