The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-01 00:00:00

LLOYD'S.

The following communication has been addressed to
the secretary at Lloyd's:—
" Foreign-office, May 30, 1850.
" Sir,--With reference to your letter of the 3d of
April last, I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to re•
quest that you will acquaint the committee at Lloyd's
that her Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople having
communicated to the Turkish Government an account of
the assistance afforded by Captain Farren, of the British
vessel Eagle, to some Ottoman subjects who were picked
up by him at sea off the coast of Syria. in the month of
December last, the Sultan has signified his approval of
Captain Farren's conduct by ordering a present of a
ring to be made to that officer.
" I am, Sir, &c ,
(Signed) " IL U. ADDINGTON."

The Earl of Hardwick had an interview with Sir
George Grey yesterday, at the Home-office.
GREENOCK HARBOUR.—On Sabbath last, about
three o'clock, a most untoward accident happened at the
new harbour, which will have the effect of considerably re-
tarding the completion of these works. At the north-west
corner there has always been a small stream of water escap-
ing into the harbour, passing under the wall of the East
India Quay. The workmen had been engaged for some time
upon the foundation of the harbour wall at this spot; and
the volume of water was observed several days since to be
increasing in size. At three o'clock yesterday it burst in
with a violent irruption, threatening to inundate the whole
of the works. The alarm was given, the men were all in-
stantly summoned, and measures were forthwith taken to
check the current. A barge laden with clay was sunk out-
side the East India Quay, wheie the water obtained ingress,
and about 1,800 bags filled with sand were sunk opposite the
aperture. It will take a long time, however, before the mis-
chief done can be fully retrieved, a circumstance which is
much to be regretted, seeing the harbour was so near its long-
expected completion.—Record.
Lusa HoasEs. The vessel Duchess of Kent,
arrived in the river from Cork, has brought the large num-
ber of 26 horses as part of her cargo.
_ ALLEGED ROBBERY or 8001.—On Wednesday in
last week a shooting match, at fifty sparrows each, for 1001.,
came Wells,
off on Odd-down, between Mr. Evans, of and a
eA'Sl'renGinrgee.a pn,oartyfLondon. which was won by the latter. In the
of sportsmen connected with the event met
at the house of the stakeholder, Mr. Knott, of the Crown,
Market-place, Bath, and application was made by the win-
ning party for the stakes to be paid over there and then;
but the landlord refused to handt them over until the next
morning, when the referee was
backers,
ilr present. This raised
Green'sthm money. Upon
their. iKrenoofttsohmade
nofotbgirol onwhe this, a asserted
landlordted t h at
pulled out his purse, and said he had more than enough to
pay them ; at the same time showing notes and
bills to the amount of 800/. As midnighth approached
the company separated, and, at length, the party
was reduced to two individuals who had engaged beds in the
house, a son of one of them who was stopping at the Cross
Keys, and Mr. Knott. They were all four drinking and
smoking together until after three o'clock in the morning
(at which hour the money was still in the stakeholder's posses-
sion), when Mr. Knott fell asleep. About four o'clock his three
customers left the room to go to their respective beds, but he
(the landlord) did not retire himself, falling asleep again in
the parlour, and he did not wake until nearly two hours after.
He then felt in his coat pocket, and discovered that he had
been robbed, upon which he went to the Cross Keys (as
the person who had gone there had been sitting next to him
throughout the right, the other two being on the opposite
side of the table). but could obtain no clue as to who took
the money, or where it was. The sum stolen is stated to
have consisted of notes to the amount of 1751., and a cheque
for 111. upon the Trowbridge bank, and the remainder of bills.
—Bristol Mercury.

GLANDERS.--Mr. Garfit, landlord of the Sack
Tavern, Waterside, Lincoln, died last week of the above
dreadful complaint. He lingered in great pain for a period of
-h`--.'Pelr..7,llaving taken the disease from a horse
by some boatmen.—

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, May 31.

SUNDAY TRADING PREVENTION BILL.

The Earl of LIARIWWBY moved the committal of
;his Bill.

Lord BROUGHAM looked upon Bills of this nature
with great anxiety. No man was more convinced than
himself of the necessity of the observance of the Sab-
bath, but ho feared the adoption of measures which, by
overdoing it, by straining too hard, should make
the observance of the Sabbath unpopular, and
defeat the object which they all had in view.
He hoped the Bill would be very fully considered in all
its provisions before it received the assent of Parliament.
Why should such a nice distinction as this be introduced,
that you might sell milk and cream, but not tea or sugar?
Now this Bill introduced this distinction. Again, it per-
mitted shaving and hair-dressing before ton o'clock, but
not after. Then newspapers were permitted to
be sold on Sunday, but not Bibles or Prayer-
books. If you wanted to know the odds on the
Derby or the Oaks you might buy Bell's Life in London,
but with regard to a Bible or a Prayer-book—oh, no!
you must not buy a Bible or a Prayer-book. These
were a few of the anomalies of the Bill, and
he hoped it would receive the greatest consideratio❑
before it was passed. An address, it was incredible, but
it was true—(Cheers)—an address had been voted by
the other House that all Post-office proceedings should
be stopped on a Sunday.—(Hear, and cheers.) All mails
were stopped on a Sunday.
The Earl of HARROWBY—This Bill does not in
terfere with the Post-office.

