The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-23 00:00:00

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SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Times condoles with the men of Bristol that neither
the chief of the Ministry nor the leader of the House of
Commons attended their banquet. But Sir J. Pakington
and Mr. Hardy were present, and Lord Stanley, whose
words perhaps inspire more confidence than those of any
other member of the Ministry, made the speech of the
evening. He was in his happiest vein. He took his
hearers into his confidence, and when he is frank and con_
fidential he is apt, as members of the Houk.se of Commons
are well aware, to be extremely winning. Some slight
retrospect he made of the work of last session. It had
brought great responsibilities, frequent anxieties, no incon-
siderable obloquy on the Ministry. The change which
had been effected was important, and no one can pretend to
predict with certainty its results. But Lord Stanley de-
serves credit for speaking his mind on the Irish question.
There is undoubtedly widespread discontent, and thi,
although the material condition of the in4abitants of
Ireland is far better than it was twenty years ago. What
is to be the remedy for it? Nothing less than a separate
national existence is demanded by the Fenian con-
spirators, while more constitutional agitators declare
that the repeal of the Union is the single means of
restoring peace. Those who ask for the one or the other
are asking, Lord Stanley declares, for what they can
never obtain. Ireland and England are inseparable now
and for ever. This, indeed, is accepted as a starting point
in the discussion by every practical politician, but it is not
amiss that it should be reaffirmed with decision. The
Times believes that the dream of nationality expressed in
the demands thus emphatically negatived is an evanescent
folly, cherished by very few of the inhabitants of Ireland,
imported from elsewhere, and destined to disappear
through its own want of substance. There remain the two
great subjects of parliamentary controversy, the Church
and the land. As to the first, Lord Stanley declined
to say a word about it. It was impossible, he urged,
that a dying Parliament should undertake to legislate
upon such a question, and it must be remitted to
the Parliament returned by the new constituencies.
It is plain that no Reformer will object to this
delay. If the party ordinarily believed to be the
peculiar defenders of the ecclesiastical establishment
of Ireland are willing to trust its fate to the
Reformed Parliament, with all its imperfections
on its head, the Opposition cannot refuse their assent.
The land question admits of more than definite criticism,
Lord Stanley put aside, with a brief but felicitous exposi-
tion of the evil consequences which would flow from it,
the wild suggestion, broached in more than one quarter,
that the present tenants of the soil should be converted
into proprietors, subject only to the payment of the exist-
ing rents to their landlords. The futility, to say nothing
of the injustice, of such a plan is evident on the least re-
flection, and it is discreditable to our political intelligence
that any one should have been encouraged to put it for-
ward. But while Lord Stanley energetically repudiated
quacks and quackery in dealing with Ireland, he admitted
the fairness, under proper safeguards, of conceding to the
tenant compensation for any improvements he has made,
and referred to the fact that the Ministry had approved
the principles of such a measure. As the late Adminis-
tration had also embodied it in a bill introduced by them-
selves, it would seem that the proper aim of legislation has
been discovered, and the differences which exist must be
found in the method of achieving it.

In an article on the imprisonment of Matilda Griggs,
the Post expresses its belief that the entir.e. system on which
criminal prosecutions are conducted in this country is
faulty in the extreme, and the committal to prison of a
young girl who narrowly escaped being murdered is simply
a grotesque illustration of one of the many anomalies of
the existing law. Except in grave cases, the task of pro-
secuting criminals is imposed on private individuals, and
the discharge of this duty is provided for by the clumsy
expedient of personal recognisances. The consequences
are that a great hardship is inflicted on unoffending indi-
viduals, who are thus compelled to put themselves to great
expense and in convenience in order to vindicate the outraged
rights of society. If they attempt—whether from disin-
clination or from stronger motives— to withdraw from the
position into which they are forced, they are heavily
mulcted, on, if paupers, are sent to prison. If, however,
this system in practice proved tolerably effectual in secur,
ing the due administration of justice, it might have little
ground for complaint. But such is not the case. It not
%Infrequently happens that the supposed delinquent finis
the means of satisfying a prosecutor or a witness that more
is to be gained by absenting himself on the occasion of the
trial than by being present, and in such cases justice is
openly defeated. The imposition of a recognisance in-
directly gives a prosecutor or a witness the option of with-
drawing on condition of paying the amount confessed to
he due, and if this be done there is no means of punishing
the most flagrant contumacy.

