The Sun.
London, England, 1868-07-28 00:00:00

LAW AND POLICE.

ATTLICATION TO BE REMOVED FROM THE LIST 01
CONTRIBUTORIES.—Before the Master of the Rolle,
Captain Raleigh King applied to have his name taken off
the list of contributories to the Merchants Company in
respect of 100 shares. In 1865, the year in which the
company had been organised, Captain King, being
desirous of becoming the possessor of 50 shares, and not
clearly understanding how to secure their allotment,
deputed, it seems, a certain Mr. Astley to apply for them.
Mr. Astley accordingly did so, but applied fur 100 shares
instead of 50, under the mistaken notion that it was neces-
sary to snake application for twice the number required.
Captain King bad handed over to Mr. Astley the price of
the 100 shards in qitestion, but now sought to cancel the
allotment on the plea that the application had not been
authorised in writing by himself, as the forms of the
company demanded. The court considered that as the
allotment had not been repudiated Captain King's applica-
tion could rot le granted.

'TIE IMPERIAL SILVER QUARRIES CourANT.—ln Vice-
Chancellor Malins's Court an application has been made to
wind up the above-named company. The debenture-
holder who petitioned stated that the company had paid
£185,009 in paid up shares for the purchase of a mine,
about which they made no inquiries, and which, since the
year 1865, has realised a profit of no more than £7,000.
The Vice-Chancellor thought it would be a beneficial
thing to accede to the prayer of the application.
THE CASE OF GENERAL RIPLEY.—In the well-known
case of Greenwood v. Ripley, which was a bill to restrain
an action at law by General Ripley, formerly a distin-
guished general in the Confederate service, against the
plaintiff for a large sum of money in respect of machinery
for the making of rifles originally manufactured for the
Confederate Government, Vice-Chancellor Malins gave
judgment that the action was wholly unsustainable, but
he would allow it to proceed. At the same time execu-
tion would not issue without the leave of the court.

SEEIOUS CHARGE AGAINST PILOTS.—At the Maidstone
Assizes a North Sea pilot, named George Baker, and two
peal pilotmen, named William Middleton and William
frost Spears, surrendered before Mr. Justice Wiles to
take their trial for unlawfully conspiring together to
defraud Richard Aichison Burstall, the agent for Lloyd's
Salvage Association at Deal and Ramsgate, of £426,
by means of false and fraudulent pretences by
falsely representing that certain salvage services
had been rendered by them when such was
not the case. The prisoners Spears and Middleton
made a claim for the sum mentioned in the indictment for
salvage services which they alleged had been rendered
to the ship Olivia when in the Downs, as that
*sad was proceeding to Hull. After the examina-
tion, the captain, who himself had spoken to the
truth of the prisoner's statements, when he thought
the money would be paid by the underwriters, now de-
clared the statement to be false. The trial is still pro-
ceeding.

ECCLESIASTICAL SUIT.—In the Consistory Court an
action was brought before Sir Travers Twiss, the
Chancellor of the Diocese of London, by the Hon. Rev.
ft. Liddell, incumbent of St. Paul's, Knightsbridge, to
recovertheoffertoryalms collected at Belgrave Proprietary
Chapel. The answer was, that, Although the chapel was
within the district, yet, as St. Paul's was only a district
chapelry at present, the incumbent was nut entitled to
them. Judgment was reserved.
CONVICTION OF " CAPTAIN PLUM IY."—At the Surrey
Sessions, George Whitlock, 18, alias Captain Plummy,
and James Gregory were indicted for assaulting and rob.
hing John Quirk of two sixpences and sevenpence•half-
penny in copper, in Kent-street. The prosecutor, a
working man, named Quirk, was asked for some tobacco
by Whitlock, and he promised to buy some and give him
a portion. Quirk had no sooner turned the corner of the
street than he was set on by the other prisoner
and robbed of ls. 71d., all the money he had
;n his pocket. The exact sum was found on
Whitlock when searched. The jury found the accused
Lewarne, the detective officer, said that they had
not been tried before, but he believed both prisoners had
ieen concerned in at least a dozen highway robberies lately.
The chairman sentenced each to five years' penal ser-
vitude.

DEATH FROM SUNSTROKE. —On Saturday a farm
labourer in the service of Mr. T. Lord, of Treskelly, Corn-
rail, received a sunstroke in the harvest field, and died in
few minutes.

„
' DISTRESSING BOAT ACCIDENT ON THE lIII3IEER.
A. melancholy disaster has occurred on the Humber,
resulting in the death of two mariners. It apiwars that
4n annual boat-race is organised in the neighbourhood of
Barton, and the course is from Ferri'oy Sluice to the
aebbles. On Thursday three boats were manned, each
*)oat carrying three men. In one of these the crew con-
sisted of James Oldridge, master mariner, 44 years
of age ; Thomas Oglesby, and James Forth, both
mariners. Oldridge's boat tool: and maintained the lead
to the ITebbles, where a violent gale capsized his light
craft. Firth, the survivor, states that Oglesby sank at
once, and that Oldridge was carried away too quickly
to hope to give him any material assistance.
Firth, after supporting himself upon an oar for a consider-
able time, was picked up by some boatmen from Paull.
Neither of the bodies haTc as TO been recovered.—
&Won Morning Nava.

