The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-20 00:00:00

INCOME-TAY.

Mr. SPOONER wished to know if the Government
were prepared to make any alteration in scheduie B of
the income-tax, to meet the reduction of incomes which
had taken place lately?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it waa not the
intention of the Government to alter the principle of
the income-tax.
THE AGRICULTURAL INTERESTS.

I Mr. DISRAELI, 'der presenting a. petitfonnnme-
rously signed from various parts of the country, ex-
pressed a regret that another petition with which
he had been entrusted could not be presented f- em
an informality which he had learned since ho came
into the House. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded
to say that the petition which he had just laid upon the
table was the only one which was likely to emanate from
that numerous class who vi ere just now placed in that
state of distress to which ho had called the a.-
tention of the House during the last session. At
that time the distress was deep and prevalent, and yet i
it had f dled to meet with the sympathy, and had, in- I
deed, hardly obtained the acknnowledgment of the
House. Since then the prospect of this class had grown
still more gloomy and obscure.—(flesr, hear.) The
300,000,000 invested by the farmers of this country was
gradually disappearing.—(Hear, hear.) Am they year
had opened with still gloomier prognostics for the
interests of the agricultural districts.—(hear, hear.)
Nor were those prospects lees promising for the lab= ers
than they were for the tenant-farmers. They were
alike without employment and without remu-
nerative wages ; and he was bound to say, that
ho could find no answer to these complaints from
anything that the Legislature had effected.
That return was only up to the first day of this year. It
was since that time'that that employment, which he had
ventured to describe as fictitious, had, in his opinion,
greatly diminished in the agricultural districts if the
United Kingdom. It had been, indeed, with reference
to this point his intention to move for a return
of a similar character t') that they were now in poses-
eion oF, up teethe Ist Feb., hut upon inquiry he found that
such a return, if consented to, would entail great trouble
upon one branch of the administration that had already
greatly exerted itself in order to give them accurate infor-
mation on the subject. Indeed, he might venture to remark,
although he wished the task had fallen upon some other
member of greater influence than himself, upon the re-
cent conduct of this branch of the administration. For
a considerable period the central management of the
poor-laws had excited in the Houie much controversy,
and he thought it must be satisfactory to the House, the
Government, and the country to contrast the position
this branch then occupied in public opinion with what it
now occupied. He certainly wished on this occasion to
to avoid entering into any invidious comparison in the
attempt to investigate the causes which have produced
this result, but it certainly must be a source of as much
gratification to the country, as no doubt it was to the
Government, that this branch of the aiministretion
should be conducted in such a manner as to entitle it to
public confidence.—(Hear, hear.) But they had to-night
to inquire what was the best course to take to re-
move, or if possible, certainly to mitigate the
present depression which the petitioners have referred to.
Upon that side of the lionise they believed it had been
occasioned by recent legislative enactments, by the recent
alteration of the law, by the recent repeal of the law with
regard to foreign produce—(Hear.) They believed on that
side of the House that the most efficacious mode of re-
storing prosperity in the long run, and which would be
most advantageous and most popular to the community,
would be the re-enactment of. the laws regulating
the importation of foreign produce.—(Hear, hear.)
That being their conviction, they had been taunted
with not being able to support it with arguments. It
was easy to talk so, hut it was not difficult to bear.
Speaking for those gentlemen with whom ho bad the
honour to act, he said they did not in any way shrink
from an argument on that subject.—(llear.) They
had seen nothing at all in their opinion to confute the
conclusions, which, through evil and through good report,
they had attempted to advocate in that House in regard
to that great subject. They still believed the principles
on which the House hal constructed its commercial
coda were fallacies.—(Protectionist cheers.) They still
believed that the time would come when the
1
House itself would acknowledge the truth
of that assertion. (Cheers.) But, although
ho himself was of opinion that discussion was the soul
of that House and of this free country, and though he
knew, at least ho believed, there were occasions when
discussions, and mere discussion, might be the highest
duty and most sovereign policy to pursue, still he
must profess his opinion as a general rule, that
that House should not become a mere debat-
ing society.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he would speak
with perfect frankness on this point. After the deci-
sions on the Address in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, he was of opinion that the only conclusion
1
that could be drawn from those facts, though
in the other House the division had reference
to the merits of that industrial system which was
popularly known by the name of protection, still he
could not fail to see that it was the opinion of a large
majority in both Houses of Parliament that it would be
unwise to disturb at present the settlement
which this country had recently arrived at
in this respect.—(Hear, hear.) It then became
their duty to see and to consider what course should be
taken which, without going against the conviction of
`that House, might at least be, as far as the fortunes of the
agriculturists were concerned, of a remedial character.
Ho had always felt—if they thought fit to repeal those
laws which regulated the industry of this country, and
especially those which referred to the agricultural in-
dustry of this country—that the cultivators of the
soil—that all classes connected with the cultiva-
tion of the soil, would offer this alternative to
the Government:—If you deprive us of that
system of legislation under which, for so long a period
and with various modifications, we have enjoyed our
property or pursued our industry, we now ask this of '
yon—in the name of justice and of policy—
(Cheers)—you should at least adapt our posi-
tion to the altered circumstances in which you
have placed us. and that you should revise that system of
taxation which prevails in this country.—(Cheers.)
With reference to its equal and just distributiou—(Con-
tinued cheers)—the claims of the classes connected with
the soil could not be placed before the House more neatly
or more concisely than in the petition which ho presented
to the House to- day. They demanded of the Government
two things; in the first place, that they should be placed
on equality with their fellow-subjects; and, in the next,
they demanded to be placed in our markets on equality
with the foreigner.—(Hear.) They referred, in the first
instance, to that enormous system of peculiar taxation
from which the majority cf the people of this
country were exempt, and which they had borne.
In the next place, they referred to those fiscal restric-
tions, which, when placed in direct competition with the
foreigner, prevented them availing themselves of tho
greatest and freest resources. Now those claims were
intelligibly expressed, and founded on severe justice—
(Cheers)—and if those who unhappily hurried on the
repeal of laws which limited the importation of foreign
agricultural produce, did not at the time consider the
consequences of the course they were adopting, much as
he regretted the want of foresight of men so great,
ho could not, as a representative of an agricultural con-
stituency, refrain from doing his duty in that House,
where, whatever might be the majority of econo-
mists, ho could not think he was acting wrong
in having still confidence in the justice of Englishmen.