Lord BROUGHAM—Did the Noble Lord imagine he
was such an idiot as not to know that ? but he feared
that that Bill might follow this, and he had reason
fur his fears when he considered the un-
qualified and outrageous address which had been
agreed to by the other House by a considerable
majority. Of coarse they would follow it up by an ad-
dress that all ships should lie to on a Sunday. There
was no country in which the Sabbath was better ob-
served than it was in England, and there was no
great city in which the Sabbath was less broken than
in London, but he feared that if this course of legislation
was pursued a reaction would be the consequence, and
the Sabbath would be less observed than it was at
present.
The Earl of HARROWBY knew the Noble and
Learned Lord meant to promote the object of the Bill,
but it was evident ho bad not received the information
which had been laid before the Committee with whom
this Bill had originated, nor could he have personally
made himself aware of the state of certain localities in
the metropolis on Sunday morning, otherwise he would
not have attempted to thwart the measure. With regard
to the exceptions alluded to by the Noble and Learned
Lord, they had arisen from a desire to err rather on the
side of indulgence than of severity. This Bill had re-
ceived the approval of the parties chiefly concerned, the
tradesmen and shopkeepers, who all concurred in a wish
that shops should be generally closed on Sundays. To
show how such a principle had worked, he would re-
mind the Noble and Learned Lord of the Act for closing
public-houses on the Sunday morning, which he had
much gratification in saying had been found to work ex-
ceedingly well, and even the very persons on whom it
might be supposed to press with severity had come be-
fore the Committee on this Bill and expressed their satis-
faction with the alteration. He hoped the Noble and
Learned Lord would allow the Bill to go into Committee.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH agreed with his
Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) in viewing
this subject with great apprehension, lest by pursuing
too extreme a course they should excite a spirit of re-
sistance against more prudent measures. This was a
great measure of moral and religious police, and they
ought to proceed with great caution, especially as it was
not a measure in any way affecting the habits, comfort,
or convenience of Members of that House, or of the upper
or middle classes, but which did affect the habits, com-
forts, and convenience of the humbler classes of the com-
munity. The Noble Earl, who had charge of the Bill
had questioned the ability of his Noble Friend to judge
of the necessity of the measure because he had not read
the evidence, but he (Lord Ellenborough), had waded
through the evidence—and a heavier blue book he had
never encountered—and while agreeing that there were
some places in London where regular markets were held
on the Sunday, he urged the House to bear in mind
that if that Bill were passed, they would have a riot in
every one of those localities. Th• Bill gave a
policeman the power at his own discretion to
seize goods exposed for sale in these markets, in
some of which ten or twenty thousand persons
were congregated on a Sunday morning. It was absurd
to suppose that such seizures could be made without ex-
citing disturbance. The Noble Earl ought to go to the
foundation of all these evils, and that was the very late
payment of wages on the Saturday night. He did not
think that any termination of that system could be ef-
ected by tidy combination of the masters themselves,
but that there ought to be a legislative enactment that
wages should be paid after the close of work on Friday
night. He also thought that it would be'productive of
good effects it the time to which public-houses were al-
lowed to be kept open on the Saturday night were still
further restricted; and if shops for the sale of other ar-
ticles than spirituous liquors were allowed to remain
open longer than they now do, so as to enable the work-
man to make his purchases on Saturday instead of
being compelled to go out on the Sunday morning. He
was sure that if the House went into Committee on the
Bill they would find it was essentially imperfect, and
required great amendment. He thought a slight altera-
tion of the Metropolitan Police Act would be sufficient
to remove the more serious evils complained of. Cer-
tainly on a subject of so much importance they ought to
bestow the most serious consideration on any prupusi-
tion, and if a measure were necessary it ought to pro-
ceed f, ona the Government.

The Bishop of ST. ASAPH said he had long been
convinced that the Act of Charles 11., which was the
only law of this nature at pre.ent in force, was quite in-
adequat to:carry out the object for which it was intended.
The only difference between that Act and the present
measure was, that this Bill placed the administration of
the law in the hands of the police instead cf the parish
authorities. With regard to the alarm expressed by the
Noble Earl of its creating riots, he would tell him that
the whole question had been discussed and examined by
one of the Commissioners of Police, and he stated that
there would be no difficulty in carrying it out. With
regard to those places of great resort in Camden-town,
Whitecross-street, and Houndsditch, people had no con-
ception of the extent of the evil. He was occasionally
called on to go to different parts of the metropolis on
Sunday morning; on one occasion he passed through
Lambeth-cut, and a more disgraceful fair he never wit•
nessed, and that was close to the parish church. The
same thing he knew took place in Seymour-street,
Camden-town, where thousands of people as-
sembled every Sunday morning. He knew of no
difficulty the police would have. At present if a
woman had a basket which inconvenienced people, the
police would remove it, and did so constantly without
leading to any riot. That was exactly what this Bill
empowered them to do, only on a more extensive scale.
He was aware that there would be difficulties in the way
of carrying out this Bill, but if any one had asked him
ten years eko whether they would shut up every gin
shop in London till one o'clock, he should have said they
could not, but it had, since been done, and it had been
found a great blessing.
Earl GREY said, he, in common with the Noble and
Learned Lord (Brougham) generally viewed legislation
of this nature with great suspicion, but in this instance
he believed a case had been made out for legislative in-
terference. What they had heard from the Right Rev.
Prelate was entitled to great 'eight,' and as it was also
earnestly desired by the parties chiefly concerned, the
shopkeepers themselves, that all shops should be com-
pelled to close on the Sunday morning, ho thought the
House ought not to reject the Bill without fully weigh-
ing the reasons w'nich had urged the Select Committee
to recommend it to the House. He felt the less inclined
to oppose the Bill, because it was not to be carried out
through the agency of the common informer—through
whom formerly the . greatest oppressions took place.
wasced everyn the r
ohaa
toof
believethe
that it w
The power. of enforcing the provisions of the Bill would
tbheeprelaandouplodliebee
pro-
perly exercised.

Earl ST. GERMANS said, that he had entertained an
opinion unfavourable to this Bill, but he was induced to
alter that opinion from the evidence which had been laid
before the Committee, and from which evidence he now
thought that the interposition of' Parliament was neces-
sary. It appeared that markets and fairs were regu-
larly held is several parts of London, on the Sunday,
and that other practices, detrimental alike to health and
morality, were prevalent. This was well known to the
tradesmen of the metropolis, and some of them had held
a meeting, calling upon Parliament to interpose and put
them down. That was the feeling of the tradesmen of
the metropolis, and he was persuaded that it was the
feeling of the working classes themselves. The evils of
the present system had arisen greatly from the practice
T
of paying wages late on Saturday night; but now, in
nine cases out of ten, the wages were
paid
employers
early
nowon
that
Saturday,itmoarkoens
little Friday
differencen h4
whether they pay
night.
their workpeople on Friday or Saturday. The Noble
Lord opposite had alluded to what he called the impos-
sibility of carrying out this measure. He (Earl St.
Germans) did not believe that there could be any im-
possibility in carrying it out.—(Hear, hear.) The po-
lice magistrates examined before the Committee said
that they would find no difficulty in enforcing this mea-
sure, and some improvements had been introduced at
their suggestion. He did not say that it was not sus-
ceptible of improvement, but he approved of the measure
as a whole; and if their Lordships refused to go into
Committee on the Bill, they would disappoint the hopes
of a very large proportion of the inhabitants of the me-
tropolis. For himself, he thought that every man
should at least have one day in the week of cessation,
from his ordinary employment, and he hoped, therefore
that their Lordships would go into Committee.
Lord MOUNTCASHELL said that the only opposition
to the Bill emanated from the Chartist body, and the
petitions they presented, upon examination, were found
to contain a great number of fictitious and forged names.
The great majority of shopkeepers took no part in this
opposition, in fact the Bill was the Bill of the shop.
keepers, and it had emanated from them. It was quite
evident that Sunday trading must be put a atop to. There
was one fact which had nut been alluded .to. A great
deal of diseased cattle was sold and slaughtered on a
Sunday. When such things took place it was high time
that these practices should be put a stop to.
Their Lordships then went into Committee.

Upon the first clause -----
Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that ho wished to
know at what hour the Sunday was to commence. Was
it to commence at midnight? It was important to
know that, because a great deal of trading went on after
midnight. Whatever might be done often% arcls, in the
first instance he recommended that the Sunday should
be made to commence one hour after midnight.