THE "DUBLIN RE7IE_T.!,

(From the Westminster Gazette.)

One merit characteristic of the Dublin Re-
view is its alertness. It is keenly alive to the
questions of the day and to discussions on
matters in which Catholics are especially in-
terested. It never waits until Catholic opinion
is formed, but by putting forward argumentg-
tively and persuasively its own views, contri-
butes towards the formation of a sound judg-
ment on questions under discussion. In-
deed, the Dublin Review often anticipates the
criticisms of the weekly Catholic Press. In
its present number there are three articles
of prominent interest, to which readers instinc-
tively turn on opening its pages. These
articles are—" The Irish Disestablishment ;"
" National Tendencies and the Duties of Catho-
lics ;" and " Mr. Renouf on Pope Honorius."
We strongly urge such readers as have taken
up Mr. Renouf's pamphlet, or have road th(3
review of it in these pages, to study the artlele
in the Dublin Review on this pamphlet, which
has excited so much indignation, for they will
find, as it seems to us, a thorough and con-
clusive refutation of the various assertions
which Mr. Renouf has so lavishly indulged
in. Oa the general character of Mr. Renouf's
pamphlet, the Dublin Review makes the fol-
lowing observations :
" Certain of his readers will probably be
so taken in by his arrogant tone, as to fancy
him an authority ; and it is a duty of charity
to do what we can towards relieving such
timid spirits from their wholly unnecessary
ala:711. Nothing, indeed, can be feebler and
more desulit9ry than his remarks. He makes
no attempt whatever, either to able and de-
fend any theory of his own, or to meet the
arguments which Ultramontanes have drawn
out for theirs ; he does but put together, with-
out order or arrangement, a few miscellaneous
facts, which present a superficial appearance of
difficulty. As there is no connection of argu-
ment in his pages, we will encounter his little
pellets as nearly as we can in the order in
whiCh he flings them." We cannot attempt
to go through the arguments which the writer
of the article brings to bear against Mr. Re-
noes objections ; we have only space to
recapitulate his conclusions. "1. There is
not," says the writer, " the very slightest—
the most superficially colourable—pretence for
saying that any Pope or Council ever con-
demned Honorius for having taught heresy
ex cathedra% You might just as plausibly say
that Benedict XIV. or Pius VI., or any other
Pontiff you like to name, has been condemned
for teaching heresy ex cathedra. 2. It is most
absolutely certain that he did not teach heresy
or error ex cathedra ; that neither expressly
nor by implication did he issue any command
whatever of interior assent to heretical or
mistaken doctrine. Mr. Renouf, intending
to deny this statement, in fact corroborates
and affirms it. 3. It is far from improbable,
but by no means certain, that the Eastern
bishops anathematized him for having fallen
into heresy ; just as they anathematized Ser-
gins, Syrns, and the rest, for that offence. 4.
lis quite certain that no Pope ever anathema-
' tized him for such an offence. St. Agatho, as
la matter of private opinion, thought that
Honorius had rendered the Church good ser-
vice on the Monothelite question. St. Leo 11.
—possibly in consequence of having heard
much from the legates as to the evil results
which Honorius's letters had wrought in the
East—declared ex cathedra, that that Pontiff
had grievously injured the Church's Faith.
But neither St. Agatho nor St. Leo suspected
him for a moment of having himself fallen
into the Monothelite heresy. For ourselves,
we are thoroughly prepared to defend Hono-
rius's orthodoxy on intrinsic grounds alone.
His letters contain no one syllable savouring
of Monothelism ; and his first letter, the only
one remaining entire, is conclusive for the
perfect Catholicity of his doctrine. We will
not, however, here enter on this discussion ;
for it could not be satisfactorily conducted,
unless we had far more leisure and more space
at our disposal. Such a discussion, moreover,
would oblige us to consider with some care
various matters of dogma—concerning the
Hypostatic Union, the Sacred Humanity, the
mutual relations of Christ's two natures—
which imperatively claim a separate treat-
ment. No solid result could be obtained, by
thrusting incidental remarki on them into the
midst of an article, which is occupied with
matters entirely heterogeneous. Nor is there
any practical reason whatever for our here
attempting such an inquiry. Mr. Renouf him-
self hardly enters at all into the theology
of the controversy, but contents himself for
the most part with peremptory assertions.
Modern theologians betray an utter ignorance
of the real nature of the controversy ' (p.
14). 'Nothing can be more grossly untrue
than the assertion that Honorius was misled
by Sergius ' (ib). His own letters are the
best proof that he understood the question at
issue (p. 15), and held the Monothelite tenet.
The author states peremptorily (p. 18) that
those propositions of Honorius, which that
Pontiff's advocates allege as inconsistent with
Monothelism, are not really inconsistent with
it ; but he does not state what those proposi-
tions are, or how reconcilable with the hereti-
cal tenet. We will defer, therefore, the whole
dogmatic question to a future number. A dis-
tinct doctrinal inquiry, however, may be raised
concerning Honorius, on which a few words
will be in place. However firmly he clung
to the orthodox dogma at issue—did he not
hold that the phrase " two operations " is an
tunsuitable phrase for its expression ? That
he did not teach this opinion ex cathedra we
have shown most abundantly ; but did he not
hold it p We are not very clear, but we think
not. He undoubtedly held that, under exist-
ing circumstances, the use of this phrase was
most inexpedient. But we really see no proof
that he even asked himself the question,
whether in itself the expression were or were
not inappropriate. He left the matter for
grammarians ' to decide. He looked into
the details of the controversy most supetfi-
cially, and he was profoundly mistaken on a
most vital question of ecclesiastical prudence ;
but we know no evidence of his having held
any positive doctrinal error whatever. We
will conclude our discussion on Honorius with
three remarks :-1. It is very suitable that a
Pontiff after his death should be censured
for gross neglect of his primary duties. As
we argued last October (p. 299), " many holy
Popes have been canonized, as for other
reasons, so also because of the unwearied assi-
duity with which they have guarded purity
of faith. It is no derogation then from the
Papal office that a Pope shall be honoured
after his death by the Church, for his espe-
cial diligence in defending the faith. Neither,
therefore, is it a derogation from his office,
that he shall be anathematized after his death
for his signal neglect in the performance of
that duty." 2. Moreover, Honorius's con-
demnation places in emphatic light the diffe-
rence in kind between the Pope and any other
bishop as regards their respective offices in
guarding the Deposit. Here is a bishop
anathematized for no other offence than that
of having failed to repress heresy with suffi-
cient activity, in a place removed thousands
of miles from his own diocese. To no other
bishop in Christendom, except the Roman,
would any historian dream of alleging that
this could by possibility occur. 3. The nar-
rative which we have been considering is by
far the most plausible historical objection
against Ultramontanism which has yet been
raised ; and so evidently thinks Mr. Renouf,
by the prominence he has given to it. Yet
when you look closely at the circumstances,
how completely every difficulty disappears !"
The Dublin Review has done great service
by the promptitude and, fulness with which
it has examined Mr. Renouf's superficial and
mischievous pamphlet ; but the audacity of
such an attack, had not its argumentative and
historical worthlessness been at once exposed,
might have led the unwary, or the unlearned,
or the hostile, to suppose that there was at

