The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-20 00:00:00

INCOME-TAX.

Mr. SPOONER wished to know if the Government
were prepared to make any alteration in schedule B of
the income-tax, to meet the reduction of incomes which
had taken place lately?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was not the
intention of the Government to alter the principle of
the income-tax.
THE AGRICULTURAL INTERESTS.

Mr. DISRAELI, after presenting a petition nume-
rously signed from various parts of the country, ex-
pressed a regret that another petition with which
he had been entrusted could not be presented from
an informality which he had learned since he came
into the House. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded
to say that the petition which he had just laid upon the
table was the only one which was likely to emanate from
that numerous class who were just now placed in that
stare of distress to which he had called the at-
tention of the House during the last session. At
that time the distress was deep and prevalent, and yet
it had failed to meet with the sympathy, and had, in-
deed, hardly obtained the acknnowledgment of the
House. Since then the prospect of this class had grown
still more gloomy and obscure.—(Hear, hear.) The
300,000,000 invested by the farmers of this country was
gradually disappearing.—(Hear, hear.) Another year
had opened with still gloomier prognostics for the
interests of the agricultural districts.—(Hear, hear.)
Nor were those prospects less promising for the labourers
than they were for the tenant-farmers. They were
alike without employment and without remu-
nerative wages ; and he was bound to say, that
he could find no answer to these complaints from
anything that the Legislature had effected.
That return was only up to the first day of this year. It
was since that time:that that employment, which he had
ventured to describe as factitious, had, in his opinion,
greatly diminished in the agricultural districts of the
United Kingdom. It had been, indeed, with reference
to this point his intention to move for a return
of a similar character to that they were now in posses-
sion of, up to the let Feb., but upon inquiry he found that
such a return, if consented to, would entail great trouble
upon one branch of the admsnistration that had already
greatly exerted itself in order to give them accurate infer-
mation on the subject. Indeed, he might venture to remark,
although he wished the task had fallen upon some other
member of greater influence than himself, upon the re-
cent conduct of this branch of the administration. For
a considerable period the central management of the
poor-laws had excited in the House much controversy,
and he thought it must be satisfactory to the House, the
Government, and the country to contrast the position
this branch then occupied in public opinion with what it
now occupied. He certainly wished on this occasion to
to avoid entering into any invidious comparison in the
attempt to investigate the causes which have produced
this result, but it certainly must be a source of as much
gratification to the country, as no doubt it was to the
Government, that this branch of the administration
should be conducted in such a manner as to entitle it to
public confidence.—(Hear, hear.) But they had to-night
to inquire what was the best course to take to re-
move, or if possible, certainly to mitigate the
present depression which the petitioners have referred to.
Upon that side of the Homo they believed it had been
occasioned by recent legislative enactments, by the recent
alteration of the law, by the recent repeal of the law with
regard to foreign produce—(Hear.) They believed on that
side of the House that the most efficacious mode of re-
et.)ring prosperity in the long run, and which would be
most advantageous and most popular to the community,
would be the re-enactment of the laws regulating
the importation of foreign produce.—(Hear, hear.)
That being their conviction, they had been taunted
with not bing able to support it with arguments. It
was easy to talk so, but it is as not difficult to bear.
Speaking for those gentlemen with whom he had the
honour to act, he said they did not in any way shrink
from an argument on that subject.—(Hear.) They
had seen nothing at all in their opinion to confute the
conclusions, which, through evil and through good report,
they had attempted to advocate in that House in regard
to that great subject. They still believed the principles
on which the House had constructed its commercial
code were fallacies.—(Protectionist cheers) They still
believed that the time would come when the
House itself would acknowledge the truth
of that assertion. (Cheers.) But, although
he himself was of opinion that discussion was the soul
of that House and of this free country, and though he
knew, at least he believed, there were occasions when
discussions, and mere discussion, might be the highest
duty and most sovereign policy to pursue, still he
must profess his opinion as a general rule, that
that House should not become a mere debat-
ing society.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he would speak
with perfect frankness on this point. After the deci-
sions on the Address in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, he was of opinion that the only conclusion
that could be drawn from those facts, though
in the other House the division had reference
to the merits of that industrial system which was
popularly known by the name of protection, still he
could not flit to see that it was the opinion of a large
majority in both Houses of Parliament that it would be
unwise to disturb at present the settlement
which this country had recently arrived at
in this respect.—(Hear, hear.) It then became
their duty to see and to consider what course shculd be
taken which, without going against the conviction of
that House, might at least be, as far as the fortunes of the
agriculturists were concerned, of a remedial character.
He had always felt—if they thought fit to repeal those
laws which regulated the industry of this country, and
especially those which referred to the agricultural in-
dustry of this country—that the cultivators of the
soil—that all classes connected with the cultiva-
tion of the soil, would offer this alternative to
the Government:—lf you deprive us of that
system of legislation under which, for scr long a period
and with various modifications, we have enjoyed our
property or pursued our industry, we now ask this of
you—in the name of justice and of poliey—
(Cheers)—you should at least adapt our posi-
tion to the altered circumstances in which you
have placed us. and that you should revise that system of
taxation which prevails in this country.—(Cheers.)
