The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-02 00:00:00

THE- SUN,

you, the independent Members of, Parliament, to say,
We don't agree with all . the ,expressions. of this
.Ad-
dress; we think ore part of it. might be more: warmly
worded—in another part we think you express t-so much
satisfwtion. You exaggerate the prosperity that pre -
veils in one place, and do not regret the <listre•s which
prevails with sufficient sympathy in another; but there
arc general phrases, and we mean to give our '•concur-
rence to the Addrese." Another course, which is
equally Parliamentary and constitutional, is to say,
"'The state of the country is such, and the views of the
Government are so erroneou', that we cannot allow
one day to pass, and we must t t once express our opi-
nice, and whether iu a minority or in , a majority, cell
on the House of Commons to say if a t,.ystrat injurious
to the best interest; of the country should be persevered
in, and ask fir better legislation than it is in the power
of the Government to yield." Bet the Honourable
Gentleman has taken a third course—that of having an
unmeaning amendmentlear, Lest., aed a laugh.)
And, not being satisfied with the Address as proposed
by her Majesty's Ministers, proposes to hate aa address
obscure and ambiguous in its phrase?.--(No, no.) That,
I cay, is the result of the Honourable Gentleman's
amendment.—(No, no.) What have we been told?—
(Cries of " Read, read.") I will real it presently.
'rho Honourable Gentleman says we are not rest ring
protection by this proposition, and we rue not preps: ing
to revert to a course ofpolicy that has 1. eon abandoned. Now
in re forcing to the amendment, I must first observe as to
what has been called the insult to the agricultural inter-
est which has been offered by her Majesty's advisers. I
cannot but say, in the first instance, that nothing was
further from our intention—(clear, hear)—that we
have heard with great regret of the suffering and
distress which exists in various parts of the coun-
try ; and nothing would give us greater pleasure than

to be able so say that by some manner of relief that suf-
fering should be put an end to. The words cf the Ad-
dress are: —" The House sympathises with the regret
with which her Majesty has observed the complaints
which in many parts of the kingdom have proceeded
from the owners and occupiers of laid, and bog to as-
sure her Majesty of the sympathy with which they hear
that her Majesty greatly laments tha,, any portion of her
subjects should be suffering distress; while it is a source
cf sincere gratification to her Majesty to witness the in-
creased enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts of lifs
which cheapness and plenty have bestowed upon the
great body of her people." Now, the amendment pro-
posed is as follows:—" That we regret, however, to be
compelled humbly to represent to your Majesty that in
many parts of the United Kingdom, and especially in
Ireland, the various classes of your Majesty's subjects
connected with the cultivation of the soil are labouring
under severe distress, mainly applicable, in our opinion,
to recent legislative enactments, aggra rated by the pres-.
sure of local taxation." I own Ido not see that in these
words, except as regards Ireland, there is any material
difference from the words we propose iu the Address. We
:ay—(" Read, read," from t e Protectiouists)—l will
not read the words again, but I have real the words as

- -
regards the distresses which involve the agricultural in-
terest. We say we sympathise with her Majesty "
in
learning the distress which prevails among a portion of
her subjects." The amendment says there are classes,
espcially in Ireland, suffering severe distress.— (Hear,
hear.) But certainly there is another question raised in
this amendment. It appeared to UP, much as we re-
joiced in an opportunity( f advising her Majesty to de-
clare the opinions we entertained as regards the recent
commercial policy of the country, that this was net a fit
time to propose that those expressions ef opinion should
fall from her Majesty.—(Hoar, hear.) It has always ap-
-peered to us, in conformity with recent custom, Vat, as
to matters of legislation with regard to which Parliament
may have to give an opinion in the course of the session,
it is better to reserve them on the first night, and rather
to give an opinion with respect to the actual state of the
country than to attribute that state to the cause of legis-
lation or to any acts of Governtnent. But the amendment
does not take that course. It goes en to say, after
declaring this distress is mainly attributable to recent
legislative enactments, that this distress has been aggra-
vated by the pressure of locsl taxation.—(Hear.) Now,
I must say that if I had thought it right to advise her
Majesty to give any opinion as regards recent legisla-
tion, I should have advised thet in se> ing " it is a source
of sincere gratification to her illajesty to witness the
increased enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts of
life which cheapness and plenty have bestowed on the
great body of hsr people"—l should, I say, have been
disposed to add that this "greater enjoyment of the ne-
cessaries and comforts ( f was in a great degree
owing to the recent legislation ( f the Croan —(Loud
cheering.) Ns,thing would have pleased me better than
to bring to a test at once this question, %Outlier that le-
gislation was calculated for the benefit of the people or
not.—(Cheers.) I did not thinleit respectful to those
who entertained different opinions to do so. I was in
hopes they would have brought the matter to a test.
