The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-31 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 3l, 1850.

"At the commencement of the engagement the left
wing was very severely pressed, but the Panes soon
threw all their force on our centre, which, after a most
obstinate contest, was at length compelled to retreat
in the direction of Schleswig, the right wing
also accorcpanying, it, but maintaining the same
relative position to the centre at six o'clock in the
evening as at six in the morning. Alter the retreat of
the centre, which defended itself with the utmost bra-
very, the left wing also commenced a retrograde move-
ment, covering the retreat. The cavalry is said to have
been but little engaged, and to have lost only three men.
"The following infantry officers are among the killed:
—Major Brunckhof ; Lieutenants Hallerstein, Walters-
dorf, Haseler, and Sander.

" And the following are among the wounded:—Major-
General Baudissin (lightly); Major Lutzow (slightly).
Captains: Unruh, Boner, and Carrel. Lieutenants:
Schnobel, Hilliger, Dudding, Wiling, and Jenner.
" The infantry took off their knapsacks, &c , to enable
them to fight the easier, and having saved the whole of
their baggage, it will at once be seen with what admir-
able order the retreat must have been conducted.

"The troops evacuated Schleswig, and commenced
their march towards the south, singing their national
songs."

The Cologne Gazette says the " cause of Schles-
wiggiolstein is by no means desperate. An army of
25,000 good troops is concentrated at Wittensen.
VON DER. TANN is also at the head of 16,000 men in
Angelo. The cannon from Eckeniorde has been
transported to Rensburgh. It is feared that Kiel
will be exposed to an attack by land, on the part of
the Danes. The Gefion is still in the bands of the
Prussians, and appears out of danger. Among the
Danish prisoners is Colonel BAGGESEN. It is said
that VON DEE TANN, GERIIARD, and even General
WILLISEN are slightly wounded."

The Danes are in complete possession of Schleswig,
but had not crossed the Eider to invade Holstein
when the last accounts left.

The Hambur°h Borsenhalle of the 28th contains
the following:— . .

"As the general in command has not yet been able to
send in a detailed account of the battle of the 25th, the
undersigned makes known the following:—
"Our whole array (the Schleswig-Holstein army)
holds a concentrated position: all reports of detach-
ments being cut off are false. The losses sustained will
be made good in such manner by the reserve battalions,
organised for this purpose some weeks silica, that in a
few days the army will be stronger than it was before
the battle of Fisted%

" The courage II the army is unabated. We look
confidently forward to decisive events.
(Signed)
"Kiel, July 27."

" KROHN.

From this warlike proclamation it appears that
hostilities will be resumed, which must eventually lead
to the entrance of the Danes into Holstein.

A telegraphic dispatch, dated Berlin, July 29,
says :

" We are assured that negotiations are on foot for a
prolongation of the time allowed for the ratification of
the peace of 2d July."

Another telegraphic dispatch, dated Hamburgb,
July 29, in the evening, says :
" There is nothing new from the scene (,f war, if we
except an unimportlnt 'skirmish of cavalry at the out-
posts. The troops are in excellent spirits, but the want
is felt of a sufficient number of officers."

CHANCERY—(THIS DAY.)
WASON V. FARING.
This was a motion fur dissolving an injunction, in-
volving- a complicated question of account touching an
estate in mortgage, interesting to none but the parties
immediately concerned. The Court was occupied in
hearing the arguments of counsel during the morning
and had nut come to a decision when our report lat.

BOW-STREET.-(THIS DAY.)
Thomas Farr, the late waiter of the Somerset Hotel,
Strand, was again placed at the bar.
William Sinett, of the Ist Battalion of the Coldstream
Guards, deposed that on the night of the robbery he
met :he prisoner at a public-house in Duke-street, Lin-
coln's Inn-fields, and that he treated him (witness) to
everything he desired. On leaving, the prisoner gave
witness a cash-box tied up in a handkerchief, which he
told him to take, as he might find it useful on some
future occasion. When he opened it, and discovered
that it and its contents belonged to Mr. Stewart, he
went and delivered them to him.
The constable having corroborated Mr. and Mrs.
Stewart's evidence,
The prisoner, without saying anything in answer to
the charge, was 'fully committed to take his trial.

