The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-26 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

raw( TEB MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
CITY, WEDNESDAY EVENING.
HERALD.—The progressive decrease in the value of
money, and the consequent advance in the value of
Public Securities, have rendered it necessary for the
Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt
to enlarge the tables for the conversion of stock into
annuities for lives and terms of years. The tables con-
structed in 1828 did not contemplate the Three per
Cents. rising above par, and, consequently, the terms
on which annuities were to be granted being governed
by the current price of Consols above par, there was no
standard of conversion.
The range to which the tables are now extended is to
when Consols, minus the dividend, are from 1001. 165.10 d.
and under 1021. 1 ls. 3d., and from 102/. I Is. 3d. and
under 104/. 6s. Ild. This, it would appear, the Com-
missioners consider a sufficient extension to embrace the
practical limit to which it is likely Three per Cent.
Stock will advance. The new tables may be procured
gratis at the National Debt Office, by any person who
may choose to call for them.
As to the future range of the price of stock, no in-
ference whatever can be drawn from this measure.
It is merely a provision made in the event of an ad-
vance above par, but has no connection whatever with
actual prices.
We understand the joint-stock banks in the City are
preparing to register their public officers, with a view of
availing themselves of the privileges conferred by the
Act (7 and 8 Victoria, c. 113) to regulate joint-stock
banks in England. By the 47th section it is enacted
that any joint-stock bank within the distance of 65 miles
from London shall have the same powers of suing and
being sued by their public officers as are granted to joint-
stock banks beyond 65 miles from London, by the Act 7
Geo. IV., c. 46, and shall deliver to the commissioners of
taxes the same returns,
By the Act 7 Geo. IV., c. 46, any joint-stock bank
may register its public officers at the Stamp-office.
The number of officers may be two or more, but
a suit is brought or defended only in the name of
one. These officers must be shareholders in the bank,
but they need not be bank officers in the business
sense of tho word. They may be trustees, di-
rectors, or simply shareholders, but they must
be resident in England. The board of directors may
at any time recal the name of a party who has been re-
gistered as a public officer, or supply his place in case of
death or other contingency. One or the public officers
must swear to the accuracy of the returns required by
the Act.
The returns required include the firm or name of the
banking company. names and places of abode of all the
members of the company, names and places of the bank
or banks established by such company, names and places
of abode of the directors, managers, and other like
officers of the said banking company, names of the
several towns and places where the bus.ness of the said
company is carried on.
These returns are to be made to the Commissioners of
Stamps and Taxes annually, between the 28th of Feb-
ruary and the 25th of March ; and every return must
contain a List of every new or additional director, ma-
nager, or other like officer ; a list of those who have
ceased to be members, and of those who have become
members since the date of the previous return.
In consequence of this alteration the joint-stock banks
within 65 miles of London will discontinue the practice
of requiring their customers to sign a special contract
when they open au account. All business will be carried
on in the name and title of the bank. Bills will be
proved under bankrupts' estate as the property of the

-_. .. 1-1 • V .-..
,
--,-,,,,,,
441-`,/- .'" •••'•\ . L.::: p-..*
r bank, not as: heretofore as the property of the trustees.. /- _t-:•,--,
And suits may be commenced against all parties in debt • ;!-'4, , 1,...,
to the bank, though they may have signad no special I. /‘-''.;
contract. On the other hand, the public will know-----,:• :7/:•sv
against whom to bring their legal actions four debts due zi: -:
~:`'
by the bank ; and when judgment is obtained against -_-:
the public officer, execution may be issued against all ! k
the funds of the Bank, and if they should not be suffi-
cient, against the private property of all the share-
holderS. No system of banking can afford greater se-
curity to the community, and Sir Robert Peel was quite
right when he said that the privileges we have men-
tioned are as necessary to the public as to the banks.
The act to regulate joint-stock banks received in the
later stages of its progress through Parliament, two
important additions. One limited the duration of any
charter granted to a joint-stock bank to twenty years.
This must operate as an objection against existing banks
applying for a charter, as in that case they must wind
up their affairs at the end of twenty years, unless they
have the good fortune to procure a renewal of their char-
ter. Few banks, we apprehend, would be u illing to put
a termination to their existence at so short a period.
The other important addition is clause 48, which en-
acts " that every company of more than six persons, car-
rying on the trade or business of bankers in England,
shall be deemed a trading company within the provisions
of an Act passed in this session of Parliament, intituled
' An Act for facilitating the winding up the Affairs of
Joint-stock Companies unable to meet their pecuniary
engagements.' "

SUN.—The markets for Stocks, both English and Fo-
reign, closed very firmly this afternoon, Consols at 991
for Money, and 994 to par for Account. Bank Stock
for Account was 2861 to 2871 ; and India Stock
2081 to 2094. New Threeand-a-half per Cents, have
been 1011 for Money.
The foreign investments were marked 24 to 4 for
the Five per Cents. 354 to 4 for the Three per Cents.;
and 48 to 474 for Portuguese Converted ; and 90 to
904 for Brazilian ; being much fuller prices for all than
were obtained in the morning.
The additional transactions in Railway Shares have-
been these :—Birmingham and Gloucester were 5 ;
Bristol and Gloucester, 13 ; Eastern Counties, New, 41 ;
Edinburgh and Glasgow, 164 ; Great Western, 65
to 67 ; Birmingham, 116 ; South-Western, 314 ;
Croydon, 2 ; London and York,* ; Lynn and Ely, 24;
Newcastle and Darlington, 27 to 29 ; north British, 4 ;
Northern and Eastern, 124 ; Ditto, Scrip, 104 ; Nor-
wich and Brandon, 91 ; York and North Midland, 51 ;
Ditto, Scarborough Branch, 20 ; Paris and Bowe;,,
184 2- premium ; Brighton, Lewes, and Hastings, have
been 4 • Caledonian, ; and Brighton, 28 discount.
Australasia Bank Shares were 9 premium.

