The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-25 00:00:00

DUTY.

Mr. M. GIBSON wished to ask the Chancellor of the
Exchequer whether monthly publications containing
news were liable to the stamp duty; and whether it was
true that the authorities at the St-imp-office had inter-
fered with a monthly publication called the Freeholder;
and if so, why that publication had been singled out for
such interference?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it
was true that a monthly publication was liable to the
stamp duty as a newspaper, although it was published
once a month. He could assure the House that the same
course had been pursued with respect to the Freeholder
as with respect to all other papers.
FOREIGN POLICY.—MR. ROEBUCK'S MOTION,
Oa the motion for reading the orders of the day.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said; that as the Hon. and
Learned Member for Sheffield had given notice of a mo-
tion for to-night, he was quite ready to move
that the orders of the day should be postponed. At the

same time, as the Government wished that a full
and fair discussion should take place on the subject, he
should leave it to the lion. Gentlemen who had amend-
ments upon the motion to say what course they would
pursue.
Mr. ANSTEY intimated that he should not press his
amendment.
Mr. HUME said he should exercise his own discre-
tion upon the subject.
Mr. ROEBUCK then moved: " That the principles on

which the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government
have been regulated have been such as were calculated
to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, and
in times of unexampled difficulty to preserve peace be-
tween England and the various nations of the world.,"
He said it was his duty towards the House to offer an
explanation of the reason why he made this motion.
I❑ his opinion, e Government constituted like ours, a
large portion of whose policy had been condemned by
one great branch of the Legislature, was unable to main-
tain the interests of this country intact, and to consult
the great interests of the people of England, or to hold
the reins of power, without affording any explanation
to the other House. When any one portion of our
Legislature bad expressed an opinion so direct and so
plain, it became the duty of this House to ascertain
what was the conduct to be pursued by the Go-
vernment of the country, and to express their opi-
nion upon the same point. He was quite prepared
to admit that no Government was called upon to
resign upon a vote of the House of Lords.
lie quite agreed with the Noble Lord in that.—(Hear,
hear.) But in a constitution like ours, in which it was
thought necessary to have a House of Lords, when they
had explained their own feelings, it was right that this
House should step forward and say what the people of
England thought upon the matter. If the
Noble Lord had determined after that re-
solution to go on with the Administration,
and had permitted the matter to drop without any fur-
ther inquiry, the present Government would be like
Governments he had seen supported by opinion which
was scarcely an opinion, and impotent as regarded the
couutry and Europe in general. It was for this reason
that he had come forward upon the recent occasion, and
he was sure no one was more desirous for an ex-
planation than the Noble Lord himself.—(Hear, hear.)
He would now address himself to the question before
the House. The House of Lords, in that mode which
suited their peculiar habits, bad, in as strong a phrase
as was generally used in that House, made a
plain, simple, and clear declaration, condemning
the foreign policy of the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
Notwithstanding the nisi prius fashion in which the whole
matter was considered by the House of Lords—(Hear)—
in spite of all the small technicalities which would have
made the fortune of a young man at a quarter sessions,
or in the Queen's Bench, while investigating an affidavit—
in spite, he would say, of the mode in which the proposi-
tion was dealt with in the House of Lords, it amounted to a
condemnation, in general terms, of the spirit and foreign
policy which had been adopted by the Government. In
coming to the consideration of this subject he confessed
he was inclined to come to a favourable conclusion re-
specting the Noble Lord who was at the head of theforeign
policy in this country, but it was not to be understood
that he expected a blind feeling of approbation with re-
spect to the Noble Lord, for he had as freqnently as
any other Member quarrelled with particular acts
of his policy. He agreed entirely with the prin-
ciple of the Noble Lord's policy, though in many
instances he had seen much to lament and deprecate.