He should touch only partially upon a portion of the
theme which he believed was amply sufficient to occupy
the attention of Parliament for some time; but before
adverting to it more specifically he should first make one
or two observations upon opinions that had been lately
expressed with reference to the incident' of the
taxation to which he was about to call the attention cf
the House. They were all well aware that
when the question of that portion of taxation,
which vulgarly was called rater, was recently brought
before the House; considerable difference of opinion had
been expressed in that House as to who paid those im-
posts. Oao party said that the burden of taxation fell
upon the proprietors of the soil, while, on the contrary,
another side said that the impost was discharged by the
tenant or occupier. When he (Mr. Disraeli) had first
brought the question before the House, the Hon. Mem-
ber for Montrose had been the person to assert that the
proprietors were the persons on whom the burden fell,
while he was surprised to Ind that last session that lion.
Gentleman was the father and this session was the
godfather of a measure which enacted a new representa-
tive system,
founde I on the idea that the occupiers of
property were the persons who paid the rates, and that
they had a right to have seine share in the disposal of
them. He thought, then, that he might fairly
assume that there was not much difference be-
teem himself and that Honourable Gentleman
on this point ; but he (Mr. Disraeli) would
not rest his argument on this point on such a partial
admission. He thought the time was come when they
must look at this question earnestly. When this House
decided that England should enter into free competition
with all the quarters of the globe they were topped from

considering the relathe interests of the owner and occupier.
They should leave out of all consideration the interest
either of the landlord or the tenant, or both, and deal
only with the interest of the land.—(Hear, hear.)
There was an opinion which, if it had nut of late bad
much countsnaace iu that House, had at least taken a
fast hold upon the country, and that opinion was that
the whole of our institutions were based upon the land.
—(Hear.) Tho whole of our political constitution was
founded upon that principle.--(Hear.) Whether it was
the Throne itself; whether it was the grand scheme of
our juridical arrangements, or whether it was like the
spire towering towards heaven, in the arrangement of
our ecclesiastical sytem—all our institutions were founded
upon the land.—(Hear, hear.) There was an impres-
sion which had largely prevailed throughout every
English community, that there was a peculiarity about
territorial possessions.—(Hear, hear.) In this opinion
he humbly but heartily coincided, and in stating
so much, he was not speaking solely of the
landlord's interest, or of the tenant's interest, or of the
labourer's interest—for he believed all to be in truth and
reality united and derivable from the same sources.—
(Hear, hear.) In that House an opinion had been ex-
pressed, that land was nothing more than other property.
Elsewhere it was stated that it had peculiar properties,
admirably adapted when respected for the preservation
of order and the promotion of political liberty.—( Hear,
hear.) Ho believed the latter to be the truth. Both
opinions had been broadly expressed, and a statement
had been made, erroneously ascribed to him by the Heu.
Member for the West. Hiding of Yorkshire,
that, land was only to be considered as the
raw material to be used in a manufacture.
Ile maintained that they had a right to take their defi-
nitions from their opponents, and it was for that
reason alone he said, that having heard in this House
from persons who, upon this subject, were the greatest
authorities, and finding the opinion upheld and promul-
mulgated in literary organs of great merit, he did venture
to observe that if land be only a raw material, why do you
not extend to it the same principles that you extend to
all other raw materials hear)—and he was
bound to say he had not yet received a satisfactory
answer to that question. There was a great silence in
the House on the subject, while some of
tho organs he had referred to since the
question wee asked had denied that laad wes
a raw material--(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—or had
asserted that if it be a raw material, it was a raw mate-
terial peculiar from all other raw materials, because it
produced a quality called rent.—(Hear, hear.) Now
what he wanted to impress upon the House was this, if
they forced the land of England into competition with
the markets of the whole world, they had no business
to inquire into the quality called rent.—(Hear, hear.)
The consequences of the present law would be to throw
a greet quantity of land out of cultivation. According
to the opinion of some of the best writers conversant
with the landed interest, the consequences must be
ine.vitebly as he bad stated. There was certainly-
some difference between parties on this point,
but then it was only a difference of degree,
and, according to all opinions, there were some classes
of land which ware doomed, under any circumstances of
this kind, to go out of cultivation; and ho wished to im-
press upon the House the consideration whether or co
this peculiar taxation—the part to which he was to call
their attention to-night—might not make the difference,
make the margin which would permit this land to
be cultivated, which under the existing law was doomed
to a sterile exietencte—(Hoar, hear.) They had no
right to inquire irto the rents it' this state of things had
been produced by their own legislation. All they
had to do now was to act with justice towards
the land, and in dealing with it carry out
these economical principles which they had always
promulgated, and which were, the foundation of our
commercial code.—(Hear, hear.) Ho said the House
had no longer any right to meddle or interfere with the
question of rent; that was a subject which recent legia-
lation had swept away from their consideration.
It was well far the House to consider whe-
ther the popular character with respect to the
properties of the sail wag a just one. He
took occasion recently to remind the House that the
number of landed proprietors in the United Kingdom was
probably about 230,000. Now he asked the House to
consider what was the aristocratic element of
that numerous and important class. He imagined they
could not fix on a batter test to ascertain a truth of so
much importance than the pocket. Calculate the
number of manorial estates in this country.
They all knew that in England every parish was a
manor, though every manor was not a parish. Allow-
ing that the fourth of the parishes in England were not
manorial, there would be probably about 20,000 mano-
rial estates in England. That was the amount of the
aristocratic element on the state of which they heard so
much —(Hear)—and it would be about oncotwelfth. But
taking the rental of the United Kingdom at 60,000,0001.
a-year, they would find, if they divided that rental be-
tween 250,000 landowners, that about 2401. a-year
would fall to the share of each of them. But as se many
cf them had a great deal more than that sum, it followed
that many of them must have a great deal less. Yet
that was the class which:vras always pointed at and held
up as the most luxurious class; but the truth was that
they were the most industriaus and self-denying
class in the state.—(Hear, hear.) He said, then,
with reference to that class that the House ought to
legislate according to justice, and upon those economic
principles to which they made such frequent
reference ; and therefore he arrived at this
conclusion, that in a discussion as to the inci-
dents of taxation, whether they fell on the land-
owner or the occupier, was hereafter perfectly idle.
They were not to consider whether they were benefit-
ting the owner or the occupier, but whether they
were doing justice to a most important intereet—
to the land of England, and in doing that justice whether
they were permitting that land which they had thrown
into competition with all the soils of all countries in the
world to be worked at a remunerative value, whether
the profit went to the landlord or to the occupying
tenant. With those opinions he would proceed
to call the attention of the House to the first branch of
that important subject—the relations of the agricultural
inters st of all classes to the general taxation of thecountry.
