The Sun.
London, England, 1868-11-20 00:00:00

MR. DIS.RAELI S SPEECH

Mr. Disraeli's speech at Aylesbury, on Thursday, was
decidedly clever. He made several exceedingly good hits ;
and the address abounded with humour. Reform was
touched upon slightly, but in a manner that "told."
Education—the piece de resistance of the programme—was
commented upon. The foreign policy took up a large share
of attention ; and the whole speech was set off by a
peroration about the Irish Church. On Reform
he had really no new arguments to put for-
ward. He thought the franchise still a Conservative
one—not in a party, but in a national sense. He defended,
too, the Government from the charge of having refused a
smaller and accepted the larger measure. He shewed how
Reform had been agitated for years ; how, " because
neither party in the State had confidence that the various
measures proposed would settle the question," the
Liberal party had propesed measure after measure, and
the country had been agitated to its great detriment.
` With regard to the borough franchise, which has been
one of more controversy, you must remember that the
plans which had always, befor".we attempted to deal with
it, been proposed to Parliam' it, were plans for the simple
reduction of the qualif)ing amount. It was very
obvious that the cause of the successive failures of all
those schemes was, that neither party in the State had
any confidence that, if carried, they would be a solu-
tion of the difficulty. ,For the main part they
seemed to rae to open an interminable series of years of
agitation. Take your qualification at £lo—one now almost
forgotten, once so familiar. Well, the Liberal party,
anxious to ingratiate themselves with the great body of
the people who did not possess the franchise, determined
to take a very safe course by proposing a reduction to £B,
by which means they hoped to revive their popularity and
satisfy the public demands. But it was quite obvious
that as time went on, and as the Liberal party again
became in a certain sense unpopular—the public demand,
in a certain sense, too, would revive, and it
would be necessary to take another step, and reduce the
amount from £8 to £6 ; and so on for years—perhaps a
generation or more- We should thus have had before us
the question of the most importance in the State, and the
one which of all others should be treated with the greatest
reserve—namely, the question of the distribution of
power—being brought forward at long periods, when
the necessity of things required it, but becoming
the staple of English politics, leading to constant
agitation upon the topic of which of all others it is to the
interest of the country that there should be the least
agitation, and keeping all men's minds unsettled. . . . We
opposed a small measnre, because it would lead, in our
opinion, to no solution, for the country demanded a settle-
ment, and it was necessary that it should be settled upon
lasting principles." Mr. Disraeli then proceeded to ask
where all the prophecies of disaster and failure which
were uttered at the 1 passing of Reform, were now.
What bad become of 'them ? Then he went
on to ask where_ Mr. Bright's " residuum " was,
and what it had done so bad. A voice
in the crowd called out, asking when Mr. Bright had
spoken of a residuum. " Why," Mr. Disraeli replied,
amidst roars of laughter, " a person who takes so eminent
,a part in public affairs as you are doing at present ought
to know when. Before you take that leading part which
you do in our affairs here, you ought to be acquainted with
the most memorable incidents and most celebrated
sayings of public men. I don't come here to educate you.
I came here to thank the electors of the county of Buck-
ingham for the great and distinguished honour which
they have conferred upon me." In concluding with
Reform, the right hon. gentleman said that the people,
being proud of the monarchy, " which, though limited, is
a real monarchy," being proud of their Parliaments —of
the laws, &c., would exercise, and have exercised, their
franchise in a becoming manner. The expenditure of the
country was next defended, which, he said, may be thus
summed up : " The people require education, a soldiery
well armed and paid, a good navy, and a Government well
administered. There is no body of men so interested in
economy as the existing Ministry, of whatever party they
may be formed, in this country. The popularity of a Minis-
try must greatly depend upon the circumstance whether it
is in their power to relieve the country from taxation,
and, therefore, there is no body of men more interested in
economy in the administration of the affairs of the
country than the Ministry, and there is no department in
the State more anxious for economy than the department
of which, by the favour of her Majesty, I have the honour
to be the head. What the people of this country are
entitled to is an economical Government—a cheap Govern.
ment in the nature of things they cannot have. We
have created in this island an immense popula-
tion, educated and elevated with all those aspirations
of freemen that the people of an ancient and famous
country will possess, and an expenditure necessary for
