The Sun.
London, England, 1857-09-01 00:00:00

Isti.E SUN, LONfON, TUESDAY EvAiNirt4o, sEp-,F,EmBER,

trymen and countrywomen. He could have died
in no nobler cause.
"It seems that poor Waller vannteered to go
from Phillour to Delhi with the siege train. In a
latter to me Waller stated, that though not attached
to any corps, he had gone under fire once, and, as
he always displayed great zeal in his profession,
it
is not unlikely that he joined as a volunteer
in
some attack on the 19th, and met his doath. You
must not, dear D., sorrow unreasonably, for. 3 our
son was prepared for death, and died at his post.
Rather bless God who took him. Soon you will be
united to him. Be assured that he is with his God
and Saviour. May God bless you all, and ever
believe me yours affectionately,
"R. MONTGOMERY."

THE MUTINY AT SEALICOTE.
The following letter was written by a lad of 17, a
Lieutenant in the 9th Cavalry, which mutinied at
Sealkote

" GOORJANWALLA, JULY 14.
" You will have heard by this time of the mutiny
of my regiment at Sealkote ' • I need only tell
you the particulars as regards myself. On-Wed-
nesday night it was my turn for duty at the guard,
and accordingly I went down after mess, went
through the lines, and, having found all quiet, took
off my jacket and lighted a cheroot. I had a long
talk with the native officer and troopers on guard,
who were all very cheerful; after which I turned in
and went to sleep. I was called at 4 o'clock a.m.
on Thursday, the 9th, got on my horse, went home
and took off my uniform, intending to go for my
morning ride. When I was half-dressed I went
into -'s room to ask him to accompany me, but
did not find him. I went into the verandah to ask
his bearer where he was ; his bearer seemed much
excited, and said that the Brigadier bad sent for
him urgently. I waited outside to find out
what it was about, and presently B--- came
running into the compound and told me
to put on my uniform immediately, as there was a
row in the lines, while he did likewise. When I
was dressed and armed I came out and asked him
what I was to do. He said that there was a row
in the lines and that the sergeant-major hadibeen
shot ; that I was to go to the lines and see what it
was about while he went to the Brigadier's. I
jumped upon my own horse and galloped down,
and went close by the 3d troop lines. I met a
trooper, who told me, for God's sake, not to go
down alone • that the men were saddling their
horses, and that if I went further I should be shot.
I looked about ; seeing this was true, and that a
trooper was loading his pistol, eyeing me, I thought
I'd bolt and tell the Brigadier.
"I galloped up, and meeting B- at the
Brigadier's gate, told him, and that the only chance
of our saving our troop was his proceeding down
there immediately. Be said that the Brigadier
had ordered me not ; but, never mind, come along.
We went down, intending to go to the stables, but
as we passed the men's houses some rushed out,
and mid, Come in hear, Sahib ; come in here.'
We went in, and found some six men with a native
officer, who said that all the rest had gone, and if
we did not go into their house we should be killed.
immediately. B- returned to inform the Bri-
gadier, while I stayed some minutes longer. In
the meantime I heard shots fired right and left ;
and the few men remaining not seeming much in-
clined to protect me, I thought it time to go too.
I was then mounted on a troop-horse with my
parade saddle. I galloped back to my bun-
galow, to try to get some powder to load my
revolver from B-'s servants, having none of my
own. Found that it was all locked up. I found
a few grains in an old flask of mine, and
loaded ono of the chambers. I then went to
join the Brigadier, but found that he had
gone down to the fort in the city. I followed
and met one of his servants, who was crying
and wringing his hands, saying, They are
killing the Brigadier. (The Brigadier was not
killed.) 1 asked which way he had gone, and, put-
ting spurs to my horse, dashed after him. About
half way between fort and cantonments I saw six
troopers drawn up on the side of the road. I drew
my revolver, though of no use, and there being no
other escape proposed to run the gauntlet with my
horse at full speed. I came opposite the first, who
fired his pistol ; the rest did likewise as I came op-