Oa a former occae ion he had called the attention of the
ifijEntghe England, and the
ouse had
!acts
sse
wthoichthehe localthe taxation
then
putbeore
not bean controverted, and many gentlemen of official
authority who took a part in the debate acknowledged
they were correct. lie showed to the House on that occa-
sion that the Oa Ms concealed with the soil, independently
of contributing to the general revenue of the country,
contributed to another revenue in England alone to the
amount of 12 millions, and that this second revenue was
fur general interests and national cone erne. He would
not further advert to this additional burden, as it did
not immediately concern the question before the
House; but it showed that the land of England had
at all times been made the machine fir paying
more into the Exchequer than it was justified
in doing, because'tho land tax was a tax upon all kinds
of property, and if an account current book were kept it
would be found that 100,000,000/. were paid which ought
not to have been contributed on the principles of justice.
But take in round numbers the local taxation of the
kingdom, omitting the land tax, at 1,1,000,000/n—he
only referred to the fact that the House might bear in
mind the general character of those peculiar burdens
which the land sustained. The breech, however, of the
local taxation of the United Kingdom to which he would
now call attention was in fact the poor-rates. He saw
that the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Orkney ( Mr.
Anderson) bad mored an amendment upon his motion
for that night, to, which he would refer. He saw by the
notice paper that the Hon. Gentleman meant to move
for a revision of the poor-rates, for the appointment of a
select committee to inquire into the effects of the laws
for levying duties on the importation of corn and other
agricultural produce from the year 1845 to the year 1848,
both inclusive; also into the relative amounts of taxation,
local and general, which had been levied during the same
period on agriculture and other property and incomes.
Now, that appeared to him (Mr. Disrael), under ordi-
nary circumstances, to be a very sensible motion; and if
the Hon. Gentleman had had more experience than un-
fortunately he heel had in.tlae House, he thought he would
have moved for this as au unopposed return; because he
begged to assure him all the information he required
could be obtained up-stairs, and if ho would examine
the proceedings of ,the Committees of that House and
of the House of Lords he would find all this informa-
tion, and then he would not deem it necessary to append
this amendment to the motion. Indeed he (Mr. Disraeli)
had had furnished him, by a gentleman of great autho-
rity, a digest of all the information he referred to, not
only for the years 1815 to 1848, but from the year ISOO
to 1848, and he would find that landed property had paid
during that period 581,000,0001. to 159,000,000/. which
other property had paid. Now, ho never wished to insist
on the comparative sums paid by different classes of
real property. But this information was not of the
smallest value; he could not make use of it; but as he
thought those little interchangei and reciprocations of
courtesy were not displeasing, he had tendered the infor-
mation to the Hon. Gentleman, in order that he might
make use of it in his speech.—(A laugh.) I will venture
to say (continued Mr. Disraeli), if the Hon. Member
makes good use of it, his speech will be one for statistical
research seldom equalled in this House, and the only fault
will be, that unfortunately all his facts will refute
all his foregone conclusions.—(Cheers, and laughter.) I
will now venture to call the attention of the House for a
moment to the consideration of the nature of the poor-
law. I think that I have once before taken the liberty
of saying that it appeared to me that the poor-law was a
law which only could be vindicated—or rather which
could be vindicated only on two principles—either as a
matter of policy, or as a matter of social duty. If a mat-
ter of policy—if it be the interest of society that, by pro-
viding for those who are in went, society should be se-
cured from the consequences of violence and from rapine,
end if it were only viewed thus as a matter of policy, it
was clearly the interest of all concerned, and ought to be
of course supported by all.—(Hear, hear.) But if we
took the higher view of it, and considered the mainte-
nance of the poor, which we do consider in England, a
matter of social duty—(Hear, hear)—then it was quite
clear that if it were a sccial duty it was the duty of all,
according to their moans—(Cheers)—and, there f ire, it
ought not to he a tax, an impost, charged upon one kind
property.—(llear.) Every gentleman in this House
linens that it is an impost charged upon one property. I
shall not, on this occasion, enter into any wholesale in-
quiry to ascertain the relative amount of property thst is
suhject to this, impost, and the amount of tilUSe proper tis
that are privileged and exempted from it. Never mind
whether it is one-fourth or one-third of the income of
the country—never mind whether it is 80;000.0001.
year, as compared with the charge which 200,000,0001.
ought to bear, or whether the figures might make
stronger in favour of the principles I advocate in this
respect. The great truth remains, that the vast majority
of the property of the country does net fulfil the social
duty which it ought to do, and which all acknowledge
(Cheers.) Now, Sir, there are very great objections to
remedial measures in this department; and, indeed, it i 8 A
not. possible to conceive how such flagrant injustice

could have so long flourished, were not the difficulties
_
very considerable. In the first lace everybody is afraid
of interfering with nd troubling that happy system °
local government of which we have so much reason to be
proud, and which unquestionably is the source of self
,
In
much public happiness.—(Cheers.) I never reo
speak upon the subject to any gentleman of great r;
p
perty, not connected with the laud, who is not eloquen
Askupill an thye' itt.ehru individual tsletief-gfo°rvteurnnamteenpt o sins e stshoirs
simplicity of Three per Cents. to the amount ot
30,0001. or 40.0001. a year—ask if he ought not to
contribute to the maintenance of the poor in prop
tion to his property; and be will say, " No doubt; hut
if he were to do so he would probably endanger out:
happy system."—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir, it
frankly admit that I should be unwilling to suPP°rt
ictiouslai
in this House any proposition which would endanger
this happy system of local administration. But I cannot_
admit that the problem is impossible of a solution that
would reconcile local management with imperial t°tre
den; though I sin perfectly willing to admit that, in atit
tstet ting to wive such a problem, the whole question 0,
aver:a;
the law of settlement meet be terminated for
(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there is another objection agei,EL.
now offering any relief with respect to the present cuta
tributiun cf the impost levied under the poor-laWe an
that is rather a popular one also. It is said. and has lei;
cently been sail with no novelty of observadon, but wine
some authority or etaterreet, that the land of this eoll,.ts
try is inherited and otherwise acquired subject to
.ttt,
charge, and similar charges. This is an observation that
alwevs tells, and have observed that it perplexes, evot
if it does not convince. But, with reference to that 1),,,
sition, there is one simple but efficient observatioart!
It el ni
make upon it, that it is not tree.—.(Cheers.)
is not true with respect to Ireland.—(Hee.r.)
of Ireland was not acquired or inherited subjects
poor-rate.—(llear, hear.) It clearly is not tru The
reference. to another of her Majesty's kingdoms.