least some foundation for such sweeping asser-

tions.
The next article to which we wish to call
attention, and we can scarcely do more than
call attention to it, is " The Irish Church
Disestablishment," a question which has
already been much discussed by Catholics.
As might have been foretold by any one fami-
liar with the sound and Catholic instincts of
our great Quarterly, there is, on its part,
not a moment's hesitation as to the duty of
every Catholic to lay hand at once, heartily 1
and unreservedly, to the work of abolishing
the Irish Church. " The Irish Establishment,"
says the Dublin Review, "while it lasts, practi-
Cally proclaims that the Catholic faith is con-
sidered a more desperate and irreconcileable
enemy to the English nation than any other
creed, Christian or Pagan, over the face of
the earth. No Catholic can account himself
admitted within the pale of the Constitution
until this ignominy has been wiped out."
, Tlie writer havlng borne his testimony to
the "almost complete artlOng Cathp
lies as to their appropriate practical course,"
proceeds to notice the speculative difficulties
which have occurred to some Catholics. In
the course of this examination the writer in
the Dublin Review effectually demolishes two
opposite theories which have been publicly
maintained by some Catholics—one, namely
that the separation of Church and State,
" except at Rome," is beneficial, if not neces-
sary to " vital religion;" and the other theory,
that the disestablishment of the Irish Church
is a violation of those Catholic principles of
Church and State enforced by Pope and Syl-
labus. On the first theory the writer observes
that " the Syllabus infallibly condemns the
proposition (LV.) that Church should be
separated from State, and State from Church:'
and the Mirari Vos,'—also an infallible Rule
of Faith—teaches affirmatively that the 'mutual
concord' of Church and State has always
been propitious and salutary for the intereAs
of both.' We are, of course, the very last to
call in question the peremptory obligation,
incumbent on all Catholics, of accepting the
Church's doctrine on this head. If—which
God forbid !—there be really any Catholics
in England, who consider that the union of
Church and State in a Catholic country is
essentially otherwise than beneficial ;—that
promotion of the people's spiritual welfare is
external to the civil ruler's legitimate province;
—that the Church's divinely given auth)rity
extends only over the individual, in nowise
over the civil government as such ;—we have
not a word to say in defence of such Catho-
lics. They rebel against the Church's infal-
lible teaching, and commit mortal sin. But
we are quite unable to see, how the most hearty
renunciation of these 'grave errors can throw
any difficulty on the question of Irish dis)
establishment."