The Earl of HARROWBY said that the Noble Earl
should recolle3t that the enforcing of the Bill was not in
the hands of common informers, but of the police.
However, if the Noble Esrl persisted in pressing his
amendment, it was hardly worth opposing.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that his desire
was that the law should be observed, and that it should
not be left to the discretien of police officers.
Earl GREY thought, that upon the whole the clause
was better as it stood, but if the amendment was pressed,
it would be better to add a clause declaring at what time
Sunday was to commence.
The clause was then agreed to.
Upon clause 2, which provided exceptions as to the
rale of various article;

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said, he would sug-
gest that the words " bread, butter, and sugar," should
be added to the exceptions. Then again with respect to
the hour of opening shops for the sale of milk or cream,
he thought that nine o'clock on Sunday morning was
too early to open these shops. Ile would suggest ten
o'clock.

Earl ST. GERMANS said that they should except
fish, and numerable other perishable articles, as well as
fruit, pastry. prepared victuals,

Earl GREY aaid that the intention was clearly to
draw a distinction between perishable and imperishable
articles.

Lord BROUGHAM indulged in some observations
respecting bread and butter, and morning tea and even-
ing tea, which were very indistinctly heard.
Earl ST. GERMANS said that the sale of milk or
,cream was excepted, because milk could only be bought
on Sunday, when butter or tea cuuld be bought o❑ Fri-
day or Saturday.
The Earl of HARROWBY said that this should not
be a subject lightly dealt with. They were dealing with
the happiness of the people. They were bound to
secure to every man on a Sunday as much rest and re-
creation as was consistent with the general comfort and
welfare of the community. He would ask their Lord-
ships to agree to the clause as it stood.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he would
not move any amendments in Committee, but would re-
serve them for the report. He would, however, ask one
question. Did the words "fermented liquors" apply to
ginger-beer and sods-water ?—(Laughter.) They-were
to some extent fermented liquors, and in hot weather
were most desirable. When he suggested the insertion
of the words " bread and butter," it was rejected on the
ground that they were not perishable articles; but were
stamped newspapers perishable articles? He should like
to know if Bell's Life and other Sunday papers were
perishable articles.
The Earl of HARROWBY said that of all perishable
articles newspapers were probably the most perishable;
fur generally they were not heard of after the day of
their birth.

The Earl of MOUNTCASHELL said that newspapers
were printed on Saturday, and not made on a Sunday.
The clauses were then agreed to, and their Lordships
resumed.
AUSTRALIAN COLONIES GOVERNMENT BILL.

Upon the order of the day for the second reading of
this Bill,

Earl GREY said that before moving the order of the
day for the second reading of the Australian Colonies
Government Bill, he begged to present a petition from
Australia, very numerously signed, in favour of the
measure.

Earl FITZWILLIAM said that, considering the pre-
sent state of the House, perhaps it would be better to
postpone the discussion on so important a measure.
Earl GREY said that next week there was abundance
of business, and it had been publicly announced that
there was to be no opposition to the Bill. He therefore
begged to move the second reading of the Bill which was
intended to provide for the future government of the
Australian colonies. It was little more than 70 years
ago that the oldest of these colonies was founded. Many
of these settlements were of much more recent date.
These colonies had now risen both in wealth and in
numbers—in numbers now more than 300,000. Their
rapid progress during the last 20 years was remarkable.
In 1828 the population was only 53,500; in 1838 the po-
pulation was 145,600; and in 1848 the number had in-
creased to 333,910. But their progress in wealth was still
more remarkable. Of that wealth the value of the ex-
ports was the best test. In 1828 the value of the ex-
ports to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land was
181,500/., and in twenty years the value of the exports
had increased to 2,800,000/.—(Hear, hear.) The num-
ber of emigrants to those colonies was yearly rendering
them of greater importance. Last year the number of
emigrants was no less than 32,000.—(Hear, hear.) The
object of the measure was to provide for the constitu-
tional development of the government of these colonies,
and it was now his duty to point out in detail the mode
in which that object was to be accomplished. But be-
fore proceeding to that ho must observe, that the leading
principle of' the measure was to avoid any great or ex-
perimental change. He now thought it necessary to
remark, that in 1824 a regular form of legislative autho-
rity and judicial power was given to those colonies, and
that through the instrumentality of Mr. Huskisson this
Act was considerably improved in 1828. He assured the
Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) that his main and principal
object in pressing the necessity of this Bill was to pre-
vent the evils of jealousy among those colonies which
would be inevitable if the slightest scintillation were af-
forded to ignite the fuel of their local attachment. He
should at the same time remark, that by this Bill the Go
vernment proposed to afford the same privileges to those
colonies as these already afforded to New South Wales,
and that electoral divisions would be establisheA on the
same basis as in that colony, and he felt it necessary t
add that two-thirds of the re,resentatives should be
elected,by the people, and that the Crown was to have
the prerogative of appointing the remaining one-
third. Ho also wished to remark that no alteration in
the constitution could be made by the governor or others
in power without the sanction and consent of the colo-
nists. Ile could say much on the subject of the negli-
gence of some Members of the Legislature who had
slighted their duty, 'particularly in the locality of Port
Philip ; but to that he would not further allude than to
say the inhabitants of that place complained that they
had no one to represent their wishes or their interests,
and that they did not enjoy the slightest benefit from
their mock constitution. Then, after some time of suf.
fering, it was deemed necessary that the grievance
should be redressed, and ultimately the cure was worse
than the disease. In consequence of this and other
circumstances, he perfectly coincided with the Council
on the point that the line of demarcation should be
drawn between the territory of New South Wales
and the northern district at latitude 60 degrees north.
He should next add that he fully concurred with the
Noble Lord (Lord Stanley), on the grounds that some
system of government was necessary for the local go-
vernment of those colonies, because the great source of
vitality to most of the institutions of this country, and
the very vitality of its constitution were owing to the
influence and good effect of local government. Such
self-government he belived to have been the source of
the independence of Englishmen iu America, and for that
reason he wished that municipal institutions should be
carried into effect, and supported in those colonies, par-
ticularly as they proved so beneficial to this country,
when established in 1835, and for that reason he pro-
posed to have a legislative power to control local bodies,
for this country could never be aware of the require-
ments and exigencies of those remote colonies. The
Noble Lord then alluded to the system of outlay of
the revenue for the preservation of order, the survey
of the territory, and also for the education of the rising
generation of those colonies, which he looked upon
as new features, as compared with the Act of
1842, and he therefore considered that another system
of taxation on the land, according to its value, should
be established. For that reason he fully con-
curred with the colonists that they should have full
control over their own resources, and considered it alien
to a representative government to be at the disposal of
persons who were almost totally ignorant of their con-
cerns, and should therefore opposed the idea of a central
committee. He would call the attention of their Lord-
ships to the state of the revenue of New South Wales in
1842, when, out of 500,0001., no less a sum than 81,600/.
was separated from the control of the Legislature, which
be looked upon as unwise and unjust. A similar ar-
rangement was proposed with regard to the Australian
colonies. It of course would rest with the advisers of
the Crown to exercise that discretion; but in cer-
tain respects it was provided by the Bill on their Lord-
ships' table, and the Government would not be at liberty is
alter those regulations without the sanction of the. Colo-
nial Legislature. But in respect to the salaries of the
judges, the Colonial Legislature was not to have the
power of altering or reducing the emoluments of thejudges
by any Act of their. He thought it of great importance
that they had now, by the proposed Act, a recognition of
the princiPle of the Colonial Legislature to deal to a cer-
tain extent, and in certain matters, with questions relating
to their, local affairs. He should certainly support the
principle of a reduction of the expenditure, not only of
the judges, but of other functionaries in the colony, but
under certain restrictions of the home legislature.—
(Hear, hear.) He thought that existing interests should
be respected, and he hoped, with respect to any future
changes or reductions that might be called for or neces-
sary, that they would bo attended to. With respect to
the proposed Act, he was of opinion that, in its amended
form, it ought to be applied generally to all the Austra-
lian colonies, with the exception of Western Australia,
to which it was not intended that it should at present be
extended. Having directed their Lordships' attention
to the various amendments which the present Bill pro-
posed, the Noble Lord said that he thought it possible
that some time would elapse before it would become
necessary to overrule the colonial wishes ; but he
thought that a necessity now existed for the Parliament
of this country to take such a course as that proposed.
Of the various clauses, the most important was that
which prposed -a power of summoning the Australian
Legislature. It appeared to him that a mere inspection
of the map of those colonies would show, distantly situated
as they were from each other, that some machinery
or other was necessary to enable them to combine for
some common object. His Lordship then took a geo-
graphical view of the colonies, and said that it appeared
to him that there was a necessity for such a combination
as he had alluded to. In North America, in 1764, he
might remark that a congress was attempted to be drawn
together, and Dr. Franklin 'prepared a plan for its insti-
tution. Now his (Lord Grey's) own opinion was, that
had such a course as that been at the time adopted, so
far from having the effect of hastening the separation
of their North American colonies from the mother
country, it would have had an effect of a very contrary
kind, that of preventing the separation that afterwards
took place—at least, of preventing the occurrence of the
most expensive war into which the Government and
Parliament of this country entered; and he believed also
that if the course to which ho had just alluded had been
carried out, that the home Government would not
have taken the violent course they had; and, on the
other hand, such a show of justice would have taken
away from the colonies any motives for separation.
—(Hear, hear.) All that was now proposed was
that her Majesty should have the power to appoint a