Some hive declared they would—the lion. Gentleman
(Mr. Disraeli) seems to entertain a different opinion.
With regard to one subje-t, however, on which he di-
lated at considerable length, I rather think he must have
an apprehension which I should be glad ent'rely to re-
move. The Honourable Gentleman speaks of the
heavy tax on the raw mater',al—moaning the land of the
country. I feste, he fatices that my Right Hon. 'Friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer is about to propose an
increase in the land-lax.—(Laughter.) Now, it is not

for ice to inform the Hon. Gentleman or the House of
the nature of Cabinet sectets, but with respect to the
mysterious Cabinets to wWe!I the Hon. Gentleman
alluded, and which were generally held every autumn, I
can assure him, without ttllinfr him aiy secret, there
did not issue out of those Cabinets any determination
to increase by ono penny the present land tix.—
(Cheers and laughter.) I suppose the Hon. Gentleman
was afraid we might have a lupted a certain plan which
ha 1 been much discussed out of doors, and has excited

great att,ntion in the country, and which proposed a
great augmentation of the land-tax.---(Cheers and
laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman sorms to apprehend
that my Bight Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had resole I to get hold of the land for the
purpose of taxation—an error from which ho might
easily be saved, by considerations of the most obvious
kind. I here wish to address to tho House a few brit f
observations on the present condition of tl:e land of
England The subject is one upon which much could be
said, but I do not now propose to go into it at any length,
yet I do not wish to sit down without saying a few
words as to its past state, its present stao, and that
which is likely to be the futture condition of the hind of
England. Ten years ago I could not —nor could any
man—be insensible to the fact that the population ( f
this country had been greatly increasing, and was likely
still further to increase; that, also, that population
might, and was very likey at no distant time to Le ex-
posed to the rivalry of foreign manufacturers; and that
the necessity of employing that population, and of sup-
plying it with food, was one of the highest and most
urgent which the Government of thiscountry had to per-
form. If during any considerable portion of time it were
to be without the means of productive industry, the most
serious grounds of alarm could not fail to arise; and I.
therefore, entertained a strong disposition to effect a
compromise on the question of the corn-laws—a com-
promise by which protection might bo somewhat ro Need
without admitting too large a quantity of fo-
reign corn. Such a change I did believe
would not have borne too hard upon the
landed interest, because I had no intention that
the change should be effected at _ once, but on

ti.e contrary, that it should be gradually introduced.