posite them, but without effect. The last gave
chase, drawing the second pistol. I covered him
with my revolver, which kept him off for some
time, but suddenly closing within two yards he
took a steady aim at my head and fired. I felt as
if I had been hit a severe blow with a stick on my
right arm, having covered myself as well as possible
with it. He gave a shout and closed ; I thought it
was all up with me ; but finding I could draw my
sword began to feel jolly again. When he came
alongside I rammed it into him, but having no
strength, could only get it in about two inches into
his side. He knocked it out with his pistol.
struck him again, but with I,ke effect. He then
shot ahead. I put spurs to my nag, and as I came
up banged at him. He bent forward to avoid, and
I only got an inch into him, but he almost lost his
seat, and pulled up. I almost had done so. too,
but pushed along, and he fell behind. I now
thought I should reach the fort, but was disap-
pointed. Seeing some more men ahead of me I
turded to the right, and took a pull at my horse. I
now saw that my wound was bleeding, and having
lost my shako, must have been a pretty figure. I
went across the khets for some half a mile to get
rid of the city, when I came upon a road. I asked
a villager where it went to 7 He said to Lahore ;
but ifi turned out to be Wuzeerabad. Ipushed along
at a hand gallop- some five miles, when, the sun
getting warm, I pulled up. I tried to persuade
some one to give me a turban ; they all
said they had only one, and were not fools
enough to give it me, so I pushed along again.
On passing a village, an old man rushed
out, and began potting at me with a pellet bow. I
did not mind this, but on looking back thought I
saw two troopers coming after me. This was rather
a nuisance, as my right arm was now quite stiff,
utterly useless, and painful. So having been spar-
ing my horse I put him out again, and did not draw
rein for some eight miles. I then went on more
slowiy, all pursuit having stopfed. Some 16 miles
from Sealkote, coming on a police thanah, pulled
up to gat water, and have my wound looked at, as
was now very painful. I got off, and the men mus-
tered round me, and were as kind as could be. I
found now the bullet had entered about two inches
below, and gone about an inch above the elbow
joint. How it escaped the bone I don't know.
Having been bound up as well as it could be, and
having drunk some water and washed my horse's
mouth out, I went on to Wuzeerabad, accompanied
by the head man, who had made me a sling and
given me a turban. I pushed along, and after a
good deal of pain managed to reach Wuzeerabad at
11 a.m., having started from Sealkote at half-p,et
4. My nag was completely done up, having come
a good 30 miles. I went into the dak bungalow
(travelling station) and sent for the native tuhseel-
dar, there being no European, to consult with what
to do. I drank four cups of tea and some brandy
and water, and felt pretty well. He (the tubseeldar)
brought with him the bander, who offered me his
buggy and horse and any amount of money. .1 took
20 rupees, and atter; about an hour's rest started for
Goojraucowla in his buggy, with two bottles of soda
water. After an awfully hot drive of 20 miles 1 got
in here about 5 o'clock. My wound at this time
hurt me very much. Here I found three officers
of the 46th Native Infantry, and M- and the
Assistant-Commissioner, Mr. Blackall, whoreceived
me most kindly. I lay down and had my jacket cut
off, when I found 1 had had a narrow escape, a pistol
having ripped , open my jacket just over my
spine. A doctor looked at my wound, and
told me that it was only a flesh one, and that I
should be all right in a month. Not a week has
passed, and lam able to get about. Everybody
here has been most kind, and I had no idea that
there were so many Miss Nightingales in the world.
I am clothed from head to foot by Mackall, and
don't know how to thank him.
" I am going into Lahore to-night. Everything
I have has been plundered, and I am beveling
again with a sword and a jacket cut up the back ;
even my revolver I dropped on the road. I am not
able to write, but shall be, I hope, by next mail
You will be pleased to hear that 1 have not suffered
in the least in hea'th. Beyond my wound lam as
well as ever 1 was."