governor-general of the colonies, and that it should be
in the power of one or more of those colonies to legis-
late. He trusted, then, that their Lordships would re-
cognise the principle of the Bill, and consent to the se•
cond reading, by which course they would be discharging
an act of great justice. He believed that the form of
government proposed was well adapted to the present
state of the Australian colonies, and he was firmly of
opinion, that from the advances which the colonists were
making, the time was not far distant when the Parlia-
ment of this country would find it necessary by their
intervention to make such modifications in the Bill as
the circumstances and condition of the colonists might
demand; but that time was not yet come, and he be-
lieved that if hastily resorted to, such a course would
be attended with great inconvenience. The governor,
for instance, would have the power of objecting to
any changes; and with respect to the great distance
of Australia from this country, and the length of
time that must elapse in communications on the subject,
he thought it would be most desirable. He had little to
add beyond the assurance that the Bill which was now
proposed had been accepted by a very considerable ma-
jority of the colonists in Australia, whither the draft of
it had been sent out, and where very considerable dis-
cussious had taken place between all parties on its merits.,
He was convinced that their Lordships would that even-
ing give a second reading to this Bill, which might re-
ceive
several improvements in Committee ; and they
would, he might add, by the Bill, be providing for the
rights and liberties of millions of their fellow-subjects in
future axes, who were destie el to spread themselvet over
the vast expanse of the regions of Australia—regions
now almost unpopulated in some districts, and that they
would be thereby confirming to them the protection and
connexion of the British flag, which they now enjoyed.
(The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst cries of
" Hear.")
• Earl FITZ WILLIAM bad no doubt that this mea-
sure was the most important that ever came before a re-
formed Parliament—he said a "reformed Parliament"
emphatically, because he should like to see its acts in
substance what they professed to be in principle. He did
say, then, to his Noble Friend, that of all the Acts
which the Government of which he was a member had
brought forward, there was none of more importance
than that now before their Lordships' House. He looked
upon it as a measure most desirable, and he rejoiced that
it had received the sanction of the other House of Par-
liament. It was a Bill which, as his Noble Friend had
said, was destined to give a constitution to millions of
theirAnglo-Saxon brethren, and he rejoiced, ho repeated,
at seeing it brought forward. But while he so expressed
himself, he must at the same time express his regret
that the measure had nor, in some respects at least, been
brought forward in a different form; and he believed
that it was the duty of her Majesty's Government to have
brought it forward in a far more perfect form. There was
a feeling about the principle of the measure, which was to
give free institutions to their brethren in Southern Aus-
tralia. That principle he was undoubtedly in favour of.
This, however, was not the sort of constitution, the
Noble Lord himself admitted, which it was the inten-
tion of Government to give to the colonists; their inten-
tion having been to place in the hands of those colonists
the means of establishing a constitution for themselves.
When the Noble Lord talked of giving to the colonists
the means of forming a constitution, he ought to place
in their hands the means of establishing a constitution.
—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord was not about to form
two chambers, but was about to form a constituent
assembly, out of which a constitution might be in time
formed; and whether he (Earl Fitz william) looked at
ancient history or st modern circumstances, he found
that peace and prosperity were the objects aimed at, and
he was of opinion that it would be desirable to make,
in some way or other, a second chamber. It was all
very well that the light of the sun should be felt
in those distant colonies, but he thought that their re-
flected light should be seen here. It would be quite as
well if some persons were to try some little experiment
whether a constituent assembly might not work as well
in this country. They ought to determine who might
be elected by the electoral districts. While they gave
popular assemblies, some might think it would be quite
as well to put some alloy into the crucible. If they had
two assemblies, the governmental element and the popu-
lar element should find a place in each assembly. The
great advantage of this House was that it acted as a drag
when things were going too fast in the other House. If
this was found necessary in this country, as fortiori
it would be beneficial in those colonies. They
should give them further opportunities for dis-
cussion and consideration than they could have
in one assembly. He did not intend to give any
opposition to the second reading of the Bill,
which he approved of generally, but he wished their
Lordships to consider this particular detail.
Lord MONTEAGLE said that he agreed with the
Noble Lord that this was a very important part► of the
measure. The Noble Lord (Earl Grey) had opened the
Bill with the principle that there wes every desire to
stand upon the old ways, but as he went on his argu-
ment showed that there was a disposition to abandon
the old ways. He had recommended and endeavoured
to enforce a departure from them. Iu 1847, with respect
toNew Zsaland, he proposed a double chamber, and in
the Cape now a similar plan was proposed. Now they
called upon the Noble Lord to show from what authority
modern or ancient, he derived his plan of the present
chamber in Australia. They relied upon that constituent
assembly for the preparation of the constitution itself.
Nothing could be more unanimous, said his Noble
Friend, than the acceptance of this Bill by the colonists.
Now, which of the governors was in favour of a single
chamber? There did not appear to be any authority in
favour• of the Bill. Where, then, did the recommendations
come? Why, said his Noble Friend, there was an extra-
ordinary union of the newspapers on the subject. There was
a want of tact, and an extraordinary generosity iu this
avowal. He did not seem to perceive that if he made
the newspapers authorities in one instance. they were
equally authorities in another. In some of these colo-
nial newspapers there were accounts of meetings, which
passed resolutions loudly vituperative of the Govern-
ment and this measure. He did not admit that there
was not the materials in those colonies of forming an-
other chamber. In 1842 he (Lord Monteagle) had sup-
ported a Bill similar to this, introduced by a Noble Earl
opposite (Lord Stanley). He did that believing it to be
adapted for the state of society then existing in the cold
vies; but for the very same reason, the state of a popula-
tion growing in wealth and importance, he now opposed
this ineesure; therefore there was no inconsistency in
his conduct. He asked, was it not just that the repre-
sentatives of one chamber in those colonies should have
the power of disposing of their waste lands? And why,
therefore, deprive them of that power, which is the only
object of their wishes, for the improvement of their co-
lony, particularly when you, the Parliament of Great
Britain, propose to give them an extension of authority,
and of power over their own revenue, by the proposed
alteration in their constitution, as appears according to
this Bill? He should therefore add that, if discontent
prevailed, as he was certain it would, among the inhabit-
ants of New South Wales, and should therefore move, as
an amendment to the second clause, that there should be
in each of the two colonies, a legislative council and a
legislative assembly.