.ac-
land of Scotland was not inherited or otherWiSe '-
quired subject to the poor-rates—meat., aearrit
but it is not true with reference to a very considerlore
portion of the land of England. The House Woulaut,
surprised, if theyinvestigated the subject. at the blittiess
bar of very considerable estates, and some cf a In" the
important, though not less interesting tenure
--the
yeomen estates—they would, I say, be surprised At that
number of estates that are inherited in Enisnde this
were not originally acquired or inherited subject t
red
charge.—(Bear, hear.) I had intended to hay° °leo I
some names of interesting properties to the Houit' and
decline to do so because the list would be imperfect,.
irhet4hthe
s/t;
e
that would necessarily lead to erroneous conole
• but I cannot help remembering that I am sitting °Fl3;OOr
a Noble Lord, the First Minister, the son of one
greatest :louse —a house that I am glad to Olt, ur
exercised its vast possessions generally for th?, "vt,:eot
and advanttee of Englund.—(lierir, hear.) c""
son c
hi 1p remembering net I am sitting opposite 10
a great house welch certainly did not inherit or 4190 of
wise acquire its broad possessions subject to o°l,l ' as
Elizebeth.—(Cheers and leueltter.) Well, ~thlies?'"
a matter of fact, the position' is not true—( b 0
. but as a matter of principle is it justVe; this
hear.) I am not disposed to assent 'hetited
i
principle, that because an estate has been i°
„eject
subject to a tax, which politically is au Subjected
one, that a principle of policy is to be Oh', of
to a mere affair of inheritance, and if we ati th 4
opinion that in the preterit, circumstances ',tint as
country the lands of England should be as east"rd to
possible from these peculiar taxer, I am not disrstanittai
admit that the fact of their being inherited or act,t-e to
subject to a tax (if the levying of a tax is aclYera-steer
the highest principles of policy of a state) je 3111; the
t ) the case. I must go a little more deeply 111'„," to
question with eforerce to this point. If you cc' ac'
ate and nay, " This man's estate was inherited (woo
EllkiCCt to an impost," I must rip up I,be 5,41 0'
of the country and I must ascertain %Oodles. that Fos •
perty was not inherited or ecquired subject le were
which gave it an ativentitions value—whether th6Yftetel
not laws which through a series of Parliaraent'd
favour—and whether ho acquired or purehallec-eih,:nt:ef,
estates in ceps: quence of the Legislature of his
having secured him a certain market, and net °l3.'fforcl
cured him that market, but passed taws which :birth
him a bonus for the exportation of his produce, -esti,
is the case with regard to the corn-laws in this ees; the
I might clearly conic forward, when you ann°lll'end set
fact of the poor-rate being an inherent impost —OllO
against that the Parliamentary advantage, s 0
ratified by consenting Senates, of which Y-„-- ,ed
suddenly, and in a manner he was the least Prep to
for, deprived him.—(Cheers.) I have alterteat are
the two most important points which in argtime-erred
brought forward on this subject; first, the risk in% to
of disturbing the local administration if we ettSl33tro the
give relief to oppressed proprietors with regard one°
poor-law, and, second, to the extenuating (t-tint' Os
always brought forward, that the property th 6 $3O
relief has been acquired subject to those charges:ilex
I have done so merely because I thought it a fsir,-ause
tunity to advert to them, in considering the great cow
in which we are engaged, and not because I ante the
rested in refuting this position at present; becalietse,
propositions which I am going to place before thell con-
which I shall submit to them in detail, if they wf the
sent to go into Committee, are not open to either,)
objections to which I have adverted.—(Bear, hesttoiete
I think the time has come, as I ventured to Mber
ten
nsdo:rooe-ptivide
before, when we must seriously consider whet voted
ir
icittynhoa which
ietais ierdnahtedd,tp,ahprsaeetsrmil
Parliament
regardsu
eti
hifitting position
anttsein jut
taxation,o atf
eaotdolfl
ttt.thtl hee,,emno,,.eptihan
vs,i
caso ect, tl3t
ot stances
c::
alwayseli
entertained.—(Cheere ) We shs" "" ore
ae
tunity offers—when the occasion selle
th,e °PPdi
g moment, a-- hes
smarting from
linquished, and, perhaps.' be more we
experience you may
posed to listen to the accents of truth• re*
shall then remind e u of the system s°l! fall
setial
have consummated.—(Cheers.) But, in the rae hot 0
accepting your legislation as fact, understanding ;atoll
pledged majority is resolved to act upon that iegtal...
which we believe, is o of the disasters which 0,
very hour becoming more ntjutor
to the interests of those whom we are unit here Vejea-
n3-- meat—open to refutation, if
psuorret,s we feel it our dut to commence a, series 0,
area.
which, I hope, temperately sustained onlylls
vi
ring
will, in the aggregate, materially benefit the Dasl
yuu can refute our viceria
interest that we wish to support.—(Loud ittheeiltire tie°
yeia_rewiten I called upon the House to assent to $ ° th;
objectionarg umteluhatts the deal
Bich
hwiat
wth respect to our local taxation I was met 11119
n es
too vast, and that wear
the
theme state of the exchequer would not permit the, "°;0131.
nt
t:-night
accede to my suggestions. - I hop°, 01' eon"
finecure, mght I shall not be told, because I have ,ratiS
field—that
my consideration to only a portion tf tbneuP th!
I have taken too limited a view. will
f.oanithary, I am sure that her Majesty's Goverolne% be'
as founded wereh' atitite; °rot
inclined to support my opinions, if it et%nli
shown at the same time that they are 07 ill
just, but essentially practical. N6w' nal
.IHouse should consent to go into C°l:l3-iietct
shad propose several resolutions, the °.,-,esioll
which will be to mitigate the distress and del went
which is felt in the agricultural districts at the Pd de-
moment believing, as I do, that the distress bleb
peession are not like the passing clouds:, wituetweot
commerce is soreetimee described to be oversbato g 0
—(Hear.) lii cute, then, I can induce the LlouSetlottooe
into Committe, I should propose, as the first telittell
that a sum, not inconsiderable, should be /at° ao'
remitted to the real proprietors of the ceuutritrbe oht'
mission which would not be liable to either 0
teroa,
jections which I have anticipated,: and, to vof IDy
degree, combatted. I should look tor the Irskisaoites
first resolution to the establishment charges of
tt,"ts of t,"'
Kingdom.—(Cheers.) The establishment cheitge,'" ttb,tir'
United Kingdom are scarcely at all connected Ittistra'
local administration. Your system of local auTietttated
tion will remain inteett, pure, perfect, your 111 Lie<
unaltered, your cheeks complete.king the 2511.
n as •
ero
to accede to a resolution that from t'
of March, 1850, Close charges which ittact,e.
perly known as the ,establishment charges s° tbat"
with the relief and maintenance of the pooreralle-
Uuited Kingdom, should be furnished by the ode del;
venue of the country, I calculate, from antlitello, es t°
ments, that this would amount to a sum 11. ttost la,
1,500,000/. sterling.—(Hear. hear.) ObsenTalij eatetr
establishment charges are barely subject to yolt.