With reference to its equal and just distribution—(Con-
tinned cheers)—the claims of the classes connected with
the soil could not be placed before the House more neatly
or more concisely than in the petition which he presented
to the House to. day. They demanded of the Government
two things; in the first place, that they should be placed
on equality with their fellow-subjects; and, in the next,
they demanded to be placed in our markets on equality
with the foreigner.—(Hear.) They referred, in the first
instance, to that enormous system of peculiar taxation
from which the majority ci the people of this
country were exempt, and which they had borne.
In the next place, they referred to those fiscal restric-
tions, which, when placed in direct competition with the
foreigner, prevented them availing themselves of the
greatest and freest resources. Now those claims were
intelligibly expressed, and founded on severe justice—
(Cheers)—and if those who unhappily hurried on the
repeal of laws which limited the importation of foreign
agricultural produce, did not at the time consider the
consequences of the course they were adopting, much as
he regretted the want of foresight of men so great,
he could not, as a representative of an agricultural con-
stituency, refrain from doing his duty in that House,
where, whatever might be the majority of econo-
mists, ho could not think he was acting wrong
in having still confidence in the justice of Englishmen.
He should touch only partially upon a portion of the
theme which he believed was amply sufficient to occupy
the attention of Parliament for some time; but before
adverting to it more specifically he should first make one
or two observations upon opinions that had been lately
expressed with reference to the incidents of the
taxation to which ho was about to call the attention of
the House. They were all well aware that
when the question of that portion of taxation,
which vulgarly was called rater, was recently brought
before the House; considerable difference of opinion had
been expressed in that House as to who paid those im-
posts. One party said that the burden of taxation fell
upon the proprietors of the soil, while, on the contrary,
another side said that the impost was discharged by the
tenant or occupier. When he (Mr. Disraeli) had first
brought the question before the House, the Hon. Mem-
ber for Montrose had been the person to assert that the
proprietors were the persons on whom the burden fell,
while he was surprised to find that last session that Hon.
Gentleman was the father and this session was the
godfather of a measure which enacted a new representa-
tive system, founded on the idea that the occupiers of
property were the persona who paid the rates, and that
they had a right to have some share in the disposal of
them. He thought, then, that ho might fairly
assume that there was not much difference be-
tween himself and that honourable Gentleman
on this point ; but he (Mr. Disraeli) would
not rest his argument on this point on such a partial
admission. He thought the time was come when they
must look at this question earnestly. When this House
decided that England should enter into free competition
With all the quarters of the globe they were stopped from

considering the relative interests of the owner and occupier. '
They should leave out of all consideration the interest
either of the landlord or the tenant, or both, and deal
only with the interest of the land.—(Hear, hear.)
There was an opinion which, if it had not of late had
much count-ranee in that House, had at least taken a
fast hold upon the country, and that opinion was that
the whole of our institutions were based upon the land.
—(Hear.) The whole of our political constitution was
founded upon that principle.—(Hear.) Whether it was
the Throne itself, whether it was the grand scheme of
our juridical arrangements, or whether it was like the
spire towering towards heaven, in the arrangement of
our ecclesiastical sy tem—all our institutions were f oinded
upon the land.—(Hear, hear) There was an impres-
sion which had largely prevailed throughout every
English community, that there was a peculiarity about
territorial possessions.—(hear, hear.) In this opinion
he humbly but heartily coincided, and in stating
so much, he was not speaking solely of the
landlord's interest, or of the tenant's in'ereat, or of the
labourer's interest—for he believed all to be in truth and
reality united and derivable from the same sources.—
(Hear, hear.) Ira that House an opinion had been ex•
pressed, that land was nothing more than other property.
Elsewhere it was stated that it had 1 eeuliar properties,
admirably adapted when respected for the preservation
of order and the promotion of political liberty.—(Hear,
hear.) He believed the latter to be the truth. Both
opinions had been broadly t xpressed, and a s'atement
had been made, erroneously ascribed to him by the 11,11.
Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire,
that land was only to be considered as the
raw material to be used in a manufacture.
He maintained that they had a right t take their defi-
nitions from their opponents, and it was for that
reason alone he said, that having heard in this Howe
from persons who, upon this subject, were the greatest
authorities, and finding the opinion upheld and promul-
mulgated in literary organs of gre it merit, he did venture
to observe that if land be only a raw material, why do you
not extend to it the same principles that you extend to
all other raw materials ?—(Hear, hear)—and he was
bound to say he had not yet received a satisfactory
answer to that question. There was a great silence in
the House on the subject, while some of
the organs he had referred to since the
question was asked had denied that laud was
a raw material—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—or had
asserted that if it be a raw material, it was a raw mate-
terial peculiar from all other raw materials, because it
produced a quality called rent.—(Hear, hear.) Now
what ho wanted to impress upon the House was this, if
they forced the land of England into competition with
the markets of the who'e world, they had no business
to inquire into the quality called rent.—(Hear, hear.)
