The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-01 00:00:00

—the area rf Guiana is very much larger, and accord-
ing to the calculation of Sir Robert Schomburgk,
while the one contains a population of 130,000, Guiana,
according to the same computation, should contain a po-
pulation of 50,000,000. At all events this much is cer-
tain, that British Guiana contains an area of 100,000
square miles; its soil is the most fertile in the world,
and, being everywhere accessible, is Particularly
adapted to the cultivation of the cane; yet, notwith-
standing all this, the population of Guiana is not half
that of Barbadoes.—(hear.) I need not use many words
in explaining what has been the result of the removal of
protection in the West Indian colonies. The labourers
are now become very few, and it is impossible to get
these to work. Even if additional labourers could be
procured, it is one hundred chances to one that they
may not become labourers on the sugar estates. They
find no difficulty in buying land for themselves, and if
they do not choose to buy land they have nothing to do
but a-cend the rivers for DO or 100 miles, or make their
way into the beck woods and forests, and settle wherever
they ploese.—(Hear.) But it was said that the draw-
back to the prosperity of the West Indies would cease
if a sufficient supply of immigrant labour could be pro-
cured. I beg leave to doubt the truth of that. I doubt
if you could ever obtain immigrant labour as cheap
as that of the negroes, and you can only do it by re-
ducing the condition of the immigrants to that of
the slaves.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I fer one, do not think
that desirable.—(Cheers.) I do not think tho English
Government would do that ; but whether they would or
not, I believe it to be utterly impossible.--(Hear, hear.)
The wages of immigrant labour can never fall below the
present price, but they may rise very much higher.
Even if the whole African coast were thrown open to
the West Indies, and that you obtained for them an
abundant supply of labourers, still you will not obtain
an abundant supply of cheap labour.—(Hear, hear.)
Let the House for one moment consider the expense of
introducing a supply of immigrant labour. The colonies
had the alternative of bringing them from India, a dis-
tance of 3,000 miles, from the other side of the globe.
You have by law provided, and I do not complain of it
—you have, by the existing law provided that the planter
is bound at the end of a certain period to provide the
labourer a passage back again to his own country. The
expense of that passage back and forward can hardly
be less than 71. or 81., and in the interval he has to
pay him wages, and besides this, to provide him
with every single thing that may be considered
necessary. He has to pay him wages during the
time he employs him, and he is then, at the end of a cer-
tain period, obliged to send him back again. I am firmly
convinced, then, that aided or unaided by immigration
alone, these colonies will never be able to compete with
slave labour.—(Hear, hear.) lam aware that some per-
sons have placed much confidence upon the ultimate
effects of the blockade by the African squadron. Now,
in the first place, it is not difficult to prove—in fact, there
has been already abundant proof—that the African
squadron has not effectually answered its purpose. I
cannot think that it is reasonable to expect that with
the present system of tariff any amount of armed force
that it is in the power of the world to employ will suc-
ceed in putting down a traffic in which one successful
voyage will pay for five failures.—(Cheers.) The House
will bear in mind the continental blockade which was
enforced by Napoleon—he endeavoured to blockade the
Continent, and to prevent that free intercourse which
the necessities of these countries rendered neeessary.
We know by the experience of history that there
never was a greater failure than that continental
blockade.—(Cheers.) I do not think that that trade was
more remunerative than the African slave trade, and I
do not think that the blockade of the coast of Africa
was more strictly maintained than that continental
blockade.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I have only one point
more to advert to, and I must call upon the House to
consider well what they are doing in the vote they are
about to give. As regards our colonial empire I know
something of its vast importance, and I know also some-
thing of its feeling; and I tell you now, that from Ca-
nada to Jamaica, from the St. Lawrence to Essequibo,
there is in the minds of all thinking men but one predo-
minant all-pervading feeling—a feeling, call it un-Eog-
lish if you will, but you cannot call it unnatural—a
feeling of growing disbelief in the attachment and of
distrust in the policy of the mother country.—(Loud
cheers.) Ido not say that feeling is well founded, but
these men believe that their claims have been neglected
and their interests sacrificed to no real or imaginable
considerations of policy—(Hear, hear)--and have not
the West Indies good cause to complain?—(Hear, hear.)
Look back at their early history; it was England
made them a penal colony—it was England that forced
slavery upon them, and they adopted that system at her
repeated instigation. By force England took it away
from them, without giving them any compensation for
injury thus inflicted.—(o6, and cries of "Hear, hear.")
I am merely pointing out the inconsistency of England
in this matter, and the additional injustice of now re-
proaching the West Indies with having resorted to slave
labour. On the last crowning stroke of all—the passing
of the Emancipation Act of 1834, the colonies were,
indeed, compensated with a sum, which, however high
for England to give, was absolutely nothing for the
%Vest Indies to receive.—(Hear.) Let the House con-
sider for one minute how the case stands. It was dis-
tinctly stated by the Government which passed the
Emancipation Act, that the planters in the West Indies
were to be compensated; but it was impossible to suppose
that the Government meant that the compensation
should be only half. There were persons in this
country who said that the West Indies had no right
to hold slaves, and were not entitled to compensation.