nistration. The maintenance of your to-door ,t;Rseta:cer;
out-door poor would be supplied from the ssfupervitifof
as at present, and be subject to the stuns powetoil
Observe, also, that no man, with the great jobertir,
brass, could rise and maintain that estates werhear.)
subject to the establishment charges.—(gesrgga st to
1 should proceed in th a same way to Pr°11:1-yelltate,-
resolution to the Homo, in which I vies' posiTthe
deal with all those rates which, gentealleasvery 0 with
has been convenient to raise by the glob: to itesnt
poor-law, but which have nothing whate/Gtis t°
the maintenance of the poor. As thins.,," b.- ot to
injustice that real property alone shos::ot Pre arty)
support the poor—as it is a great hardshe'seal propel tbst
the land (the most important portion ot r.
mot to sti other
not only to maintain the poor, but to be s.ll"etelder a, a- rily
system of locallitaxation which we will c°,"9- Fsfes" to
opportunities in detail, so I think that the
0110.
eiple at present, and the most practica' - Yliw of
take all those which °Dricie stic/11
rates are not e ha gbrog I go-
absolute maintenance c f the poor, seed th
10ead by
which would not interfere with our sietet-defrske The
vernment, and in future permit theatt.ate hear.) yilig
the t •
aeneral revenue of the country.--V-te'- that, lls'
House will possibly be surprised to learu• , bit
/. ever/ „Aril'
msed &Registration Act which compels
tot
and every death to be registered at a e`iottld be, 'wok
60,000/. a year to the country, that el,o,2„„use It„ 1011
by real property alone—(Hear, hear)--ndhecttltr,b'otie
the easiest way of obtaining the reeelqi, wag
may go on obtaining public moncY in rat taleatiithot
the apparent odium of adding to the [cell „uprise the
the country.—(Hear..) The House Wild' ure,utatinigotaer
another Act of Parliament was passe t s )7st, soumoj, 0
preparation of the jury list and the bure,:osuptrY 24'u-er to.
lists of the country, which cost the o! „0,
year, ;Ind that one Bill was itnetediatelYrly, rettlYtt,'
sauit'"e'l
the Poor-`aw Commissioners t.) be pal. -of
aroxlsni beds
perty. --(llear.)—The House, in a P _O5 and e tto
alarm, determine to telte care of the 3
ntli,oner,
all the inhabitants of the country, Pcssesit ycity ctMslo,ol
sanitary Act which costs the count?
ht urea tyweeary
able sum, and that is immediately pir.ru
be
wetillta-tbe
property of the country.—(Hear, hea
the demi od
the House if I were to enter into slhaineni Antl_the
'Vane nation Act, the Parochial Assent ettonisuiteb.
many other Acts; but the aggregato of e 174,
„t eearele
Hous,.3 when I tell them that indepenu"
laced 00e-
lielunent charge.- which I have P 0,180130 u,
needs
1,500,000/. for the 'United Kingclova w reifeas;oo,
of which are occasioned for irela.ed--tio) aterrat•
with al
0 000.
rates, passed in this House almost wt eatay 50
within these very few years, amount to 11 ehetee teat_
hear/ 0 00h"
sterling for England aloae--(Hear, . 70
ing bum
per sum fir the United Kingdom exceed• , Do Pli-
per annura.—(Bear, hear.) Now, Sir

b,

'ei

1!

U

ahip uld 4g can rise to give any rea.a:n why these taxes United be
alone.Oaraed upon the real procerty of the
Kingdom. Tiley aro leviod in a form ahiell
giros no security for our happy ey3tein of seif-goveric-
r4°ut• Tiat her spat na, if it be onatep.ly
cured by the levying of millions, t' all of which in due
time your attention will be called by the snff., ring land
of England. Well, then, I Should prcpose if we went
I.!lta Committee,as T hope we shall, a second i-caaluti2n.
that from tho 95th of ISSO, all these rates levied
under the
taainteaancemachinery of the laws for the relief and
the oor, other than county rates and
Police rates in (connexion with county rates, and other
thentha the establishment charges, should be defrayed by
Consolidated Fund.—(Cheers.) I hope that these
Iwo resolutions, though not formally laid on the table,
'l6 aPeCifie enough for the Hon. Member for Montrose,
44 that ho will this night record his vote in their fa.
" accordance with the half-promise which he gave
arerd'Y•—(A. laugh.) There is yet another respiration to
ch I will venture to call the attention of the Heusi...
the House will observe that though I hale
of
with a ot exceeding 2,000,0001., the whok
wilFhich is furnished by real propsrty, and two.thirds
oeti°h,,dircetly presses upon the suff:ring land, I nay(
en u'Aral the House to violate a single one of those
irn:°°tional Principe with which they have often
lo_Pi.ed their sympathy. It cannot be said that we ai-e,
eo4kgrig the ancient institutions arid habits of t‘ie,
laid in asking at the present moment, to free th b frora a contribution of taxes which have not only
been I.er'ed within the last few years, but wh,i,oh.cl.iiia.,d
1?-e
or n
unpo
"r sed for purposes which were never
rn„oateel of by Statesmen or financiers until a very
peried.--(Hear, hear.) There is another inaper-
pint subject connected with the administration of the
th,arl'w which I think, demands the consideration o
f souse. I should propose a third resolution, that,
epro4l and after the same day in March, 1850, the canna:
r throughout the Huffed Kingdom should lid a
char throughout transferred to the general rJrenue of the
(uear, hear.) That is not at the present
44 •"t a parochiel charge. It is heavy in Scotland,
soI4 England it is vested: upon the union rate, the
the-etn fund. It is also an amendment open to none af
to a7e.tections with which we aro met when we attempt
ta,C,rt the distresses of the agricultural classes, by
(eli IN any porton of their peculiar burden:- .
at :era.) Now, Sir, I think there is much to be said in
Place•ef them propositions. They are, in the
.first
s,,,cejUSt.---(Cheers.) They are, in the second
.piace,
t4litt
practicable.--(Cheers.) They require no
lmettlachinerr they destroy no old machinery, and the
zi.aritilherfirtiherernefna.,itybe furnished by that balance in the
which we have heard. so much.—(Hear
that Itightf,r:) I have thought, acting with rey friends,
,the present state of aim-fel-stances it wet of the
e had to
1046 ,:rnportance that auy suggestion thet w
vsta33l',.ould be, one into which the elements of c eit,os
4leet• "1-141 very slightly enter. None of those. great.as
Segel"' which entered into the gnesaan I
~t
tent' 'then it was argued, can be noticed
.in the pr-
te °lle, and fortunately we have at last a Minister of Fi-
gtee)4 who need not plead in forma pauperis.—(Laugh-
thste 'ill., Sir, there is another recommendation far
theNistares which I will attempt to impress upon
Ntutideration of the Noble Lord. They naty
Jam tehozsiflerod slight, though they are
practicable.
