The Sun.
London, England, 1868-12-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 22, 1868.

THE RE-ELECTIONS.

THE PREMIER AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.
The following is a fuller report of the proceedings at the
re-election of the Prime Minister than appeared in The Sun
of yesterday :

Mr. Gladstone's first appearance in public since his
assumption of the seals of office was made on Monday
morning on the hustings at Blackheath, where he sought
at the hands of the electors of Greenwich for a renewal of
that confidence which a few weeks since they had sponta-
neously reposed in him. Thus the honour of hearing his
maiden speech was fittingly accorded to those
who had so manfully and effectually exerted
themselves to do away with the disastrous effects of the
Premier's defeat in South-west Lancashire. The hustings
were erected opposite the Ranger's house in Greenwich
Park. The arrangements made by the authorities were of
the worst possible description, the representatives of the
press being placed in a species of shed, totally uncovered,
at a level several feet lower than the speaker, and the
general public compelled to stand ankle-deep in mud. The
scene altogether was cheerless in the extreme. The heavy
rain which fell during the night and continued to fall up
to ten o'clock, when the weather fortunately cleared
to some extent, prevented anything like a large
crowd assembling outside the barriers. There were pro-
bably not more than 3,000 persons present. The plat-
form was, however, crowded with the friends and
supporters of Mr. Gladstone. A special corner was
reserved for a select company of ladies, of which Mrs.
Gladstone was one. Mr. Alderman Salomons, M.P.,
and Mr. Baxter Langley were greeted with loud cheers as
soon as they were recognised. At three minutes to eleven
a procession consisting of half-a-dozen carriages wended its
way up Greenwich Hill to the hustings. From these the
Premier and his friends alighted, and the moment Mr.
Gladstone, who looked pale and careworn, advanced to the
front of the platform, he was made the subject of a most
enthusiastic ovation. The Constable of Greenwich having
made the proclamation, and the writ having been read,
Mr. ANGERSTEIN, in a few well-turned sentences, proposed
the Premier's re-election, which was seconded by Mr.
JOLLY, and enthusiastically ratified.