The consequences of the present law would be to throw
a great quantity of land out of cultivation. According
to the opinion of some of the best writers conversant
with the landed interest, the consequences must be
inevitably as ho had stated. There was certainly
somo difference between parties on this point,
but then it was only a difference of degree,
and, according to all opinions, there were some classes
of land which were doomed, under any circumstances of
this kind, to go out of cultivation; and he wished to im-
press upon the House the consideration whether or no
this peculiar taxation—the part to which he was to call
their attention to-night—might not make the difference,
make the margin which would permit this land to
be cultivated, which under the existing law was doomed
to a sterile existence.—(Hear, hear.) They had no
right to inquire into the rents it' this state of things had
been produced by their own legislation. All they
had to do now was to act with justice towards
the land, and in dealing with it carry out
these economical principles which they had always
promulgated, and which were the foundation of our
commercial code.—(hear, hear.) He said the House
had no longer any right to meddle or interfere with the
question of rent; that was a subject which recent legis-
lation had swept away from their consideration.
It was well for the House to consider whe-
ther the popular character with respect to the
properties of the soil was a just one. He
took occasion recently to remind the House that the
number of landed proprietors in the United Kingdom was
probably about 250,000. Now he asked the House to
consider what was the aristocratic element of
that numerous and important class. He imagined they
could not fix on a better test to ascertain a truth of so
much importance than the pocket. Calculate the
number of manorial estates in this country.
They all knew that in England every parish was a
manor, though every manor was not a parish. Allow-
ing that the fourth of the parishes in England were not
manorial, there would be probably about 20,000 mano-
rial estates in England. That was the amount of the
aristocratic element on the state of which they heard so
much—(Hear)—and it would be about one•twelfth. But
taking the rental of the United Kingdom at 60,000,0001.
a-year, they would find, if they divided that rental be-
tween 250,000 landowners, that about 2401. a-year
would fall to the share of each of them. But as so many
of them had a great deal more than that sum, it followed
that many of them must have a great deal less. Yet
that was the class which:was always pointed at and held
up as the most luxurious class; but the truth was that
they were the most industriaus and self-denying
class in the state.—(Hear, hear.) He said, then,
with reference to that class that the House ought to
legislate according to justice, and upon those economic
principles to which they made such frequent
reference ; and therefore he arrived at this
conclusion, that in a discussion as to the inci-
dents of taxation, whether they fell on the land-
owner or the occupier, was hereafter perfectly idle.
They were not to consider a hether they were benefit-
ting the owner or the occupier, but whether they
were doing justice to a most important interest—
to the land of England, and in doing that justice whether
they were permitting that land which they had thrown
into competition with all the soils of all countries in the
world to be worked at a remunerative value, why ther
the profit went to the landlord or to the occupying
tenant. With those opinions he would proceed
to call the attention of the House to the first branch of
that important subject—the relations of the agricultural
interest of all classes to the general taxation of the country.
On a former occasion he had called the attention of the
House to the local taxation in England, and the
flees which he then put before the House had
not been controverted, and many gentlemen of official
authority who took a part in the debate acknowledged
they were correct. He showed to the House on that occa-
sion that the classes connectedwith the soil, independently
of contributing to the general revenue of the country,
contributed to another revenue in England alone to the
amount of 12 millions, and that this second revenue was
for general interests and national concerns. Ho would
not further advert to this additional burden, as it did
not immediately concern the question before the
House; but it showed that the land of England hal
at all times been made the machine fir raying
more into the Exchequer than it was justified
in doing, because the land tax was a tax upon all kinds
of property, and if an account current book were kept it
would be found that 100,000,0001. were paid which ought
not to have been contributed on the principles of justice.
But take in round numbers the local taxation of the
kingdom, omitting the laud tax, at 14,000,0001.;—he
only referred to the fact that the House might bear in
mind the general character of those peculiar burdens
which the land sustained. The branch, however, of the
local taxation of the United Kingdom to which he would
now call attention was in fact the poor-rates. Ile saw
that the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Orkney (Mr.
Anderson) had morel an amendment upon his motion
for that night, to which he would refer. He saw by the
notice paper that the Hon. Gentleman meant to move
for a revision of the poor-rates, for the appointment of a
select committee to inquire into the effects of tie laws
for levying duties on the importation (1' corn and other
agricultural produce from the year 1845 to the year 1848,
both inclusive; also into the relative amounts of taxation,
local and general, which had been levied during the same
period on agriculture and other property and incomes.
