The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-26 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 26, 1850.

constitutionally exercised in the grounds which have been
for so many years maintained out of the public purse, and
by successive votes of the House of Commons for that
purpose? Also, whether this power is limited, or to
whet extent it may be carried, and for what special
purposes, and if for what is termed a Commission to
afford accommodation for foreign markets, and the im-
portation or warehousing of foreign goods?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL (in the absence of the
Attorney-General) said with respect to the first question,
some trees had been cut down, and others planted in
Hyde-park by the direetions of the Commissioners of
Woods and Forests. As respected the other question,
he was not aware that the House was at all concerned
in the cutting down of those trees.
Colonel SIBTHORP was sorry to say that the
answer he had got was a very unsatisfactory one.
COMMISSIONERS OF SEWERS.
Lord DUNCAN said he had felt it his duty to call at
the office of the Commissioners of Sewers in Greek-street,
Soho, where he found that no entry had been made
in the minute book of the Commissioners since the Bth
February last. He wished to ask the Noble Lord at the
head of the Commission why that was?
Lord EBRINGTON said he had ascertained that
though the formal minute. book was entered up from
time to time, and only from time to time as best suited
the convenience of the office—(Laughter)—yet the mi-
nutes of the Board were nevertheless kept, and he had
recently seen one in print, which was passed so recently
as the 4th June instant.—(Laughter.)
Lord DUNCAN asked it the minutes were printed
before they were entered in the minute book?
Lord EBRINGTON said that was so with respect to
the minute book, which the Noble Lord bad inspected
at the office.
THE ORION STEAM-PACKET.
In answer to Mr. OSWALD,
The LORD ADVOCATE said that with respect to
the late accident to the Orion steam-packet, he had
found it necessary to institute a prosecution against the
master and second mate of that vessel.
THE POST-OFFICE.
Mr. HUME wished to know whether there was any
accuracy in the report, that it was not possible for her
Majesty's Government to do away with Post-office re-
gulations without an Act of Parliament?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that he thought the question was founded on the suppo-
sition that the delivery of letters on Sunday was impe-
rative, which was not the case.
Mr. HILDYARD wished to know if Government de-
cided on delivering letters on only three days in the
week, whether such a course would be legal ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated
that he had no objection to answer questions relating to
the Government that might be put to him, but declined
to answer hypothetical questions.
FOREIGN POLICY.-ADJOURNED DEBATE.
hendedlsT:3o9ritt eeensuamemedaihwehodeabate.,
d.
-tie a thibject of this'bort could Undervaltie,theimportafice
s sHe de himself
of
thb giscuesion, Wunderrate the moreenfbus nature of
the whole dejrt-
,4o. In, ibis opinion this was not a
,discussion titet;e f coedueeed ,-9n p,ettly, details—it was
Oa fit 'question ,to „bee, red„ awn. Jelemee bootee
- b tediiicententedtittevyer. lewas 110,w-question:which
they Were. re'lbottlit With regard. to-the exorbitant de-
bhuti4. of DofeiPaelfree,aer thei tinrdcfiretedi enjurieseof
ek
_might TO 'sitiiectis her, a epeeist pleader, in.
ano.thet iilace;bUtTts looleiethlionte isf.'OeneniOns
bad a different task to perform. The point tor their
consideration was how far the international prin-
ciples of the foreign policy of the Govern-
ment of this country were to be regulated by justice,
and how tar British subjects and British commerce were
to be protected by the Government of this country.
The real question at issue was not whether they were
called • upon to approve the foreign policy of her
Majesty's Government, or to maintain her Majesty's
Ministers in their present position. It was,
whether our foreign policy was or was not
to be regulated by the ideas of a foreign state.
They had to consider whether the Foreign Secretary was to
merge into a placid tool, a mere automaton, whose hands
were directed and moves made by the unseen and wily
influence of a foreign Minister.---(flear, hear.) It
was not that they had to give a vote of confidence
in her Majesty's Ministers, but they were called
upon to maintain the honour, and indepen-
dence, and glory of Great Britain.—(Great cheering.)
He expressed his surprise that the question in its pre-
sent shape should have been' allowed to be brought for-
ward by an independent Member of the House, for it
amounted, in fact, to a vote of want of confidence in the
Ministry. He had anticipated, when a decisive vote
was passed in the other House, that some Hon. Gentleman
connected with the party which had for years been
assiduously reviling and calumniating the Noble Lord
the Secretary for Foreign Affairs with all the ingenuity
of cunning, sharpened by the pertinacity of revenge,
would have brought the subject before that House.—
(Cheers.) He did not think that that party would have
been content backbiting a Minister and the members
of -a Goternment by -a simple Note of censure
in another place.—(Cheers.) He did not expect that
that party would have paused on the threshold of this
Rouse, and like well-bred spaniels,
" civilly delight
In barking at the gains they dare not bite."