On the second theory, which has been put
forward by some other Catholics, the Dublin
Review speaks thus :—Occasionally, indeed,
you hear language almost implying that the
Irish Establishment is the Church, instead of
being the Church's determined enemy. To say
that the Church-State principle is ipso facto
violated by disestablishment, is simply un-
meaning. As well might yoa say that that
principle was violated when the English Go-
vernment forbade the religious, practice of
Hindoo widows being burnt alive. An adult
Irish Protestant, if in invincible ignorance,
may be travelling towards heaven ; but in
strictness he is no more a member of the Visible
Church than is an idolatrous Hindoo. Other
Catholics urge with great truth a different
consideration. The Church-State doctrine,
they say, involves a condemnation of the tenet
that the province of civil government is con-
fined to ends purely secular. We have already-
strongly maintained that no Catholic is per-
mitted to hold such a tenet. But so far
from being exclusively, it is not even princi-
pally on secular grounds, that a good Catholic
would overthrow the Irish Establishment. His
hatred of it is different in kind from his hatred
of any tyranny which is purely oppressive and
anti-social. He detests it pre-eminently, be-
cause it is so injurious to the spiritual welfare
of Irishmen, Catholic or Protestant. A third
difficulty, founded on the Church-State doc-
trine, requires more prolonged consideration,
though we think it quite as baseless as the
two preceding. The Catholic bishops, it is
urged, decline receiving for the support of
priests any portion of the available property ;
and by consequence disestablishment involves
a substitution of the voluntary ' principle for
the principle of Church and State."
argument
After examining the,
principle, the writer
different senses of
thiscon t phrase,
inues,,,r
"voluntary
the Church-State principle with voluntary-
ism,' implies that the former principle neces-
sarilyhe
which contrasts
'
involves a State payment of priests.
But there is no shadow of ground for such a
supposition. The Church's endowments did
not come from the State, but from the pious
glt of zealous individual Catholics ; and in
those countries where at present the State
confers, on priests some pittance, this is but
an infinitesimal restitution for some preceding,
robbery of the Church's revenues. Doubtless
it is quite imaginable that the State might
enforce a voluntaryism, which would contra-
dict the Church-State principle. It might re-
fuse to secure to the Church possessions left
for her service. And, indeed, the present law
of superstitious uses ' (so far as it goes) is a
direct violation of the Church-State principle ;
it despoils the Church of property which is
really hers. But as to the Irish Establish- I
ment, it was itself founded on one of the most
monstrous transgressions of the Church-State
principle which was ever perpetrated ; we
mean, of course, the plunder of Church pro-
perty, while the whole nation remained zeal-
ously Catholic. Nor can any one in his senses
allege that the law of superstitious uses' win
derive any further strength from the success of
Mr. Gladstone's present proposal. No doubt
Cardinal Cullen and the other Irish bishops,
for most intelligible reasons, refuse to place
the Irish Church in that relation towards a
bitterly anti-Catholic and tyrannical Govern-
ment, which would result from State support
of the clergy. But as to voluntaryism in
any objectionable sense, it is simply monstrous
to say that they do otherwise than abhor it.
Do they ask, then, that the State shall take
from the Church what pious donors have given
her during the last century ? do they ask that
the State shall require Catholics to pay rent
for the use of those chapels and schoolhouses
which the preceding generation of Catholics
have built ? This would be voluntaryism,'
in the only sense in which that principle is
opposed to the principle of union between
Church and State. And we will venture to
say that no men living would regard such
voluntaryism' with greater abhorrence than
the Irish bishops. Why, they have actually
accepted a State subvention for Maynooth,
and desire one for the Catholic University.
Nay, put the impossible case, that Parliament
should frankly admit the Church to be the
one legitimate owner of all Church property in
Ireland, conferred in Catholic times. Put the
impossible case, that Parliament should wish
to restore her that property, as to its one
legitimate and indefeasible owner. We do not
see the slightest appearance that the Irish
bishops would hesitate to accept such restitu-
tion as their legitimate due. That the Church
should re-enter into possession of property
conferred on her by pious Catholics of the past,
as the confessed and absolute owner of that
property—this is one thing. That she should
become the stipendiary of a violently anti-
Catholic nation to which Irishmen are politi-
cally subjected—this is a different, and, indeed,
most opposite thing." _

- :
The judgment of the Dublin Review will,
we trust, tend to correct the passing and
scarcely, perhaps, conscious errors into which
some Catholic writers have been betrayed either
from unfamiliarity with the great principles at
stake, or from a sudden and hasty judgment,
partially blinded, maybe, by too great a politi-
cal partizanship.
The concluding remarks and emphatic warn-

ing of this thoughtful and observant writer
deserves attention. "We cannot then," he
says, " see any force whatever in the spectt-
. .

lative difficulties which have been raised, on
Catholic principles, against Irish disestablish-
ment. But we do think there is one most
serious evil in the present situation ; viz., its
tendency to strengthen the connection, already
(we think) far too close, between Catholic
public men and Liberal politicians. It is now
more than a year since we earnestly protested
against the Catholics of this empire identifying
themselves with either of the two great politi-
cal parties ; and every month which has passed
since that time, has but increased our convic-
tion in the same sense. But of the two parties,
the Liberal seems to us more anti-Catholic
even than the Conservative ; and we are pro-
portionately the more alarmed at this particular
feature in our present prospect."
He then proceeds to point out wherein this
danger consists, and shows that ;liberalism,
both on the Continent, and zlt home, is opposed
to the principles of dogmatic religion, or, in
other words, of a definite revealed faith, which
it regards as an evil against which the State
ought to contend, that it insists upon the
divorce of politics from religion, and that the
principle of secular education, as opposed to
denominational, is rapidly becoming the prin-
ciple bond of union for English Liberals. The
question of education is of the most paramount
importance, but the Liberals are the avowed
enemies of denominational education. On these
grounds the writer says, "It is to us then, a
matter of keen grief, that this attack on the
Irish Establishment—an attack in itself so

just and so necessary—has incidentally added
much strength to the Liberal ranks." The
political conclusion which the writer arrives at
is this—" When the struggle now looming in
the distance becomes present and energetic,
it is most important that Catholics shall have
fixed themselves in their true political position.
That true political position consists in union
with each other, and non-union with externs.
They can have no deep and permanent sym-
pathy with British Conservatism ; and still
less, of course, with Liberalism, whether
British or other."

THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CON-

VENT/ON.

Tammany Hall, of brick and freestone, is a
building of five storeys, with a flat roof, from which
rises a dome. It is substantial, the stairways being
of granite, and the whole constructed to last many
generations. The great hall resembles a theatre,
of which the platform is a stage. It has its pit,
calculated to aclonamodate 2,000 persons, and the
raised circle ascends behind, with places for 2,003
more. The ordinary seats are benches, but there
are a few hundred cushioned chairs to the right and
left for ladies. Ou each side the platform are the
telegraph operators with their forty boxes dissemi-
nating the intelligence of all said and done. On
the platform are the officers of the Convention, the
executive committee, and the most distinguished
members of the party. Although the official re-
porters have places on the platform, those of Vie
daily press sit below at oblong tables, the other
correspondents anl rep )r tees being to the right and
left. The delegates draw lots for their positions,
which are indicated by flags with the name of the
State in gilt letters. Beyond their seats are the
public, who throng the hou3e from the red railing
up to the passages, where the uniforms of the police
may be observed. Flowers and flags innumerable
ornament the platform in the hall, draping the
pillars, festooning the windows, and hanging from
the walls. Inscribed over the platform are the arms
of the States. After Saturday's business the real
work commences on Mon lay. A cordon of police-
men from an early hour keep the gathering and
pushing crowd at bay ; the public are admitted by
tickets, the colour each day changed. The dele-
gates and reporters wear blue badges, before which
the doors yiel 1. The meeting having assembled by
10 o'clock, the reports of the committee are read ;
Horatio Seymour, being named, is conducted to
the chair, anl when the acclamation ceases,
he addresses the multitude on the sins of the
Radicals, on the virtues of the Democrats, and
on their mission to unite cordially for the rege-
neration of the cmint.ry. Then commences the
hearing of the resolutioi of the delegates. Chief
Justice Chase is thanked for maintaining the in-
tegrity of the Supreme Court, and loud cheers greet
his name. The President also receives a resolution
of thanks, but the reading of his Amnesty Procla-
mation is voted down. Among the addresses is
one written by Susan B. Anthony on behalf of the
Woman Suffrage Association. It is presented by
the chairman, and read by the clerk in a clear loud
voice, while Miss Anthony and Mrs. E. Cady Stan-
ton sit there as delegates, and listen to its recep-
tion. Regarding this reports differ. Miss Anthony
describes it as meeting with a most enthusiastic and
respectful hearing; but she acknowledges in a leader,
and explains, the shouts of laughter, which she
asserts were not derisive of woman suffrage, but
called forth by the happy hits in the letter showing
the inconsistencies of the Republican party. The
Standard's correspondent, who gives the fullest and
most graphic account of such scenes of any of the
London dailies, says :—" Their address is received
with screams of laughter ; their faces, normally not
of lily whiteness, flame like peonies, and in a little
time they retire with some precipitation to the re-
fuge of the Revolution office, where doubtless they
are at this moment preparing lightnings to scorch
the cajoling, unbelieving Democracy." The corre-
spondent is, however, wrong ; perhaps soothed by
the extraordinary politeness he represents them as
receiving from 'veteran politicians who dangle about
them, while they criticise with sharpness the pro-
ceedings and the actors, they treated with contempt
the rude vulgar in the galleries. The " lightning"
of the Revolution is against the Republicans, but
there is not a word to say against the proceedings
" within the sacred walls of Tammany Hall."
Susan's addteso declares—" We are not ' idiots,
lunatics, paupers, criminals, rebels,' nor do we bet
on elections.' We lack, according to your consti-
tutions, but onequalification—that of sex—which is
insurmountable, and therefore equivalent to a de-
privation of the suffrage ; in other words, the
tyranny of taxation without representation.' "
Minorities can be moved by principles, majo-
rities only by votes ; hence our appeal to De-
mocracy. The party in power, unmoved by
their efforts, have proposed to their States
to insert the word " male" in the Federal
Constitution, and thus erect a new barrier against
women, who, roused by this fresh insult, have ap-
pealed to the Democrats, who are asked to save the
Constitution from this desecration. " Over this
base proposition the nation has stood silent and in-
different. While the dominant party have with one
hand lifted up two million black men and crowned
them with the honour and dignity of citizenship,
with the other they have dethroned fifteen million
white women—their own mothers and sisters, their
own wives and daughters—and cast them under the
heel of the lowest orders of manhood." The De-
mocrats placed the poorest ditch digger on a politi-
cal level with the proudest millionaire, and were
rewarded by power from that time, with few inter-
ruptions, until the war. A similar boon to women
will insure the political power of the party for de-
cades to come. While demanding it on the eternal
principles of justice, Miss Anthony has pity alludes
to this consideration, likely to weigh with infinitely
greater force, in " the sacred walls of Tammany."
She then gives some ideas on the late war, and con-
cludes with these words:--"I desire, therefore, an
opportunity to urge on this Convention the wis-
dom of basing its platform on univers .1 suf-
frage as well as universal amnesty, fr,rn Maine
to California, and thus take the first step to-
ward a peaceful and permanent reconstruction."
After two sessions, the committee not reporting,
the Convention adjourned till Tuesday. On that
day, at ten o'clock, the hall is again filled as before,
and the following platform is sanctioned with a
shout that shakes the solid building :