That proposition, as we all eery well remember, did not
find favour with the landed interest, but it did meet
with favour from those who called for a total repeal of
the corn-laws, or who, up to that time at least, were
loud in making that demand. Those, I say, who were
f,r total abrogation would then have been content with
the proposition which I at that time regarded as a fit-
ting compromise on the question of the corn-laws; and
then that body which the Hon. Gentleman opposite
considered to be so formidable—l mean the Anti-Corn-
law League—would at once have, dissolved itself. If
our proposition had been agreed to the League would
have proceeded no further. But at the end of the year
1845 the Government of the day held that they could
no longer maintain the corn-laws, and the repeal of
those laws took almost immeiiate effect. Foreign corn
wee soon admitted, and ne doubt a considerable sum was
added to the revenue, though addition to the revenue
was by no means the purpose with which the mea-
sure was introduced ; but some revenue was collected
which proved by no means onerous to the people, and
by the change thus effected the people wore enabled to
goc cheap food. But the policy which we are now called
upon to reconsider is one that has been tried only for a
single year. Now, under what circumstances are we
called upon to do this—what is the present slate of the
country? If we look at the great interests cf England
we shall find that they are in a satis'actory state. The
main body of the people are I think to be judged, to
some extent at least, by the state c f the pauper popu-
lation. I find, for example, that, amongst the able-
bodied poor, there were 30,000 fewer paupers on the Ist
of January in the present year than on the Ist of Ja-
nuary, 1849. I find that the condition of the shipping
interest is equally improved. I find that our exports in
1849 were greater by 10,000,000 than they were in the
year 1848, and there can be no sort of doubt that other
sources cf wealth have, during the period to which 1
rf fer, been advancing in a like proportion, and the ac-
counts regarding them are on the whole satisfactory.
If I look to the excise, by which much cf tee comfort
of the people is truly indicated, I find that the state of
the excise returns shows a very decided improvement in
the condition of the people. From all parts of the coun-
try we bear that the great body of the people enjoy the
advantages of cheapness and of plenty, and are now in a
much better condition than they bad been for some time
previously. Is this, then, the time at which we should
be called on to retrace our steps?—(Hear.) I must say
that I have always considered that a great transition
like this could not, under any circumstances, have
been accomplishe I without some degree of suffering ;
a transition from restriction to complete freedom could
scarcely, under any state of things, be brought about
without occasioning some degree of inconvenience, and
perhaps of injury, to the owners and occupiers of
land. That suffering certainly has reached them,
but not in so aggravated a form as we had heard stated
in this Ilouse.—(•' Oh, oh.") I repeat that it came by
uo means in a form so aggravated as the repreentations
made in this House would le td any one to suppose.—
(Hear, hear.) I beg t f the H, .use to remember the state
f paces during that uneasy and troubled period. In
the year 1815 we heard the most grievous complaints.
We heard them again in the year 1822; we were then
told that the farmer taw t give up his land; we were told
the same thing in the ear 1836 with equal foundation.
Now, whet are the facts? The harvest of 1635 and the
,prices of 1836 bear some analogy ti the state cf things
in the present 3 ear. Corn then felt to 365. the quarter,
which was 4s. 6d a bushel under the prices of this year.
But the Hon. Gentlemen repeats emphatically that
there were no foreign importations within that period—
that all the money then kid out in wheat was paid
for English wheat. If that happened to be the
case of a defective harvest, what difference, would

it have made to the farmer, provided always that
e received as much for his wheat under
a system of unrestricted impart as under' one 'of high
protet tion ? If the, farmer gets 40s. ftr his when?, of
what itnpot'tarice wou!d it be t.? him 'whether his rival
in tie market:' camp from the -next parish or the ad-
joining- county, or frOin a neighbouring kingdom, or
fro the ether:side of the Atlantic. It would be no
matter to him with whom he competed, provided his
prices remained Vie same. I have heard the Hon. Gen-
tleman say that in the course of the last year we have
imported 12,000,000', quarters of all kinds of corn, and
4,009,000 of wheat ; that the whole has been consumed,
and that the stock now is low.—(hear, Leer.) I cannot
sympathise with complaints founded nom such a state
of things. If the working msu gets his 1, a' cheaper,
I cannot sympathise with those who complain of that ;
but I rejoice that the fact is so, and I 'deice in the
prospect which it offers of further and increased irn-
provoment. Other considerations present themselves
to my mind into which I will not go at length,
hut I wish shortly to tt.tt,e, that when any great branch
of trade has been far a considerable time under
severe reArctions, and that those restrictions become.
