The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-23 00:00:00

-THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

What is t, ants the Tortes, that has made tl,is crisis ?
What is it that has thrown a sudden light on the Irish Esta-
blishment, so that it is seen to be not only conspicuous but
unique among national scandals ? What is it that makes
the Liberals now so justly self-accusing, and that, on the
other hand, has embittered and almost envenomed the tone
of Catholic prelates and gentleman on this topic? This coun-
try, ag a great Liberal and Protestant Power, has given as
much encouragement and assistance as her insular position
allows to a great religious revolution which has now com-
prised all Western Europe. Everywhere the endowments
of the Catholic Church have been confiscated, and the
Church itself in many countries deposed from its supre
macy—nay, in all, from its extreme pretensions. Finally,
Italy itself becomes the most prominent instance of the
great change. The Pope has been, further, deprived of
his States, and now trembles, not only for the patrimony
of St. Peter, but even for his see. The public opinion
of this country is strong against a Papal sovereign and
the temporalities. But if this is a principle, the
Roman Catholics may claim a right to it. There is no
difference in principle between a State Church and
the Church State. of Protestant abhorrence. Indeed,
there is no " temporality" in the world worse than
that illustrated by an average Irish parish, where
the temporalities are on one side and the people on the
other. We are brought to a sense of this inconsistency
because we are of the brotherhood of nations, and, having
helped largely and freely to create and to form the public
opinion of Europe, we now find it dead against us. We
have been palling the motes out of the eyes of all our
brethren, and now they tell us there is something much
worse in our own. It is this which has roused the
• dormant sense of shame, and now compels us to practise
what we teach. Compelled as we are to learn from other
countries, we have at least the benefit of their example.
That is a simple and easy rule. Different nations
have their different ways of dealing with denominations
and endowments, and surely we need not go far for an
example that would apply to the case of Ireland. But
we are English, it may be said, and have a right to do
things in our own English fashion. Why need a conti-
nental precedent, or the judgment of the world? The
answer is that we are no longer English, in the sense of
government, but British ; and that if we choose to abide
by our old insular policy, we must henceforth disclaim all
participation or community of feeling in the affairs of the
civilised world.

The Post expresses the opinion that should Mr. Glad-
stone embody in his resolutions a distinct policy, such as
that foreshadowed in his late speech, his party will cer-
tainly follow him. But at any rate we shall distinctly
learn the position of parties ; we shall know whether
fifteen Conservatives wish to help the Opposition ! We
shall ascertain whether twenty-five Liberals have formed
a new " Cave !" It is absurd to admit that a Government
holds office with a claimed majority of seventy against
them. We shall now find out clearly what is the power
of the Government, and what is that of the Opposition
and the forthcoming debate will either determine an
immediate crisis, or will render easy the tenure of
office by the present Government until the new
Parliament shall bring fresh questions and fresh solu-
tions. It is not a little curious'to watch the singular
contrast of the enthusiasm of a Gladstone as against the
smart jugglery of Disraeli. The Liberal chief may be
right or wrong, but his conviction is absolute. But Vivian
Grey, on the contrary, only seeks to be an expedient-
monger, And his tricks, dodges, and artifices, are multiplied
as the nights wear on. Only a few days ago he proposed
to the House to sit in Passion Week. This suggestion was
received with a storm of reprobation on both sides. But
it was never meant by the Premier that the House should
acquiesce in it. He only put it forward that on a future
occasion he might refer to his having suggested so un.
popular a proposal " for the sake of forwarding public
business," although members, of Parliament can testify
that Government are really acquiescing in the delay of
public affairs with a view to throwing over much business
to next session, of delaying a dissolution, and of protracting
their tenure of power until 1870.

Mr. Gladstone, says the Standard, is blessed with a con-
siderable following of gentlemen who would cheerfully vote
that black is white to-morrow if the attainment of office
depended upon that issue. But it is the peculiar misfor-
tune of such a leader that he is hampered by his official
relationship with a section of Liberals who can afford to
be honest and independent. Of these, some are opposed to
any measure which should weaken or cripple the Irish
Church in the face of a Roman Catholic majority. Others
again would side with comparatively moderate men, like
Lord Russell and Mr. Bright, and consent to disestablish.
went and partial disendowment, but are steadily opposed
to the ruthless policy of Mr. Gladstone. And a third
section discerns the positive indecency of any violent
action in the matter while the case to which any interven-
tion should be directed is still being inquired into by the
royal commission appointed at the instance of Mr. Glad-
stone's chief. Here are, in the opinion of our contempo-
rary, ample materials for the construction of a very
substantial " Cave," and there is a fourth section which
may reasonably be expected to swell its inmates. We
refer to those Liberals who, while they have not the
smallest sympathy with the Irish Church, and would
cheerfully see it swept away to-morrow, view with the
strongest repugnance the attempt of their nominal leader
to make use of the question to turn out the present
Government.