—(Laughter and cheers.) - He did expect that( some
one among that party would have come boldly for-
ward with a vote of. censure, and. arraigned the Noble
Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs before his col-
leagues, and heard what he had to say in answer to
the charge.—(Cheers.) He certainly did not think
that, like the knights in the play, they would have
thought discretion the better part of valour—that they
would have been willing to wound, but afraid to strike.—
(Cheers and laughter.) He had listened with amuse-
ment to the sentiments uttered by one whom he sup-
posed one day would be a judge of this land.—(Hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (Sir F.
Thesiger) told the House last night that for years he
had no confidence in the foreign policy of the Govern-
ment; that be thought it was not only calculated to em-
broil us with foreign nation?, but to peril the peace of
the world; but what was his conduct? For fouryears
be had been content to sit in the House without ever
once raising his voice against the policy—(Loud
cheers and laughter)—but now, at the eleventh
hour, he came forward and kicked up his heels
before the Noble Lord for Foreign Affairs.—
(Cheers and laughter.) But another Right Hon. Gen-
tleman (Sir James Graham), who spoke last night, said
be rose to address the House with great reluctance, but
neither in the manner nor the matter of his speech could
he discover that he possessed any such reluctance.
He was justified in characterising his speech as
tinged by the mellow sneer of political scandal,
and he could not help being reminded, when that
Right Honourable Gentleman professed friendship
for the Noble Lord, of those mighty animals of
the desert—those large serpents which covered their
victims with slaver before they made a meal of them.—
(Cheers.) He had always been in the habit of supposing
the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite as a sort of guardian
angel of the Ministry—as
"A sweet little cherub that sits up aloft,
To keep watch o'er the life of poor Jack."
--(Laughter, in which Lord J. Russell heartily joined.)
The Right Hon. Baronet was present when the Hon.
Gentleman the Member for Stafford moved the impeach-
ment of the Minister ; indeed the Right Hon. Baronet
had taken a great part of his speech from the address of
that Hon. Member. The mantle of Mr. Urquhart
it would seem had fallen on the shoulders of the Right
Hon. Bart. the Member for Ripon.—(A laugh.) Well,
upon that occasion the Right Hon. Baronet was sneer-
ingly silent.—( Hear, hear.) But the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet dissents from the Spanish policy of the Noble Lord,
and his conduct on that question was equallyextraordinary,
for in June, 1848, the Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Dorsetsbire—who was an open and candid foe of the
Noble Lord, and did not support Ministers four years
and kick them in the fifth—(A laugh)—brought for-
ward a motion in that House deprecating the whole
course of our policy with regard to Spain, and
especially the interference which was alluded to last
night by the Right Hon. Baronet himself. Now, what
was the course the Right Hon. Baronet pursued on that
occasion? Why, the Right Hon. Baronet on that oc-
casion , made a speech in which be damned
the Minister with faint praise, and allowed the
resolution to pass by almost unnoticed.—(Hear, hear.)
Last night, however, the Right Hon. Baronet, passing
in review the policy of the whole world, said " What have
you done by your policy? Costa Cabral is embarrassed
in authority in Lisbon." Well, why did not the Right
Honourable Boronet say that in 1848?—(Cheers.)
But again, in June, 1848, his lion. Friend the Member
for Montrose brought the affairs of Portugal in a distinct
motion, depreciating our interference with the Govern-
ment of that country. He supported that motion, but
because he supported such a motion two years ago, was he
to come down now and rip up the past?—(Hear, hear.)
He had generally supported, though he was no slavish
admirer of the Noble Lord—indeed there were several
-points in his policy which he disapproved of—but on
the whole he thought the Noble Lord a great, a
noble, a fine minister, and under all circumstances, an
'honour to England.—(Cheers.) But what course did
the Right Honourable Baronet pursue on this last
occasion ? He well remembered that there were
-three nights' debate, but on the third night, by some
:misfortune, when Dr. Bowrieg got up to speak, the
:night was very hot, and the papers the
.Learned
Doctor brought with him were voluminous, and as he
-:spoke in the style adopted last night by the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman the Member for Abingdon,
'the House was counted out.—(Roars of laughter.)