relaxed in any degree, that tliere immediately ensues
a great rush into that branch of trade or commerce,
that the capital, the gee t speculative and enterprising
tenlency of tl.e people of this country, ate directed into
that channt I, that a great alaindanee of the article which
forms the staple of that trade is produced, and that tl.e
trade therefore for a time becomes less profitable. We
toned that to ho the case when the South American
trade was opened—when the China-market was opened
at the time that the charter of the East India Company
expit ed. A similar eibe is now occurring with respect
to the corn trade; and n any of those who have thus en-
gaAted in the cern trade ate likely, I fear, to become
los,rs and not gainers by their euterpri:e As to all the
calculations of profit and loss that have been mace.
which seem to lead to the conclusion that the prices of
corn will be permanently lower than they have been
during the last ten years, I have only to say that at the
beginning of the change now in progress every charge
was estimated on the previous condition of the trade,
and with reference to the existing restriction=, but of
course when the foreign corn Comes into the market the
consumer would obtain his cbrn at lower price, and thus
the calculations would of necessity be deranged; and
the efore I think that calculations founded on the average
of the last ten years cannot be implicitly relied upon,
still less can any calculation be relied on which limits
itself to the last six months:

Mr. CHRISTOPHER said, ho made due allowance
for the difference of the two periods.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL resumed—Having thus
touched upon the present state of the question, I ask
the House—are we to t Ike the first step towards a return
to the old system of protect' o ? We have been told that we
must return to the system of protection; that sooner or later
to that we must come ; that taking taxes off the landed
interest will not do even if that species of relit f were
carried :to the utmost :'possible extent—effectual relief
cannot be afforded otherwise Chan by protection. The
question now is not whether we shall keep up restric-
tion, but whether we shall change fundamentally our
commercial policy. Shall we, by Act of Parliament,
enable the growers of corn to obtain prices in their
markets different from that which they would otherwise
have been able to receive? The question certainly is
one of the utmost importance and delicacy. If my
Right Honourable Friend were to raise a re-
venue from manufactured silk. imported into this
country no great body of persons would be affected
by the measure. But the supply of food far the people
is a widely different matter, it affects the whole body
of the people—not merely the owners and occupiers of
land, but the entire population, and I cannot but wonder
at the attempts recently made at public meetings to limit
and confine the question within such narrow bounds as
some persons have attempted to set up. I observed at a
recent public meeting that Lord Downshire complained
that he had not teen able to obtain a majority at a re-
cent meeting that he had called in the county Down,
because, he said, persons who had no stake in the coun-
try, and who had no business to be there, had intrude I
themselves upon the meeting. Why, Sir, on this ques-
tion every man had a right ta be present and to give his
opinion upon it.—(Cheers.) There is not a man, a
woman, or a child, who has not au interest in it, and if
you put on a duty that yo& say will raise the price of
corn ls., or ls. Gd., or 2s. a bushel, every }nun would
count that ls., Gd., or 2s. as something which ho had
to pay for the support of his family in addition to that
which he would otherwise base had to pay. Now, are
you ready to face that question ?—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial bench.) Are. you ready to face the discon-
tent that such a proposal would occasion?—(Cheers
from the same quarter.) And here lit me observe that
you would be considered responsible, not only for
the effect which your law would produce in raising the
price cf corn, but also for any additional rise that might
be caused by the seasons in this country, or that acci-
dental circumstances in foreign countries might produce
in the present state of things. At present the price of
cora may rise from 40s. to 455. per quarter, or from 455.
to 502., and no man in the country had a right t 3 com-
plain, nor would he complain.—(Cheers.) It would be
said, " Justice is done us; we have the price of corn as
cheap as it could be;" and if the price of bread became
dearer the people would have no right to accuse our
legislation; but if we should have a rise from 40a. to
455. a quarter after we had passed a new law to regu-
late the price of food, depend upon it the discontent
would be deep and universal.—(Chem.) The Hon.