The following is from one of the most eminent
merca' utile firnis in Calcutta, to its agents in Lon-
don, and will be read with interest as expressing
the feelings and opinions of a most influential sec-
tion of the Indian public

" Calcutta, July 18.

" The country continues in a most fearful state,
and mail follows mail with fresh liorrov, and wider
spread details of revolt, not only of the 'Benual na-
doinscaeffe,c_tie,rd
live army, but of towns and villages excited re
hellion by their examp!e, and by the amour,t of
.tprita let loose from the gaols ; to these add the
olaimongst the many disappointed, but
power of Itte'lli; and wealthy nobles and men in
elements of evil and states, deposed and confiscated naive
principalities aoriy
states, and you will sea that the
tuerionighty and numerous as against
the handful of
yet rewarded
ompienaps in India scattered over
our wide-spread d
No salutary check to
rebellion has as
countrymen, and the dread otlfie efforts of our bravo
in 'detail, overwhelmed by numbers, extermination
that forces itself upon the mindof s a calamity
has fallen with frightful massacre, vaACcarpore
in fearful peril. Itltribution, 'i
aLltough ICertU" is
alas distant, and cannot be hoped for the
is
months. To the Government there is no revenueur
from upper India and to the merchant no trade.

The large native banking houses have ceased to
operate, converting their wealth where they can
into gold and silver, and secreting it. _ No trad€r is
bold enough to send goods to the interior, and few
can have the means of transmitting goods to the
capital. Agriculture is neglected, and with pro-
longed rebellion the crops must suffer. Commer-
cially viewed, we, have here an accumulating stock
of unsaleable British manufactures, for which no
returns are made. We have produce arriving Acan-
thy, which at this season should be coming in abun-
dantly; and although much has yet to arrive, de-
spatched before the rebellion so widely spread, yet
as the year draws to a close the scarcity will be ap-
parent, and we may not have produce sufficient to
load our ships—a feature in the trade of India
hitherto unknown. The mighty calamity most to
be feared is famine, and its dread indications are
already being shadowed forth."

The following is from a high official in Bengal to
a friend in London :

" Calcutta, July 19.
" The Government put off the mail till to-mor-
row in the hope of having some good news to com- 1
municate. Unless it comes in to-day they will be
disappointed, for although it is true we heard of
Gen. Havelock's force having defeated the rebels at
Futtehpore (more than half way between Allahabad
and Cawnpore) and taken 12 guns, and 4 the fol-
lowing day, the same despatch informed us of the
death of Sir H. Lawrence, who was so nobly holding
his own at Lucknow. He went out to meet the
enemy on the 2d inst., was wounded as be returned
and died two days afterwards. He cannot be re-
placed. God grant that we we may have no repeti-
tion of the horrors of Cawnpore—for it now seems
certain that the first news was true, and that the
massacre of all who were with Gen. Vheeler in his
entrenched camp was complete. It is, however, al-
leged by some that the women were spared, and are
held by Nena Sahib as security for his own safety
should he find himself in extremities. I do not put
much faith in this. I believe that this world has
passed away from all who belonged to the party.
[The Government news of Havelock's operations is
published among our newspaper extracts.] What
you will be anxious to hear is the downfall of Delhi
—but the Government has been as silent as the
grave on the subject, since it announced the first
attack upon the place, the succe9s of which, it is
now certain, must have been very insignificant.
Could Delhi have been destroyed within any reason-
able time, Cawnpore would never have fallen, nor
Lucknow been in danger; it was the head-quarters
of the insurgents, and its destruction would have
paralysed them. Now .1 am afraid they will have
very powerful re-unions in half-a-dozen places bs-
fore
Delhi is mustered. While lam writing this
the Government has heard from Delhi, but nothing
more satisfactory than that stores and munitions of
war were on their way from Philour • there had
been, I am told, another fight, in which we lost
about 50 killed aed as many wounded.
*May my next letter give brighter accounts then
are contained in this one.
Not seldom have we in India done much for sub-
scriptions originated in England. We have now
one open here, which offers an opportunity of some
return. In the course of a fortnight the people of
Calcutta and its neighbourhood have put down
over 8,0001. for the immediate relief of the sufferers
arriving in Calcutta from the disturbed districts.