WARSPITE CORRESPONDENCE.

(From the Times.)
We are informed that the writer of the first of
the three letters which found their way into our
columns last month from the Warspite, in Tangiers
Bay, has, in consequence of the " inquiries," the in-
stitution of which we noticed on Monday, disco-
vered himself to the " authorities," and been " severely
reprimanded" accordingly by the Admiral in com-
mand at Gibraltar.

On what pretence, or on what conceivable principle,
this gentleman, who turns out to be the chaplain of
the ship, has been " severely reprimanded" by the
Admiral of the station, or any other Admiral, merely
for expressing his own private opinion about the
manoeuvring of a couple of French line-of-battle
ships, of which he happened to be an unconcerned
spectator, we are really at a loss to conceive. We
should have thought that the Bishop, if any one,
was the authority to which this gentleman was
responsible for his opinions ; and to have an Admiral
catechising the chaplains of his fleet with a view
to limit their freedom of speech and opinion about
things indifferent, certainly appears to us pretty
nearly as great an incongruity as would be exhibited
by that well-known naval wonder, the service of the
horse-marines. We are really surprised that an "in-
quiry" has not been instituted into our own esta-
blishment, with a view to a naval court-martial, or
perhaps an Episcopal Synod being held, for the satis-
faction of the French Opposition, upon the guilty
printers and publishers of these wonderfully ac-
curate epistles. But in any case, and overlooking
the absurdity of such an exercise of jurisdiction by
a sailor over an ecclesiastic, we put it to any one
whether it is—we do not say just or decent, or in
accordance with our English notions of freedom of
speech and opinion, but—whether it is compatible
with the plainest rights and liberties of the meanest
subject of the realm—whether it is not, in short, a
downright act of oppression and tyranny thus to
punish a man for freely saying what he thinks and
believes about a matter on which he has as good and
undoubted a right to form and express an opinion as
has the Admiral who reprimanded him, or the Lords
of the Admiralty, or King Louis Philippe himself.
We remember to have heard of a tyrant who was
grievously angry, and indeed threatened war, against
a neighbouring tree State, which pleaded the freedom
of her institutions as a reason why such summary
and irregular proceedings as the oppressor himself de-
sired and could in his own dominions have put in
execution, could not, nevertheless, be taken by the
neighbouring State against one of her subjects who -
was the object of his resentment. It was rightly
held that the formality of a trial, and the free and
regular course of justice, were not to be waved or
impeded at the request or instance of any foreign
power whatever, merely because that power was
unable itself to comprehend the reason or admit the
justice of any such formality and delay. But it
seems to us as if, in order to please our French
neighbours, or rather to please the worst and least
worthy part of them, our own Admiralty had con-
sented, in a spirit directly the reverse of that which
we have instanced, to wave for this once the ordi-
nary maxims and forms of English justice and Eng-
lish freedom, and to punish men actually for exer-
cising their undoubted right of forming and expressing
()pinions about matters open and accessible to all.
The lay officers of the Warspite, we are told, have
resisted this most inquisitorial and un-English in-
trusion upon the free exercise of their hitherto un-
doubted right of speech and opinion, and have re-
fused to discover the authors of the remaining two
letters. We are heartily glad of it. A plainer case
of tyranny—of vexatious, truckling, and most un-
profitable tyranny—could not occur ; and there cams
be no breach of discipline involved in resisting, or
rather baffling, it. If a military or naval officer
takes upon himself to have an opinion about any-
thing concerned with the due administration and
order of the service in which he is engaged,
and expresses that opinion in a way calculated to
impede or injure it, he is then, indeed, amenable
to the authorities who direct it, and is guilty
undoubtedly of a breach of discipline. But in
this case the matter about which the opinion was
expressed had nothing whatever to do with the
British service. It would have been just as reason-
able to have punished an officer who wrote home word
that the weather was, in his opinion, indifferent, or
the Moors deficient in personal appearance, or the rock
of Gibraltar a picturesque object from the sea. What
is it to the Admiralty even if all the officers in the
British navy think, as indeed is not unlikely, that the
appearance of his French Majesty's ships Suffren, Je-
mappes, Triton, and Belle Poule, is not altogether un-
exceptionable in the eyes of a practised critic, or that
their crews do not handle them quite as crack and ex-
perienced as seamen should ? is it a crime to enter-
tain such an opinion ? Or is it a breach of discipline
to express it ? It would appear that the French
Government in requiring (if they do require), or even
accepting, such measures as these, are, in truth, con-
fessing that they have no other or better answer than
this to give to the letters in question. To suppress
the free exercise and expression of opinion on any
given matter of fact, is tantamount to a confession that
the subject will not bear discussion or scrutiny. We
should like to know whether any British officer would
be afraid of any criticisms that the most ill-natured
Frenchman, or set of Frenchmen, could pass upon any
ship or ships under his command ; or whether he
would ask that the naughty boys who pointed out his
mistakes should be whipped for their impertinence.
But before this spirit of punishment comes over
our rulers, we would suggest whether it would not
be as well to inquire if it is likely, after all, to
answer its object. It is done, of course, to please the
French, and for no other reason. We would put it
to the Lords of the Admiralty, whether they seriously
believerite rsall the letter-
writers short of
y proclaiming, in
wthatat
the anything,yardr
the most bombastic language Which can be com-
manded, that the French are the first maritime and
naval people in the universe, would be likely to please
our very implacable neighbours. We extract, on
this head, the following paragraphiroin a recent num-
ber of our Parisian Contemporary La France:—
" When a grave offence has been committed, and the
necessity of reparation is felt, this is done honestly, and
in the retractation complete justice is rendered to the
adversary. England does not act in this way. Wo have
published the order of the day of Admiral Owen on the
subject of the letters of the officers of the Warspit©. We
now publish a letter from Captain Wallis to his Admiral.
It is a very dry and insignificant acknowledgement of
the receipt of the order of the day, and the name of
France is not mentioned in it."
This is the reception which the late order of Admi-
ral Owen on the subject of these letters meets. Let
our readers mark the last words of the paragraph we
have quoted :—" You have given us official disclaimers
of the offenders" (such seems to be the language of
French sensitiveness), " and you have punished and
reprimanded them—but disclaimers and punishments
are not what we want. We want, to be plain, some
flummery about la grande nation, some glorification
of France and her arms, especially her naval great-
ness, and then we shall be content, but not before?'
Such is the reception with which any step, even of
humiliation and abasement, however low, on the part
of England, would be met by the French war party,
and such the gratitude which we should get from
those whom we thus sought to please and conciliate,
for subjecting our own officers to an oppressive inqui•
sition and an unjust punishment. We recommend
the paragraph we have quoted to the -attentive consi.
deration of Lord Haddingtonand his colleagues.

OPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
PROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The project of still further facilitating
the intercourse between Europe and India, by means
of a railway across the Isthmus of Suez, is resumed ;
and hopes are still entertained of its being put into a
train for an early accomplishment of the important
deal n. The late Mr. Galloway—whose influence with
the Pacha of Egypt was employed for the purposes
of advancing practical, science in that country, and
for improving the knowledge and civilisation of
its inhabitants—had obtained the consent and direc-
tion of that potentate to commence the work. That
gentleman made a visit to this country to contract
for and procure the necessary materials for the par-
pose. Thirty miles of rails were transmitted to the
neighbourhood of the spot on which the plan was
to be executed, when Mr. Galloway's premature and
lamented death put a stop to the design. The greater
portion of the rails are still on the spot—the
line is one entire level—and not a foot of
land would require to be purchased. The Pacha is
known to be favourable to the project. The intuitive
perception of what is calculated to advance the in-
terests and promote the greatness of his country, for
which the Pacha of Egypt is justly celebrated, na-
turally inclines him to regard with favour a project
which would render one of the most barren spots in
his Pachalic a source of increased wealth to his trea-
sury, and of rising greatness to his administration of its
affairs. The number of passengers who during the last
year passed to and from India by the Overland route,
was 3,000; the number in the coming year is esti-
mated at nearly 4,000. This number does not, how-
ever, include the hosts of pilgrims who, at stated
periods, travel to and from Mecca, nor the mer-
chapts of the Levant, who join their caravans for
trade and safety. The time saved by the pro-
jected line of rail across the Isthmus of Suez
would be twenty-four hours. From the commence-
ment of the new year a mail will be dispatched
from and to India every fortnight, instead of, as at
present, every month ; therefore the time actually
saved—to say nothing of the diminished inconveni-
ence and anxiety to each passenger, and to those wait-
ing. for communications by each mail—would be
forty-eight dayi in the year, or nearly one-seventh
of the time consumed in the passages by the Over-
land route, to and from India, in each year. The
political and commercial advantages -which this
country would derive from the increased facilities of
communication with India, with a railway across
the Isthmus of Suez would ensure, are too obvious
to require notice. The principal question which sug-
gests itself is, what prevents the work from being im•
mediately undertaken ? If the Pacha be favourable
to the scheme—the materials on the spot—the pro-
posed line a dead level, therefore requiring but a
trifling outlay of capital in wages to lay down the
rails—and the land itself a desert, having no proprie-
tor to exact an exorbitant price for the purchase—
what impediment exists ? The answer is one that
illustrates the mischievous influence which the French
Ministers possess over the imbecile mind of our
Foreign Secretary. France—whose jealousies are
ever active where English interests can be foiled, and
whose vigilance strongly contrasts with the inertness
and proneness to concession by which the foreign
policy of England has been characterised under
the administration of Lord Aberdeen—has, it seems,
expressed dissatisfaction with the proposed plan, as
likely to give to England a preponderating influence
in Egypt and Turkey ; and a pretext for maintain-
ing an establishment which, though professedly com-
mercial, may be converted into a military occupa-
tion. This objection—though destitute of even the
force which a barely possible contingency might im-
part, and utterly unworthy, as it is, of being enter-
tained fora moment in a serious correspondence—is re-
garded with gravity by our Foreign Minister 1 The
convenience of our commerce, and the other public
and private interests which are involved in effecting
a secure and expeditious intercourse with India and
the East, are therefore made to bend before the
genius of France ; which has acquired an unprece-
dented ascendency in the councils of England.
STANDARD.—We have carefully avoided any
iriterfereace with the dispute which has been so long
pending between Mr. Alderman Gibbsand his fellow-
parishioners, because, has Southey has it—
" Men soon live down,
Evil or good report, if undeserved."
We shall, therefore, content ourselves with a brief
reference to the article which appears in another
column on the subject. Various charges have, in
the course of the last year, been brought against
Mr. Gibbs, some of them with a virulence which
could only have had its origin in personal malice.
With one exception, the whole of these imputa-
tions have been satisfactorily disposed of; and it is,
therefore, but fair to infer that there may have
been as mach misrepresentation at work on that
as on the rest. The only remaining question is
now under investigation before a competent tri-
bunal; and if the result should prove, as we antici-
pate, favourable to the Alderman, he will, indeed,
have good reason to pronounce himself an ill-used
man. We are, however, constrained to add,
noimithstanding the explanations of our corres-
pondent, that in any event he will stand in-
debted for a great part of the annoyance he
has experienced to his obstinacy in refusing
to recognise the right of his fellow-parishioners
to examine his accounts. Every parishioner has
a moral, if not a legal, right to know what
becomes of the funds he has helped to supply,
and considering that the Alderman's accounts appear
to have been kept with the greatest regularity, it is
the more difficult to understand the motive of his
refusal; unless it may have arisen from the irritation
which a man of notoriously upright character feels
when he becomes the object of an unfounded
imputation. For ourselves, had our accounts
been demanded, however, impertinently, we
would rather have hung them on the parish
pump for the inspection of every passer by,
than have contested the right to inspect them, because
of any technical informality in the application.
This, however, is a mere matter of taste—we might,
perhaps, say of temper—with which we have nothing
to do. Unless we are to presume that the select
vestry is composed of gentlemen capable of acting
corruptly, auditing accounts for which the proper
vouchers have not beep supplied, we are unable
to understand the principle on which the outcry
against Mr. Alderman Gibbs is still continued; but
looking at the several attempts to injure him by
the publication of forged reports of the pre-
tended decision of the Court of Chancery, and forged
apologies from himself, we become inclined to doubt
if he is not the victim of a persecution dictated by
the most sinister and unmanly motives, and
destined to deprive him of the honours, to which by
long, no less than by arduous service, he appears to
be entitled.