Gentleman accuses us of sneering at the landed inte-
rest because they complain. Now, I acknowledge their
right to complain. Every Englishman thinks himself'
entitled to complain. The landed interest have a per-
fect right to make complaints, and to utter them as
loudly as they please. Well, then, in this case I am consi-
dering you would have complaints loud and deep enough
to Parliament for having dallied an additional price to be
placed upon the food of the people. Do not conceal that
from yourselves. You are ready to face, and no doubt
you are ready to overcome, any complaints against the
established institutions of the country; and any attacks,
f,r example, upon the House of Lords, as an institution
not useful and beneficial to the country. I believe you
would be able to overcome such attacks; but is it not
wise not to put any occasion of discontent before the
people, and not to raise the price of food? Look at the
situation in which we have stood during the last two
years. Have our institutions- been 'assailed?—have we
had anything beyond the lowest murmurs from the people
in general?—(hlear.) But had the general election found
this question of protection unsettled, and had put it be-
fore the country, who shall say what subjects would not
have become mixed up with that discontent, and what
institutions you might not have been called upon to de-
fend? Let me tell you it is far wiser not to put these in-
stitutions thus in question. Defend them, you will tell
me, you can and will, and I shall be happy to be associ-
ated with you in their defence. But it is the course of pru-
dence to continue in the policyyou have pursued, and not
to raise complaints by the people that, by favouring any
particular class and raising the price of the necessaries
of life, you have caused a doubt to be raised of the
sympathy of the Legislature with the great body of the
people.—(Cheers.) If you take that course, I beg you,
and through you the occupiers of land in this country,
to consider our present position. I do not know a
higher or a better position than that of a gentleman in
England. It is Mr. Gibbon, I think, who says that he
thanks God that he was born an Englishman, and that
again ho thanks God he was born an English gentleman.
An English gentleman in the possession ot an estate in this
country is looked up to by his tenants, to whom he is
able to do acts of beneficence and generosity—(lh ar,
hear)—having enough business to occupy his time and
enough leisure for literature and for his amusements. If
he is called upon to take a seat in the Legislature he may
take a part in stirring debates and thus may influence
the fortunes of this country. Such a man in such a
condition is snot fortunate. I say you-will do most
rashly if you.risk it by the pretence of giving to a par-
ticular class an advantage by legislation which other
classes do not ask; and which, if they did ask, they would
not obtain—(ll4,ex, hear.) It that be so, I ask the House
to be content with the present state of our legislation.
We have made a great change which has been scum-
panic,' by distress among a portion of the people of the
United Kingdom. If there is anything that the Hon.
Gentleman opposite can suggest for the relief of that dis-
tress with fairness to all other classes, let that be pro-
posed and considered—accepted if useful, rejected if not.
But do not attempt, now that the question of protection
has been decided by one Parliament—now that those
who have in that Parliament given their vote for the
ee,truction of protection have been again returned—do
not now attempt by a fresh vote to disturb that question,
and to make it doubted whether your deliberations have
that consistency, that firmness, and that regard to the
interests of all her Majesty's subjects which it is your
bounden duty to entertain.—(Cheers). at me add,
likewise, that my helief is that the course of policy begun
by the Legislature in 1842 by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Tamwortb, and continued in sub-
seep:eat years, by his Administration and that succeeding
to it, is to open a great course of peace and prosperity
to this country and to the world.—(Loud cheers.) be-
lieve also that with respect to the Act passed last session
f the repeal cf the navigation-laws, we have never
been sufficiently shown what benefits that Act may give
us.—(Cheers.) That the nations of the world should
be in haste to follow you in the course you then adopted
is what I never expected, and what I am happy to re-
cognise. But if you say now that you are about to go
back to your former system of restriction and protection
—if you proclaim that you are about to resume that
which you a short time ago discarded as an injurious
theory and an unjust practice, then you may expect no
such benefit and advantage from those foreign powers.