The Daily Neias argues in favour of the principle of
small investors being allowed to place their money in
foreign stock. But at the same time there are many
things which would lead our contemporary to counsel such
not to speculate. Within these few days, however, a pro-
posal has been made to the public, the authors of which
undertake to shew how the advantage of a high rate of
interest may be combined with security for both interest
and capital stock. The principle upon which the Foreign
and Colonial Government Trust is based is in appearance
similar to that on which our various insurance companies
are founded—that of grouping a large number of risks, so
as to diminish possible loss. Without the liability to risk
attaching to a certain class of stocks, this combination
would have no raison d'etre. The managers of the new
trust state that they have bought a variety of dividend-
paying stocks, on the basis of which they are going to
issue certificates with coupons, the certificates themselves
to be repaid by annual drawings. But this is what the
Governments whose stocks are to be held are already bound
to do with respect to them. Hence it is only as giving the
investor as a security the average honesty and solvency of
sixteen Governments instead of the honesty and solvency
of one only that the trust has the advantage to boast.
There are several objections to the plan, and one is that
such an insurance society has no data upon which to act.
And, after all, all that the new scheme can be said to do
is, to minimise the risk to which those are liable who are
determined to put money into foreign stocks. That any
minimum rate of interest, whether seven or six or five per
cent., can be promised, is impossible from the total want
of data. On the other hand, a person holding the securi-
ties of a number of doubtful Governments immediately
through this trust, will be certain, in the worst case, to
save something out of the fire. The details of the scheme,
such as the high rate of commission charged to cover ex-
penses, and the anonymous character of the promoters, we
leave to others.

On Friday night Mr. W. E. Forster got up to call atten-
tion to the present state of the law of allegiance, discharg-
ing his self-imposed duty in a way worthy of his previous
reputation. Though the ground had alrfa ly been gone
over, still it would not have been wom'erail if some
honourable members had declared their attac'iment to the
old ways, and their determination to tta id by the old
lines which constitutional writers have marked out, and
learned judges have often enough laid down. But, observes
the Herald, no jarring or discordant note was heard.
The unanimity of the assembled Commons was truly
wonderful. The law which has come down to us from
the earliest periods of legal history, which was stated
and expounded by Lord Coke, re-affirmed by Sir
Matthew Hale, treated as indisputable by Foster,
and accepted as axiomatic by every text writer
from Foster and Blackstone down to Story and Broom,
is already practically given up as unsuited to the
altered conditions of society in the present day. Of
course, there were differences of opinion among the various
speakers as to the kind of alteration that had become
necessary, and the way in which that alteration is to be
effected. Some impulsive spirits were for making a tabula
rasa, and starting afresh with a spick and span new code,
to heaven-sent legislator,
to be turned out of hand by
while more statesmanlike members admitted that the
subject was too important to be handled in haste, and
involved questions too intricate to be disposed of withot t
serious and, it may be, protracted deliberation. But on
all hands the subject was treated as so nearly ripe for dis-
cussion that an international congress might advan-
tageously assemble to prepare an agreement, in the adop-
tion of which. 911 civilised countries might concur.

Supposing, after a man has taken the oath of allegiance
to the United States, he returns to England,..and asks for
what Mr. Forster terms re-patriation, no one, remarks
the Telegraph, is harsh enough to desire that the boon
should be refused, yet here we come to a ease that may not
only be very complex in regard to civil rights in Engla.ld,
but that may bring us into conflict with the foreil!n
Government. Smith is an American citizen ; and it will
not suit us to have an English subject who, while living in
this country, is liable to a 'claim of allegiance from a
foreign Government. For such a case, then, a joint under-
standing becomes indispensable. But of all things do not
let us have any more conventions or treaties. Were the
Americans to pass an Act of Congress, declaring that if
John Smith returned to his native country and resided
there for two years he should thereby forfeit his adopted
citizenship, the whole case could easily be met by legisla-
tion in our own Parliament. Either party could then
change its own legislation, if found inexpedient in practice,
without affording ground of complaint to the other; the
system would more readily permit amendment, as expe.
rience might disclose defects ; and the independent free.
dom of action preserved by each Government would ir!
v • • .