The Sun.
London, England, 1868-09-23 00:00:00

PAPAL TIITALLIBILI7Y AND GALLI-

accusation of mystery which M. 011ivier
brought against the pious multitude which re-
sponded to our appeal. If he was able to
know that this multitude was immense, it is
evident that it did not enshroud itself in dark-
ness and mystery ; and, in truth, what motive
was there for any such mystery ? Was there
anything in the obligation doubtful or uncer-
tain or of a nature to shock the ears of a
vast number of people ? Far from it. Papal
infallibility is a Catholic doctrine, and although
not yet solemnly defined by the Church, it is,
nevertheless, a truth which in itself belongs
to faith. After quoting Suarez, and othr
theologians, in support of the doctrine of Papal
infallibility, the Civilta, Cattolica observes—
" It is of no use to allege the absence of a dog-
matic definition, for it by no means follows,
that because a truth is not dogmatically de-
fined, that therefore it is not of faith. For a
truth to be of faith (if not of Catholic faith,
certainly of divine faith), it suffices that it
should be clearly contained in Holy Writ, or
in ecclesiastical tradition, even though it be
not solemnly defined by the Church. The non-
definition serves only to save from the stain of
heresy him who believes the contrary in good
faith. But to be of good faith it is necessary
that his ignorance should be invincible, and
ignorance can only be called invincible when
it does not arise from any evil influence by
which the mind has suffered itself to be sub-
jugated, and when it has not been possible to
deliver itself from the effects of such influence
even by care and diligence in the search after
truth.
But granted that Papal Infallibility is a
doctrine of the Church, why, it is asked, defend
it with so much eagerness, in preference to so
many other truths equally Catholic? The rea-
sons for the eagerness which Catholics display
in defence of Papal Infallibility, set forth at
some length in the Civilta Cattolica, we will
examine next week. The subject is one of
great interest, and has already, at different
times, been discussed in these pages. To
keep before the public mind the practical im-
portance of this doctrine in our conflicts with
the growing scepticism of the age, with the
spirit of rationalism which is making such
ravages around us, is a duty of every Catholic
'writer, and we feel certain that as the attack
of the enemies of the Christian faith is directed
with virulent persistency against Papal autho-
rity, our wisest policy is to take a lesson from
our enemies, and. defend with a like persistency
he citadel of our faith.—Westminster Gazette.

SA JIBQ'S P

CANISiI.