WARD OF PORTSOKEN.
ELECTION OF AN ALDERMAN.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
Mr. Sheriff MooN had never asked one of the Jewish
persuasion to vote for him.—(Loud cries of " You have,"
and much uproar.) His friends had heard the opposing
candidem's friends, and he trusted that the same courtesy
wouJ be extended to himself now. Again he repeated
.that e had felt that no gentleman of that persuasion
ought to rote for him, and he had therefore not asked
them to do so. It might be thought dishonour.
able if he had.—(Tremendous confusion.) Let them
recollect that Mr. Sealys had already gone out of the
field.(Cries of " YoU'r
'bought him.") But so anxious
was ho (Sheriff MOOn)tci prevent confusion in the ward
that he assured one &lid all of them that he went to every
person over whonifie had any influence, and begged of
them to come forward on this occasion. This showed at
least that he was not desirous of coming among them
unless cordially accepted by them; and further, he could
assure them, and he believed that his friend Mr. Salo-
- mons would give him credit for it, that he was as
desirous of meeting with him in the most friendly spirit
in, the. course of that contest as he had been before. He
'had met that gentleman in the streets, and he had said to
him. " Sir, if you will qualify yourself by signing the
'declaration, I will at once resign my pretensions.--
(Great uproar") He repeated it that it might not be
misunderstood.—(Confusion, and cries of " Off, off.")
N'T;PCd of Mr. Salomons to state whether he would
qualify and take the declaration, when of course he
would go out of the field instantly.—(Cries of " You have
no right to put such a question.") He called upon Mr.
Salomons to say whether he had not done so? Let him
answer that question.—(Cries of " No, no," " Off, off.")
He would now address them about himself and his own
qualification. He came forward as a man of equally in-
dependent principles as Mr. Salomons. Some said " You
will get a Tory." But he came forward without any
political feeling, because that was not a political office.
His principles were to preserve everything good and re-
form everything bad.—( Oh, oh.") He had the honour of
having been many ears a tradesman, and they all knew
the necessity of character to a tradesman in that commer-
cial city. He had for many years represented the ward in
whieh he yet resided, and ;the best way to ascertain the
character of any mapwas to do so in his own imme-
diate neighbourhood; but he hoped that the character he
had sustained was not merely confined to that locality.
When put up on a pinnacle in the Common-hall, no
()tie dared to throw a stone at him.—(Cheers, and roars
of laughter.) Why had he come forward then, because
he had a family rising up, whose very existence
depended-on the character of their father.-7(enntinued
laughter.) In his intercourse through life, be had
endeavoured to do his duty, not only as man of business,
but as a parent. He could assure them
that be wished to treat Mr. Salomons with all
the ahivalric spirit, so necessary in contests of
that nature. If the election fell upon his opponent no
man would shake him by the hand with more good
spirit, with more good feeling than he would himself—
(Cheers)—and if on the other band, he were the success-
ful candidate he felt sure that that gentleman would
greet him in private society as he had hitherto done.—
(Continued cheering.) He had made up his mind not to
enlarge. but to bring the little he had to say to a conclu-
sion. He would simply say to ,those who had supported
him that he begged to tender his best thanks to those
g9t!emen who had mmained neutral—who were
waning to see who would present themselves; he would :
Bay that he hoped they would be attached to the side