EXTRACT FROM A PRIVATE LETTER DATED CALCUTTA,

21ST JULY.

The present is about the worst mail you will have
received since the commencement of this rebellion.
The brave Sir H. Lawrence is no more, and Luck-
now is in fearful peril, with small chance of its
holding out till troops arrive. Without douht Sir
Henry was the ablest man we had in India. Would
to God he had been our Governor-General, instead
of the excellent post-office clerk Lord Palmers'on
sent us out We have retaken Cawnpore, but not
until that fiend, Nena Sahib, had murdered the
helpless women and children he had in his power.
The horrors of this outbreak are beyond descrip-
tion or belief—women ravished and then scalped,
or their breasts cut off. One poor girl of therefu-
gees now here had to witness the revolting murder
of her father, and then she and her mother were
made to drink his blood. We have a poor lady
here, the wife of an officer, who has been deprived
of her ears and nose, while her child is without toes
or fingers, Children have been torn asunder by the
legs, and even other worse horrors perpetrated on
them. Sudden murder has been the only mercy
dealt out to Europeans. How wretched must
that system of government be which, having its
civil and military officers all over the country, could
yet give us no notice of so deep spread and com-
pletely organised a rebellion as this proves itself to
be. There can be no doubt that for years past this
conspiracy .has been hatching, and it is stated here,
and believed, that more than one officer ha% brought
to the notice of the Government the fact of evil.
influences being at work among the Sepoys. The
reply has been a snub. For your Indian secretaries
are of the class called Heaven-born, and will take
no advice. Even now they will not admit the d In-
ger, though they fear it. It is a lamentable fact
that Lord Canning is quite unequal to the occasion,
while those on whom he relies are equally incompe-
tent. Look for a moment at the names of the men
who form our council, and say if there be•one who
has even respectable ability. We must have money
and troops from England, and that speedily, or
India is lost. If Lord Palmerston is indeed the
vigorous statesman we have always considered him,
he has long since sent us out, overland, 5,000 of
those Crimeon heroes who are now idling at Malta
and Gibraltar. It will be all very well to send out
50,000 more round the Cape, but we want at once
a small army, to enable us to hold our own, and to
prove to the natives of this country that our re-
sources are not only vast but immediate. Two r:gi-
ments of cavalry, with their horses, were sent from
India to the Crimea overland, when the emer-
gency was not an hundredth part so great as it
is now. Then we fought for a principle—now we
fight for life, and for what is still dearer, the hon-
our of our countrywomen. Should any red-tapism
on the part of that now almost defunct body the
Court of Directors, or that flippant ruler of India,
Mr. Smith, prevent this, there will be a deep feel-
ing of sorrow and disappointment exhibited here,
and such a strong expression of opinion elicited that
the sympathies of England cannot fail of being
fairly roused ; and then, woe to the supine govern-
ment ! But I cannot bring myself to believe that
so obvious a course has been neglec'ed, or that the
authorities have been so unfaithful to their trust.
The Queen's Government out here must be the
ultimate result of all this, and t'se employment of
the English law and the English language through-
out the length and breadth of the land. The " ad-
venturer," as he is called, mustbe encouraged, and
the existing governing classes changed. The men
who could gag the press are unfit to make the laws
for the Anglo-Saxon. It will take years to wipe
out the memory of the deeds done here, and I hope
history may yet record that " is 1857 the Sepoy.
regiments of Bengal mutinied and were extermi-
nated."