Under the above heading, the Civilta Cabo-
lica replies to the speeches of M. 011ivier and
M. Baroche, concerning Gallicanism in France,
delivered in the Corps Legislatif in July last.
We commented at the time on these speeches,
full of misrepresentation and of insult, in the
pages of the WESTMINSTER GAZETTE, and we
rejoice to see the masterly refutation given by
the Civilta Cattolica to the theories of the ad-
vocates of an effete Gallicanism. It begins
by recalling the words of M. 011ivier, the ac-
cents of grief in which he deplored the fall of the
Gallican Church, the daughter—the illegiti-
mate daughter, it is true—of Kings, brought
up at Court, trained by Ministers and Parlia-
ments, the hope of politicians, who projected
between her and the State a happy alliance.
" Where," asks M. 011ivier, "is that Gallican
Church—that beautiful and glorious Church
of France ? Where are those priests, those
bishops, animated with one spirit, professing
opinions in union with those of the State and
united in the most admirable harmony ?"
. . . The ancient maxims are abandoned.
. . . the opinion of the infallibility of the
Pope alone, which at first was an open ques-
tion, then a probable opinion, is now a certain
opinion. It is seen in the proclamation of the
dogma of the Immaculate Conception. From
that day the infallibility of the Pope alone is
become a certain opinion ; and there exists an
immense association, which I will not call
secret but mysterious, the members of which
take a vow to defend that opinion usque ad
effusionent sanguinis. . . . In the present
state of things, how is it possible to act in
concert with the clergy ; how send ambassa-
dors to the Council ?" The Civilta Cattolica,
first of all, justly takes exception to the misuse,
by M. 011ivier, of the term Gallican Church.
This term, it says, is not to be understood in
its true sense, according to which it signifies
that part so illustrious of the Catholic Church
and so meritorious which exists in France, but
they are to be taken in a bad sense, inasmuch
as they designate an ecclesiastical party which
in France, leaning on the civil power, was an
enemy of the authority and prerogatives of
the Roman Church, and consequently of tha
Catholic Church, of which the Roman Church
is the head and centre. The Civilta Cattolica
quotes largely from the " Centenary of St.
Peter and the CEcumenical Council," by Dr.
Manning, " that great light of the Church of
England," in refutation of Galilean opinions ;
and then returning to M. 011ivier and. to M.
Baroche, it remarks that it is not in the tribune
of the French Chambers, but at the Vatican,
that the power and right reside of declaring
what is the doctrine of the Church. The proof
that the infallibility of the Roman Pontiff is
a certain doctrine of the Church is clear and
simple, for among the thousand bishops who
govern the Catholic Church there is not one
who teaches the contrary doctrine.- The Civilta
Cattolica defies M. 011ivier to produce one who
does so, and if he should chance to discover
one, the truth of the affirmation would only
be more manifest, because such an unfortu-
nate bishop would be, by this fact alone, the
object of the reprobation of all his brethren,
and of every Catholic. But if not one bishop
can be found who teaches the doctrine pro-
pounded in the French Chambers by M. 011i-
vier and M. Baroche, five hundred can be pro-
duced without any research who, supported
by the formal adhesion of all the rest of the
bishops dispersed over the face of the earth,
profess and teach Papal infallibility. "If we
are asked," says the Civilta Cattolica, " who
are they ?" we answer, " the Patriarchs,
Archbishops, and Bishops, who, at the feast of
the Centenary of St. Peter, presented an
address to the Sovereign Pontiff, in which the
doctrine of the infallibility of the Pope was
clearly expressed and avowed."
After reciting the words of that solemn and
significant address, the Givilta, Cattolica de-
clares that it is a fact, the evidence of which
is incontestable, that the party which had so
unjustly usurped the name of Galilean. Church,
a party composed of a confused mixture of
Jansenists and Regalists, no longer exists in
France ; it is dead. The Papal authority is
now acknowledged by all the bishops, and by
all the faithful laity of France ; the voice of its
magisterium is listened to as an infallible oracle
by every bishop, and by every Catholic of
France. There are but two living Churches
in France to-day—the Roman Catholic Church,
with all its ultramontane doctrines, and the
Satanic synagogue of impiety, of unbelief, and
of libertinage. That hideous jumble of semi-
Catholic and semi-Protestant doctrines which
was called Gallicanism, has disappeared.
In concluding this portion of its subject,
the Civilta Cattolica recites several remarkable
passages, on the origin and immediate con-
demnation of Gallican opinions, from Arch-
bishop Manning's " Centenary of St. Peter,"
a work which the Roman writer warmly recom-
mends to the attention of every Catholic reader.
The Civilta Cattolica then proceeds to examine
the second thing which M. 011ivier complains
of—that is the association "if not secret at
least mysterious," which swears to defend,
tape ad effusionem sanguinis, the infallibility of
the Sovereign Pontiff. This is an allusion,
says the Civilta Cattolica, to the vow which
we proposed last year on the occasion of the
Centenary of St. Peter, as a special witness
of faith and devotion to the Apostolic Chair.
We are truly happy of the opportunity which
M. 011ivier affords us of reverting to this sub-
ject. We will briefly recall the circumstances
under which we proposed this vow. Struck
by the twofold fact that the spirit of God had
inspired the faithful in times so calamitous for
1 the Church, to offer a double tribute, that of
money by the means of Peter's Pence, and that
of -blood by the voluntary enlistment of so
many young men from every part of the world
in the, Papal army, we thought that a third
tribute might be added, that of the under-
standing and of love, by solemnly undertaking
before God to believe in and to maintain the
infallibility of the Pope, by means of a vow,
expressed •in the following terms, for which
others may be substituted, provided that the
sense remains the same :
"To St. Peter, the blessed Prince of the
Apostles, I, N.N., moved by the desire of
offering to you, and in you to your successors
in the Apostolic chair, a tribute of singular
devotion, which on the one hand compensates
you for the outrages done to the Roman See,
and, on the other, impels me to offer it greater
honour, vow to hold and profess, when occa-
sion offers, even at the price of blood, that doc-
trine now most commonly held by Catholics,
which teaches `that the Pope, in defining
authoritatively in his capacity of Universal
Teacher, ex cathedra, as it is called, that which
his to be believed, in matters of faith and
morals is infallible,' and that, consequently, his
dogmatical decrees are infallible and binding
on the conscience, even before they have been
followed by the assent of the Church. May
it please you, 0 most glorious St. Peter, to
offer in my name this vow to the Divine
Founder of the Church, from whom descended
to you and to your successors all the prero-
gatives of the high pontificate and of the
supreme magisterium, and obtain for me to be
now and henceforth so bound to your See, and
so docile to the authority of your successors,
that by constant firmness in the Faith I may
participate in the supreme blessedness of never
erring in the way of salvation."
Now, first of all, we will ask of M. 011ivier
what is there secret or mysterious in all this ?
We proposed this practice publicly and by
means of the press ; our proposal was repro-
duced by Catholic journals of every country
in their own language. The matter of the ob.
ligation, its end, and the means of attain;
it were clearly stated. How could greater
publicity have been given to it ? M. 011ivier
says that the number of those who adopted this
proposition is immense. We are very glad to
hear it, for it is a proof that our proposition
has been blessed by Heaven and.is in accord
with the universal Catholic sentiment. It is,
moreover, an irrefutable evidence against the