Earl GI ANVILLE thought the objection to the
legislative council being a constituent assembly was in-
' valid, inasmuch as there was no analogy between them.
The Government only gave to those colonies the power
possessed by the English Constitution of adapting their
constitution to the growing wants of the colony. The
next objection was that of a single chamber. Nobody
could deny the advantage of a house of Lords in this
country; but the state of things in respect of the compo-
sition of a second chamber in the colonies was different
from that of England. The Government would willingly
give a constitution with two chambers if they were un-
fettered in the matter; but they were not. In 1842 a
constitution of ono chamber was given to New South
Wales, with which the colony was perfectly satisfied; and
it was not desirable, for the sake of giving one theoreti-
cally more perfect, to destroy this state of satisfaction.
With respect to the elective franchise, he considered it
better that it should be settled by the local legislature
than by the Imperial Parliament, and let the colonists
imitate the mother country by working out their own
constitution, suited to their own wants and requirements.
Lord WODEHOUSE said that he considered that this
measure was worthy of the character of this country,
and he looked upon it as the turning point of local legis-
lation, which, as an Englishman, he felt it his duty to
support; as he considered that the interests of all British
colonies should be advanced, and that the more they
were succoured and supported, the more was the strength
and vitality of English independence promoted. And
why, he asked, not grant the same privileges to New
South Wales, as have been granted by America and
other nations, as well as by England to her independent
colonies. Whatever might be the character of the Bill,
they should take care not to lose sight of the maintenance
and stability and interests of the colonies. He would
now ask their Lordships whether they were not satisfied
in their minds that they were legislating for a great
country; and seeing that there were thousands, and tens
and hundreds of thousands of their own race in those
colonies who entertained the same feelings with them-
selves, he hoped that their Lordships would so legislate
on this question as to give them no cause of discontent.
Lord STANLEY would not detain their Lordships
long, but there were one or two points in the Bill now
oefore their Lordships on which he wished to make a
few remarks. With respect to the constitution of 1842,
to which such frequent reference had been made, and
of which he might say that he was the father, be would
here remark that he had never looked upon the establish-
ment of a single chamber as anything more than a tran-
sition state.—(Hear.) He might here observe that in
Newfoundlsnd, where there was an assembly constituting
an upper house, little numerous, and another assembly,
still less so, there was a system of squabbling carried on
between the two conflicting -parties in both chambers,
which led to the greatest interruption of the public bu-
siness. He found in that case teat the Speaker of the
Upper House threatened to commit the Speaker of the
House of Commons, who was in opposition to hire in
his views, and by those petty squabbles the whole bu-
siness of the Parliament was at a stand-still. He,
therefore, recommended a fusion of the two parties,
and during the short time of the experiment it
hall produced the best effect, and the petty
squabbles of the two parties had been re-
conciled—there were mutual concessions, the best feel-
ing was restored, and the business went on better. He
did not say that the time was not come when, in New
South \Vales, there would not be a demand for a second
chamber; and he was clearly of opinion that as a prin-
ciple, founded on reference to ancient and modern his-
tory. that two chambers were most desirable. 'le could
not but remark that he hoped the Government and Par-
liament would retain in their hands the power of alter-
ing, modifying, and extending the constitution proposed
to be given to the colony of Australia; and be must say
that he for one was not for yet extending to the colonists
of New South Wales the same power to alter the con-
stitution given to them which the Bill now on the table
of their Lordships' House proposed to give to the colo-
nists of Australia. With regard to the check proposed
to any alterations which the colonists might propose to