But compensation was awarded—Commissioners were
sent out to value the slave property, and they returned
the value at 43,000,0001. sterling. As compensation for the
slaves, a sum of 17,000,0001. was paid down, being some-
thing like forty per cent., while all the capital invested
in buildings, machinery, improvements in land, fixtures
which were in their nature absolutely irremoveable, lost
half its value when the Act was passed, and for all that
no compensation was given.—(Loud cheers) Ido not
dispute the right of the House to ruin our colonies by
their course of commercial legislation.—(Hear, hear.)
But let there be no half-measures—let their be no under--
baud work, let them at once, openly, avowedly, and in
the face of the world, proclaim what they mean to do.
C ill the slave trade a humane and profitable traffic—de-
signate slavery, as it has been termed in some of the
states of South America, as " a glorious institution
handed down to us from our forefathers"—apologise to
Cuba and to Brazil for all the injury the African squa-
dron has inflicted upon their traffic—allow them to carry
on unmolested their laudable pursuit, and without in-
terruption let them continue their trade with the coast
of Africa, with which you will assure them you will
never interfere again; but do not mock with your syme
pathy those whom your policy tends to ruin, and do not
stand forward to the world at one and the same time as
the supporters of liberal institutions at home, and the
abettors and supporters of slavery and the slave trade
abroad.— (Loud cheering.)
Mr. HU rr complimented the Hen. Gentlemen who had
just sat down upon the able and effective speech which
he had delivered. At the same time he must give his
vote against the motion of the Hon. Baronet. As re-
garded the question of the sugar duties he must observe
that their consideration had been forced upon the pre-
sent Government under circumstances of pressing and
extraordinary difficulty. It was impossible upon any
just commercial principles to refuse to apply to sugar the
same commercial policy that was applied to all other
articles. The introduction of slave-labour sugar had
been opposed on the ground of humanity, but he be-
lieved that argument untenable. It was impossible to
keep out slave-grown sugar after the parsing of the
Act of 1845. The only question for the Honse to deli-
berate upon was under what circumstances and on what
terms they would undertook the great and important
change in their policy. Some distinctions of a very tine
nature bad been set up relative to the difference be-
tween dealing in slave grown sugar and slave-grown
cotton and tobacco, all the productions of Cuba. Now,
there could not be two standards of right and wrong.
If it was not permissible to deal in any of the produc-
tions of slave-labour, let it be so stated, ar.d let all the
productions of all the slave-owningcountries in the world,
including not only sugar, but cotton and tobacco, the
copper of Cuba, and the gold of Brazil.—(Hear, hear.)
But if such a policy as that was impeachable, what be-
came of the principle ? It had been said that the sugar
law stimulated the slave trade. But did not the copper
law stimulate the slave trade ? and did not the cotton
trade stimulate the worse than slave trade carried on by
Carolina and Louisiana?—(Hear, hear.) Although Hon.
Gentlemen opposite said this was not a question of pro-
tection, ho was afraid it would be so regarded by large
numbers of these who intended to support the motion of
the Hon. Member for South Essex, although the Hon.
Member felt very little sympathy with their views. He
admitted that the treatment which the West Indies had
received was a treatment of which they had a right to
complain—(Cheers)—and if they were not entitled to
compensation for the injury which they had received,
they were deserving of every consideration.—(Hear,
hear.) But there was one concession which could not
be made. We could not agree to the abandonment of a
great national policy—a policy which he believed to be
beneficial in itself, and cf the highest possible value to
every portion of this empire—a policy which had been
established by years of conflict and labour, and by some
of the most serious personal sacrifices ever made by public
men in this country.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir J. PAKINGTON said he approached the subject
with undiminished sympathy for the sufferings inflicted
on our colonies, and with undiminished indignation at
the extent of the discredit which was thrown upon the
national character by the policy of the Legislature of
late years and by that pursued by the present Govern-
ment.—(Cheers.) He wished to give his most decided
and cordial support to the motion of the floe. Member
for South Essex; but he fit it right to indicate the
course which be should feel it his duty to take in the
event of the motion being carried, as he hoped and
trusted it would be. If it should be rejected it would le
another result of the unhappy state of parties to which
legislation had so long tended; because he was certain
eat if Hon. Members were to vote solely on their own
opinions, without reference to the state of party, the
legislation of late years would be generally condemned
by a decided majority.—(Cheers.) Ho would now state
the course which he intended to take in the event of the
motion being carried. Should that be the case, he would
take the earliest opportunity of moving for a Committee
of the whole House to reconsider the sugar duties of
1848.—(Hear, hear.) The motion now under con-
sideration carne before the House in an incomplete
ypoalniti abstract
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say in what manner injustice was to be prevented. He
therefore had thought it necessary to give notice of an
amendment.—(Hear, hear.) The present Government,
following a precedent not uncommon, had rather ham-
pered themselves by some hasty declaration, and had
pledged themselves so strongly to the favoured nation
clause, that it was impossible for them to maintain the
distinction which had been drawn between foreign free
sugar and foreign slave-grown sugar. In addition to that