millions.

MORENO AND THE NANA SAHIB.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
In alluding to the story told by Signor Moreno
of his discovery of an island in the Malayan Archi-
pelago, which he desired to sell to the United
States, we jokingly applied to him Roebuck's term
of the " assassinating" Italian ; but if his own ac-
count of himself, published at Washington, be true,
assassinating is a mild word to use. He says that
he passed most of his life in India, where during
the mutiny he was in the employ of the Nana

Sahib, with whom he was present at Cawnpore as
his trusty friend and aide-de-camp. It is a well-

known fact in India that a young Alussulman sent
to England as the Nana's agent, who had spent

years in European travel and had witnessed the
operations in the Crimea, attained a great influ-
ence over his employer prior to the outbreak of
the Sepoy war. To this man more than to any
other the Nana owed his utter ruin, and India the
shocking massacres which brought disgrace on the
natives, and a retaliation which for its ferocity da-
maged the English name. The man had been re-
ceived in the best circles in England with a hospi-
tality which seems to be reserved for designing
scoundrels. The free loin of his intercourse among
the English aristocracy gave him the passport of
the Continent, and he saw everything worth seeing
before he returned to Cawnpore. He spoke and
wrote English, was shrewd, intelligent, forming
and acting on opinions of his own, affable, fawn-
ing, subtle, as an Eastern native, selfish, treach-
erous, and cruel. He flattered to betray, and most
hated the hand which gave him most. The opinion
he formed while abroad was that England was
but a second-rate Power, a mere money-grub-
bing, shopkeeping nation, without the right which
national characteristics and power ought alone t ) give
of ruling such an empire as India. Though quick to
detect English failings, he saw nothing of the deep
current of strength and resolve which underlies the
Anglo-Saxon nature. The French, with their mar-
tial instincts and military glitter, in his eye con-