he was now advocating.—(Cheers, and cries of " Oh,
oh.") To those who were opposed to him he said, "If
you have promised Mr. Salomons your vote, vote for him;
if for Mr. Scales, vote for him."—(Cries of " Oh, oh,"
and " You've bought him.") One gentleman; says—
" You've bought Mr. Scale's over." He simply denied
it. He thought that sufficient. He denied it.—(Cries
of "So you would anything.") If ho should have the
honour of being returned by them, he would endeavour
to do his duty. He would endeavour, by ev2i y means,
to uphold the ptivileges which every Alderman
ought to uphold—(Loud and continued laughter)—and
to support the interests with which they were immedi-
ately associated. He did not come into that ward to ob-
tain pecuniary advantages. He had qualified himself to
obtain the honour which he now solicited at their hands.
All the advantages, and there were many, attached to
the office, with one single exception—that of making his
own son a Governor of Christ's Hospital—all other ad-
vantages he would give to his constitueuts.—(Mr. Sheriff
Moon resumed his seat amidst mingled cheers and
hisses.)
Mr. D. SaLomoNs said he was perhaps over sanguine,
but it appeared to him that in the addresses of the
mover and seconder, and of the worthy candidate him-
self, there had been a sad lack of confidence of suc-
cess. He did not like Mr. Sheriff Moon to speak of the
forbearance of the electors. He had stated, and he
would state again, that in any question with which he
might be concerned, he would not suffer religious preju-
dices to interfere, nor would he make any question which
interested the country at large a religious question ; and
he spoke it with all courtesy, that he hardly thought
Mr. Sheriff Moon, in canvassing the electors of that
ward had not appealed to the Jewish persuasion. If he
had not done so—(Cries of "He did ; he called upon
me")—certainly his friends had been less scrupulous.
Then something had been said respecting chivalry, but
he thought it right and just when men aspired to a
public office that their conduct should be rigidly scanned,
in order to see if the past would give any warranty for
their future actions. One other word about the chivalry
alluded to. They might see by the remnants of pas-
quinades, placards, lampoons, and other election
witticisms that were there exhibited, that how-
ever much of warm feeling might have been
shown during the contest, it would require some
stretch of the imagination to designate it as in any way
chivalrous.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He did not
mean to charge Mr. Sheriff Moon personally with that,
but he merely wished to show the chivalrous courtesy
with which he had been greeted during the progress of
that election.—(Cheers.) But let them now go forward.
—(Hear, hear.) On this occasion it was proper,
although it looked rather like personal vanity, that he
should speak a little of himself, and of the personal quali-
fications that prompted him to offer himself as a candi-
date for their suffrages ; and he did expect that more
would have been said by Mr. Sheriff Moon, and by his
friends, of his personal qualifications, and of their supe-
riority to his own. He did not say that they had done
so. He said only that they ought, because that after all was
the only question for the consideration of the ward;
one candidate had withdrawn, two were yet left, and
they were that day met for the purpose of discussing
their individual merits, in order to choose the most fit
for the office of Alderman of that ward. He was
most astonished to hear one gentleman allude to his
(Mr. Salomons') commercial connections in that City.—
(Hear, hear.) Something was said of the screw being
applied—it was an insult alike to himself and to the
voters. He had heard of such a term at elections,
where if a tradesman did not vote as required, the
great man's custom was withdrawn, but that could not
apply to him. His boast was, that his parents—his an-
cestors had, for upwards of a century, lived not a
stone's throw from that place. Through three genera-
tions they were Englishmen and tradesmen, and not a
word could be brought against any of them, reflecting the
slightest stain upon his honour or honesty, so as to render
him (Mr. Salomons) their descendant, unfit to represent
that ward, or the City of London—(Cheers)--in any
capacity.—(Continued cheers.) Some observations had
been made with regard to his having stood and been re-
turned for the Ward of Aldgate, some nine years back.
He had been, however, and they there all knew it, re-
jected by the Court of Aldermen on a technical ground.
It was quite true that Mr. Sheriff Moon, on the day of
the issuing of the precept, met him in the street as de-
scribed, and said that if he did as had been stated he
should withdraw his own pretensions. He (Mr. Salo-
mons) thought the thing too ludicrous to be serious, and
answered accordingly. He believed that his reply was,
that it was not usual for one candidate to
ask another a question. Having thus no-
ticed Mr. Moon's question, he should proceed.
The speaker then referred to his being elected Sheriff of
the City of London, and the pride he felt at having me-
rited the thanks of the Livery in that capacity. The
Court of Aldermen, they were aware, did not sanction
innovation. Many there might remember what impedi-
ments were placed in the way of those of the Jewish
persuasion when they wished to obtain the liberty of the
City, but those times existed no longer. He had occasion
to be a day or two ago at Maidstone on a very interest-
ing occasion, and he was gratified by a remark of Mr.
Alderman Lucas, who officiated for the Lord Mayor,
that they must yield to the pressure of the times and to
circumstances.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The speaker
then detailed in happy and forcible language the
various offices he had been called to by the
past and present Governments—to the fact that
he was then High Sheriff of Kent and a magistrate in
Sussex. Ho also referred to the present Premier's hav-
ing conferred the commission of :the peace upon seve-
ral gentlemen of the Jewish persuasion, and to the fact
that an illustrious (he might call him) individual then
present, Sir Moses Monteftore, had been made by the
Duke of Wellington a magistrate of the Cinque Ports.—
(Immense cheering.) He came before them as a per-
fectly fit and proper candidate. He brought in his hand
the recommendations necessary to prove his qualifica-
tions; and not for himself only did he thus then contend.
It was a question of principle. Let them have confidence
in him, and they would break the last link in the chain
of bigotry.—(Loud and continued cheering.) The Hon.
Gentleman concluded an eloquent address amid much
acclamation.

After a few words from Sir MOSEB MONTEFICHIE, the
Lord Mayor took the show of hands, and decided that
the majority was in favour of D. Salomons, Esq.
A poll was then demanded, and the Lord Mayor fixed
from two to half-past four that day, from nine to eleven
to-day, and on Friday from twelve till four for taking
the votes. _ _

---.....—.
The electors then dispersed shortly before two o'clock.
The state of the polling at the close of the poll this
day was—
Salomons Bl
Moon 57
Majority for Salomons —24

AGAIN SIR ANDREW AGNEW.
(From the Examiner.)
Sir Andrew Agnew has had the impertinence to
admonish the Queen as to the observance of the Sab-
bath. The lecture is conveyed in a letter to Lord
Aberdeen, which we must suppose his Lordship must
have seen the propriety of returning to the writer.
The foolish knight declares that Scotland is " a
strict Sabbath-observing country, in the true scrip-
tural sense of the word"—the whole question between
it and England being, which is the true scriptural
sense of the word, and some of the highest authori-
ties regarding the Mosaic observance of the Sabbath
as contrary to the precepts of the New Testament.
The Pharisee's letter deals in that free and
familiar use of holy names and references which is
highly profane, and in one place he presumes to pray
that " the Sabbath may be a sign between God and
her Majesty, whereby her Majesty may know that
He is the Lord her God." As the Sabbath here
meant is the strict Scotch Sabbath, the direct impli-
cation is, that when her Majesty does not observe that
Sabbath, she betrays that she does not know her God.
The insolence, the spiritual conceit, the puritanical
cant, the presumption, the profaneness of all this are
on a par.
There is one characteristic trait of wordliness in
the epistle. After having assigned all godliness to
Scotland, the Pharisee intimates plainly enough that
the example of the Court may one way or the other
influence the habits of the people, thereby implying
that the holding of the asserted scriptural rule is so
slight on the minds of the people, or the influence of
a Court so much stronger than the scriptural autho-
rity, that the custom of ages might be shaken by the
passing spectacle of a deviation from it in great per-
sonages. He writes, indeed, of " the overwhelm-
ing moral influence of the example of the Court."
And is the moral influence so " overwhelming" in
" a Sabbath-observing country in the true scriptural
sense of the word ?" lie thus does the people of Scot-
land the injustice of supposing that there is not
amongst them a moral and a religious authority
superior to any example of a court. But this incon-
sistency is the consequence of the sycophancy which
is as natural to this sort of character, as its insolence
and presumption, and the Pharisee, however auda-
ciously he may aspire to heaven, is never long without
creeping on his belly to some earthly idol.
SIR ANDREW AGNEW AND TIIE QUEEN.—This
pharasaical coxcomb has had the impertinence to for-
ward an address to Lord Aberdeen at Blair Athol,
containing a lecture to the Queen upon the mode in
which she should spend the Sabbath day in Scotland !
We shall next have the Total Abstinence Society, we
presume, forwarding an address to her Majesty incul-
cating habits of temperance I The one, we are sure,
would be as appropriate as the other. Is there no end
to this man's follyl—Scotsman.