Now, that appeared to him (Mr. Disraeli), under ordi-
nary circumstances, to be a very sensible motion; and if
the Hon. Gentleman had had more experience than un-
fortunately he had had in the House, he thought he would
have moved for this as an unopposed return; because ho
begged to assure him all the information he required
could be obtained up-stairs, and if he would examine
the proceedings of the Committees of that House and
of the House of Lords he would find a'l this informa-
tion, and then he would not deem it necessary to append
this amendment to the motion. Indeed he (Mr. Disraeli)
had had furnished him, by a gentleman of great autho-
rity, a digest of all the information he referred to, not
only for the years 1815 to 1848, but from the year 1800
to 1848, and ho would find that landed property had paid
during that period 581,000,0001. to 159,000,0001. which
other property had paid. Now, he never wished to insist
on the comparative sums paid by different classes of
real property. But this information was not of the
smallest value; he could not make use of it; but as he
thought those little interchanges and reciprocations of
courtesy were not displeasing, he had tendered the infor-
mation to the Hon. Gentleman, in order that he might
make use of it in his speech.—(A laugh.) I will venture
to say (continued Mr. Disraeli), if the Hon. Member
makes good use of it, his speech will be one for statistical
research seldom equalled in this House, and the only fault
will be, that unfortunately all his facts will refute
all his foregone conclusions.—(Cheers, and laughter.) I
will now venture to call the attention of the House for a
moment to the consideration of the nature of the poor-
law. I think that I have once before taken the liberty
of saying that it appeared to me that the poor-law was a
law which only could bo vindicated—or rather which
could be vindicated only on two principles—either as a
matter of policy, or as a matter of social duty. If a mat-
ter of policy—if it be the interest of society that, by pro-
viding for those who are in want, society should be se-
cured from the consequences of violence and from rapine,
and if it were only viewed thus as a matter of policy, it
was clearly the interest of all concerned, and ought to be
of course supported by all.—(Bear, hear.) But if we
took the higher view of it, and considered the mainte-
nance of the poor, which we do consider in England,a
matter of social duty—(flear, hear)—then it was quite
clear that if it were a social duty it was the duty of all,
according to their means—(Cheers)—and, there fore, it
ought not to be a tax, an impost, charged upon one kind
of property.—(Hear.) Every gentleman in this House
knows that it is an impost charged upon one property. I
shall not, on this occasion, enter into any wholesale in-
quiry to ascertain the relative amount of property that is
subject to this impost, and the amount of those propel ties
that are privileged and exempted from it. Never mind
whether it is one fourth or one-third of the income of
the country—never mind whether it is 80,000,000/. a
year, as compared with the charge which 200,000,0001.
ought to bear, or whether the figures might make
stronger in favour of the principles I advocate in this
respect. The great truth reinaine, that the vast majority
of the property of the country does not felfil the social
duty which it ought to do, and which all acknowledge
(Cheers.) Now, Sir, there are very great objections to
remedial measures in this department; and, indeed, it is
not possible w cuncnivo hvw such flagrant iniotice

----
could I ave so long flourished, were not the difficulties
very considerable. In the first place everybody is afraid
of tgf nee with sand troubling that happy see4etu of
local government of which we have so much reason to be
proud, and which unquestionably is the source of so
much public happiness.—(Cheers.) I never myself
speak upon the subject to any gentleman of great pro-
perty, not connected with the land, who is not eloquent
upon tee system of self-government in this country«
Ask any individual, the fortunate possessor in sweets
simplicity of Three per Cents. to the amount of
30,000/. or 40,0001. a year—ask if be ought not to
contribute to the maintenance of the poor in propor-
tion to his property; and be will say, No doubt; but
if he were to do so he would probably endanger owel
happy system."—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir,
frankly admit that I should be unwilling to support
in this House any proposition which would endanger
this happy system of local administration. But I cannot
admit that the problem is impossible of a solution that
would reconcile local management with imperial taxa
-tion; though I am perfectly willing to admit that, in Bt,.
t 'meting to solve such a problem, the whole question or
the law of settlement must be terminated for ever.--:
(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, there is another objection against
now offering any relief with respect to the present d sti
tribution of the impost levied under the poor-levr, en
that is rather a popular one also. It is said, and has r.e,-
eently been said with no novelty of observation, but wits:
some authority of statement, that the land of this cot];
try is inherited and otherwise acquired subject to this
charge, and similar charges. This is an observation that
always tells, and have observed that it perpexes, eve
if it does not convince. But, with reference to that po-
sition, there is one simple but efficient observation to
make upon it, that it is net true.—(Cheers.) It clear yd
is not true with reseeq to Ircland.—(Heer.)
of Ireland was not acquired or inherited subject The
to t.th
poor-rate.—(Hear, hear.) It clearly is not true The
r« f gence to another of her Majesty's: kingdoms«
land of Scotland was not inherited or otherwise ac"
quired subject to the poor-rates—(Hear, b arc;
but it is not true with reference to a very considered be
portion of the land of England. The House wc'ul
surprised, if they investigated the subject. at the
much he
her of very considerable estates, and some cif 5 much the
important, though not less interesting tenure the
yeomen estates—they would, I say, be surprise
list
number of estates that are inherited in Eng' this
were not originally acquired or inherited effert
charge.—(Hear, hear.) I had intended to have
some names of interesting properties to the House,
decline to do so because the list would be imperfect,. ';
that would necessarily lead to erroneous concluso,
but I cannot help remembering that I am sitting oPP°"our
a Noble Lord, the First Minister, the son of one bas
greatest houses—a house that lam glad to sidttecur
exercised its vast possessions generally for the P--not
and advantage of England.—(Hear, hear.) I c,llO-0 of
help remembering that I am sitting opposite to a ther-
subject to
e.
a great house which certainly did not inherit or 03a of
wise acquire its broad possessions subject to the 4 as
Elizabeth.—(Cheers and laughter.) Well, eT0.....