raged favourably, and he could not conceive by
what freak of fortune a country like England ruled
an empire like India. There was a laughing, sneer-
ing devil in the man's eye that harshly grated on
general though super-
ficialthe British officers with whom he. came in con-
we cannot be tact.
ase
we Flingas his s
khne did,w ed g e
sur-
prised that his influence over the Nana on his return
was great, and that he should have heartily thrown
himself into a movement he considered certain to be
successful, and where success would raise him to regal
dignity. His policy was well defined and tho-
rough, and to him were due, it is believed, the hor-
rible parts of the Cawnpore massacre. His object
was to commit the wavering to a war a l'outrance,
to terrify and to madden the English, so that there
could be no forgiveness ; thus those compromised,
having no other choice than the gallows or the
throne, would be compelled to fight in earnest. When
the Nana's palace was captured, scattered conspicu-
ously about were the letters of ladies of high rank ad-
dressed to this detestable wretch, who desired to leave
his sting when impotent in any other way to injure.
We only regret that these letters were not published
that whatever scandal was contained therein might
have been brought home to the guilty parties. The
fellow disappeared and left no sign, and many an
English officer bit his lips in anger when he thought
that the miscreant had escaped. Of all men connected
with the mutiny that was the man the English desired
to capture. Other men implicated in these horrors
might be forgiven ; but him, never ; for the Nana
was a mere tool in his hands, and it was he who
mainlystamped on the wanks indelible horrors. Who
is this Moreno, who asserts he was the trusted friend
and aid-de-camp of Nana Sahib? The trusted friend
and aid-de-camp was the person we have described,
and if a thought that that person was Moreno
crossed the mind of the British Government a de-
mand would surely be made for him under the ex-
tradition treaty. He tells the Washington corres-
pondents of the daily papers that he discovered an
island in the Malayan archipelago of immense ex-
tent, boundless resources, and unequalled fertility ;
that he discovered it when sailing in a small boat
from Singapore ; that he was received with rapture
by the twenty rajahs who governed it, and who have
now, so great is the confidence he has inspired, au-
thorized him to cede their jurisdiction to the United
States ; that, notwithstanding the island was
hitherto unknown to navigators or geographers—
a perfect " Godsend island"—
he found there a let-
ter from Louis Philippe, and one from Louis Na-
poleon, addressed by these monarchs to the rajahs,
who had to wait for their translation till the
fortunate advent of loreno-: and, finally, that
he has solemnly promised the rajahs that he
will not offer this island to the English or the Dutch.
To make himself still more interesting he added
the story of his connection with the Nana Sahib.
It is just possible that his knowledge, if he be the
person indicated, was sufficient to lead him into a
gross error. The expressions in vogue towards
England by Washington correspondents, and a few
bitter remarks by the press, might deceive the al-
leged discoverer into the notion that there was a
race hatred between the nations, and that his in-
' terest would be best forwarded by showing how
active an enemy of England he had been. A little
knowledge is a dangerous thing, and it may in this
instance prove very dangerous indeed.
?rig

Considerable interest is felt in political circles in
the United States in relation to the next Speaker ship of
the House of IL-preset) tativeB. The contest will be be-
tween Mr. Value of Maine, Dawes of Massachusetts, and
Pomeroy of New York.
EXCLUSIVE,
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are the properties of Ls.mplough's Pyretic Saline, curing the
worst headaches, sickness, skin, or biliary affections. Pleasant.
and juvigorMing. Sold by all Chemists.—[Advt.]

TE►E SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 23, 1868.

TR7 SOUTH.

It is instructive to compare the well-considered
opinions expressed in the United States regarding
the position of the negro race in the South. That
position is a difficult problem to solve, perhaps the
most difficult ever given to a nation. Finance, the
Tariff, and even Civil Service Reform, mighty sub-

jects as they are, sink into insignificance when com-
pared with the destinies of a race numbering four

It is not in truth the negro that excites

the interest ; it is his effect on a population of

Anglo-Saxons, double his own number, and their
effect on a nation of some thirty-five millions of
citizens. Could the Anglo-Saxon race agree, the
black man's destiny would be at once decided, but

the trouble arises from the fact that the ruling race

neither can nor are likely to agree as to the position

he is to occupy. Supposing a person deeply inte-
rested in and well acquaintei with the subject were
discussing it with an educated and intelligent shep-
herd in the Australian bush, who knew nothing

of what had occurred in the world for years
—and there ara scores of such men—the first

inquiry the Australian would make would be—

".11 the Anglo-Saxons living with the negroe3 are

agreed as to their relative position, why should the
others whom it does not concern interfere? The

solution of the difficulty, if the Southerners think
alik?, is to let them settle matters with the negroes."
A Southerner would at once reply " Of course it is,

and all the trouble arises froni these fanatical,

puritanical, meddling Yankees, who will thrust
themselves where they are not wanted, and can only

do unmixed mischief." A Republican Northerner,

on the contrary, would maintain that—" if loft to
themselves the stronger race would reduce the
weaker to slavery, a state wholly opposed to the
principles upon which tha Republic is founded.
The bl tcks were slaves, and this led to a disastrous
war, their liberation being accomplished by a vest
expenditure of the blood and treasure of the ruling

rata. If abandoned they would revert to the same
condition, and that will lead to the same result."
The Australian would naturally observe—" If the
Southerners were defeated in an appeal to arms and
the slaves emancipated, why do they not accept