their education and for giving them that skill in their
industry that will enable them to compete successfully
with other nations is among the requirements which the
body of the nation will demand to be satisfied. Therefore
you cannot have a cheap Government; but what you have
a right to look for, and what I trust you really do possess,
is an economical Government. But between an eco-
nomical Government and a cheap Government there
is a great difference ; and what you ought to insist upon
is economy, and not upon thoughtless cheapness, which
may deprive you of many means which are necessary to
the elevation, the comfort, and the convenience of the
great body of the people. When the present Adminis-
tration first acceded to office, two years and a half
ago, there had been a collapse of credit in this
country, such as probably never occurred before. That
collapse of credit greatly and most injuriously affected
the revenue of this country, but I have never heard
anybody say—and a great deal has been said during
the past fortnight, without much regard to the precision
of statement, that her Majesty's Government were answer-
able for that collapse of credit, or for the diminution
of revenue consequent upon it. But you must recollect
this—that with the collapse of credit and with a deficient
revenue, although we have had claims upon us which are
4inausual, there has been no increase of taxation. You
have had one tax for a special object for a limited period ;
but is there anyman, of any party or any class in England,
who for a moment regrets or disapproves the temporary
,increase of the income tax in order to secure the march to
Magdala ? With that exception, you have had no increase
'of taxation. I think the diminution of the revenue has
now ceased, and that we have now seen the worst of
those times. I wish, upon the question of expenditure, to
compress my observations into this sentence—that I am
in favour of an economical Government, but that 1 cannot
pretend to secure a cheap Government for the country,
and, that a cheap Government can only be attained by
.endangering the country, and by depriving the great
body of the people of an expenditure really incurred in
order to elevate them• and to improve their condition."
In the midst of this argument Mr. Disraeli referred to the
subject of education. Ho noted that her Majesty's
Government had not forgotten this subject in the last
session., "Her Majesty's Government, notwithstanding
the engrossing interest of Reform, brought in a bill which,
if it had been passed, would have considerably advanced
the Popular education of this country. I think that is a
subject which ought to engage without loss of time the
attention of Parliament ; but it is absolutely necessary we
should proceed with great caution. We proposed that a
Ministerfor Education should be appointed, who should give
his undivided attention to the subject. I believe that if Par-
liament had acceded, or should Parliament ultimately
accede to that proposition, great ad vantage must result to
the cause in which we are all interested. When
that Minister is appointed it will be in his power to
obtain the most authentic and complete details
upon the subject, and where he finds that there
is a deficiency in the education of the people in any
part of the country—and we know that there are parts
where such a deficiency does exist—it will be his duty to
propose such measures as he may think adequate to the
occasion. And in my opinion these measures should not
inconsiderable. I would even go so far myself as to say
ithat power should be given to localities, if they wish to do
so, to assess themselves in order to increase the educational
opportunities of the commnity to which they belong. But
I am convinced that any attempt to establish compulsory
education, or compulsory rating for educational purposes,
would be a failure, and would not be agreeable to the
great body of the people. I think that a proposal to do
do so would be open to this dilemma, that if the great
body of the people are resolved that popular education
shall be extended there is no necessity for compulsory
rating, but if, on the contrary, they are not prepared for
that, compulsory rating will be a source of great discontent
and dissatisfaction." Mr. Disraeli also declared that law
reformers were wanted, and local taxation required revision.
Foreign affairs, of course, came in as a prominent subject, but
Mr. Disraeli did not make any very long reference to it.
He remarked, however, that the Liberals were taken with
a kind of hysterical feeling whenever foreign affairs were
mentioned by him. " They have always said, ' Don't talk
of your management of foreign affairs ; it is admirable,
only it is ours.' lam well satisfied if they will agree that
we have conducted the business of the country for two years
and alialf perfectly to their satisfaction ; but I must say
in vindication of the observations I have made, that our
foieign relations are now highly satisfactory, and that I
do not consider the. state of affairs when we acceded to
office really deserved that epithet. I wish to say that I
make no charge whatever against Lord Clarendon.

