The Sun.
London, England, 1868-06-09 00:00:00

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' and of 'the country upon their " conduct and po-
I licy." He may feel convinced that an equally
" basing desire" exists among the occupants of
the Opposition benches to change sides, and this
was alluded to very appropriately in the speech.
" Suppose, as it is confidently anticipated by
hon. gentlemen opposite, on the meeting of the
new Parliament, a vote of want of confidence is
passed, leading to a change of Government," &c.
This is the beginning and end of the whole affair,
and accounts for the sudden zeal which animates
these inquiries and suggests such departures from
the general rule to be taken.
Some discussion took place on the subject of the
Boundary Bill. Mr. GORST made a very unnecessary
speech, in which he criticised the state of affairs,
and animadverted upon the discordant conclusions
arrived at by the Committee and the Commission.
Mr. WALPOLE showed that a great deal of the
confusion arose from the uncertain instructions that
the Committee had received. The right hon. gentle-

man gave it as his opinion that it was a mistake

to make the boundaries of towns too extensive,
and this is true enough, because at last these con-
stituencies became much larger than the counties
they are placed in. Mr. BRIGHT made himself very
busy, and followed the example of Mr. GLAD3TONE
the other night by declaring that the Government
must speak. He saved them the trouble, however,
by speaking fur them, and intimating that they had
declared on a previous occasion that the decision
come to by the Committee should be final. Mr.
HARDY denied this, and made some explanations to
show the incorrectness of the statement. Not
daunted by this, however, Mr. BRIGHT went on to com-
plain of various things connected with the affair, and
be thought no man ever occupied the Treasury
Bench before who would not have stepped forward
and guided the opinion of the House on the subject.
Mr. DISRAELI made a very suitable reply, and
showed that the taunts of the hon. member for Bir-
mingham were quite superfluous, and that the
strictures he passed upon the affair were extraor-
dinary, because he is, generally speaking, " jealous
of the privileges of Parliament and the right of
every member."As for the notion of Mr. HARDY having
said that the decision of the Committee must be ac-
cepted as final, Mr. DISRAELI said that was a most sin-
gular idea for any one to have taken, and no Minister
would ever presume to make such a commencement.
The confusion that was made, however, prevented
the settlement of matters, and progress was reported
instead of the bill being proceeded with. It would
have been much better if the Premier's advice bad
been taken, and the house had gone on with the
discussion, as Mr. DISRAELI said the difficulties of
the Schedules were not numerous, and if the Com-
mittee only set to work with practical good sense
" he felt assured that they would accomplish their
ends satisfactorily." Of course Mr. GLADSTONE did
not like this arrangement, and when he had had his
say, Mr. OSBORNE declared that the House had stulti-
fied itself, and they must leave off the discussion,
so that more time is thus lost, and those who are
so eager for the dissolution have once more inter-
posed delays in the course of business ; but we are
used to this inconsistency, and now we must not be
surprised at it.

The arrival of the Hansa, from New York on the
28th ult., brings us little intelligence that is abso-
lutely new, since the telegraph now anticipates the
mails, and if it does not deprive their news of its
interest, at least strips it of its novelty. It is curi-
ous to notice, however, that the difficulty about the
Secretaryship of War still continued at that date,
and that General THOMAS, on applying at the War
Department, was told he could take possession
upon giving a receipt to Assistant-Adjutant Town-
END. This General THOMAS refused to do, as
TOWNSEND is his subordinate, and he probably

felt that taking possession on such terms
would be practically useless. Mr. JOIINSON, it
is said, advised THOMAS not to take any further
steps at tLat time. Most likely the PRESIDENT
knew or guessed that the Senate, after the decision
of the 26th, would be no longer implacable, and he
did not wish to provoke a collision between a man
of his appointing and subordinate officials, who
might perhaps exceed their instructions, and bad
not the discernment to perceive that the tide of
affairs had changed in the PRESIDENT'S favour.
General GRANT, according to this news, advised the
Senate to confirm the appointment of General
SCHOFIELD to the vacant Secretaryship, since
THOMAS, it must be remembered, was only ap-
pointed ad interim. STANTON'S resignation
upon the acquittal of the PRESIDENT made it
incumbent on the Senate to sanction some appoint-
ment, and GRANT'S recommendation could hardly
be disregarded by the Republican party, who have
HOW rut him forward as their accepted candidate.
The Chicago platform, as it is styled in American
political phraseology, has been accepted as the
policy of the Republicans and moderate Radicals,
who will be glad to support so safe and popular a
man as GRANT. With some sections of the com-
munity General GRANT has lost favour, as well as
with his European critics, owing to his vacillating
and unstraightforward conduct about the War
Office, but he is a favourite in many quarters, and
is always strong in the army. GRANT bas never
identified himself with the extreme party either with
regard to the Southern States or the quarrel with
the PRESIDENT. if he had Le would now have

tittle chanca of the White House, for the people at
large are thoroughly disgusted with that section of

politicians.

Mr. WOOLLEY has again been brought before the
Managers of the Impeachment Trial, and again re-
manded into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms
upon his refusal to account to the Managers for the
disposal of the large stun of money which he had in
hand previous to the first vote on the Impeachment.
Such interference and inspection of private affairs
is something very new in a country professing such
perfect freedom. The American Radicals have the
credit of introducing this improvement of a system
of espionage into a constitutional form of govern-
ment.

The second reading of the Regulation of Rail-
ways Bill last night proves that the Houses of Par-
liament are not disposed to put auy difficulties in
the way of the railway companies. Modern legis-
lation has tended entirely in their favour, and so
strong is their influence in the Commons, that even
in cases where the issue is doubtful the railways
generally get the benefit of the doubt. The com-
panies have not always reciprocated this good feel-
ing, and have been, as a general rule, a good deal
more concerned about their own interests
than about those of the public. Rail-
ways are, in their very nature, something
of a monopoly. They have so completely
superseded all other modes of travelling that they
can almost dictate their own terms. They have so
greatly increased the traffic of the time that they

have become a vital necessity both to men of busi-
ness and men of pleasure. Like the Gas Com-
panies, their managers are tempted to take advan-
tage of the fact that they have become necessary to
us, and seem inclined to try how much the public
can bear. Happily, it is still necessary for all rail-
way bills to obtain the sanction of Parliament, so
that we are not left altogether at their mercy, but
unless a little more vigilance is exercised