You may expect them to be confirmed in all their notions
of the benefit of restriction. By your decision to-night
you may, not only have a great influence upon the wel-
fare of the people and the fortunes of this great state,
but you will likewise decide whether your example will
be beneficial or injurious to mankind.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN—I do not rise to make a speech, but
to express my regret that the occasion has not been
afforded us of discussing the question which it was ex-
pected would have been raised to-night.—(Hear, hear.) I
came to this House fully convinced that before 48 hours
had elapsed an opportunity would be afforded us by
Honourable Gentlemen opposite of discussing in this
House the principles at issue between Free-traders and
Protectionists. What has passed in this country of late
has convinced me of the desirableness of having that dis-
cussion, far I admit that a large and influential body of
tenant-farmers in the country are under the impression
that the question of protection and free trade has not
Leen settled in this House. The agitation that has been
going on during the last three mouths has been suffi-
cient to show any one who has his eyes open, that
au intense feeling and belief exbtr on the part of the
occuming tenants that this House is prepared to re-
consider the question of the corn-laws, and that an injury
has been done to a poi tion of the community that this
House will remedy.—(Hear.) Now, it is said that this
is not a movement of holdovers, but of the farmers;

that they recognise as their representatives and leaders
the gentlemen I see opposite, and they believe that a
large body ef those gentlemen have come to this
[le am?. prepared to vindicate the princiPles they think
just. Noes, I will willingly admit that so far as the
Government have been concerned there has been no
disposition to filter upon
,this question.—(Hear, hear)—
and that there has not been tne ,lightest hesitation on
their part to meet it on its merits at the very opening
of the session.—(Cheers.) The rene4rk has been
frequently made, and the Hon. Member (Mr. Disraeli)
has himself alluded to it in no kindly terms, that the Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton, who used to bring forward
an annual mot' on for the repeal e f the. corn-laws, Lai
hem put forward on this occasion to move the Address,
and that the Government 'a ere prepared to offer a dis-
tinct negative to the principles that the Protectionist
party advocated. Now, in the early part of the debate
the Hon. Gentlemen opposite who addressed the House
have taken a fair and candid course. They have not
dealt in mystification, and they did not attempt to talk
of all things except that which was before us.—(A
laugh.) They said that protection was desirable for
the interests of this country, and they discussed this
question. But what has fallen from the lion. Member
for Bucks? That Hon. Member has changed the
character of the debate, and has 'altered the issue of the
division, for he said that the amendment be fore the
House was not a question of protection and free trade.
—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Meml:er distinctly said that
he was not going to discuss whether protection is to be
or is not to be tee principle ef this House, and that no
lion. Gentleman who voted tu-eight would commit
himself to that question. Now, that was a very sorry
beginning &Ler so loud a preparation.—(Cheere.) I do
not know whether the farmers are aware of the position
they are placed in by these decleeations. If we find a
body of gentlemen in this House who agree with their
leader, then we know what course they are going to take
But when I find that gentlemen who address us before
their leaders are prepared to take the course I have de-
scribed, and then that they are followed by their leader
who distinctly repudiates everything that his followers
have said be fore him, the farnaere must have greater
acuteness than any one possesses on this side of the
House if they can understand the position in which their
interests are placed.—(He ar, hear.) Why, the rank and
file are seeping one way, the leaders another, and their
pat tisans out of doors will have to decide which to follow.