STATE or TRADE.—The market continues in the
same state as last week ; the demand both for goods and
yarn being moderate, but prices, with some trifling ex-
ceptions, tolerably steady.—Manchester Guardian.
ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, SEPT, 23.
—There has been but a dull market to-day. Flannels
of good quality have been very little inquired for ; the
demand having been for those of a coarser kind. There
has also been very little activity in the wool market,
and there is much diversity of opinion amongst the
manufacturers, whether the next move in the price of
this article will be up or down.—Manchester Guardian.
A HIGHLAND Dom.—A labourer on the Lancas-
ter and Carlisle Railway, while digging, a few days ago,
steel work, discovered the remains
work, though very much
onfeaar
Rthiegholladnrdodadirkon. SThheep
rusted and corroded, retains its original dimensions,
and around the defence work for the hand there still re-
mains the coil of silver wire with which the handle
seems to have been mounted. It is most likely the
relic of some Highland chieftain of 1745.—Carlisle
Journal.

PARLIAMENTARY PAPER.
NEW ZEALAND.

Report from the Select Committee on New Zealand,
with the Minutes of Proceedings. (Ordered by the
House of Commons, to be printed 29th July, 1844.
No. 556. Amended copy of Parliamentary Paper,
No. 556, delivered on 10th August.)
We have very recently printed in The Sun the
nineteen important resolutions agreed to, after many
divisions, by this Committee, on the important matters
submitted to their consideration. The case being one
of entire novelty, as to what may be termed the es-
sential characteristics of colonial relations necessary to
establish a claim of military protection by the mother
country to the settlers or colonists, or those who are
assumed to be such, we reprint the entire report.
" The Select Committee appointed to inquire into
the state of the colony of New Zealand ; and into the
proceedings of the New Zealand Company,' and to
report the Minutes of Evidence, and their opinion
thereon to the House, and to whom two petitions were
referred; have considered the matters to them re-
ferred, and agreed to the following report :
" The duty assigned to your Committee of in-
quiring ' into the state of the colony of New Zealand,
and into the proceedings of the New Zealand Com-
pany, and of reporting their opinion thereupon to the
House,' they have found to be one of no ordinary
difficulty and delicacy. An attempt at colonisation
upon a very great scale, and of the success of which
high expectations had been formed, has hitherto
failed to realise the sanguine hopes of its projectors;
instead of obtaining those advantages on which they
had confidently reckoned as a reward for their enter-
prise and the privations to which they have submitted,
a large body of British settlers are at this moment in
a situation giving ground for very serious anxiety,
while the lives of several of their number, have been
unfortunately sacrificed; these unhappy results have
moreover been connected with differences which have
arisen not only between the settlers and the colonial
authorities, but also between the New Zealand Com-
pany (which reckons among its members many gen-
tlemen of high station and respectability) and the
Executive Government at home. Under such cir-
cumstances, it will be obvious that a very heavy and
very unusual responsibility is thrown upon your Com-
mittee when they are called upon to express an
opinion as to the causes of a state of things so greatly
to be lamented ; and though we have endeavoured to
execute this task to the best of our judgment, we
submit the result of our deliberations with much
diffidence to the House, and the more so because the
evidence before us, oral and documentary, is so ex-
ceedingly voluminous, that we feel it would have re-
quired much more time than was at our disposal to
have digested it as thoroughly as we could have
wished.
" It appears to your Committee that the difficulties
now experienced in New Zealand are mainly to be
attributed to the fact, that in the measures which
have been taken for establishing a British colony in
these islands, those rules as to the mode in which
colonization ought to be conducted, which have been
drawn from reason and from experience, have not
been sufficiently attended to. When it was first pro-
posed to establish New Zealand as a British colony
dependent upon New South Wales, Sir George
Gipps, the governor of the latter, in a very able
address, laid down the following principles as those
on which he had framed the Bill, which it was his
duty to submit to his legislative council for the regu-
lation of the infant colony of New Zealand The
Bill is founded,' he said, upon two or three general
principles, which, until I heard them here contro-
verted, I thought were fully admitted, and indeed
received as political axioms. The first is, that the
uncivilised inhabitants of any country have but a
qualified dominion over it, or a right of occupancy
only ; and that, until they establish amongst them-
selves a settled form of government, and subjugate
the ground to their own uses, by the cultivation
of it, they cannot grant to individuals not of
their own tribe any portion of it, for the
simple reason that they have not themselves
any individual property in it. Secondly, that if a
settlement be made in any such country by a civilised
power, the right of pre-emption of the soil, or in other
words, the right of extinguishing the native title, is
exclusively in the government of that power, and
cannot be enjoyed by individuals without the consent
of their Government. The third principle is, that
neither individuals, nor bodies of men belonging to
any nation, can form colonies, except with the con-
sent, and under the direction and control of their own
Government; and that from any settlement which
they may form without the consent of their Govern-
ment, they may be ousted. This is simply to say, as
far as Englishmen are concerned, that colonies cannot
be formed without the consent of the Crown.'
" Referring to the speech of Sir George Gipps for
the argument in support of these rules, it may be
observed, that, with reference to New Zealand, they
were, to a certain extent, infringed by the irregular
settlement of British subjects on the shores of these
islands, which began many years ago • but they seem
to have been first openly and delibrately departed
from, when an attempt was made by the New Zealand
Company to establish a colony, not only without the
sanction, but in direct defiance of the authority of the
Crown. This attempt led at once to a violation of
the law by the first settlers entering into a voluntary
agreement for the establishment of an authority by
which they hoped, in the absence of any legitimate
power, to maintain order amongst themselves. The
illegality of this arrangement was pointed out to the
Company by the then Secretary of State; but the expe-
dition sent out to found, what was to be, in fact though
unauthorised, a British colony, had already sailed.
It is to be regretted that more decisive measures were
not adopted for preventing the sailing of the expedi-
tion under these circumstances, since it appears im-
portant, with reference to the future, to observe, that
such unauthorised attempts at colonisation cannot be
permitted without leading to the most serious incon-
venience. When large numbers of British subjects
have established themselves in distant regions, inha-
bited only by barbarous tribes, it is impossible
for her Majesty's Government to leave them exposed
without protection to the dangers which their own
rashness may draw down upon them, or to allow them
to exercise, without control, and perhaps to abuse the
power which their superior civilisation gives them
over the rude natives of the soil. Hence every new
establishment of this kind involves a new demand
upon the military and naval resources of the empire;
but the undue multiplication of such demands must
occasion a very heavy burden on the nation, and it
therefore follows that enterprises of colonisation
should only be entered upon with the sanction and
under the authority of the Government. In this in-
stance the irregular and precipitate mode of sending
ont the settlers had the unfortunate effect of placing
these settlers, and the agents of the New Zealand
Company, from the very outset, on unfriendly terms
with the officer whom her Majesty's Government
found it necessary immediately to dispatch from Eng-
land for the purpose of establishing the authority of
the Crown in the islands of New Zealand ; and there
can be no doubt that this want of a good understand-
ing between those whose cordial co-operation with
each other was so essential to the welfare of the
newly-established colony, has been one of the main
causes of the difficulties with which it has had to con