Sir W. SOMERVILLE complained that the Hon.
Member had introduced questions which, whether right
'br wrong, had long since been settled, and had no tear-
ing on the immediate question bee re the House. The
Hon. Member opposite had complained that the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government had not exhibited
a more conciliatory disposition. He must say, that in
expressiug his own views, the Hon. Member had shown
a much less conciliatory disposition. But what was the
defect they were called upon to remedy? Every one
admitted the constituency had dwindled away. But it
appeared that oven the estimates formed of its actual
amount were far above the truth. In Mayo, the second
largest county in Ireland, the constituency had been
estimated at 591, whereas, at the election just finished,
no more voters than 23G could be brought to the poll.
—(Cheers, and counter cheers.) He understood the
cheers of Hon. Gentlemen opposite. But he repeated,
that his firm belief was that in every county in Ireland
there was not one half the constituency calculated.
The Hon. Member had talked a great deal about up-
holding the privileges of the House of Lords. He
trusted that he would not forget the House of Commons
had its privileges also.—(Hear, hear.) In proposing to
adol t a 12/. franchise after that House bad agreed to as
81. qualification, he thought his Noble Friend had shown
ever desire to respect the independence of the other
House of Parliament, and at the same timo made a
reasonable proposition, which he trusted would be ac-
cepted by :hat House.—(hear.)
Lord JOCELYN said, when the measure was before
the House he had stated his opinion in favour of a 121.
franchise, but had strongly objected to the varied and
unequal valuations on which these rentals were assessed.
The valuation, which was now nearly completed, would,
if generally enforced, remove that inequality, and if his
Right Hon. Friend could state that it would be made the
foundation of the valuation of the franchise, it would
have some weight with him as to the vote ho should give,
as well as other Hon. Members.
Sir W. SOMERVILLE said that by the law as it
now stood he believed the poor-law valuation wou Id ne-
cessarily foien the foundation of other assessments. At
all events, he could assure his Noble Friend that the
matter had received, and would continue to receive, the
anxious consideration of the Government.
Mr. MOORE said the state of the Opposition benches
of that House showed very significantly that this was not
a mere Irish question.—(llear, hear.) Ireland was
chosen as the great battle field of party. He had no
faith in the party on either side. First of all the Noble
Lord had been suddenly smitten with a deep sense of the
degraded state of the Irish franchise. W ny, any time
for the last six years that degradation might have struck
him, and during that time the Irish Members would
hat e gladly aided him to pass any reasonable measure.
—(Hear, hear.) What was the reason why the. Whigs,
who had been so long playing at Tories—(Hear, and a
laugh)--should so suddenly have discovered the ne-
cessity for extending the franchise? Why did Paul
appear among the prophets? It was because the trumpet
of protection had been sounded across the Chan-
nel.— (Hear, hear.) It was not until the cruiser was in
sight that the masters proposed to arm the slaves. He
might be wrong in these suspicions.—(" Hear," from
Lord John Russell, followed by laughter.) Well, if he
was wrong, it was easy for the Noble Lord to set him
right. Let him pledge himself eo introduce another Bill
for the reform of the Irish franchise, at least as Lberal
as that he had brought in this year. Let him pledge
himself honestly, earnestly, and :strenuously to bring
to the aid of that measure all his official influence—such,
for instance, as he exercised in the case of the African
squedron,—(f fear, bean) If the Noble Lord would do
that, ho would pledge himself that the Irish Members
would give him all the aid in their power. The Noble
Lord 'ens silent. If the Noble Lord would not do that,
he for one would not lift a finger to fight any more
party battle for the Noble Lord.—(Cries of " Hear,
hoar.") On the other hand, Honourable Gentlemen
opposite, by their conduct on the question, had re..
nessed the battle between their party and the people of
Ireland. He warned them that in the end that must be
fatal to them.—(flear, hear.) As to the fears expressed
of tte results of an extension of the suffrage in Ireland,
he spoke from considerable experience when he said that
mob law and mob dictation were result of a narrow,
not an extended franchise. Let them imagine the posi-
tion of 1,000 voters spread over a large county. There
might be only ten or twelve in a single district. These
might be taken up to the poll under the protection of the
constabulary, and back again to their homes, but the
moment they were left there, tt ey might as well be
placed among a pack of wolves.—(Hear, hear, and a
laugh.) Why was this? Because the voters were not a
large enough body to protect themselves, and because
toe others were excited by their exclusion from the
franchise.
Colonel DUNNE would vote with the Noble Lord for
the reduction of the qualification from 15/. to 121. He
believed there would be no objection to the view taken
by the Noble Lord in respect to the miler amendments
made by the Lords—namely, that relating to joint oc-
cupancy; but he also believed that the machinery of the
Bill, iu reference to the self-acting registration clause,
the third amendment of the Lords, would be most pre-
judicial to its successful operation.
Colonel RAWDON said that the Bill had been treated
with injustice by the other House.
Mr. CLEMENTS said he would support the proposi-
tion of the Noble Lord, the First Lord of the Treasury.
Mr. ANSTEY said that although he supported the
Noble Lord's proposition, he did so with considerable
regret, because he thought the franchise of Ireland was
miserably low, and this 121. franchise would not place it
in the position in which it ought to stand. Ho would
himself, on a future occasion, bring in a measure to in-