The HOTS. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) speaks a good deal
about what has been said out of doers, but I think it
would be as well if he would turn his attention to the
facts and arguments brought forward in this House. The
Hon. Gentleman sometimes makes statements out of
doors as well as other people, and occasionally intro-
duces a little invective and personality, though ho dis-
likes it so much in other people.--(Hear, hear.) I re-
member the Honourable Getetlemae,laving a meeting et
Marlow—(A laugh)—and that ho stated at that meet-
ing that it was not a becoming thing in Members of Par-
liament to meet out of doors and discuss public griev-
ancei, the House of Commons being the proper arena,
especially for such controversies as that of protection.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, here I am, not in Buckingham-
shire' but on the floor of this House, ready and anxious
for a discussion with the Hon. Gentleman.—(Che,ra and
laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman; however, has taken up
every conceivable topic except that of native indus'ry.—
(Laughter.) He has talked a great deal about those
who have the raw material of laud. Ido not know how
often he has referred of late, but it must be at least fifty
times, to the raw material of land. At Marlow, or some
other place, he said the land was a raw material; but he
said something more; he said ehe raw material belonged
to the landowners, and that no Act of Parliament, no
power could make him lower his rent—that was a ques-
tion be tween him and his tenant. Now, the Hon. Gentle-
man takes this raw material as a thing that ought to be
specially indulged—that is, you must reduce the taxation
on the raw material of land. But how the abolition of
taxes on the raw material that belongs to the land-
owners can benefit the farmers is beyond my compre-
hension.--(Cheers.) My understanding et the case of
the farmer is, that he complains his capital is diminish-
ing—that is, that the stock he has in the raw material is
diminishing, and he wants us to raise the price of his
produce in order that he may save this fl orating capital.
But the Hon. Gentleman opposite, instead of proposing
a protective duty to raise the price of the farmer's stock,
gives us a quarter of an hour's discussion upon a propo-
sition that will reduce the taxation on the landowner's
raw material.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I think
everybody will admit, whatever teey may think of free
trade or protection, that it is desirable that this
question should be settled as soon as possible.—(Loud
cheering.) No honest man in the country, I say it
advisedly, can desire that that this question should be
kept over longer than can possibly be avoided. If
there be any party in this House, any individual in
this House, who wishes to make protection a stalking-
horse to power or notoriety, or for temporary prc-
emineace—if it were possible any individual could have
any such motive, or hoped ,to get into office for a brief
period (for it could only be for a short time) by means
of this question of protection, by playing with it, by pre-
tending to advocate protection when in his secret soul he
never dreams of obtaining it in this House—l say, any
ono who, for such purposes, would keep alive this ques-
tion, would be one of the greatest enemies the tenant-
farmer could possibly have.—(Chiers.) And not only
so, but the greatest enemy of the country at large, be-
cause all have an interest, whether tenant-fermers or
manufacturers, in the successful pursuit ef agriculture
in this country.—(Cheers.) Now, I have the fullest
confidence in every class of my fellow-countrymen, that
they me accomplish anything that human beings can
accomplish, if you only let them know what they have
to de.—(tlear, hear.) But if you tell men, while
they aro suffering from want of exertion and new
arrangements, to wait with their arms folded till some
other power intervenes . to do that for them which
they can do for themselves, you will render the finest
race in the world powerless.—(Cheers.) Ido not un-
deretend the tactics of gentlemen opposite, nor how the
Protectionist landowners should pursue the course they
are now doing. Why, they are running about tie
farmers, disgusting them with their land.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Do they think it possible they can carry on
such tactics with success?--(Elear.) Were there ever
dealers in any raw material boffin) that acted so foolishly?