tend. In order to avert these difficulties which were
soon seen to be likely to arise, a Charter of Incorpo-
ration was afterwards granted to the New Zealand
Company, with the hope of placing that body in
friendly relations with her Majesty's Government;
but this attempt was defeated, partly by the jealousies
created between the respective servants of the Crown
and of the Company, by the error originally com-
mitted by the latter; partly by other causes of diffi-
culty which afterwards arose. These are chiefly to
be traced to the means which were adopted for esta-
blishing the authority of the Crown in New Zealand.
" The sovereignty over these islands had, at an earlier
period, been formally disclaimed, and their indepen-
dence had been distinctly recognised, both by the
Crown and by Parliament. This course had been
pursued because it was considered (and by no means
upoti light grounds) that it was not advisable to ex-
tend British dominion in these distant regions; but in
adopting this policy it was overlooked, both by the
advisers of the Crown and by Parliament, that it was
impossible to check the tide of emigration which set
so strongly towards the shores of New Zealand, and
that the regular establishment of British power was
the only practicable mode of guarding against the
evils which could not fail to follow from permitting a
large number of Europeans to settle among its un-
civilised inhabitants, without being subject to any le-
gitimate authority or control. Looking back at what
was then done, with the light to be drawn from sub-
sequent experience, there is no room to doubt that it
would have been far better if British dominion over

these islands had been asserted as early as 1832, or
even 182.5 ; but a different policy having been at that
time pursued, it was considered, in the year 1839,
when Captain Hobson was sent out, that the diffi-
culties which had thus been created could only be got
rid of by obtaining from the natives their assent to
the extension of the authority of the British Crown
over New Zealand. Acting under the instructions he
had received, Captain Hobson, therefore, immediately
on his arrival in New Zealand, at the beginning of
the year 1840, concluded, with a large number of the
chiefs of the Northern Island, a treaty known by the
name of the treaty of Waitangi, by which, in return
for their acknowledgment of British sovereignty, they
were promised protection, and guaranteed in the pos-
session of all lands held by them individually or col-
lectively. The evidence laid before your Committee
has led them to the conclusion that the step thus
taken, though a natural consequence of previous
errors of policy, was a wrong one. It would have
been much better if no formal treaty whatever had
been made, since it is clear that the natives were in-
capable of comprehending the real force and meaning
of such a transaction ; and it therefore amounted to

little more than a legai fiction, though it has already
in practice proved to be a very inconvenient one, and