;
'4l%a aro cf indefinite and almost of unimsginehle
neelt 'lnce when we look upon then as the cammencesf
Neer new ere, which will do justice to the land e
isact;"untry._(Cherrs.) It is of the highest impel-.
tithet this moment that the Parliament, which onil?
Itith alst of January, not only refaced to sympathise a„ eat
e'en to recognise, the unprecedented distress.
"Fresraion that new prevail in England, d_aitlye
because they a crc wedde I—l am
they unnourehly wedded—to the conviction upon which
tnd~l4,l°C 1--shonid at least show, the Noble Lord
,axpressed himself on the ocea.ion, that if any
tlta measures were brought forward for the mitaga-
thot:' that distress which did not run counter to any of
Lpyr convictions of political economy to which be is
Wheti 80 fondly devoted, he would give to those propoei-
elte candle, a considerate, and even an indulgent at-
I think it of ()Teat importance—l scarcely' can
•t }1;,`4,0 Noble Lord wouldn think it of slight importance
711 °s should do so at a moment like the present,
tkia feeling which I will not dilate upon, but which
Aam justified in saying is one of a very serious
lal -c"r, pervading large classes cf the community,
,'„lts if to aggravate their annoyance, their suffer-
IKELat.-`° ost:eitatiously placed in contrast with the ram-
NANsperity of universal England.---(llear, hear.)
Itlastii,:,,ud a Minister presiding over an overflowing
111-4---gi Minister, the representative of doctrines
1p produced this universal prosperity—l will not
'utiao-,„'s cost of agricultural distress, but suspiciously
h°1.4a0;14,,41t with it—l can conceive no position happier,
h's°o ial'lleitous than that in which the Noble Lord
,;talias„-Tus fir 11.*,coming and saying, " I have an un-
..;lll,th trer" eiples upon which the commer-
Mtl e"stur En'glapnelinis founded; I believe those prin-
IV 4th' „`° whiaa-I gave a tardy but sincere assent.
jot N.744rattt_l cause of the wide-spread prosperity of
I,ibt test •hrY• I deeply deplore. that any important
fJe jonl; the State is at this moment suffering, has
kip t suff,rinv, and, unfortunately, has not a
tt.:e-a°r very immediate renovation ; but I am
5-Th ;3.ia practical statesman, that I can come
1,J14 l!letclet.7`.ll.Prove to the landed. classes of the country,
qt I,•;_ct_aters of the soil, te all connected with the
l'°Rland, that there is in the Ministry and On
'Zs% 41;•ateent of England a sincere sympathy with
rcll3; and what is still more important—the
I,4llg,tri some degree, to mitigate them."—(Cheers.)
l'ahm with confidence to the Noble Lord, because be
tilkam'ntoro than oras occasion shown—what must be
tote,to him---a sympathy with the agricultural classes.
.+8
tti ld the Noble Lord before, not for myself, but
s With whom I are the honour to act, that we
h^litatonght to mix up any party spirit with our strug-
ltt`) d 0 t.) our suffering constituents.— (Tear,
th,444', hope, therefore, that the Noble Lord, if ho is
lo;t %Ice le to these
.temperate these moderate,
11),,
t'it'he
requests, will not be' prevented. from
Orki course he thinks right. because lie thinks he
11,4 life the shadow of a party triumph to gentlemen on
ika'• Teal assure him that if he will act in this
ItZta„l" shall have no wish to avail ourselves of anyh
t,7%,;1121)13. I shall think that the Noble Lord. on.
.t
Nttlea,,,a"ta upon others, has acted like a high-spirited
p01t1t7,,, and a wise statesman, and has not been
tap'''ed .Pu from doing that which is just, and not
\,t4),.143t but politic, because a suggestion has
tokei,""s to him by a political. opponent.
'I, hear.) But if I make this appeal
hfrAClt)bic Lord, I would also venture to addreslsl
IN:ration to the House. The House is well
tik‘Pte- the agitation which exists upon the aub:ect of
distress and d.Tression of the agricultural
110 one can say that we have exaggerated. it,
littl!liqt‘to heard from a high neithority the other night
Vwsiall• Member for the West Riding—that hneerbeers
tat ince the Reform Bill, a greater disturbance.
4at.41r1 England. Sir, lam not surprised that those
te? ati:r severely should feel ardently, and express
tin in language somewhat strong. But rernem-
\‘',t3 `l,.,,"ileipal characteristic of that agitation. What
,i,„411)„,"118 it not the expression of an opinion that it
~`„ista'eas to apply to this House? Wits it net a
V'otit.',°afidence in the institutions of the country?
411:It:Ix," from sin Hon. Member.) The Hon.
„ cheers as if I had sanctioned such appeals
V)ltt'ontrary, I have never used, upon that subject,
Illage than I used in this House.—(hear,
vsiti never said one ce
thing in one pla
tn'atinther. —(Loud cheers.) I have always ex-
PLIT tuabon.nded and sincere belief in the spirit
e`,lll;a' -job.. I believe, is at the bottom of the heart
alL'atp ember of this House. I never supposed
L'ltillt-I,totild come forward and that they would
&41;1,, convictions, at which the majority have
iN,L'ile-trziyed with some study, and many
.with much
L'..`.1341-;rorneiseberine• what the House did on the
Oteelb-,,two '•
ars ago, I expressed the conviction,
nio3ste'vernestly entertain, that this House
ttl,.._•Ntluistead cf. an assembly that exhibited a cal-
rieltae\°the sufferings and representations of the
N q nb4. body--would, on tho contrary, be an assem-
ti'qtt to express their sympathy, prompt
6,Ailti,ll4lßht bo even the injuries which their
,slO beneficial in the main, had entailed on
)t'a °II-4 1 l feel that conviction now. I
ii:i.,lin.htloeflolivrB4.thelialtsisn, the present--
state of the country,
td tl ‘,stiort tlttons conceived, as I think, with so much
'lttak-,' In 4 spirit of so much justice, urged.l.hope,
alt'tkater; they are not urged with temper it is my
al,/ae_l4`ooo-1:;°,! the -fault. of my friends—l cannot conceive
h!itVilet's"°as of this character will be received with
14451;11'Na, °PPosition.—(Cheers.) I hardly know with
IlytiOt;ents we are to be met. All. the usual ones to
tli,,t,.Ott„.e referred, which might relate to a more am-
laZaat or2t to grapple with the subject, are entirely
Dtb\ ta,„",4is discussion. All that they can say is,
than q -1::o little. We may be told, as we have
tQ
k ayes re, that we, who were the advocates of a
"tern, ought to be content with nothing less
tl:'r"ore.etirllce to a protective system, and that
Th eft ;I!laht,Qut will satisfy our constiuents. That is a
tkissleee'slann that, with great respect to Hon. G-en-
tifile,ne never condescend to reply to.—(Cheers.)