the position awl work as other free communities,
employing the blacks as paid labourers ?" "So we
do," exclaims the Southerner ; " this is what we
desire." "No you do not," retorts the Northerner,
"it is not whit you desire ;" all narrowed to this
really is the question. The North insists upon the
negro occupying the position in the South that an
immigrant occupies in the North, and that society
shall there stand on the s une footing. Theoretically
the South accepts this, but practically it rejects it.
The Southerner says :—" We have been brought
up with the negroes, and know the race. Our
interest and theirs are identical ; we can have no

object but to treat them kindly, and live with them
in peace. Our fortunes have been shattered by
this fearful war, and more than any other people
do we require peace to repair them. The effects of
a servile war would fall upon us, and lead to our
irredeemable ruin; and who in his senss can sup-.
pose that we could originate such a calamity ?
But we are Anglo-Saxons, and we can live in
no country- which we do not rule. Let us
rule, and the blacks shall be well treated." But

how treated ? asks the Northerner—as a poor
white, or as a valuable animal ? This brings out
the real difference in the social and political theories
of North and South. What the Northerner means
is that the Mack must be a citizen, and on all
points recognized by the law as such. What the
Southerner means is that the negro must take theplace
for which GOD intendel him, that is as his servant—
and be fed, clothed, and housed as long as he be-
haves well and works well. It seems to be impos-
sible to reconcile this diffez.enca of opinion, for it
springs from a difference of generations of training
in different climates, being most marked in the
extreme North as in Maine, and far South, as in
Louisiana.
The question that suggests itself to those looking
on at a distance is whether the New Englander is
not making the same mistake that the Old Eng-
lander has always made. The Britisher's social
system, his religion, his Government, are in his
opinion the best in the world. What is good for him
must be good for others—therefore he has ruled
Greeks, Hiudoos, Chinese, Maories, Caffirs, Negroes,
Canadian French, and Celts on this principle, and
everywhere it has been perverted, done harm, and
led to much hatred. Is 'it not possible that the
negro may shake into his true position without the
lute rference of the New Englander, and that the
social theory—though sound and good in practice
with him—may be but ill adapted for conditions
wholly different ? What is the wish of the African ?
for testimony points strongly to the fact that he
prefers his old masters to those designated " carpet
baggers," who now endeavour to establish them-
selves as negro leaders. From the best source evi-
dence comes that the change of feeling throughout
the South is marked, and that the negroes will
carry most of these States for the ticket favoured,
by those called " rebels." If so, then the decision
is conclusive, for the Southerners openly proclaim
that there are ethnological reasons why the negroes
cannot rise to a condition superior to that they pro-
pose to give them ; this the negroes answer by
abandoning those whose object it is to maintain them
in the dignity of citizenship, and going over to
the persons who assert that they are unqualified by
nature for any other position than that of hewers
of wood and drawers of water. The most important
act of a Southern Legislature is that of the Georgia
House of Representatives, which adopted a resolu-
tion declaring negroes ineligible to seats, to which
we elsewhere allude, and the resolution was fol-
lowed by the negroes leaving the House. Through-
out the South the greatest disorder prevails, and if
one-half of the newspaper reports be true, there is
but a short step from the present state into a ser-
vile war. It is not the negroes again st whom the
Southern ire is aroused, but against the " scally-
wags," as the " carpet baggers" are designated, and
they in truth embrace Northern men, who have
merely sought a good opening for capital and en-
terprise in the South. The plan now adopted by the
Southern leaders is bearing excellent fruit for their
cause. The habits of a lifetime cannot be eradicated
by a revolution, nor can the innate respect and re-
gard of the negro for the old planter families on
whose estate he has been born and bred be sud-
denly transferred to a " Scallywag." SAMBO
grins with delight when his old master holds out to
him the hand of reconciliation, and whether the
Southern ethnological theory be true or false, it
will take many years to erect the negro into a genuine
freedman, and give him the habit of individual in-
dependence, which is the marked characteristic of
the Anglo-Saxon, and found but in few other races.
Whether his election to stand by his old masters
be the result of astounding ignorance, or a well-
considered act of judgment, does not change the
position he thus takes up, for if the former he is
incorrigible, and had better be left for another
generation to their guidance ; and if the latter, on
the very principle of the freedom for which the
Northerner contends, he has a right to choose, and
he may choose for himself as wisely as another race
who does not understand him, might choose for
him..—Anglo-Anzerican Times.

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