Mr. GLADSTONE then uncovered and advanced to the
front of the platform ; but so loud and oft-repeated were
the plaudits which greeted him that it was some moments
before he could make himself heard. He commenced by
a reference to the peculiar circumstances in which he found
himself placed, elected, as he had been, by the burgesses of
Greenwich at a time when the exigencies of the
contest he was carrying on in another part of the
country prevented him from giving them any
encouragement, or paying them a single token
of respect, and stated that the electors of Greenwich had
proved themselves the friends in need, which, according to
the old proverb, were friends indeed. " I trust," he con-
tinued, " that you will believe me when I say that your
conduct has left an impression on my mind and heart
which will never be effaced. At the late election the
country was appealed to on the clearest issue. It is true
that there were associated with it certain names, but they
were in reality only the symbols of the cause for which the
struggle was carried on. You fully understood—the
whole country fully understood— the question which was
put to the constituencies, and everyone understands the
answer which has been returned to it. At . all events,
the late Ministry clearly understand the answer they
have received to the question which they thought fit to
propound to the nation. The late Ministry, after the
vote of Parliament on the subject of the Irish
Church, declared that the representatives of the
people then in the House of Commons were not
the true representative; of the opinions of the country,
and that an appeal to the constituencies would signally
reverse the votes passed in the spring and summer. Cer-
tainly her Majesty's late Ministers were so far correct
that the complexion of Parliament has been changed by
the action they decided upon taking. But how ? Why,
by the majority by which it had declared its opinion,
instead of being converted into a minority, being
returned almost twice as large as it was before.
In the face of this it was not unnatural that the Minis-
try melted away, in the words of a great poet, melted
• " Like a mockery king of snow,"
without looking that Parliament in the face, or seeking
to obtain its verdict. Gentlemen, I know that I have
been called on to undertake a task to which I profoundly
feel myself unequal, a task as arduous as any which has
ever fell to the lot of any Minister. But if I am asked
why I am found ready to make the attempt,
to fulfil the duties thus imposed on me, I reply ' because
I am sustained by the conviction that the cause is just
and good, by the kindness received at your hands, and by
the assurance that in the discussion of the great question
before us we shall receive every consideration from the
country at large, that men will be prepared to abate some-
what of their own peculiar views provided they see that
the great principles at stake& are fairly kept in view, and
the great end of promoting peace and concord furthered.'"
The Premier then passed on to notice the fact that, whilst
it had often happened that Ministers of the Crown had
been compelled to gain a seat in Parliament in some in-
significant borough, it bad never happened that when a
Minister had failed in securing the favour of one con-
stituency, lie had found himself spontaneously
elected by another. " I should not," said Mr. Glad-
stone, " have been surprised if you had not
consented to return me to Parliament, for with the engage-
ments of the Premiership pressing upon me, it will, of
c •urse, be impossible for me to devote so much time or
labour to purely local affairs as they deserve. But lam
glad to know that my honoured friend—now my colleague
—your senior member (for I am only the second
representative), will be able to render such
efficient service in this direction. I am sure
in his hands your interests will be safe. You
enable to go to Parliament competent to speak with that
authority which naturally appertains to the words of a
man who represents a large, rapidly-advancing consti-
tuency. Now with regard to the immediate subjects
which must engage our attention. We have won a
party triumph, but that mind must be narrow
indeed which does not see something beyond. The
whole value of our triumph is derived from
the fact that it is the road to the embodiment of the prin-
ciples of the party to which we are attached. Upon the
manner in which we carry out that work of embodiment
will depend the verdict you will presently pronounce upon
our conduct. For my own part, if we are found unfaithful,
I hope at the next election you will dismiss us as effec-
tually as you have done somebody else. (Great laughter.)
With regard to the question of Parliamentary Reform,
I would say that no doubt after a time it will be found
necessary that many of the imperfections and anomalies
attaching to the recent Acts should be revised; but this
is not the business of the hour. There are two subjects
that cannot be, overlooked in connection with the repre-
sentation of the people. The first is, the security
afforded for perfect freedom in the giving of the vote.
In my opinion, the proceedings which have marked the
recent elections, especially in some parts of the country,
amongst whiclA may mention Blackburn, ought to form
the subject of a searching and impartial investigation. I
have always given my adhesion to the plan of
open voting, and I do so still, but with this
reservation, that free voting must be preserved..
The second question is that of the compound householder
who, in order to exercise his vote, is compelled prac-
tically to alter the tenure of his property. The incon-
veniences imposed on the compound householder have
been, Ineedlessly, I will not say wantonly,
inflicted,
be found for this pressing
iand
think,n dm most
Gladstone
r
es m
then
u st
pointed out that other im-
portant questions, such as the bankruptcy laws, education
in universities and grammar-schools, and primary educa-
tion for the children of the people must all be discussed by
the new Government, but it would be impossible for them
all to be dealt with at once. It was to be trusted that it
would not be supposed that because some of them
were put upon one side for a time that there-
fore they were neglected. The question of the
relations of capital and labour would also have to
form the subject of legislation. It was one which was
eminently capable of solution. The difficulties which has
hitherto stood in the way of a settlement of the subject
would probably be got rid of rather by the good
feeling of masters and men than by any com-
pulsion exerted by Parliament. Turning to the subject
of public expenditure, the First Lord of the Treasury re-
marked that it was the duty of public men to watch the
outgoings of the country. " I rejoice that during the
recent elections the mind of the public was specially
directed to this matter. I regret that there has
during the past two years and a half been so
large and unnecessary an amount added to the expenditure
of the country. Ino not refer to the amount required for
the war in Abyssinia, but to the additions made to the
annual estimates. I know not why three millions should
have been added in so short a period of time. It is one
thing to put on an increase, it is another thing to take it
off. When you put it on, you create a number of new
relations, new offices, new expectations, and you cannot
and, what is more, you ought not—to destroy these at
once. It does not become me now to promise too much ;
but this I may say, that those who are associated with me
in her Majesty's Government have already directed their
attention to the subject of expenditure, and I shall be as
much disappointed as any one if, in the estimates to be
presented in February, you do not find some results
of their opening labours. And now as to the state of
Ireland. Here it is that we encounter the greatest amount,
I will not say of Pharisaical but of womanish lamentations.
(This statement caused great laughter, and directed
the attention of the crowd to the place where
the ladies were seated, upon which Mr. Glad-
stone remarked : Although there are only a few
ladies present, I may remark that the word womanish is
totally different to the word womanly.) We have heard
that the state of Ireland should not have been made a
party question. I have never heard a more idle com-
plaint. Lord Stanley, at a Conservative banquet at
Bristol in August, stated that the Irish question was the
question of the day, and Lord Derby, prior to leaving office,
had announced his intention of declaring a policy for
Ireland. Mr. Disraeli, by Earl Mayo, also stated that he
had a policy for Ireland, which was to continue and
increase the Maynooth Grant, and to give to the Presby-
terian and Roman Catholic clergy in that country a
different status by authority, a process which it was well
known really involved a dip into the national
purse. All this, Mr. Gladstone argued, shewed that the
Conservatives had really made the question a party one,
their proposition being met by the alternative of the
Liberals, who only desired to see unity preserved and
justice done. All great movements had been car-
ried out by parties, and the Government would
not be deterred by the cry that was raised from
pursuing the course they had marked out in refe-
rence to Ireland. The other question, that of land,
almost as important as was the Church question, would
have also to be considered. Having stated that at the late
elections he had noticed the attachment of the people to