a matter of fact, the position is not true--(Ctbheiele. tar,
but as a matter of principle is it just?—A this
hear.) I am net disposed to assent t° heisted
principle, that because an estate has been iebeleust
subject to a tax, which politically is an elted
one, that a principle of policy is to be ell'e're of
to a mere affair of inheritance, and if we $;-this
opinion that in the present circumstances of t se
country the lands of England should be as e%elFog to
possible from these peculiar taxes, I am not disP,Tireel
admit that the fact of their being inherited or a-,11„ to
subject to a tax (if the levying of a tax is advers-er
the highest principles of policy of a state) is an ut°: the
to the case. I must go a little more deeplY in'e-aa to
question with reference to this point. If you c°"; Ac-
me and say, " This man's estate was inherited e'nels
quired subject to an impost," I must rip up the 613 ro-
of the country and I must ascertain whether the t Fos
perty was not inherited or acquired subject t° were
which gave it an adventitious value—whether thei, ned
not laws which through a series of Parliaments ach
favour—and whether he acquired or purchased sett"'
estates in cons( quence of the Legislature of his
Coe
or
having secured him a certain margket, and not °l3l,lfford
cured him that market, but passed laws whichse- !licit
him a bonus for the exportation of his produce' try'•
is the case with regard to the corn-laws in this couu the
I might clearly come forward, when you anucitlecnee set
fact of the poor-rate being an inherent impost' g-ofteu
against that the Parliamentary advantage, BO so
ratified by consenting Senates, of which Y°"esred
suddenly,. and in a manner he was the least Pteri to
for, deprived him.—(Cheers.) I have adeerle„ ere
the two most important points which in argon' carted
brought forward on this subject; first, the risk ille-et t•
of disturbing the local administration if we sttete,ra the
give relief to oppressed proprietors Kith regard *wee
poor-law, and, second, to the extenuating cirettuii'aslos
always brought forward, that the property thet get
relief has been acquired subject to those charges' nor'
tunity to advert to them, in considering the
I have done so merely because I thought it a fair (:),quis
great pause
in which we are engaged, and not because I ual a the
rested in refuting this position at present; becliceset
propositions which lam going to place before thee' eo"which I shall submit to them in detail, if theY the
sent to go into Committee, are not open to either sir,
objections t, which I have adverted.—alear, best.'eeate
I think the time has come, as I ventured to ilit.tier yie
before, when we must seriously consider whetueeeted
cannot adapt the position f all the classes e°l3'lsoces
with land, as regards taxation, to the new eireeer nett
in which Parliament has placed them. We u° bane
this side, relinquish one jot of tl a opinions we red
to assert them at the fitting moment,
always entertained.—(Cheers.) We shall be Pree'earr.
when the -'o,lleo
from experie rice you may
tunit.y offers—when the occasion serves '- JiS
-
smarting be more iCe
posed to listen to the accents of trutot ry
shall then remind you of the system Y.°ll yea
linquished, and, perhaps, of the disasters Whieentiele'
tea ee.— leers. But, ea-
have consum I (CI ) ' the iticee t
accepting your legislation as fact, understandirig.statioll
pledged majority is resolved to act upon that leg.arioUs
which we believe is every hour becoming more °Jo ter
to the interests of those whom we are sent hero Ines'
port, we feel it our duty to commence a series °f argil"
sures which, I hope, temperately sustained only ,
moot—open to re futatior, if you can resets our /'"nseritig
will, in the aggregate, materially benefit the su Lad
interest that we wish to support.—(Loud cheers.) tioa
yearewhen I called upon the House t assent t' Vll the
with respect to our local taxation.
, I was met on if
objection that the design was too vast, and they itts"
elleextochemq
natheensttattne oafeet
the arguments upon which it was founded Wle tici-file_ ree;
yu exchequer
gwgoeusltdi
nnnost. permit
hope'
Ise
1,--y; (07:
sure, t3-night I shall not be told, because I "hi.; grss"
fined my consideration to only a portion cf t"si" „ the
field—that I have taken too limited a view« 'et fell
contrary,fe I am sure that her Majesty's Governrue°o be
I inclined to support my opinieus, if it
shown at the stone time that they are tief te`i
just, but essentially • Nov 6 /
practical. 'gee f
House should consent Consu3' 0-
to go into eject .o 0
shall propose several resolutions, r the eso
which will be to mitigate the distress an re, d cieP 'el3t
-
which is felt in
the agricultural districts at tbc,,Pd de'
moment, believing, as I do, that the distress „bicb
pression are not like the passing clouds, wis!
commerce is sometimes! described to be oversP•i; to g°
—Ulcer.) In case, then, I can induce this Boils woe,
into Committe, I shouldthe first les°dieteli
propose, as
that a sum, not inconsiderable, should t • ors•
remitted to the real proprietors of the count7rtie oh'
mission which would not be liable to either
jections which I have anticipated,' and, t° of 'La
degree, combatted. I should look for the basis Unite
first resolution to the establishment charges cf the of t"
Kingdom.—(Cheers.) The establishment chargesith the
United Kingdom are scarce! at all connects l 110istrs'
local administration. Your sy,stern of local eueu'eheseri
tier' will remain intact, pure, perfect, your re& Louse
unaltered, your check asking the Sth
s complete. In as the ,
ro
to accede t) a resolution that from and Fed
of March, 1850, those charges which -ntieeeths
perly known as the establishment charges e- for
t"-
with theoor re'
relief and maintenance of the I) nese g
United Kingdom, should be furnished by thei_gre tic cl° Ace;
venue of the country, I calculate, from aut",e.iiie tineij-a
mente, that this would amount to a aura '1 test t
1,500,000/. sterling.— (Hear, he an) bseryfoosl eele3or
establishment charges are barely subject to tr
end yOO
nistration. The maintenance of your in sour n•
out-door poor would Le supplied from thee t'apereisi:of
as at present, and be subject to the sem,:t polve.re-ted
Observe, also, that no mare with the greule",.o inhei"s!te
brass, could rise and maintain that estates we' hear) od
subject to the establishment charges.—(oellr' a see to
ose tore it
I should proceed in the same.. way to prolid yeti ,e 9.