create the franchise in Ireland, England, and Scotland.
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD would vote for the
proposition of the Noble Lord as a matter of necessity,
but he entered his protest against the proposed franchise
being considered as that to which the Irish people were
entitled.
Mr. SCULLY also supported the proposition of the
Government with great regret, boceuse it was not equal
to the requirements of the Bill.
Mr. BRIGHT said, if he understood it aright, this
was the measure of the session, and they were soon to part
without having passed any Act of great public utility but
this. It was a sorry account that the Government would
have to render to the public for the time that had been
occupied by Parliament in its deliberations. With re-
gard to this particular `measure, no man could say that
the Government had grappled with the representation
of Ireland before it was absolutely necessary; because,
with a population of eight millions, living under the
same constitution as ourselves, there was scarcely any
representation whatever amongst them. In bringing
forward the 8/. franchise the Noble Lord de-
fended that measure on grounds perfectly satisfactory
to him (Mr. Bright), and if his intention had been
spoiled by what had taken place in the House of Lords,
the Noble Lord was still responsible for what had taken
place there. The conduct of the Government in the
House of Lords had been completely different from what
it had been in the Commons, and it would seem from
all that had taken place there, that the Government in-
tended it not to be an eight-pound franchise Bill, but
that that amount should be altered by the Lords. The
principle of the eight-pound franchise had been affirmed
by increasing majorities of their own House, and if the
,majorities and minorities of both 'louses were added to-
gether, it would appear that that principle had been car-
ried by a total majority of 47.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) He knew that Hon. Members were not used
to that sort of arithmetic, but this be would say that in a
matter, effecting the elective franchise of the House of
Commons, the votes of the House of Commons were
more entitled to regard than those of the other branch
of the Legislature.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Crown
was also in favour of an eight-pound franchise; and if
the Crown and the House of Commons had approved of
this step, it was doubly incumbent on the Noble Lord,
as the Minister of the Crown, to have seen that it was
carried, and he ought to have been cautious how he al-
lowed a small majority, of a small House, sitting in
another place, to override the measures of the other
estate of the country.—(Cheers.) The Lords would
have carried the franchise higher than 15/. if they dared,
and the Noble Lord knowing their designs that way,
ought to have stood manfully by it, and have preserved
it in its integrity. The Noble Lord was a great man
for constitutions, and one of his chief objects was to
work this House in harmony with the House of Lords.
He had undertaken a hopeless task. That very day
they had been engaged in the discussion of a subject
which gave them an obvious specimen of the dead lock
at which the two Houses were now arriving.—(Hear, and
cheers.) The House of Commons and the Ministry
were treated with contempt, but the Noble Lord per-
sisted in ripening the pear, and in " bombarding" the
Lords with good measures, as he believed the phrase
was before 1841—(A laugh)—and in paring down
every measure which he believed necessary for the good
of the country, till it passed through the gauge which
might please the House of Lords. (Hear,
hear.) The Noble Lord's constitution would not work.
In this conjuncture of affairs the course which the
Noble Lord ought to take was to state at the beginning
of the session, in introducing the single measure of un-
doubted utility, which he would now be able to pass in
a session, that he intended that it should be passed in
the form substantially in which it was introduced. The
course which at present he was pursuing was humiliat-
ing to the House and destructive to the Noble Lord's
Government, besides which, it kept those back who were
sitting on the Liberal side of the House from advancicg
measures which they were sent there to support. Their
safest policy in Ireland was the most generous policy.—
(Hear, hear.) They had tried other policies there for
centuries, and there was now no spectacle so humiliat-
ing as that to which Ireland had been reduced by the
rule of the "territorial system." Generosity and
justice was the remedy which they
never yet had tried,
and it was the one they were now voting against,
apparently la-cause they were afraid of having
a hundred gentlemen there to represent truly the
territory of Ireland. If the 121. franchise were now
taken and the terms he proposed, he trusted that in the
course of one or two sessions the Noble Lord would find
himself forced to propose the extension of the franchise
contemplated by this Bill when it left them. Of this,
at least, he was convinced, that a literal and generous
policy toward Ireland was the only ono which could bring
them from the leaders whom they said bad misled them.
Lord J. RUSSELL said ho felt sorry to have to ad-
dress the Ilot.we on the topics to which the Honourable
Member for Manchester had adverted, but he could not
altogether avoid doing so; fur the Hon. Gentleman, not
confining himself to this Bill entirely, had thought fit to
lay down propositions which, as be conceived, he thought
tended to disparage the present constitution of this
country, and led to the establishment of some other. But
this was a question which arose for their decision on
some amendments which bad come down from the Lords,
and which it was therefore necessary fur them to deal
with on the decisions of that House of Parliament. The
Hon. Member for Manchester now proposed, that with
regard 'to any measure of the kind in future, the
Minister should state, in introducing it, that he in-
tended it should be carried. Well, if the Bill should hap.
pen to be rejected by the Lords altogether the lion.