The foreign policy of every Government, he appre-
hended, affected two classes of people—those who re-
garded individual rights and wrongs, and those who re-
garded the general interest, dignity, and honour of
their country. He believed, as regarded individual rights
and wrongs in reference to foreign nations, the object of
the Noble Lord had been to extend the protection and
shield of England to her wandering sons, who were
carried by commerce, or pleasure, or necessity, to
various regions of the world—to extend over
dem as much as the rules of civilized
nations would permit the broad, shield of English pro-
tection.—(Cheers.) Whether they went to the despotic
country of Russia, the free country of America, or to
the confines of any power, insignificant or helpless,
with regard to the interests of this country as a people,
he believed the policy of the Noble Lord had
been in the first place to maintain the peace of the world
—(Cheers)—not by truckling to despotism—(Cheers)—
but by teaching all foreign countries with whom we had
any relations, that England, as far as could be permitted
by the rules which regulated international communica-
tion, would bring the great moral power of her name to the
maintaining of constitutional liberty, as against treachery
on the one hand or despotism on the other.—(Cheers.)
lie could not suppose that there could be a Minister in
this country who was the advocate of legitimacy, which,
after all was another, though a softened expression of a
much harder thing, the object of which was to make
tyranny safer in Europe. (Hear, hear.) Ho
believed these antagonistic principles were now
on their trial.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the
House of Commons was now called upon to decide
not the Ministerial-existence, for...that, as far as he was
concerned, mattered mighty little—(A laugh)—but upon
those two principles, that was, whether England should
oppose or support despotism—should oppose or sup-
port abroad the principle of the Government that
prevailed at home?—(Cheers.) England did not
seek by polemical force to thrust its pro-
postions upon any people, but it did seek by its
moral influence—which was every day growing in
Europe, which had already shattered down many
thrones, and would shatter down some that still existed,
to extend peace and civilization—to say to the world,
" We are favourable to those splendid truths which in
the hands of enlightened and oonfident men have
made nations great and people happy."—(Cheers.)
He looked at the large results which had followed that
policy since the Noble Lord had held office, and taking
those large results, what did he find? Let him com-
pare, in a few words, the results of the policy that had
been pursued by England from the year 1830 to the pre-
sent time with the results of the policy which was pur-
sued by England from 1790 to 1815.—(Hear.) In 1789
first broke out that grand result, which he said was the
increased enlightenment of Europe against despotism. In
1789 commenced the French Revolution, and the whole
result of that event depended upon the view which Eng-
land took of what was even then called legitimacy.
The Governments of Europe took the side of the Legi-
timatists, and unfortunately England supported them.
The consequences might be seen, might be read in the
most terrible conflicts that ever disgraced the history of
man.—(Hear, hear.) Blood was shed like water, and
wealth scattered about with an extravagance the
like of which no record exists—(Hear, hear)—
in the annals of any nation on the face of the earth.—

(Hear.) From 1789 to 1815 all the great bonds. tbat
cemented nations together were broken up—nations
were separated into enemy and enemy, and relations of
every kind depended upon force—he who was the migh-
t9494/1041#19•AMQ I.4eL.FOrAtOdivis3tri)

Mankind looked on with absolute astonishment and
horror at the devastation, strife, and confusion that ;
followed, and it was only when the exigencies of
numerous nations induced them to unite their energies
and power in overthrowing the mighty Napoleon that
peace was again restored to mankind.—(Cheers.)
Legitimacy was once more established again in France,
and from 1815 to 1830 there was a constant tide moving
against it amongst the great body of the French people.
—(Hear, hear.) At length, in 1830, the volcano burst.
and the legetimacy of the Bourbons was scettered to the
winds for ever.—(Hear, hear.) lie felt it due to the
great man who was then at the head of the Councils of
England to state that the principles which now actuated
the British Government owed their origin to him. The
Duke of Wellington was then at the head of the English
Councils, and he of all men was the most fitting to deal
with the crisis.—(Cheers.) His position, his capacity,
his powers, and his history and knowledge of Europe
re iidered him peculiarly fitting for the occa-
sion, and it would ever be a source of benefit to
Europe that he had the courage to take upon himself the
responsibility of dealing with it.`—(Hear, hear.) Eng-
land sided with the French people, and it was
therefore to bo expected that the revolution of
France should be followed by•"similar occurrences
in Belgium, Poland, and other nation's; 'butTriglalid at
this time set an example to the. world, by accomplishing
a peaceful revolution—England dispossessed the House
of Lords of the power of ruling the House of
Commons.—(Cheers.) The revolution of France
was carried by barricade, but the revolution of England
was carried through the forms of the Huse of Commons.