make in their constitution, it merely consisted in giving
to either "House of Parliament a period of
thirty days, in which to object to such change,
and that he did not consider sufficient. The point
to which he most objected, and which he thought
most uncalled for, because most unnecessary,
was the introduction into this measure of the
machinery of the federal government of the continent of
Australia, a course which would be extending tJ the
federal government the power of overriding the whole
of the local governments. He thought that the powers
to be given to the federal government should be such
only as the whole of the local governments would be
satisfied with. He was quite sure that it would not be
wise to give to those colonies the power of making al-
terations in their constitution, and that that was a power
which the Government and Parliament of this country
ought to retain in their own hands; and he was of
opini,m, also, that they should not give to the federal
government power without knowing exactly the nature
and extent of the power, and without reserving to the
Minister of the Crown for the time being power to deal
with the subject.
Earl GREY replied. The representatives of the co
lonists, by their silence, ha►d shown their approval of the
Bill. He would now propose Monday, June 10, fur the
Committee upon this Bill, and begging those of their
Lordships who had amendments to propose them in
time, that they might have full consideration. He
moved the second reading of the Bill.
The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lord-
ships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 31.
SLAVE-GROWN SUGAR.
On the motion for the reading of the order of the day,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that as on a former occasion the lion. Gentleman who had
a motion on the subject of slave-grown sugar on the
paper had postponed it at the request of the Government
on the understanding that a Government night should
be given up to him, he hoped the House would agree
that the orders of the day should be postponed until the
Hon. Gentleman's motion had been disposed of.
Sir E. BUXTON then rose, and after presenting nu-
merous petitions from Glasgow, the Island of Grenada,
St. Viucent, Belfast, Southampton, and other places,
proceeded to move, that it is unjust and impolitic to ex-
pose the free grown sugar of the British colonies and
possessions abroad to unrestricted competition with the
sugar of foreign slave•trading countries. He said he
came forward with great diffidence, and with a great
feeling of inefficiency, to bring forward such a great and
important question as this before the House of Commons,
but teelieg that this question was of great importance
to the West Indies, and it seemed to him of stilligreater
importance to the interests of humanity, he had there-
fore ventured to throw himselt upon the kindness of the
House of Commons. lie must say, in beginning, that
he brought forward this motion in no spirit of hostility
to her Majesty's Government. If he were to turn to the
men who had done the most to promote the interests
of humanity, so far as the slave trade was con-
cerned, he should certainly turn to those gentlemen
who occupied the seat below. He must return thanks
e
to tnem for what they
had done at various times and in
various ways to put down and to prevent the extension
of the slave trade. It was his intention not to bring
ter ward this matter as a matter of trade, though he was
well aware of the great importance of this question to
the West Indian colonies, He would shortly enter into
the condition, because the question of the West Indies
was so connected with the question of the slave trade
that it was impossible to separate the two. But his
object was to consider this question as a question of high
principle rather than as a principle of trade.
It was in 1846 that the measure was introduced by her
Majesty's Government, against which he now directed
his chief complaints. The effect of that Act was in some
degree mitigated, at least for the time being, by the
measure which was subsequently passed by the Govern-
ment in 1848. No one would deny that in that year,
when the late Lord George Bentinck was the
chairman of a Committee on the importation of foreign
sugar, the greatest distress existed in the West Indies.
Ho did not mean to say that the same amount of distress
now existed in those colonies, because, as he had said, it
had been much mitigated by the Act of 1848, but he be-
, lieved that the accounts of the great prosperity which
now existed were far from being true; and he had no
doubt that when the duties on our colonial sugar were
brought down to the level of those on foreign and slave-
grown sugar, the same distress which existed in 1848
would exist again. In British Guiana, where the
soil was equal to any in the world, the value
of property was very much reduced in value; the estate
of the bishop, which cost- 30,000 dollars, was sold a
short time back for little more than a third of that sum
That showed that very little permanent prosperity was
anticipated in British Guiana from the Act of 1848.
In the West Indies, he learnt from a communication
which he had received, that owing to the low prices of
sugar, a great number of estates were now out of culti-
vation. Great stress had been laid on the Act of
1846 as improving the condition of the West Indies,
whereas if any improvement had taken place,
it was to be attributed to the Act of 1848.
Let them turn for a moment to the condition of Cuba.
'They found that the exports of sugar from Cubs had
increased from 145,000 tons in 1840 to 270,000 tons
in 1850, and the increase was likely to continue.
True, the number of slaves in Cuba -had alto-
gether diminished, but while the production of
sugar had increased the growth of coffee had been
greatly reduced, in fact the production had fallen from
24,000 to 10,000 tons, and the result had been that
38,000 slaves had been transferred from the culti-
vation of coffee to the cultivation of sugar. He
need not enter into the sta•As of the Brazils, but
he might observe, in passing, that there also the
quantity of sugar exported had considerably increased,
and there also a great degree of prosperity pre-
vailed amongst the planters. Wee J, the Emperor of
Brazil, in making his speech to the Cortes, informed
them that the empire was greatly in want of labour,
thereby showing, that notwithstanding the increased
export of sugar, notwithstanding the great degree of
prosperity which the empire still enjoyed, the growers
were nevertheless desirous of further extending their
cultivation. It was, however, not on account of the
West Indies that he made this motion, but on behalf of
the great cause of humanity.—(llcar, hear,) In
1815 we gave instructions to the Duke of Wellington,
by which he went abroad; and at that time he proposed
that a convention should be made with the different states
of Europe, stipulating that we should prohibit the im-
portation of the produce grown in countries where the
African slave trade was still carried on—not only in our
own country, but into all the countries of Europe which
should enter into the treaty. At that time we gave 300,0001.
to Portugal, and 400,0001. to Spain, to induce them to
put down the slave trade. It was quite unnecessary to
remind the House that we gave 20,000,0001. in 1833 in
order that slavery should be extinguished in oar own
colonies. He thought every one would acknowledge,
that if there was a iy principle which this country had
maintained during the present century, at home and
abroad, in our treaties with foreign powers and
in our domestic concerns, it was, that having
once for all abolished the slave trade in our
own colonies, we would do all that in us lay, as a
great and Christian nation, to put it down in other
countries. He hoped that the time would never
come when this country would give up that great princi-
ple.—(Hear, hear.) Au American slave owner said, on
one occasion, he trembled for his country when he re-
membered that God was just. He (Sir E. Buxton)
thought that we might tremble in this country
if we should see the day when we should give
up the' great principle that the slave trade was to be
opposed by every means which was likely to be effective.
He was told that if we kept out sugar we would also
keep out cotton and tobacco from this country.
He saw no reason why he should not make an
attempt to put down sugar, which was one crime,
because, unfortunately, we were so involved that
we could not avoid introducing slave-grown cotton.
The plan which was adopted by the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman opposite (Sir R. Peel) to keep out slave-grown
sugar was a wise one, and he for one should
have been glad to see it carried out fur-
ther than it had been. If it were said
that it was impossible to return to that plan, he
would be rather disposed to increase than to decrease
the duties on foreign grown sugar.—(Bear.) Let the
House reflect upon the consequences of the present
system, the miseries of every slave who was engaged in
the cultivation, from his first seizure in Africa to his
life of toil and misery across the Atlantic. There might
be some difference of opinion as to the present
state of the slaves, but into that question he would nut
then enter. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded
read the sentiments of Mr. Wilberforce in his letter to
his constituents in 1807. Ile thought that the most
miserable condition to which a man could be condemned
was that of a slave on a sugar estate in the island of Cuba.
If they placed our colonists in free competition with
the producers of slave-grown sugar, they must make up
their minds that they were creating at the same
time the greatest amount of sulfuring, misery,
and degradation which could belong to any
civilized condition, and not only would that
be the case, for they would also put a stop to the pro-
gress of civilization in Africa, that part of the world
to which the exertions of missionaries and others had
been mainly directed. He admitted that it was a great
desideratum to give the people a cheap supply of sugar,
but:they should take care that in attaining that end
the did not give rise to a greater evil than what might
be produced by the dearness of this particular commo-
dity. He was quite satisfied that the people of this country
would willingly and gladly forego any advantage that
they might derive from cheap sugar, if the douse took
upon itself to maintain a high principle on the ground of
humanity and justice, and he believed that it might cal-
culate on the support of the great majority of the people,
if it bad the courage .to pass such a measure as that
which he proposed.—(Cneers.) The Right Hon.
Baronet concluded by making the motion of which he
had given notice.
Mr. W. EVANS seconded the motion, and in doing
so he begged it might be understood that he was no sup-
porter of protection against free trade. He looked upon
this question as one of either freedom or slavery. If, in the
course he was now adopting, he was inconsistent with
what he had hitherto done, he was in the situation of
those a ho considered second thoughts the beat.—(Bear.)
All the aecounts he had received from the colonies made
him fear that if the duties were reduced to an equality
the colonists would be ruined, and the greatest injury
would be inflicted on a class whom they had hitherto
legislated for—the negroes.—(Hear, hear.) He there-
fore deprecated the carrying out the Act of 1846, so as
to reduce the differential duties lower than they now
were.—(Hear, hear.)
The question having been put,
Mr HUME said that he had put a notice on the
paper of his intention to take part in the debate. He
had ever been of opinion that it was wrong to put free
labour into competition with slave labour; but the policy
of this country had been to place the colonies in a posi-
tion to make them compete with slave-grown produce,