When we acceded to office Lord Clarendon had only
held his office for a few months, and he had no opportunity
of setting the ship right. I am told that, although ouz
conduct of foreign affairs is unimpugnable, still we are
not entitled to any credit for it. All I can say is
that when we acceded to office, in 1866, our relations
with all the Great Powers of Europe, though they were
relatiOne 41 courtesy, were not relations of conf,dence. We

were viewed with suspicion and distrust, and that suspi-
:ion and distrust was occasioned by the mismanagement of
our affairs by Lord Russell, in the cases of Denmark, of
Germany, and of Russia. By the line which he took
with reference to Denmark, to Germany, and to Poland
he estranged this country—it required great skill to do it,
but he did do it—he estranged this country at one and the
same time from France, from Germany, and from Russia.
Our relations with those countries now, and with all
countries, are not relations of estrangement, but of con-
fidence. I maintain that this is something to have done."
Mr. Disraeli here explained that the non-interference
such as he advocated did not mean unsympathising. The
Government had the greatest interest in the affairs of
Europe. England had successfully stepped in between
France and Prussia in the Luxemburg affair, and had pro-
cured peace.. He also claimed credit for the successful
carrying out of the Abyssinian expedition. In the nego-
tiations with the United States, too, they had been suc-
cessful. When they acceded to office their relations
with that country were relations of great difficulty and
great danger, and it was impossible for the most sanguine
to examine them without apprehension. "What are our pre-
sent relations with the United States of America? Vie know
very well that there is more than a prospect of our coming
to a settlement with the United States, a most favourable
and friendly settlement, not merely of the difficulties and
dissensions which arose out of the great civil war in that
country, but of all those difficulties and disagreements arising
out of circumstances that occurred fifteen or twenty years
ago. I say, then, these are acts which a Government need
not be ashamed of. I say, gentlemen, with great
respect, whether you look to our Europeah policy, to the
disastrous position in which we found ourselves with re-
gard to Africa, or to our existing relations with the
United States of America, there is not a point of simi-
larity between the condition of your foreign affairs as admi-
nistered by the present Government under Lord Stanley,
and the state in which we inherited them from our
predecessors three years ago." The Premier closed his
speech by a reference to Ireland. He reiterated the com-
plaint put forth in his address, that instead of—after the
Reform Bill had been passed—being allowed to wind up
the Parliament in peace, Mr. Gladstone, for the purpose
of uniting his party, brought forward the Irish Church
resolutions. Mr. Disraeli then described the state of
Ireland twenty-five years ago. " Twenty-five years
ago the condition of Ireland was deplorable. It
was this. There were more inhabitants upon a
square mile in Ireland—not only more than in
any Euporean country, but in any Asiatic country,
except, I believe, China. Well, this immense population
sustained itself mainly by sticking by a single root, and
that of a very precarious nature, and therefore they were,
as a population, as miserable as millions herding together
could be. They were scarcely clothed, their dwellings
were not fit for the lower animals. It is not at all wonder-
ful that a people in such a state should be a discontented
people. Had they not everything to make them
miserable— no clothing, no shelter, and insufficient food?
In such circumstances men would be discontented
with any form of government, although it would
not be the least responsible for the economic
condition in which they found themselves. But
what is the condition of Ireland now ? A greater power
than man produced an effect upon the condition of
Ireland. That happened in Ireland which was infinitely
greater in its effects than any political or social revolution
which has occurred in any country in the world. The
population of Ireland became reduced. The people have
better raiment, they have better dwellings, and are better
fed. (` Three cheers for the famine 1') well, you
have given three cheers for things before this that have
not done so much good as the famine. Well, if that be
the case, if we find that a country has made this progress
—if we find that that was occurring in Ireland which was
most necessary for her complete redemption, namely, the
entrance of British capital to a great extent -if we find
such a state of circumstances, how can we say with
justice that the condition of Ireland —which economically
is a condition of immense importance—can justify a
violent political measure such as was brought forward
at the end of the session of an expiring Parliament 7"
Mr. Disraeli went on to ascribe Fenianism to Irish-Ameri-
can adventurers, and declared that the Irish Church dis-
establishment was wrong in every way, and not calculated
to diminish the evil. It was calculated rather to diminish
the security of property, to increase the discontent and
religious animosity, and to stir up efforts for the propaga-
tion of religious faith, from which, he thought, they were
entirely free. "Therefore, I see before me a future of
religious discord—a future of social disquietude and dis-
turbance. Any violent dealing with the religious settle-
ment of this country that has established the supremacy
of the Queen will ensue in consequences which we
must look upon with apprehension, and which many
of us will live to deplore." Mr. Disraeli concluded
as follows :—" No one knows better than myself that in
the course of an agitated and now, I am sorry to say,
a long political career, I have done many things which I
regret, and said some things which I deplore; but a
man's career must be judged by its whole tenour and
character ; and I can say this of myself with the utmost
sincerity, that I have always studied to maintain the
greatness of my counts y ; that I have never had any
thought of a base and sinister character of self-interest;
and there is no reward which I more desire and which I
more prize than the good opinion of my countrymen, in
whatever political party they may be ranged."