The Government has offered to take half 4 per
cent. paper and half cash in payment of the new
loan now open at 5 per cent., but the measure
comes too late. This course was urged on the Go-
vernment months ago, when it could have been -car-
ried out with success, but it met with the usual fate
of any sugges ions made by the mercantile comlnu-
nity. Now we must have a loan opened in Eng-
-1 ind, it is too late to raise money here on any
terms.

I cannot clo-e this letter without letting you
know a very extraordinary fact, but which I think
people even here are not generally acquainted with.
Jung Bahadoor has written a letter to a friend of
his at Darjeeling, saying that at the urg-nt raqu ,st
of Lord Canning he despatched 3,oooimen, cavalry,
and infantry, to the relief of Lucknow and Cawn-
pore ; but after they had pased through the Terrai
he got a despatch from his lord=hip requesting him
to withhold the troops as the crisis had passed.
They were accordingly marched back to the capital
of Nepaul, sore-foote -1 and weary. A fe:v days
after comes another despatch from the same able
functionary urging him to send them forward again.
June
ails letter,
with such
" How can you English
esuch
governors'?" And he
is right, and the sooner they are replaced the bet-
p t askst o rulein I
bet-
ter. Had these troops not hem recalled Cawnpore
and Lucknow would have been saved, the brave
Sir H. Wheeler and Sir IL Lawrence alive, and
600 slaughtered men, women, and children spar, a
to us.- Surely, th 4 people of England will see to
these things.

this man to acquire the local influence he possesses.
It is well known that for years back, since the
death of the Bajee Rao, Nanajee has kept the Be-
gums of the Bajee, the rightful heirs to the pro-
perty of the deceased chief, in close confinement in
the Zenanah, so that none likely to take steps re-
lative to rescuing them from confinement, or restor-
ing them their property, could obtain access to
where they were. It cannot be said that Nanajee
is not a venturous traitor. He staked his all,'which
is not a little, upon the die. His game might have
been played so as not to have entirely deprived him
of the sympathy of those he fought against, but like
every leader the present insurrection has brought
to notice, he seems unable to resist that propensity
to cold.-blooded, dastardly murder, which seems to
take possession of most natives simultaneously
with their achieving power to gratify it.—Madras
Atheneum.

The following is a list of military officers, civil
servants, &c., who have fallen during the present
disturbances. We believe it is correct so far as it
goes, but we fear that there are yet some names to
be added to it :
LIST OF OFFICERS, CIVIL SERVANTS, &C., KILLED BY

THE KAISER AAD THE CZAR.

(Front the Daily News.)

The Government of Austria has addressed remon-
strances to the Court of St. Petersburg on a question
personal to the Emperors of both States—one character-
istic, too, in its sma'l way, of the arrogance of the
House of Hapsburg and of the ambition of the Dynasty
of Rotnanoff,

In some recent documents the Czar described himself
as " his Imperial and Royal Majesty :" a matter, it
might appear, of very soual importance to any rational
being. "No." says the Kaiser to he Czar,—"lialone,
of B. avAn's Vicegerents on this earth, am ere it ed to
use that duplex designation of sovereign authority. I
am both Emperor and King—you are an Emperor only.
For you to assume the use of Royal as well as Imperial
is to usurp and appropriate my prerogative." To this
Austiian reclamation the Czar is said to have replied by
peineing significantly to the possession of the Kingdom
of Poland as his authority fur the appellation Royal.
And, certainly, if extinguished regalities can confer
titles, the Czar is just as well entitled to justify the
use of the word Royal from the once important but
now dead kingdom of Poland, as the Kaiser is from
that fairest portion of his paestessions, the annexed
Kingdom of Hungary. It is not for Englishmen to
try to compose sach royal strife and imperial trifling.
Nor would we refer to it thus prominently, but as
affording an illustration at once of how the Czar pushes
his pretensions ,forward into Central Europe ; how the
Kaiser tries to repose on the past glories of the most
ancient of European sovereignties ; how each, in his own
very different and antagonietic sphere, pursues the
policy he has inherited, regardless of passing events or
of the spirit of the age which he iilustrates without
adorning.
Here have wo two Sovereigns of about equal ages—of
abilities of nearly equal mediocrity—of considerable per-
sonal activity—masters of two great Empireß, the least
advanced States of Christendom—both affecting in their
rule a peculiar though distinct and opposed connection
with the great Churches to which they belong—opera-
ting largely and extensively in their civil government
through the influence and co-operation of those two
powerful and hurtful ecclesiastical organisations and
hierarchies—happily for the rest of the world, and iu
spite of their absolutism and despotism, if not actually
quarrelling, at least in discord.