-----
while they refused them that supply ;th ief' would (11
J 1
able them-to compete. He did not believe,
that the colonies wanted that protection which the Hon.
Gentleman contended they should have, and he had n•
doubt that were they placed upon a proper footing theY
would find that free labour, when brought into compefi•
lion, was cheaper than slave labour. The Hon. Gen
but
tle-
man had referred to the horrors of slavery in 1807,
ress
notwithstanding all the means they had taken le rep
slavery, it was as bad as even.. It was well loom to the
House that Sir F. Buxton moved f a• a Committee of th
House in 1832, in order to inquire how a former re
out.
so-
lution, proposed by Mr. Canning, bad been carried d
e
_
heat-
Then came that of the Noble Lord now at the
the Government, but who was then Secretary for the
Colonies, in which he proposed the abolitieu of negro
e Boil
slavery at once. He (Mr. Home) p
or ressed th
not to proceed with it in such haste hurry. IleLestk:ll
to have witnesses examined before a Committee, un- -
his exertions were vain. A trial was now made, every
assistance was given to carry it out, for if ever there ri"
a Minister characterised by assiduity
in doing so, the Noble -Lord at the head of tbe Foreigl
Department was the individual, and yet slavery st.ll,
continued. The Noble Lord entered into treaties With
every state likely to assist him in his views--he w:
and perseverance
ready on every occasion to do all in his power for °
suppression—he was the means of baring a Ingle.
squadron kept on the western coaseof Atnerica-:
entered into a treaty with France, and did all the:
power and sagacity could do, but with all their sacr.i§tive
of lifa and money the evil still continued. Twenty -the
thousand slaves were now sacrificed every year coast a
middle passage between Africa and the west s 1 r
America. And was it not time for them in that House
to see if the policy so long pursued was a just or a prespel
one. The Hon. Baronet the Member for South kfiec;
read a letter from the island of Demerara, to wn bt
was described the distress that existed; but he wi g
have st en from returns laid on the table of the
Hoae:
the vast depreciation in the amount of West lnditittsPrs °_,
perty, and that estates formerly worth hundred r
thousands of pounds would now be disposed of
fot;
few shillings. They had also before thew, in Inheset of
deuce given before the British Guiana ComPaci.b ,s;„„ is
Governor Light, who described that colony so
v''srery
a most deplorable state, and the wretchedness and
031 i.ad
of the colonists were daily increasing. And if theY I' 6
thus failed, he Mr. Hume) would ask the Hon. Bale
why he wished( that such a system should be coatinuicd
Their colonies were now admitted to be a wildernestalur.
the remedy proposed was to keep up a system ot Pir°ooo
gent e but
tive duties. It was said the other day, by a
addressing the Anti-Slavery Society, that nothin
slavery,g
free labour in their colonies would put down oold
anew as neither that of
heth coolies or the Chinese wor.
answer so well as t labour of the Africans' hied Or
one or two years,
Hume) would suggest that they should be apprentle
order
to acquire h. knowledge of their duties. Persons:7o
under legal bonds and forms, in
sere
bound to an apprenticeship in this country for . e:0,
years, and there could, therefore, be no objectiontauTo
tying out a similar principle in their eoloniel- , oo
Hon. Baronet held out no remedy, or
means to provide fur the present evil, except a conwilli:h
ance of a differential duty; but that was at° be s
the British public could not endure. Lot there. .
is.
free communication allowed with their colonies---letis.
bour be given to the colonists—and they would criol,
the world with sugar ; but if that were not done'their
would be found in a few years to revert back to
_cry
suggesteettn
_.
the o°` 0
original state of barbarism. He thought freee
for
ment ought to supply the colonies with labour
expense, for it would be but a very poor recotaPens
the immense losses they already sustained.
Mr. MANGLES did not intend to vote for the 1130°.0
tion of the Honourable Baronet. He believed it weads the -,
duty of the Government when they enettociPt goo '
slaves in the West Indies to have taken every ra,,e-f, ie
to promote free labour. He stayed long ennise of
India to see these men come back with larger sclir ever,
money in their possession than they ha, acted, .
had before, besides being comparatively weil ic"rere is
and fitted to convey that instruction into vehatiji,,b the
reality barbarous parts of the country. ','Le felt
opinions he held on free trade, he should 7;1..9- tic'
some difficulty as to the vote he should give °II Thi iftot° '
Faction if he had not perused that morning the cia---.., the
issued by the school of which the Hon. Baronet went io .
representative. They persisted in that docalcef free-
saying that they would not allow the importation 0
_hicb
labour into the colonies unless under regulations vibrog
practically prohibited it. Tney insisted on theret; oof
an equality in the sexes maintaied in any emigrerif their
free labour. Now the coolies would not like°l the
()women with them. In this respect they vvere , their
hinese, and our own • sepoya, who never to' 0 ser
women with them in any of their marches on sail
ivy
vice, being averse to expose them to the hardsbilg6o eir
would necessarily undergo. Seeing, under tnehsool ta,
cumstances, that the Hon. Baronet, and the school
which he belonged, would virtually continue to Voila!
the supply of free labour into our own colonies, nberoDet.
not give his suppert to the motion of the Ilon• 'lacer
8 qColonel THOMPSON held that there Was na .0f Pi
West
in Freetraders supporting the ca de b' ba,
West Indians. In his advocacy of free tea teed:
always made the declaration that it was neverar 'toe 0,
to operate for the promotion of immorality. -1° bs 01
rude example, he would ask if they ever tb°ll,sof tb.
carrying the principle of free trade into that par'
store'
metropolis called Field-lane, which was a gees IT
nab;
house for stolen handkerchiefs, because there the. oket•
be able to buy in a cheap rather than in a dears113 facie
—(Hear.) There was nothing in the free-trait,,Porto °I
pletae that