Ar;ll,ch confidence in the good sense of. the
~'',attAatal to believe that that is the view, I
majority,the but of a considerable por-.
4,41,f4t-mkpv4iluTar.) The),are prepared, when the eon-
Vi.llld tueql opportunity, I doubt not, to yin-
lOatiatt_ principles which they think have
, tt)ohl-,hr -:"--(eheers.) But in this House. where we
rodged majority, which will scarcely
tt,''lle'Ya..,;'N'ana of that nature, we aro only doing
r,t tejsii;,4io only consulting their interests, in
'11) -PPorturt"v to alleviate their burdens—to
\tlt„ al;l,Fih fsr sufferings; and if we cannot
,4ea,„lllediately any great result, at least we
tllltseh' Itch' his groat political purpose
,(1111 Ise the le" t ' • f the in-
k 11, nr'vl 111 not to despair or
'11N21;4 .pia t country. The Hon. Gentleman con-
4it 'flud and repeat-- cheers, by moving for
snob
0 the whole P (louse, to take into its con-
Ig:,111;r the '" the
of the laws providing fn. the
Stlttittld lePs°3r of the United Kingdom of Great
.I°l'cileitl" Rs may mitigate the distress of the
tettli Q., 0..45a5,,
t tah o'er' d his satisfaction at the
tk b sr 00Se
It 41
earl Y the lion• Gentleman in bringing
','lt111111) ' tho al4l"ted
les i.en the motion which ho had
thc Hoes() ; and ho thought the agri-
:l 4'l( reat) T indebted to the lion. Gentleman
t4'
srlt, R Piet ,
kin which he bal acted. , After all that
I,te a
Itttu . Cluatv
m
1• to I 411t
th oetiogs within ths last few
t„ 11/2,0 each 0 propositions that had been 5ub-
1„,1444 ; foraletitt3o:"lblizs, and the anticipations which
peel 'au immediate, or at least an early
" ecti" sYrA"lll—artn tho cheers which Itti .40tv 1444 by tha- •
seated° public oratory of some Hon. Mem-
‘ery °ear the Hot. Gentleman—it was
nqtll4 14) find
the the or. Gentleman coming
acmeof that nurnerom and distinguished

party, and nooitist the cheers of that party declare that
so long as the p.N sent Parliament should endure, a
return to the protcoh ye syztens was iineossible.—(Minis-
t, rip,' cheers.) Tht Houre was greatly indebted to the
Hee. Goalie:wen for this f: auk- and candid ivuwsi, and
he was not open to t taunt of having slit: out of the
douse; what he se nof provared to soy or had pots said
ie the Houte.—(aerm , hear.) lie had not fostered or
encouraged that in. seibievons delusion which hod. been
festered and cecoute sscd at these agricultural meetings—
which had led away the tenant-farmers • from the use cf
those means which ] Providence had placed within their
reach to meet the al tared circumstances of the times, to
leek for that ignis 'elms, the restoration of protection
—s protection whici t their great leader admitted to he
utterly hopeless in the present Parlismenr.—(Cheers.)
It was said that ,this expression of hopolessness was only
applicable to the' d oration of the present Parliament,
And that another :eat iianient -steuld mo,t probably return
to the proteetive system. H utterly disbelieved
in the possibility ref nay such return.—(Cheers.)
believed the ineal ca' sole blessings of the present
system of our cousin ercial policy were so w:dely had
entered so much ire to the every-day comforts of every
working matt in the country, whether manufacturing or
agricultural—that to ey would never consent to a return
to the old system. The lion. Member had avowed
that the decision of both Houses at the begineing, of the
session was a decisiv a expression of opinion that neither
branch cf the Lagisl t tura were prepared to r. tern to a
Protective system.— ( Hear, hear.) The lion. Member
bad slid but little of •the actual distress, upon which the
whole basis of his m rested. He had essure.•d the
existence of extensive. and deep distress throughout the
agricultural distrietts of the country, and the only allu-
sion which he had an ade to any partieuletoinstance of
the distress, was a I supposition that if the returns rela-
tive to pauperism hail been made up to the Ist of Fe-
bruary instead of the Ist of January, 1850, for the pur-
pose of comparison •ss ith the corresponding month of the
preceding year, an i acrease would hive been found in
the number of perm )ns receiving relief. Now he (Sir
George Grey) cow :Wetted that to te porfectly gra-
tuitous assumption. There was no evidence to justify
any such suppositi on, although perhaps in some
instances, owing to the long-continued frost,
draining and ether works of that description had been
for a time suspends. i.—(llear, hear.) He did not wish
to join issue with th e Hon. Gentleman opts the feet of
the- existence of a gricultural distress. That fact had
been fully admitted, and her Majesty had been advised
to express her rears t at the exist :oleo of the; distress.
No doubt prices ha! cl been so low as to eccesion distress
:amongst the owner s and occupiers of land in various
parts of the country •; bet this had arisen from a variety
of causes, comprisic g among at others the free importa-
tion of grain in a y. ler when there war an abundaet har-
vest. But looking to the great portion of the agricul-
toted population of ~,ho country, there was sufficient proof
of their condition 'having been materiagy improved, as
compared with tit • preceding year. The best test of
the condition of that population was the stare cf
crime and pauperis es, and he would jest trouble the
House with a few facts, for the purpose of showing
that a brnefittial 611 set had bean produc,a3. On a com-
parison of crime, as evidenced by commitments in Eng-
land and Wales, i a 1848 and 1849, it appears that the
commitments in 11 '.48 were 30,349; in /849, 27,772;
showing a decrease in 1849 of 2.571, or 8.5 per cent. On
comp arisen of th o number of persons receiving paro-
child relief on the let of January 1849 anti 1850 re-
spectively, it appear s that the number wee, en the Ist of
January, 1849, 987, 164; 1?t of January, 1850, 923,167;
showing a decrease in 1350 of G 3,997, or €.4 per cant.