The Cr kas lately been in Germany. There is
scarcely a petty prince in that country who has not
received either the happiness of one of those visits or of
one of those recognitions by which Russian power in
Central Europe is from time to time maintained
and consolidate.l. No sooner is the war over than
Alexander hastens thither to return in person
thanks for that neutrality of its princes which con•
stitutes so shameful a feature of their present gene-
ration. From Berlin he sweeps through these petty
Courts to Baden and the Rhine. Attended in his pro-
gress by Raron Seebach, who played so important a pact
in preparing those concessions to Russia which consti-
tute the basis of the Treaty of Paris, and for which that
really Russian agent has been rewarded by the Saxon
Mis,ion in Paris, he refuses to cross the mighty stream
which separates Germany from France, and to psy that
compliment to Louis Napoleon which he had just be-
stowed on the Court of Carlruhe. From this refusal the
Cabinet of the Tuileries may learn how deeply the Rue-
sian Government is aggrieved by its ultimate infide ity
as to Bolgrad —how hopeless it is to conciliate the Czar
by anything short of complete and absolute subserviency.
Nor, indeed, does France a% present want other
proof. Besides securing a rich wife and selling his pic-
tures at St. Petersburg, Count de Morny had to all ap-
pearance gained another triumph in a Treaty of Com-
merce. But when examined, the importance of
that elaborate document evaporates in idle words.
All that France gains by it is equality in Russia
for its wines as
.distinguished from those of Greece,
which formerly had a small preference ; while Russia
has only secured the empty stipulation that what-
ever France concedes to other Powers she will also
give to Russia, a concession which amounts to
nothing so long as her commercial system shall continue,
as it is now likely to do, while the Empire lasts, prohi-
bitory and protective, and which under freedom of trade
would be valueless.
The truth is that, despite all fears and apprehensions,
there is and can be no natural affinity, no real point of
attraction, and no permanent connection between Russia
and France under a government which professes to be
based on the great revolutionary principles of 1789, and
which inclines towards England, at once from commu-
nity of interests, intelligence, and apprehensions. So
C ,unt de Morny has resigned an embassy in which
nothing great was to be accomplished for France, and
the representation of France at St. Petersburg has passed
once more, in the person of Count de Rayneval, into
the regions of the less ambitious but more useful and
skilful ordinary diplomacy of the French Empire.
This abstinence of the Czar on the very banks of
the Rhine, and when within eight hours' journey of
Paris, followed, as it has been, by the Imperial visit
to Osborne, and the better understanding between the
Governments of England and France ea the question of
free elections, and, let ui hope, free government also for
the Principalities, which was happily effected there, is
at least indicative that there are no special relations be-
tween France and Russia, and that Louis Napoleon re-
mains faithful to that policy on which the Anglo-French
alliance was founded. Remarkable, in this re pect, as
woe the appearance of the Czar on the very frontiers of
France, it is, perhaps, even more remarkable for the
omission of any personal interview with the Emperor of
Austria. We are no admirers of Austrian policy, and
regard with jdislike, and even more than dislike, the
present predominance of the Court of Vienna in GA.-
litany. But it is impossible not to look with satisfaction
and complacency on ,the separation of two Sovereigns
and Courts whose uuion and concord would ba so mis-
chievous to Europe.

THE NEW PEERS.