we prevented them voting for a duty in *" aclOr
supporttrom tthaek takilndia
ng
tapecouldhadottihonatofe°tuhrese.4 ts:l72llliefi
- event under the name of • •eshiP• °d be
apprentie i isto, en
bat
governor of Sierra Leone • in 1809 an° -3biPf
found that there existed
a
nominal apprentice
s.e 010
real slavery, negroes being introduced into inooo,lo
on the pretence of being made atice3; Vi der II •
appre e ull ea
point of fast, • it was nothing else than slaver/ be tes
new name.—Hear, hear.) If this turned out ta, iu tha
case in tierra Leone was it likely to be di fitlnoref be
colonies of the present day? He would, Or . . e
no party to a system of apprentices.—(lleac') rotiot.
Mr. G R AN TLEy BERKELEY sa:d,baviof .ii. 00.0
on that sutject before the House, he was ,uts;,-tooti°,„t/ -
stating the grounds upon which he supporteat"-oe if.ileA
of the Hon. Baronet. However, he could ooLgh- be 0.;
the Hon. Baronet in the congratulations wate- boil*
addressed.ea to her Majesty's present Ministers "13,,,,,,1affe
done anything effectual for the suppression of "t origr
rade. Whatever had been done in that or
issuer
rally, had been neutralised by ltio the
Ole .
the permi airy ,
ductionof
slave-grown produce into this couogfer
Hun. Baronet said that the West Indies were not „icier
ing as much as they haul been. He could,o° we log
standu from what sources the Hon. Baronet had drast, tot .
i formation. Wi h respect to one colony, theler% ost rtr
of British Guiana, he could say that from were i°
cent accounts which they had received, foaU,eers,,. NEI;
a most deplorable condition indeed. The i''')---b of t"-f
bee then read several extracts from a diePtic eotha"
governor of the colony referred to, to Prove 1-e t d °fr.
else set'
his assertion. As a further proof of the defir.ute 10.,
dition of property in British Guiana, he couluh°h- a 11 bad
his own knowledge that an estate there, whife"o-06014 "i're
years ago produced a clear net income of 1,,":; eollah:ist
within the last six months been sold ill t"tablis"-1
for 20001.—(Hear, hear.) He wished to see es- of ill
in our West India colOnies a eYsteD: he Ct. 4'
and free immigration; but he found, th,..L'yerncl,s;
get no assistance from her Majesty's rtiite, o;.
get
for the attainment of that object.. He C0111u.a,5,,--rei Ii°1; f
ever, that the proprietors in British Guiana mere Pi"'
present in a condition to import free laboUrt kin soy
had not the money to enable them to colbartaofoe.
Colt/01_400g,
such speculation. The heads of
the of pru"„ool
threw every possible
obstacle in the wal
e`,- „ortivzo
for that colony free labourers from the Deer, Se la ueet
the African coast. But what right, he W°.- -*oar
they to prevent labourers from going t° the f 0401;
where they could obtain the largest arnottot oc, lit tba
He said that the conduct of the tree. trade Poiti, a at
matter was contrary to their own most cher" meeet ;-
trines. He called upon her Ma'esty's Gnleri3s Pals?
take the only straightforward courts which it 1 off tli•
ble for them to pursue in that case, and to,eare.eshoUr,
demand for slave sugar by refusing to sdolit Ina to ea''
produce into our markets. He called upoa thenied it
Oe treaties into which they had °errsAd, P.,
foregn states for the suppression of the slay? jot Prd-;
contended that it was impossible for free-1,8 /0.10°,0
duce to compete on equal terms with i''cli the P.'bhp
produce. The :Act of 1846 had COMPlete bad e
of our West India colonists. Those colonist had bee't
told, as the agriculturists of this coutitcY "woes °,
told, that they should meet the shoved civnuats d Pr°
i cre6se Olf
their condition by increased activity and --6 A 00 theft°
duce. But Parliament itself bad destroYe.- tiog hi
means the colonists had possessed of etlitlvaro old
estates. ' He asked how the West India Plaal;Oe in 10,
grow sugar with the slightest profit to then"de oe. P°be
face of a market supplied by slave-labour aril not
t to
vii 110 a the
Gentlemen denounced slavery as an . rairl‘efr• Our
tolerated, and yet they admitted into our .00 of -oe,
produce of slave-labour, to the utter prostrati
_heal
know 1 Vial
own tree-labour colonies. He wished to do a the
or not her Majesty's Government meant to 0 to ', ?
with the differential duties on butter, and to I", relia' ~
West Indian proprietors no hope whale the
of el
The West Indian packet would sail on thea she Goa
(this) day, and he could assure the House ff.id he to7o,
vernenent that the account of that debate tv'•'. Iles o
anxiously expected throughout those colon.les.hesr.,
from the lutest accounts that the slave trade If:: notobioti'ci
was on the increase, and that a 'pestilence 11 ;1110 derriere
with the legislation of that House to augaiein;bos the Pro
for slaves in that country. He also found in the Oahe
duction of sugar in the Brazils bad Ceasediocreas to Oahe
ratio in which the production had 11
British colonies. That fact clearly showed prods
given a great impetus to foreign slave-labour Pdoe fro. r
ro • tsf
He believed that by excluding slave.labour P wore ,
• times ipte
our markets, the House would do ten ti
.110 De
..,
the suppressi nof the slave table than 11 to `heft
nanee of a thousand African squadron'. A,‘.13 0000 o
were in the position of a man who should alin 0a sge 4
and yet receive stolen goods. But w° liana with re
-
extremes, both with regard to religion .
..1 00 00
to politics. Nothing could be more curiou__nlecti;l
vote of tee House last night, when taken to cybei
_Pic
with their policy upon the present questioaboverpiotebuio
resolved, iu opposition to her Maje)'s Ace ill cot
that there should be no labour in the oet:, i,diffr el
country on Sunday, and yet they re us
ivi.eseno,
to the tact, that while every person 410°14 tide tbetilagod,
his tea with cheap sugar, the hands that amt made
were working fifteen hours on the Sabbar,h "ii;red. et ~,,„.
cries of '' Hear, hear.") In fact, they stra, ossee...t
ho slaver a pescei'-
Post-office gnat, and swallowed t , most go
(Hear, hear.) He believed that the sieee 0:0
means they could adopt for passing down
.th!.. nredee4,
would be to refuse to purchase slave-lee°,°°_,,' Le. 17.0:h.,
and as the Hon. Member for the West 111°,1febed he (14
shire was a great tidy °eat° far peace,' he DUI: ,OW r
Solelk
G. Berkeley) should have the pleasure of