resolution to the House, in which I vi°„° speel‘,,lf the
deal with all those rates which, generuqiiieri, with
has been convenient to raise by the Ina.,c ar to ual:)„„Isst
poor-law, but which have nothing wheteit is e ---,a to
the maintenance of the poor. As I thiol‘la betui-nt to
injustice that real property alone 511°,t, at Preeigee-rty)
support the poor—as it is a great herding' 4 proeedie;
the land (the most important portion of hq;cs to to' iber
not only to maintain the poor, but to be su4 icier et
system of local,taxation which we will coil safest Pi; to
opportunities in detail, so I think that clie' -the
ciple at present, and the most practice
03 with ee
take all those rates which are not co
A trihliceebrogutir go'
absolute maintenance c f the poor, atio ant. loea- sor
which would not interfere with our sYsteTe defreYcdoe
vernment, and ia future permit thorn tsar, beer.) jog
the general revenue of the country.---( that, nth
House will possibly be surprised to learneve y bp,
passed a Registration Act which compels . ort sea id
a ~
and every death to be registered at should be Pse-as
60,000/. a year to the country, that suni
so, it eea
by real property alone—(Hear, hear)---beeee becsuseelot
the easiest way of obtaining the moneys and 0,00
et
may go on obtaining public money in tulerr,e'satio of
the apparent odium of adding to tho gener surprised tbe
• be BurP • the
the country.—(lle sr,.) The Lions° vrdl
ogoiatine, ,her
another Act of Parliament was passed, „ oti
try 2'l' °°r to
preparation of the jury list and the burgeeosusu"s" o
lists of the country, which cost the . banded eve
year, and that one Bill was immedistelY.' reels are
the Poor-law Commissioners t) be PeictstaJap seseetto/f
perty. —(hear.)—The House, in a Per,°_x_Y. au
bealtu_ed
alarm, determine to t eke care of the lives:nuisances
,aor,
all the inhabitants of the country, pass's a very c°°si(rosi
sanitary Ac', which costs the country vu en the
able sum, and that is immediately place (ITyvtrioule svetbile
(Elear, hear.) It
property of the country.-11 tho sletail‘ and
the House if I were to enter into a
ss
snt Act,
the
Vacc:nation Ac', the Parochial Assc
,ts?,
astonish b-
many other Acts; but the aggregate Is so, oste.
House when I tell them that independent
ioltst ncerlY,
lishment charger, which I have placeiasf 300,ooot
1,500,0001. for the 'United Kingdom— iscellasts otis
of which are occasioned fir Ireland —thc' Mobser"ti°7
rates, passed in this House almost without .
.7e0.000
within these very few years, amount to near ly
tlve 'tetee
sterling for England alone—(llear, hear) 700 004
sum for the United Kingdom exceediug bigao
per uLll,l4l3l.—(llcAr, hear.) New,

b,

ye

e,''"g cal rise to give any reason why these taxes
'eed
11. be eieste c' arced upon the real property of the
Kined.un. Teey are levied in a form which
Thu' seenrity for oar happy system of se if-govern-
uent- That limps, system, it it be one, is amply se-
teirnr:dbe the lent. of millions, to all of which in due
of E)our eetiee will be c tiled by the suffezing land
eglend. Well, then, I shout I pie pose if we went
l
taro Coirenittee, as I hope we shall, a second resolution,
that from the 25th cf Jlerch, 1350, all these rates levied
1211rier the machinery
of the laws for the relief and
107ieefe
lance of the poor, other than county ret!s and
rates in connexion with county rat ss, and other
t,!1'411 the establishment charges, should be defrayed by
Consolidated Fund —(Cheers.) I hope that these
Itiwo resolutions, though not f ,rmally laid on the ta eo,
re specific enough fsr the Hon. Member for Montros.,
an
;that he will this night record his vote in their fa-
4ar, a.:cordance with the half-promise which he gave
.ter(ll.(<l. laugh.) There is yet another resolution
j/itlch I will venture to call the attention of the Hous..