SUNDAY ErENINGS FOR THE PEOPLE.

The Lord Justice of the Corntnon Pleas has given judgment
in the case of Baxter v. Langley, in which the plaintiff
sought to condemn the Sunday evenings for the
people, which have been carried on during the winter in
London, but which were stopped on the ground that they
infringed an old act. The Lord Chief Justice said the case
stated that a number of gentlemen in Dec., 1866, formed an
association for the diffusion of religious feeling, by the edus.
cation and instruction of all persons who should join their
association or attend their services, and the defendant was
the president' of the association. The association called
themselves "Recreative Religionists;" but it was so planned
that the 'meaning of the phrase was not recreation
in the ordinary sense, but that what was intended
was a new form of religion by which it was hoped to
interest the people at large in religious services.
The object of the. promoters of the association was not pecu-
nairy gain, as it was carried on at a pecuniary loss to the
parties. The two litigants presented themselves before
the court under circumstances that entitled them to great
respect. •The plaintiff was attempting to stop by this
action what he deemed the desecration of the Lord's day,
and, on the other hand, the defendant was spending his time
and his money for what' he considered the public benefit.
They had now to consider whether at. Martin's-hall, when so
used, was a disorderly house, or whether the services conducted
there were public " entertainmen ts or amusements" within the
meaning'ol the statute. It was not easy nor necessary to
define exactly the meaning' of "entertainment," but per-
haps the two words "entertainment" and "amusement"
reflected 'light • upon each. other. The subsequent
statute about disorderly houses referred to houses
having unlicensed music, dancing, or other enter-
tainment of the like kind. It was not necessary to say
whether mere amusemements would be within the statute
or whether a lecture upon the higher branches of mathe-
matics would be "entertainment." The court at all
events thought that religious services were not within the
statute ; and it was not necessary that such ser-
vices should be connected with the religion of
the State, or in accordance with it. Some stress
was laid upon the• fact that the principal attraction at the
hall was the music, but if they were to decide for the
I -
plaintiff neon the ground that it might perhaps have a
more extensive application than he contemplated. There was
none but sacred music performed ; the discourses were in-
tended to be instructive, and the objects of the promoters of
the association were to advance their own views of religion,
and, as they said, to make scienca the handmaid of religion,
and not to promote an "entertainment or amusement"
within tbeyneaning of the statute. The fact that though
while the doors were open free, there was payment for re-
served seats, would not deprive the defendant of the protec-
tion of the Toleration Act. The court were fully sensible of
the:inestimable value of the statutes for the prevention of the
desecration cf the Lord's day, but they would unduly
stretch a penal enactment if they applied the statute of
Geo. 111. to the case now under consideration. Judgment
was therefore for the defendant.

The following are the days and places fixed for
holding the following Circuits, :—" Mr. Justice Byles—
'Warwick, Novembr 23; Derby,' December, 3 ; Lincoln,
December 9 ; Leicester, December 15 ; Northamp-
ton, December, 18. Mr. Baron. Channel Winchester,
December 4; Taunton, December 11; Maidstone, De-
Cember 17; Sassex, December 22: Mr. Justice Lush and
Mr. Justice Hayes- Chester, December 2 ; Manchester,
December 7; Liverpool, December 15. At Chester Mr.
Justice Lush will be the only judge. Mr. Justice Brett—
Durham, Dtcember 5; Newcastle, December 10; York,
December 12 ; Leeds, December 16.

Personation does not appear to have altogether
become an extinct crime. A porter, named Laurence Kenny,
has been brought up before Mr. Castellan, at the Liver-
pool Police Court, on a charge of having attempted to
personate a voter named Mullin, at the Scotland-road polling
boot bovhere he tendered a vote in that name for Massey and
Rathbone, the Liberal eandidates, and was at oLce given
into custody. In answer to the magistrates, the prisoner,
who seemed to be a very " soft." sort of follow, said that he
was going to his work in the morning, when his wife told
him that Mullin was out of town, and that he had better go
and vote for him, and he did so. The prisoner, at the re-
quest of the prosecution, was remanded, and ordered to find
bail in two sureties of £lO.