Apropos of strikes, the Daily News remarks that while
the labourer and capitalist maintain their hostile attitude
the whole country suffers. Trade unionists assure us that
a successful strike causes a permanent addition to their
incomes, but they have never shown that this gain com-
pensates for the diminution of the national wealth occa-
sioned by the cessation of national industry which is
involved in all strikes and lock-outs. Nor has it been
demonstrated that any artificial increase in the price of
laVour, whether due to united action on the part of the
labourer, or the restat of special legislation, is not a na-
tional misfottune. No one in his senses would leap from
the summit of St. Paul's, in defiance of the law of gravi-
tation; and the insanity is as great, though perhaps more
excusable, of him who violates any one of the laws of
economic science. Ignorance of immutable economic laws
is the excuse for many of the mistakes committed by the
uncompromising trade unionist. On the other hand, the
capitalists, if less ignorant, have seldom shown more
wisdom in their dealings with labourers. It is glad to
observe, however, that since Mr. Mundella delivered his
lecture on Courts of Conciliation, a strong feeling has been
manifested throughout the country in favour of the solu-
tion of the labour question in a way resembling that advo-
cated and practised by him. Until the contending parties
can meet on common ground, it is absurd to expect a
definite cessation of hostilities.

Speaking on the Italian budget of Count Cambray-
Digny, the Standard observes : The creditors of Italy had
their heads full of very alarming apprehensions ; some
feared that the Minister of Finance might propose to pay
them in paper, or even to. stop paying them altogether ;
others, buoyed up by greater confidence, yet dreaded that
he would propose a tax upon their dividends ; and the
most sanguine were almost convinced that he would ask
authority for the issue of a new loan, which must tumble
down the price of their already depreciated securities.
Count Cambray-Digny has done nothing of the kind. He
has only acknowledged that unless the Parliament will
impose additional taxation to the extent of six millions
sterling, and agree to administrative reforms by which an
economy of half a million may be effected, the deficit
upon the year 1869 will be nearly ten millions sterling.
Presto there is a general sense of relief. The credit of
Italy has risen in the European markets, and the Italian
Parliament will be left to battle over the question of ways
and means, without much attention from those most
interested in their conclusions.

Among the " grievances " of Indian officers the stiff old
rules ironically styled furlough regulations held a high
place. They were framed expressly to discourage appli-
cations for leave, and they hedged round the permission,
when granted, with conditions intended to restrict the
area of travel within Asiatic limits. The Telegraph says
the world has long outgrownarrangements
con-
siderable show of reason when India was asianymoh thenti
distant as it now is hours, and they harmonised
ninso
with
ithl with
which had a
desire
to which sought to impress every griffin
route have radically altered the relations between
England and her Eastern possessions, and the
amalgamation of the two armies, coupled with the
creation of a staff corps, rendered change inevi-
'
to make India his home. But steam and
i the overland
inevi-
table. Accordingly, new regulations, conceived in a
liberal spirit, and applicable not only to the soldiers,
but to the civilians, have been drawn in Calcutta by a
committee of able men. Under the new rules, ample
terms of leave and fair pay during absence can be obtained;
but no man, whatever be his claim, can remain away from
India, on pay, for more than two years. Raving secured
a furlough, an officer can spend his time where he pleases.
Nor does prolonged absence forfeit employment as it did
under the old rules. The great gains are, the liberal terms
of leave, the permission to retain a post held when the
officer quitted India, and the abolition of restrictions
affecting residence. As the highest authorities in India
have sanctioned the new regulations, and as the Secretary
of State is known to favour a generous treatment of our
civil and military servants, it is to be hoped that the con-
templated change will not, be obstructed by the India
Council, but that the proposed equitable improvements
will speedily receive every needful sanction.

In the six years 1861-66 the -railway companies
of the United Kingdom paid no less than £1,378,167 for
legal and parliamentary expenses. It exceeds £19,000 a
4 •