—(Cheers and laughter.) There is an unsavoury simile
which I must not give in this House, but which they
may go to Billingsgate for, that will exactly suit their
case.—(Laughter.) They seem quite unconscious of the
consequences to themselves. This question of free
trade or protection must terminate some time; and
when it is decided do not Honourable Gentlemen see
that the very ' arguments they are now putting
forth to disparage the land will be turned against
themselves at their audit trebles with compound
interest?—(Cheers.) Has there been no sensible man
among them—not one clear-headed sensible being, to
tell these unfortunate misguided landowners that they
are doing their best to ruin themselves and their chil-
dren after them—(Laughter)—not only so, but that they
are doing all they can te vilify
those who prognosticate
that some good may yet bo done by them?—(Hear,
hear.) Does a worthy gentleman step out from the or-
dinary walks of his profession, like Mr. Huxtable—
(Laughter)—and suggest some things that may be done
by them;or
heath, does
v i i carryingiae d
b y
on
Hon. businessGea tGentlemen
I ein
a
Leadenhall-street propose to them how to bring in a
barren
opposite.—(Hear, hear.) It may he ho cannot show by
he
is
a instantly gentleman
his accounts or his debtor and creditor account that he
makes money by his experiments. But what inventor
ever made his tint experiments profitable? Why, the
manufacturers had made their fortut 0; from the costly
experiments of inventors. I really cannot understand
on what rational principles Honourable Gentlemen are
acting. I think that there is good reason for the com-
plaint that the Marquis of Granby should be allowed
to go at large and run about the country—(Great
laughter)—telling the farmers that
their business if they paid no rent at all.—(Laughter.)
I should very much like to hear some of the conversa-
tions that will take place at Belvoir Castle next audit-
day.-(Laughter.) What .I want to know, however, is,
when are we to have this question discussed? The Hon.
Member (Mr. Disraeli) has told us this question is not
to be discussed now. Last session the Hon. Gentleman
attracted my notice from the way lie evaded the ques-
tion of protection, the systematic, carecul, cautious way
in which he evaded it, and tried to turn the attention of
the House to the taxation of the raw material.—
(Cheers.) Now, I think it comes with a peculiarly bad
graee from the Hon. Gentleman that he should act in
such a way as this, for he has been so constantly the
censor of others, whom ho accused of having led a party,
while secretly convinced that that party sought objects
they could not accomplish. If_ the Hon.,-Gentleman
means to accomplish protection, it.must be on the merits
of the question, not by sarcasm and vituperation and
invective—not by the mere fireworks e f rhetoric, but
by substantial facts and arguments.—(Great cheering.)
He has been fairly challenged by the speech of the
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Villiers), and no question was
ever more ripe for discussion in this House. I hope,
therefore, ho will lose no time, hut give notice to-
morrow, if possible, of the time when ho will discuss
the whole question, not in Buckinghamshire, but in
this House.—(Cheere.) I must say I admired greatly
the speech of the Noble Lord, who took a large and
comprehensive view of this subject, but I think the
Noble Lord was in error when he said an Bs. duty in
1841 would have stayed the question of entire free trade.
At all events, whatever might have taken place in
1841, in 1846 a calamity occurred that must for ever
have swept away all duties whatever.—(Great cheers.)
I have only to repeat in conclusion my request, in the
name of the farmers of England—(Loud cheers)—and
for the sake of the community at large—(Hear)---that
the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, as ho values
the interest of the farmers and as he values his- own
reputation, will lose no time in bringing forward the
question of agricultural protection in this House.—
(Loud cheers, and cries of " Question.")

Mr. 11. DRUNIMOND said, as the Hon. Gentleman
had avowed that he would watch, and call upon the far-
mers to watch, the conduct of those who had been ad.
dressing them at their public meetings, to see whether
they would avow in that House the sentiments they, had
expressed out of doors, he begged to give the Hon. Gen-
tleman notice that he was fully prepared to justify every
word he had uttered elsewhere, and was prepared to go
into the question whenever the lion. Gentleman pleased.
Though he felt that Hon. Gentlemen on his aide of the
House did not require his vgis to be thrown over them,
still he would take upon himself to justify their condUct
as well es his own on this question. In order that the
Hon. Member for the West lii3ing might distinctly un-
derstand the ground on which he put the question, it was
this—that he ( Hr. Drummond) cared not, comparatively,
for the welfare of the landlord;. that he cared not, com-
paratively, for the welfare of the tenant; but he accused
the lion. Gentleman of sacrificing the English labourer
for the sake of—(The cries of " Question" and " Divide"
drowned the closing words of the sentence.) That was
his point. The lion. Gentleman could not therefore
now mistake what was the question at issue.—(Cries of
" Divide.")