is likely to be still more so hereafter. The sove-
reignty over the Northern Island might have been at
once assumed, without this mere nominal treaty, on
the ground of prior discovery, and on that of the
absolute necessity of establishing the authority of the
British Crown for the protection of the natives them-
selves, when so large a number of British subjects
had irregularly settled themselves in these islands, as
to make it indispensable to provide some means of
maintaining good order amongst them. This was the
course actually pursued with respect to the Middle
and Southern Islands, to which the treaty of Wai-
tangi does not even nominally extend; and there is
every reason to presume that, owing to the strong de-
' sire the natives are admitted to have entertained for
the security to be derived from the protection of the
British Government, and for the advantages of a safe
and well-regulated intercourse with a civilised people,
there would have been no great difficulty in obtain-
ing their acquiescence in the assumption of sove-
reignty than in gaining their consent to the conclusion
of the treaty ; while the treaty has been attended with
the double disadvantage, first, that its terms are am-
biguous, and, in the sense in which they have been
understood, highly inconvenient; and next, that it
has created a doubt which could not otherwise have
existed, and which, though not, in the opinion of your
Committee, well-founded, has been felt and has prac-
tically been attended with very injurious results,
whether those tribes which were not parties to it are
even now subject to the authority of the Crown.
"Your Committee have observed that the terms of
the treaty are ambiguous, and in the sense in which
they have been understood, have been highly incon-
venient, in this we refer principally to the stipulations
it contains with respect to the right of property in
land. The information which has been laid before us,
shows that these stipulations, and the subsequent pro-
ceedings of the Governor founded upon them, have
firmly established in the minds of the natives notions,
which they had then but very recently been taught to
entertain, of their having a proprietory title of great
value to land not actually occupied; and there is
every reason to believe that, if a decided course had at
that time been adopted, it would not have been diffi-
cult to have made the natives understand that, while
they were to be secured in the undisturbed enjoy-
ment of the land they actually occupied, and of what-
ever further quantity they might really want for their
own use, all the unoccupied territory of the islands
was to vest in the Crown by virtue of the sovereignty
that had been assumed.
" Your Committee have already mentioned, that it
is one of the fundamental principles of colonial law
and policy, which they believe to have been correctly
laid down by Sir G. Gipps, that 'the uncivilised in-
habitants of any country have but a qualified do-
minion over it or a right of occupancy only ; and that
until they establish amongst themselves a settled form
of government, and subjugate the ground to their own
uses by the cultivation of it, they cannot grant to in-
dividuals not of their own tribe any portion of it, for
the simple reason, that they have not themselves any
individual property in it.' Unfortunately the original
instructions given to Captain Hobson, when he was
sent out for the purpose of establishing British do-
minion in New Zealand, were not sufficiently precise
upon this most important point; they contained di-
rections as to the manner in which he was to proceed
in purchasing land from the natives, and they did not
(as your Committee think that they ought to have
done) clearly lay down the rule that sovereignty
being established, all unoccupied lands would forth-
with vest in the Crown, and that, except in virtue of
grants from the Crown, no valid title to land could
be established by Europeans. This mode of framing
the instructions seems to have led the first Governor
into the error of acting throughout upon the assump-
tion that no part of the extensive and unoccupied ter-
ritory of New Zealand was to be considered as belong-
ing to the Crown, or available under its authority for
the purposes of settlement, until first regularly sold by
the natives : this is not indeed distinctly stated in the
treaty of Waitangi; had it been so, this treaty would
probably have been attended with less injurious con-
sequences than it actually has been, since in that
case there can be little doubt that it would have been

at once disallowed by her Majesty's Government; at
least it is clear that the treaty could not have been
understood either by the Governor of New South
Wales or by the Secretary of State, in the sense put
upon it by Captain Hobson, since both expressed
their approbation of it, though the former had pre-
viously laid down the very different principle upon
this subject already quoted ; and the then Secretary
of State, Lord John Russell, after he had received
and approved of the treaty, adopted in the most
formal and authentic manner the views of Sir George
Gipps. By the advice of Lord John Russell, in the
month of December, 1840, a charter passed the great
seal, by which New Zealand was erected into a sepa-
rate and independent colony; and this charter was
transmitted, together with instructions under the
Royal Sign Manual, to the Governor, Captain Hob.
son. In this charter and instructions, actual occu-
pation and enjoyment' are clearly pointed out as
alone establishing a right of property in land in the
natives - and the rule is laid down that all other lands
must be considered as vested in the Crown, in virtue
of the sovereignty that had been assumed, and that
they must be dealt with accordingly. The treaty of
Waitangi (which had previously reached England
and been approved), it may therefore fairly be as-
sumed, must, when this charter and the instructions
which accompanied it were forwarded to the colony,
have been understood as bearing a meaning not incon-
sistent with the terms in which they are couched.
The lands held collectively,' of which the possession
was guaranteed to the aboriginal inhabitants of New
Zealand, must, therefore, have been regarded as the
lands actually occupied by them, and cultivated in
d
w l ic h
principles of
, consistently
common by a tribe, in the manner frequently prac-
tised, and the forests as those actually used for cutting ,
timber.
wi't`h This is heinterpretation
an
the
ancientcolonial law as laid down by Sir George Gipps, and
consistently also with the terms of the charter of the
colony and of the royal instructions to the Governor,
the
ought to have been put upon the treaty ; had it been
so, the most serious of the evils which have since
arisen would have been avoided. If native rights to
the ownership of land had only been admitted when
arising from occupation, there would have been no
difficulty in giving at once to the settlers secure and
quiet possession of the land they required, and they
would thus have been able to begin without delay and
in earnest the work of reclaiming and cultivating the
unoccupied soil. The proceedings of the Commis-
sioners appointed to inquire into the claims to land
would also then have been short and simple ; they
would have to inquire merely whether lands actually
occupied by natives had been fairly sold to settlers
by the occupants, and with respect to wild lands,
whether Europeans claiming to have purchased them
had done so at such a price, or had incurred such an
expense in respect of them, as to give to the supposed
purchasers not a right to the lands (for they could
not derive a title from parties who did not them-
selves possess one), but a claim on the consideration
of the Crown to have granted to them as an indul-
gence more or less, according to circumstances, of the
lands they had nominally purchased. With respect
to the New Zealand Company, as the extent of land
to which they were entitled had been already settled
by a special agreement with the Government and the
award of Mr. Pennington, they would at once have
been put in possession of all that very large portion
of the land on which they proposed establishing set-
tlements which was previously wild and unoccupied;
and the question to be determined by the Commis•
sioners would have reduced itself to that of whether
those inconsiderable portions of land actually occu-
pied and enjoyed' by natives had been fairly sold by
the occupants—a question the decision of which, one
way or the other, would have been comparatively
unimportant?'

(TO DB CONTINUED.)

MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS

The following are the results of "A Table of Mortality
in the Metropolis, showing the Number of Deaths from
all Causes registered in the Week ending Saturday, the
of the Registrar-General:—
The Tableis iesued from the Office
21th of Sep.tember;llB44."

Weekly
Total. Average o:
Five Years,