• "First —lmmediate restoration of all the States to their
rights in the Union under the Constitution, and of civil
government to the American people. Second— Amnesty
for all past political offences, and the regulation of the
elective franchise in the States by their citizens. Third
—lt calls for payment of the public debt of the United

States as rapidly as practicable; all moneys drawn from
the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for
the necessities of the Government, economically adminis-
tered, being honestly applied to suds payment, and where
the obligations of the Government do not expressly state
upon their face, or the law under which they were issued
does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought,
in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of
the United States. Fourth, —Equal taxation of every specie
of property according to its real value, including Govern
ment bonds and other public securities. Fifth—One
currency for the Government and the people, the
labourer and the officeholder, the pensioner and the sol-
dier, the producer and the boadh dder. Sixth—E,to-
nomy in the a lministration of the Go ‘rernment ; the re-
duction of the standing army and navy ; the abolition of
the Freedmen's Bureau and all political instrumentalities
designed to secure negro supremacy; simplification of the
system, and discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assess-
ing and collecting internal revenue, so that the burden of
taxation may be equalised and lessened; the credit of the
Government and the currency ma-le g )0,1 ; the repeal of
ell enactments for enrolling the Stat into national
forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenues ou foreign
imports, and such oval taxation under the Internal R.:-
venue laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic
manufactures, and as will, without hop tiring the revenue,
impose the least burden upon and best promoto an l en-
courage the great industrial interests of the country.
Seventh—Reform of abuses in the administration, the ex-
pulsion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of use-.
less offices, the restoration of rightful authority to, and
the independence of, the executive and judicial depart-
ments of the Government, and subordination of the mili
tary to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of
Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease.
Eighth—Equal rights and protection for naturalized and
native-born citizens at house and abroad, the assertion of
American nationality which shall command the respect of
foreign powers, and furnish an example of encouragement
to people struggling for national integrity, constitutional
liberty and individual rights, and the maintenance of the
rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine
of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers
to punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their
j uris lict ion."