herto the House will observe that though I have
sell! with a sum not exceeding 2,0t00 0001., the whole
titihr. h‘ich. is furnished by real proper y,,and two-thirds of
h,,len direct; presses up el the suff eine- land, I have
a,le tl,e Ilouse to violate a single ono of those
pranlienal princip'e3 with which they have Len ex-
sh'eel their sympathy. It cannot be said that we a-e
--seine; thaeskinn,cieuntt
the
estitutions ael habits of the
eaotettry in
present moment, to free the
jlaslod, f,r°nl a contribution of taxes which have not only
boerl tied within the last fey years, but which have
°r drocr'Posed for purposes which were never conceived
neeivred,
Or
atnel of by statesmen or gnanciers until very
tmlint Period.— (Hear, hear.) There is another impohe
Phiect connected with the administration of t
tle,-/•,4\s• which I think, demands the. consideration of
fro 4c"lse. I should propose a third resolution, that
ia_rB and after the same day in March, 1850, the casual
01 throughout the Untied Kingdom should be a
sops'e transferred to the general revenue of the
et 0,,,, e
.—(flear, hear.) That is not at the present
tipe ,eat.Y p trochial charge. It is heavythe
in Scotland,
sorb 'n England it is vested: upon the union rate,
e_
the erah?n fund. It is also an amendment open to none f
to Jections with which we are met when we attempt
r ihn'v".rt the distresses of the agricultural classes by
(e'Cetng any portion of their peculiar burdens.—
o'ner) Now, Sir, I think there is much to be said in
1311.-1. °f these propositions. They are, in the first
eliseetteiiiitalsit.--(Cheers.) They are, in the second place,
tee Y Practicable.—(Cheers.) They requirde nho
leCorlehinery, they destroy no old machinery, 9.1: te
tesh(4 then' may be furnished by that balance in the
IN 'quer of which we have heard so much.—(Hear
that ileultiatee-) I have thought, acting with my friends,
littoo- me present state of circumstances it was of the
treto,ilhPortance that any suggestion that we had to
'see, Should be one into which the elements of centre-
obj4t; could very slightly enter. None of those great
Yee., °2l which entered into the question last
teat e''''n it was argued, can be noticed in the pre-
eesocoaP, and fortenately we have at last a Minister of Fi-
te) w,ho need not plead in forma pauperis.—(Laugh-
tht'r 'aut., Sir, there is another recommendation for
thee in'asures which I will attempt to impress upon
'''inlieleration of the Noble Lord. They may
!),It
tekonsidered slight, though they are practicable,.bie
imports are of indefinite and almost of unimaginable
resot taenee when we look upon them as the commence-
this °' a how era, which will do justice to the land o
twee at It is of the highest. impolr-
theztteits moment that the Parliament, which on. y
elat of January, not only refused to sympathise
reelpith even to recognise, the unprecedented distress
itr:reclePression that now prevail in England, and.. daily
Sethit."Le, because they were wedded—l am willing. toh
the, "
"honourably wedded—to the conviction upon which
lioa4adetel--ehould at least show, as the Noble Lord
', ,exPressed himself on the occasion, that if any
ti Ott 'at measures were brought forward for the mitiga-
e)o4q that distress which did not run counter to any of
Ilse° convictions of political economy to which he is
!iota? fondly devoted, he would give to those proposi-
'lee,: candid, a considerate, and even an indulgent at-
risCt"., I think it of great importance—l scarcely can
'`th tue Noble Lord would think it of slight importance
,45:t h,z should do so at a moment like the present,
think s'eling which I will not dilate upon, but which.
Oltirl,-' bna justified in saying is one of a very serious
ael,ti-etee, Pervading large classes of the community,
Ines ' as if to aggravate their annoyance, their suffer-
Nit are ostentatiously placed in contrast with the ram-
oPersPerity of universal England.—(Hear, hear.)
'atttsorbund a Minister presiding over an overflowing
et t--4 Minister, the representative of doctrines
IV it peps Produced this universal prosperity—l will not
'ilse,,e`Pe cost of agricultural distress, but suspiciou.s yOr to enteot
with it—l can conceive no position happier,
felicitous, than that in which the Noble Lord
ePolit-44`ral" fe• his coming and saying,. " I have an un-
sitl sytt's,th in the principles upon which the comm!r-
tiPles ern of England is founded; I believe those pnn-
thot tvhich I gave a tardy but sincere assent.
teitereeott-hrtreyal. cause of the wide-spread prosperity of
I deeply deplore that any important
blee let in the State is at this moment suffering, has
aspetrsspe,it'g suffering, and, unfortunat dy, has notl a
ct
very ironic Hate renovation ; but am
lais its • n that I can come
e east' „ practice. statesrna ,
"lh "" prose to the landed cheeses of the country,
toil herd and
of the soil, to all connected with the
:1,4s
iEngland, that there is in the Ministry and
‘Zis 'lntl,ilrnent of England a sincere sympathy with
rilt:7eringl stead what is still mare important—the
0pp",',14 some de ree to mitigate them."—(Cheers.)
41;41 with confidgence, to the Noble Lord,'
because he
ta°re than one occasion shown—what must be
to him
—a a,h with the agricultural classes.
tft'4lliotsold the -Nsralep Lord'yn- before, not e myself, but
Ter s° with whom I have the honour to act, that we
,;()].'eht to mix up any party spirit with our strug-
I'lllet) ilusticet) our suffering constituents.—(Bear,
!'het' el 111)e. therefore, that the Noble Lord, if he is
1114, ace-e' to these temperate, these moderate,
tliti4hlonablerequests, will not be prevented from
th''Ytlß'i,t'°,,eourse e thinks right because he thinks he
shadow of a party triumph to gentlemen on
l tgtt Ical assure him that if he will act in this
tttlellt,h7c shall have no wish to avail ourselves of any
h%si
ti 'N
"leA. I shell think that the Noble Lord on this
„ as
ostti upon others, has acted like a high-spirited
Net e' and a wise statesman, and has not been
from doing that which is just, and net
tits Jest
s but politic, because a suggestion
er has
to ear —ale to him by a political opponent.
e
"ea" ) But if I make this appeal
01)B/4'61110 'Lord, I would also venture to address
166 re 0f,11410n to the House. The House is well
tlftless,"
.aceitstion which exists upon the subject of
i'lvt distress and depression of the agricultural
143 elo ono can say that we hove exaggerated it,
\tit gl see
libQ Ile hoard from a high althority the other night
in-n• Rember for the West Riding—that he be-
et',44i-nei," the Reform Bill, a greater disturbance never
thal4ff- "gland. Sir, lam not surprised that t oses
lapallsle: severely should feel ardently, end expres
prig language somewhat strong. But remem-
lt,',V t,epal characteristic of that agitation. What.