That affected not merely a change in our government
in that particular, but changed the government itself.
The first question submitted to the Noble Lord was the
revolution of Belgium, and he could say there was no
part of the Noble Lord's policy which more deserved
commendation than the foresight he evinced on that oc-
casiun.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord had followed
the suggestions of many around him he would have pro-
posed U. separation of Belgium from Holland. The
people in this country were careless of foreign politics;
they were insular by their position and their habits, and
the Foreign Minister was more:than any other man re-
sponsible to this country, simply because the people of
England were careless of foreign politics. Therefore he
said the'Noble Lord en that occasion, if he had listened
to some around, would have proposed a separation
of Belgium from Holland. It' he had done so he
(Mr. Roebuck) believed a universal war in Europe
would have been the consequence and he was
certain that, in 1848, Belgium, and the other domi-
nions of Holland, would have at once wrested her-
self from all unnatural alliances, and seized on France,
which she would have called her natural friend and ally.
—(Hear, hear.) And then down again would have come
the Northern Powers, and we would have had repeated
the scenes which characterised the period between 1790
and 1815. Therefore, he said, not wasting the time
of that House on little-minded technicalities, but
judging of, the Noble Lord's policy on the
bread principles of wisdom and justice, that
policy on that occasion was instrumental in preventing
a fruitiul source of misery to mankind. He (Mr. Roe-
buck) believed that to have been the type of the Noble
Lord's government. On a sudden .that House had been
surprised by a revolution in Greece.. There were three
parties to that revolution. There was Greece, which re-
presented the despotism of Europe on the one hand, and
France and England on the other. In Greece he found
a monarch coming from Bavaria and educated in a small
German Court. He (Mr. Roebuck) felt degraded
when he saw the name of -England prostituted in
such a discussion. Ile wanted no representative in the
shape of an ambassador to protect our interests at fo-
reign courts, but the great name of England instead.
The French wishing to get rid of that which did not
represent the French people, which did not
represent French feelings, which was simply a band
of men who were gathered together for a special end
and purpose, one set working under-hand and over-hand,
for the purposes of legitimate monarchy, and another set,
under the form and semblance and prostituted name of
order, endeavouring to maintain their own individual mi-
nisterial existence—these were the men who had been
aided by the worst of men, the wild band of men, who,
under the shield of Liberty, endeavour to introduce
their wild anarchichal ideas into society—the Socialists
and Communists of France. These were the men who
had lent their aid to the monarchical party, who had
dared to try to reduce France again to her former
state. Such was the position of affairs when
on a sudden the people of England were told
that Admiral Parker had received orders to proceed
to the Piraeus. And then that celebrated power in an-
other place, which was always ready to oppose anything
liberal in government, at any time, stepped forward
with the majority which, indeed, they always had,
though they did not always think fit to use it, though
they often threatened. He did not know how many
times he had heard this session, " Ministers will be in a
minority in the Lords;" and the ordinary answer, he must
say, was—" Who cares?" Well, there was a curious cir-
cumstance with regard to these orders of Admiral
Parker's, and he would ask the House to bear it
in mind. The people of Hungary had risen against
the despotism of Austria. In a glorious but unfor-
tunate conflict they had succumbed to the united
forces of Austria and Russia. The patriots—be would
presume to call them so—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers)—fled, and where did they go for succour ?
To Turkey. With that bloodhound pertinacity which
always distinguishes despotic Governments, they
were tracked slowly and surely to their biding-
place. And then was sent to an independent
Government the most insulting demand that ever was
sent by an insulting Government. But the Noble Lord,
nobly representing two nations, stepped in an said
" This shall not be."—(Great cheering.) All glory to
France, who had assisted us at this time, and the sight
of a British fleet in the famous bay of Salamis,
stopped these wretches, and vindicated the law of nations.