On an analysis of ti se returns, it appears that there has
been a tieorease of crime in 31 counties; that there has
been. a decreere of ± pauperism in 32 eountiert;; and that
there are 20 of tbe above coenties in which there
has been a decree to cf both crime and pauperism,
comprising a popula ,ton of 9,204,58 G, nearly two-thirds
of the whole, while there are only 9 counties (i:icludin
1 in Wales) in which there has been any increase but

of crime and pauper ism. In confirmation of this state-
mont with respect t a the conntry genera!ly, he would
read a few remarks addrested to the grand jury of Mid-
dlesex at the Contra al Criminal Court, by the Learned
Recorder, on the 4th Feb. inst. The Learned Gentle-
man expressed his great satisfaction at the ditninuthon
of the number of pr isoners committed for trial to this
court. The jurisd lotion of the Central Criminal
Court, he said, extended over a population
of 2,000,000, and at the present session there
were only 123 persems committed for trial, which was
very considerably let than the number committed at the
corresponding seesia.a of last year, and was also much
smaller than the ordinary average of committals for the
period that had elapsed since the last session; and he said
that, to whatever cause such a result was to be a'tri-
blued, it must be moat satisfactory t) every person con-
cerned in the administration of criminal justice, and also
to the community at large. The Learned Recorder then
said that by alum. which were before him it appeared
that there had been 593 less persons committed during
the year 1849 than in the previous year; and he also
congratulated the grs ,ud jury that robberies with violence,
and other offences of' that character, appeared also to be
on the decrease. It might be said that that related to
the 2,000,000 of the population within the jurisdiction of
the Central Criminal Court. He should therefore show
the same results in Ae last country quarter sessions,
and he hoped that v tould satisfy the Hon. Member for
Essex. In England tied Wales the number of trials at
the last quarter sessions in 1849 was 4,443—in the last
quarter sessions, hel ;I in the present year, 1850, the
number eras 3,980, being a diminution of 463, or a de-
crease of about 10 per cent.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman, in introducing the subject, had said little or no-
thing about Ireland, s.nd had not alluded to Scotland, no
doubt because the report on the table with reference to
the letter country did not strengthen his case. That re •
port did show an iner easo of the poor on the roll, but it
also showed a remark able decrease of that cities best
distinguished as the casual poor in the year 1849, as
compared with 1848. 1.1,e had received a letter from Sir
J. Mimed, the Presid tent of the Beard of Works in
Scotland, dated the 2::rat January, who, in reference to
this subject, stated--"lnformation upon this subject
(the state of the working classes in Scotland) from all
parts of the country (*met; incidentally before the board
in the course of invet tigations as to complaints of in-
adequate relief. Thr information derived from this
source concurs with till:the other information to which
I have access to estab fish the fact that, except in some
parts
of Scotland—agricultural, manufacturing, and mining—
urban and rural, take a together, have not, during the
four yearn that I have been connected with this
board, been at any lime so well off as they have
been during the /last half of 1349. There has
been no other se ison within that time when
the abundance of eriployment, and the general ade-
quacy of wages, with reference to prices, has enabled so
large a proportion of the working population of this
country to command an ample supply of the neces-
saries of life." He cEd not deny that distress existed,
but it existed among the owners and occupiers, and in a
much less degree Lhasa it did twelve months ago among
the great bulk of the people. In many cases he believed
their wages had been reduced to a greater degree than
could be compensated for by any reduction that had
taken place in the price of articles of food. But speak-
ing generally, and wort )'particalarly of that part of Eng-
land with which he wet, connected, North Northurnber
land, he did not believe' that wages had been reduced to
a greater degree than Si mid be compensated for by a re-
duction in the prices of the necessaries of life. He be-
lieved in some places in Lincolnshireafer instance where
wages had been reduck t so low as 6e. per week, the re-
duction had been made to fall unduly on the labourer,
rents not having b sen reduced at all in pro-
portion.—(Hear, heat...) He was surprised that in
dealing with so import ant a subject as the poor-laws
the Hon. Member fur B ucks had alluded only parenthe-
tically to a pun of the question of the greatest import-
ance to the great bulk: of the population—the lasso of
settlement.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman did
not this year propose to great transfer of the local taxa-
tion for the poor, been. use he was a rare it would lead to
a national rate, and the abolition of the law of settlement.
If they were to go int) Committee of the whole House
upon elm subject of the poor-law, the very first question
they would have to coeudder would be the law of settle-
ment. All the evidences collected by the Committee on
that question showed that the law of settlement ope-
rated prejudicially to the interests of the agricultural
labourer—that it restricted his labour, and that the
greatest boon to him wt mid be a judicious alteration of
that law. The subject had occupied the attention of the
Government, and at no distant period ho hoped to be
able to make some proposal to the House on that most
important subject. Ho should now refer to the grounds
upon which the II on. Gentleman rested his pro-
positions. The foundation of the whole argument of
the Hon. Getleman was the injustice of exclusively bur-
dening the land with the payment of poor-rates. He
thought the Hon. Ge) atleman had &lion into the same
error this rear as he had last, of confounding real pro-
perty with-landed prc iperty. (Mr. Disraeli made an ob-
servation which was :3ot heard in the gallery.) Let it
be understood, then, that in speaking of the property
which contributed 12e000,000/. of local taxation, they
were speaking, not of what was called the landed in-
terest, but of real prop 'rty assessed for the relief of the
poor. The Honourablv Gentleman said it was not just
that property connects l with the soil—those were his
words—should bear ex( elusively that large burden, and
the Hon. Gentleman is's' eke of land going out of cultiva-
tion in consequence of those exclusive burdens and of
the continually increasing charges on land. The Hon.
Gentleman had antici pated two objections—one he
would admit, the other ho would combat—the impos-
sibility of taxing personal property for the purposes of
the poor, the other, that from time immemorial real
property had been exchnively subjected to that burden.
He would take the last first, and was prepared to
contend that ever since the 43d Elizabeth, the great bulk
of red property had been exclusively subjected to the
burden of the poor-rates. The 43d Elizabeth required
that the rate should be on property visible and produc-
tive, awl in the parish in which the owner resided. That
condition could not ex ist with personal property, and
therefore the Legislata re excluded personal property
from contributing to the ,relief of the poor. It was true
that stock-in-trade had bee udeemed liable for poor-rate—
(" Heer," from Mr. Ilent.te)—but, practically, it had
never be en rated, and an ant. ual Act was new passed to
sxetapt it. On this subject ho would read what wan
stated in the report on local tuxittion, laid on the table
le 1844. It stated that stock-In-trade had been held
liable only on the supposition that it was visible and pro-
ductive. With: regard to the second objection, if the
inapeesibility of rating 'personal property should lead to
e national rate, no benefit would be conferred en the
agricultural interest; and that he conceisod to be
the gi eat:ebjection to the plan propos©d by the Honour-
eble Member for Bucke last year. In alluding to the
increased burdens imposed by Act of Parliament on
real property, and levied as poor-rate, the Hon. Member
for Bucks had omitted one important fact, and that was
the vrowing diminution of these burdens on the land.—
(Hear, hear.) Lookiqg to the figures only, there ap-
deared increased burdens; but what were the facts? lie