Then comes the next great business—the platform
has been erected, the candidates must be selected ;
who are to take their plat: upon it ? In the Chi-
cago Convention there was a little clap-trap when
Grant was named, a curtain being drawn aside re-
vealing his likeness, and an unoccupied pedestal with
the words " Match Him " over it. This was
answered by the Democrats placing a clown in the
unoccupied position, but they did not intend to as-
sert th Lt they deliberately selected a clown to run
against Grant. The States are called in their alpha-
betical order as at Chicago, and the chairman of
each delegation responds and names the choice of
his State, sometimes prefacing it by a brief speech,
and each well-known name is greeted with accla-
mation. The balloting then begins, an 1 the Chair-
man of Alabama's Delegation, rising on the Secre-
tary's call, says —" The State of Alabama casts her
8 votes on behalf of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee;"
and the announcement is received with enthu-
siasm. After all the States have voted, Pendleton
stands first ; the 817 votes being cast as follows :
Pendleton, 105 ; Andrew Johnson, 63 ; Hancock,
331 ; Church, 33 ; Asa Packer, 23 ; English, 16 ;
Doolittle, 13 ; Joel Parker, 13 ; Reverdy Johnson,
81 ; Hendricks, 21 ; and F. P. Bair, only 11. The
balloting continues, as it had been decided on Sa-
turday between the repudiators and their opponents
that a mere majority shall not decide, but two-
thirds of all the delegates are necessary for the no-
mination of a candid kte, an old rif,e, in the in-
fringement of which lay Mr. Pendleton's only
chance of success. Had a mere majority been
sufficient, Mr. Pendleton would have been assured
of the nomination, but the gold-inea were too
strong to give him any prospect of securing two-
thirds. The delegates amount to 63t, each of
whom has half a vote ; every State being entitled
to send twice her number of Senators and Repre-
sentatives in Congress, though the votes only equal
their Congressional members. Five minutes are
allowed for consultation after each ballot, the same
time as given to the proposers of candidates to speak
in praise of their favourites.
On Wednesday twelve additional ballots were
taken—Mr. Pendleton started with 1371, and on the
eighth ballot reached 1561, but on the last ballot
of that day sank to 561. llaucock then took up
the running, rising from 421 on the first ballot of
that day, to 1411 on the last, when 87 was thrown for
Hendricks, and 10 only for Andrew Johnson. The
result shove 1 that Pendleton had no chance, and
on the evening the delegates met in secret caucus.
Sanford E. Church was to be withdrawn, Chief
Justice Chase to be substituted by the New York
delegation, and Mr. Seymour, as delegate at large
was to propose him. A C..lifornian delegate on
the last ballot but one of the day cast his half vote
for the Chief Justice, when the audience rose and
cheered wildly. On the morning of Thursday, the
19th ballot was taken, Hancock receiving 135
votes, and llendricks 1071. On the 20th ballot,
M'Clellan's name came up, receiving half a vote.
Four Massachusetts delegates threw their votes
amid some hisses on the 21st ballot for Chief Jus-
tice Chase. Then commeneed the last ballot, New
York desiring to be passed over to the end. On the
previous night the 21 Ohio delegates having de-
cided to withdraw Mr. Pendleton upon his own
written authority, and present the name of Horatio
Seymour, threw the whole vote of th it State for
the new nominee. General M'Cook, who was
spokesman, said he yielded to the desire of every
public man in that State, including Mr. Pendleton,
in nominating Mr. Seymour, whom he begged to
yield to the general wish. Instantly throughout
the hall the utmost excitement prevailed, the 4,000
rose to their feet as one, and for a quarter of an
hour the wildest expressions of joy were indulged
in. It was not mere cheering, but that continued
rolling noise such as is made by a multitude when
all strive their utmost to add to the uproar.
Handkerchiefs waved and hats flew into the
air, giving
to the whole hall tl e appear-
ance of movement. Outside the roar was
caught up, and before it ceased it was known in all
the great cities of the Union that Horatio Sey-
mour would be the. Democratic nominee. During
this time Mr. Seymour, who had risen, stood calmly
gazing at the spectacle, his face showing no sign
of what was passing in his mind, but when he spoke
it was in a tone of evident excitement. With many
kind allusions to Mr. Pendleton, he ended by the
emphatic declaration, while thanking the Conven-
tion, that "your candidate I cannot be." Mr. Val-
landigham insisted on his acceptance of the nomi-
nation, saying it was incumbent upon him to lay
every personal consideration aside. The voting,
temporarily interrupted, proceeded, and every
delegation successively named Seymour. Those
who had previously voted recalled their ballots, and
also threw for Seymour, Winding up with New York,
who gave her 33 votes. When Horatio Seymour
was announced to be the unanimous choice of the
Convention for the Presidential candidate, all eyes
were turned to the chair, but Mr. Seymour had
gone, and a delegate occupied his place. A recess
followed, when the Convention re-assembled to
choose from the soldiers nominated a candidate for
the Vice-Presidency. The other candidates were
withdrawn or declined to run, and General Francis
Preston Blair, of Missouri; was declared to be the
unanimous choice of the Convention. He was nomi-
nated by General Forrest, whose name is insepar-
ably associated with Fort Pillow, and was seconded
by General Wade Hampton, who thought it due to
the soldiers of the North that they should have the
Vice-Presidency ; and as he took his seat General
M'Clernand crossed the hall and shook him warmly
by the hand, amid vociferous applause.
After adopting resolutions thanking the Chief
Justice for his dignified and impartial manner of
presiding in the Impeachment Court, and appoint-
ing a committee to wait upon the candidates, the
National Democratic Convention adjourned sine

ADvEnnsEmENT.l.—Holloway's Pills---Billousne s,
Headache, and Deranged Stomach.—Recollect, reader,
that most diseases come on with apparently a trifling be-
ginning, which could at that stage be readily stopped, but
being neglected, other and more serious symptoms set in.
The stomach becomes disordered, more or less feverish
signs appear, followed by less of appetite, strength, and
energy. As a counteracter of these to rrible symptems, it
is only necessary to take moderate doses of Holloway's
pills, which will purify the blood, give a healthy action to
the vital functions, and restore a robust state of feeling to
the greatest valetudinarian. During hot weather,when the
spirits flag from exhaustion, occasional doses of Holloway's
medicine will recruit the failing powers and renew vigour.

7'HE DE.IIOCR.47IC NOMINEES FOR PRE-
SII)EN T AND VICE-PRESIDES?'.