)04,71c)D0" as it not the expression of an opinion that it
(4'1)11 V,("8 to apply to this House? Was it net a
(Is'h'es rlfidencelin the institutions of the country?
(i'lls-t„'hel,” from an Hon. Member.) The Hon.
,ltlethe " cheers rss if I had sanctioned such appeals
cintrary I have never mei, upon that subject,
Zttil)14111g0 ihan I used in this House.—(Hear,
ectsei never said one thing in one place, and
a'4nother.—(Loud cheers.) I have always Fx.-
tr,tiatiP I,ll.ohounded and sincere belief in the :pint
tliktvq I believe, is at the bottom of the heartd
ernher of this House. I never suppose
el't,'kh"slos,ell,l,‘"lild come forward and that they would
gip, conviction-, at which the majority have
Ilrrived with some study, and many with much
tl'ijit',4lllembering what the House did on. .the
1%10, Ittle- "vo years aeo I expressed the eonvaction,
th',' -;* Most earnestly entertain, that this House
Ilai'let%tnstead cf an assembly that exhibited a cal-
°,l) he'lltel"„t°,tle sufferings and representations of the
Plikvsre.the-tis°°clY—would, o. n the contrary, be an assem-
,'ile,,,l If it express their sympathy, 7trompt. to. r.e-
:le,g,tslenglet be, even the injuries which their legis-
slOrioerk'frh beneficial in the main, had entailed on
I
41!ttlral class• I feel that conviction now.
til'eeelo;lo're that in. the present state of the country,
;rltine°sitions conceive', as I think, with so much
'ell I s'n, in • • much urged I hope,
tot sslt a spirit of so justice,
'lt' 'lee 'i they are not urged with temper it is my
411) lltopf,i'r the fault of my friends—l cannot conceive
146 tresl4;l4'ons of this character will be received with
L'.llle.44,reitrosa °PPosition.—(Cheers.) I hardly know with
cots we are to be met. All the usual ones to
Nice alt. referred referred which might relate to a more am-
lila alit t
ef thi °grAaplewith the subject, are entirely
t a qo. 8 discussion. All that they' can say is,
ti „'„4l an little We may be told, as we have
that. we, who were the advocates of a
eAh.rece-p'steen', ought to be content with nothing less
e,tiststiltit.rthetice
will
a protective system, and that
'lee° at will satisfy our constiuents. That is a
11,1 e, linen that witfi great respect to Hon. Gen-
ta t„, 40all ' - A to —(Cheers.)
eever coneescene to rep y .
rif pinn°h confidence in the good sense of the
itti?,'l.N4(lrt,say-,gcland to believe that that is
.the view, I-
Clltlo"leer—klbe majority, but of a considerable por
Qte'tZ give's ",et.tle.) They are prepared, when the cr-
i ►ice i-tell an opportunity, I doubt not, to Tin-
oillet'etial.llstrial principles which. they think have
Ott:4 t 5 by ItiCheers.) But in this llcus.eliwhere we
tikelstb(liet,B„l',''°dged majority, which scarcely
'els4le J.-ewe '°ns of that nature, we
.are. only doing
Crt "ere are only consulting their intersts, in
Ost,a"?ei: op or to alleviate their
.burdens—to
Pli ''tned
fo• their sufferings; and if we cannot
tits t, '',9taef,""nit?,diately any great result. at least we
-I4r, to achieve this great political purpose
isik4l9l):'s taeh itie.elll not to despair for the in-
'e country. The lion. Gentleman eon-
tl,l,resqtaerctit(te'te Clod and repeated cheers, by moving. for
th the whole House, to take into its cohn-
tleii
ableth"' revision of the laws providing
ti%lll t Pi°°l• of the United Kingdom of Great
treit cita:eler:3'34:4l,,as may mitigate the distress of the
f'tt'ss
"k a take expressed his satisfaction at the
;141t'il‘'i' is: by the Hon. Gentleman in bringing
tilt the session the motion which he had
t. Itten
t_
h'ut'tl,:ll,lrAtre,tuvtlie Rouse ; and he thought the agri-
s ^reatly indebted to the Hon. Gentleman
t‘lt i •
rtll'• en el II which he had acted. After all that
hated county meetings within the last few
tit, to Bach ell tho propositions that had been sub-
litl,4la fassetehl-
:re t ort"a les, and the anticipations which
farebt 0 a "' immediate, or at least an early
teetiVO system—after all the cheers which
y 40%, te by th .
e public oratory of some Hon. Mem-
fp set Rated -
letk,eret near the Hoe. Gentleman—it was
the _ and
ef the Hon. Gentleman coming
ultnee
that numerous and distinguished