Now, was there anything in the claim itself unusual
or contrary to the law of nations? Ile would first take
the cure of France. The law of nations he took
to be, correctly speaking, no law; it was a sys-
tem of general morality, in which the rules
were necessarily vague, and depended rather
on the expression of a country than anything
which had been settled by a tribunal. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman then referred to the assertion
which had been made, that the proceedings of the English
Government with regard to Greece were without prece-
dent, and mentioned several instances in which France
had demanded compensation for injured French subjects
residing in foreign states, but had refused to accept the
mediation of this or any other country. Ile alluded
to those instances as striking lessons, not only
to members in that House, but to members in the French
Chamber of Deputies, who spoke without knowing
what had been done by their own countrymen, used
language which, were it not for the undaunted majesty
and power and great serenity of the people of England,
would be deemed insulting.—(Cheers, and ironical
cheers from the Opposition Benches.) But we, being
above such petty feelings, soaring above them in our
unapproachable greatness, disregard them.--(Laughter.)
The demands made by France on that occassion were
contested by Portugal; they went into the Tagus, took
her fleet, and threatened to bombard her towns; they
complained also that a Frenchman had been subjected to
a revere imprisonment for a slight offence, and they
demanded that he should be liberated, that the sentence
should be annulled and cancelled, that such sentences
should only be carried out in future by a special act, and
that the judge should be dismissed.—(Hear, hear, and a
laugh.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then con-
tinued—l am not here to treat this matter lightly. We
had a right to say to France in 1831, in the time of him
who was our dear ally, Louis Philippe—(Hear, hear)—
just fresh with his new laurels, when he stepped in
between legitimacy and liberty, and having the greatest
opportunity of governing the world upon really liberal
principles, but who, through a base personal feeling,
broke down and destroyed all his greatness. In 1831,
then, the French Government demanded of Portugal
an indemnity that their subjects should not
be liable to arrest, that the chief of police
be dismissed, and that all the sentences passed
upon French subjects for political crimes be abrogated.
That is one of the examples set us by France.
Oh, but you say, that is only a solitary instance; but I
can go over a dozen. They may say that is a petty
affair; but I can find twenty other affairs. In 1842 it
appeared that the French Government fancied that the
governor of San Salvador had been insulted, and de-
manded compensation to the amount of 1,000 dollars.—
(A laugh.) They were told that if the money was not
paid the French ships would bombard the town. They
refused to do so, the French consul retired and went on
board, and then the amount was raised to 2,000 dollars,
and the port blockaded. What followed? The poor
people paid the money.—(Hear, and a laugh.) That's
another instance. The French complained of Mexico,
because a mob had pulled down a manufactory. The
French said," We must have immediate payment." They
refused all attempts at mediation—they demanded pay-
ment—instant, unequivocal payment; and because they
refused that the French bombarded them. I could give
many similar instances, but I will take another because
it is said that we have attacked a weak nation. On the
western coast of Africa, the governor of the French
colony of Senegal found himself offended. What
did he do? Ile went up the river, took possession
of the territory, chastised the offending party, and
his demands were regularly paid. Nuw let us
consider this.-- With a -great - nation a blockade
is a declaration of war; but it is merely a mer-
ciful and useful mode of acting with a weak nation, and,
comparatively with England, a powerless nation—not to
declare war. That blockade took place, and the English
fleet took possession of certain ships. Now let us go to
the United States of America. There is our own blood
and bone—our own institutions, a people as commercial
as ourselves, and loving peace as we do.—(Cries of
" Hear," and laughter.) I shall take some curious in-
stances, and they are instructive. It appears that in
1814-15, as is well known, America was at war with
England. An American vessel was chased by an Eng-
lish ship under the very walls of the fort of Fayal and
was taken. Our brother over the water presented his
bill.—(A laugh.) To whom? Was it to England?
No. England was at war with him, and we had a right
to capture his ships. They presented the bill to the
Portuguese Government, and the answer they received
was —"lt was done in spite of us." " That is precisely
what we mean," said the Americans, " that is why you
must pay us."—(Hear, hear.) Up to this hour, and let
the people of England know it, that money_ has
not been paid ; but at this moment, perhaps,
vessels
o
vessels are coming from the other side 1
Atlantic to blockade the Ta
w
That is an example of gulasaton
at Brooke,
General
nation can do in the way of demanding satisfaction.
Then there was the case of the ship
which it appeared that certain persons
anthaetnliagebteunnetd.
kedbill and the was sent
one calling
themselves
harbour to
custom-house officers removed from
another—the vessel was wrec
Thcao arc two cans, but there another. AlWat was
in to the Portuguese Government.—(Hear, hear).