Horatio Seymour was born in Pompey,
Onondaga County, New York, 1811, being the
descendant of an English Puritan family long
settled in Connecticut, who were conspicuous in
the interest of their country during the war of In-
dependence. Ile commenced the practice of law at
Utica, New York, after leaving college at the
age of 20. The death of his father brought
him a good inheritance ; he was elected in 1811 as
member-of the Senate Assembly, and was returned
in 1843-44-45. Ile closely contested the governor-
ship of the State in 1850, losing it by a small num-
ber, but he was successful in 1852, when he vetoed
a law forbidding the sale of intoxicating liquors,
and his decision was fully sustained by the courts.
Although again defeated for Governor iu 1851, and
also in 1864, he was elected in 1862. When last
he contested the election be took his party by sur-
pris., as the nomination was tendered on the tui-
ders•anding that it was only complimentary, and
therefore to be declined, yet he sold his friends by
accepting it, and some accuse him of double dealing
on the present occasion. He is a man of ability,
acknowledged all over America, though he has
never sat in Congress, having confined his politi-
cal career to his own State. lie opposes high tariffs ;
on the subject of the finances he spoke fully and
strongly just before his nomination ; he is skilful as
a politician, thoroughly understanding how to play
his cards, nor over scrupulous in conveying impres-
sions to the minds of others. He commenced as a
strong supporter of the war, while denouncing the
Republicans, through whose conduct he declared it
had become inevitable. He was elected Governor
of New York on the strength of his war feeling,
which was found to have very little strength 7-,lnee he
attained office. During his term the
out, and the rioters he addre),:;edas " his friends."
The New York World great riots broke •
ance :—" Seymoo, thus describes his appear-
mo"l. is dressed in the old style shad-
belly coat; 'which is buttoned across his chest, leav- •
ing open a diamond-shaped portion of irreproach-
' able white linen and a very neatly arranged black
' necktie of moderate dimensions. The head is well
shaped and set gracefully back on a firm pair of
shoulders, and the lower part of the face, below the
eyes, is almost a perfect oval. The eyes are of a
brilliant brown colour, and shine like diamonds
'loath a firmly balanced forehead, which is bald--
the baldness extending back as far as the back part
of the skull. The mouth is pleasant and mobile,
and when Seymour smiles at you the feeling pro-
duced is a genial one. This is a cultured man, a
man of free tastes and high purposes, a man of ele-
gant diction, and also of powerful analysis. The
skin of the face is sallow, and a thin seam of white
whiskers encircle the throat under the chin. Why
is it that all men of mind or mark in the world's
struggles have this peculiar sallow skin ? It has
always been an accompaniment, if not an indicator
of genius. The Cmiars, Napoleon, Frederick, Tully,
Turrenne, Disraeli, Henry Clay, Webster, and
many others of similar celebrity, have had, or have
sallow skins. The dress of Seymour is in perfect
accordance with good taste, for .Horatio Seymour is
a gentleman first, last, and all the time. When he

nukes a gesture it is dignified, and yet graceful.
His voice, slightly impaired yesterday by a bad
cold, is correct in its intonations, full, and, when
approaching a climax, resonant. The hands, when
lifted in air, arc white like a woman's, and the fingsera
slenderly shaped. When speaking all eyes and
ears are turned his way, and his influence on a lar,:ie
body of men is magnetic and thorough. riiis long
and stedfast adherence to Democratic principles,
persistence in the right, through good and ill report,
has male the name of Horatio Seymour a dear ono
to all Democrats. To the humblest man in the
party he is courteous, polite, and kind in his man-
ner. This knowledge of parliamentary law is full.
His manner of recognizing a delegate on the floor is
all that could be desired ; and no man in the house
ever looks at him for five minutes without feeling
that he is worthy of being the chairman of the Con-
vention."

Francis Preston Blair, son of Montgomery Blair,
who in Lincoln's time was a Cabinet Minister,
was born in 1821 at Lexington, Kentucky, gra-
duated at Princeton College, New Jersey, in 1811,
and commenced the study of law. lie served under
Kearney in the Mexican War, joining the volunteer
force iu New Mexico, but in 1846 he commenced
the practice of law in St. Louis, beginning his career
as a strong free-soiler, and on that platform was
sent to the State Legislature and afterwards to
Congress in 1856, where he continued until after
the civil contest, when he was chairman of the
Committee of Military Affairs. On the outbreak of
the strife he was appointed Colonel of Volunteers,
quickly reaching to the grade of Major-General•
lie was noted for gallantry at the siege of Vicks-
burgh, where he commanded a division, as well as
in Sherman's great march, where, with the 17th
Army Corps, he was often desperately engaged,
and became renowned for his contempt of danger,
for which he suffered by receiving many wounds•
Since the close of the war he has acted with the
Democrats, and been a strong supporter of Andrew
Johnson. He has served long in Congress, and
has been noted for strong speeches against the Re-
construction policy. His family are well-known in
American political life, and like the old families of
England in the days when all sides were taken, that
some member might be right whatever occurred, a
Blair with the proper stripe has always been at
hand when a good office was to be given away.

In Worcester, Western Massachusetts, people were
getting ready for the regatta week. The various com-
mittees had been appointed. The college matches well
to take place on July 24, and John Tyler of Boston and
M'Keil of Cold
.Spring, N.Y., to row a single scull race
for $5OO a side. A six-oar race between the Wards and
the Harvard crew may be on the week's programme;
Base-ball matches between Harvard and Yale are arrange'
thus: the freshmen play on the afternoon of July 23, tb°
university nines next morning. A representation ef
Brown University and Williams College was also hoped
for.
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Births.

DE WINTON—On the 2.5 th inst., Mrs. Do Winton,

Maesllwch, of a son.
DUNCAN—On the 23d inst., at Leigh, Tunbridge, the Wife
of Laurence Duncan, Esq., of a son.
VYSE—On the 26th inst., at 7, Sussex-gardens, Hyde-Pa
the wife of Howard Vyso, Esq., of a daughter.

Marriages.
COSTLEY —THOMSON—On the 23i1 inst., at St. GeOrglo
Hanover-square, Cawain Costley, late of 231 Rogt'' v
]:llan, second daughter of the late George Tlionis°
Esq., of Ellingham House, Cheltenham.
FORDIIAM —LAWSON— On the 23d inst.. at. All Souls', Titir4.:
ham-place, John ILouptlcn Fordbani, , barrister-lc
law, to Catherine, the youngest daughter of the 1eto?
Wilfrid Lawson, Bart., of Brayton, Cumberland.