:But a most remarkable debate ensued on the
ffourth night, when the Right lion. Baronet the Member
for Ripon was accused of having connived at the
counting out of the House. He defended himself, and,
:in a most remarkable speech, he said " So far from my
-wishing to shirk the discussion on this question. I
conscientiously, thoroughly, and entirely approve of the
;policy of the Government—(Cheers)--and had I been
!present in my place I should have given my honest vote
rn support of Ministers."—(Cheers.) And yet they found
tthe Right Lion. Bart. two years afterwards, coming down
'to the House and saying, " I always had a suspicion
sef your policy. I think you are an excellent
good friend and a kind Christian, but you are a dan•
rerous Foreign Minister, and you must be got rid of"—
( " Hear, heir," and laughter.) He said nothing of the
c andour of the Right Hon. Baronet in pursuing such a
(couese,—he left that to a discriminating public.—(Hear,
:hear.) It might be probably thought fair Parliamentary
tactics, it might be thought a good Parliamentary move,
;but he said this, that the public out of doors, who loved
fair play 'rather than faction, and whu were iu-
'different to' the eintriguee' of political ° parties, would
'irteneidet this teeitneenti of"' the' Noble. Lord on this
ia-Sebtigen'teebethvoiriitigtetetifieebf -thesJesniticitl evasion
ar Muscovite chicanery--(0b, oh)— rather than an honest,
of candid conflict between two English parties.—
(I [ear.) But what he was really surprised at, was the fact
of the Right Hon. Baronet having quoted a pamphlet

written by the son-in-law of the Due de Broglie with
regard to our Swiss intervention, which they all knew
contained not one but many inaccuracies.— (Hear, hear.)
He also went into the subject of the fleet at the Darda-
nelles being obliged to put into one of the bays of the
Archipelago from stress of weather, and quoted the dis-
patch of Prince Metternich. He (Mr. Osborne) was
content to leave those two facts to be answered by the
Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs;
but he (Mr. Osborne) said that if the
Liberal party in England was caught by stray
votes thrown out one night on the subject of the Irish
Church, and on another by the insidious lure of resting
the franchise on the broadest possible basis, if they were
content to submit to the tyrannical acts of the despot of
Russia, in his oppressive demeanour towards the Hun-
garians, they were not deserving the name of the Libe-
ral party in that House.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet was like Cmlebs in search of a party.—
(Laughter.) He (Mr. Osborne) admired the great ta-
lents of the Right Hon. Baronet, but there was a screw
loose about him.—(A laugh.) He (Mr. Osborne) en.
tirely dissented from the policy of setting up a Russian
puppy in the Levant. At the Congress of Verona, the
Right Honourable Gentleman would recollect, the
Greek deputies were not received, and Lord
Strangford, who was our ambassador at Con-
stantinople, was deputed to communicate to the Turk-
ish Government that the Congress of Verona recognised
the Greek question as one belonging to the internal af-
fairs of the Porte, in which no foreign power ought
to intermeddle. What did all the foreign powers do
afterwards? Why, they violated that assurance
which was given by the Congress of Verona. The
Count Balgarry, speaking of Greece and the Greeks on
one occasion, said there was no security for liberal in-
stitutions, because the immorality and ignorance of th
Greeks were so great. That opinion respecting the
Greeks had also been corroborated by the French Ade
miral. Such was the race for which we fancied we
were setting up a constitutional Government ; and what
was the natural consequence ? Why, that we were
,now obliged to correct the spoiled child of our
adoption, to whom had thus been given the character of
injured innocence, realising the character of Juvenal—
" Ingenium velox, audacia perdita, sermo
Promptus."
Altering the quotation, he might say that in this case—
" Base was the State that paid."—(Laughter.)
Ho wanted to know what course any Hon. Member '
would advise to be followed by a country whose subjects
were first tortured, then plundered, and all redress de-
nied or put off to that imaginary period called the Greek
kalends. A miserable laugu had been raised in
the other House by the mention of the inventory. How
would the Noble Lord have liked it, if his own house had
been plundered and the inventory of his daughter's effects
been brought out inehe House of Commons. But what
was the real case about l'aciAcee it had noebeen let out
~ eyelet( even in, any_ bluehooke lie,had purctuiseclaands,
!ilia bad dniy receiVeil pttrt payment: ofiliens ; . and it was not
until a few ralliCisixmig re tteriliad''beki' Written' ' from
other places.: that =he received payment of the whole.
Much had been suictabOutethe house itself, and an argu-
ment raised abeititate itepoeureee=thatit was a mud cabin—
when, in faot, it Was one galenite bouStuilifilt afterehe con-
'stantineple etytei.et•sv hide thelead. of. the liegeney ;had
liiiid, 'dad at which Othri-tiiinsielf had not'disdained to
dance at es ball, for evh,icle -be emote -better qualified
then =refining:.. :The :Hone- GeutleinetieT, oppesete lead
Linea of etecking redieeilati- the looel irib tin ale, but did
they know that the judges"-Orthtie—coUrtlif were rebso-
vable at the King's pleasure, and no later than 1847
the President of the Areopagus bad been removed
by the King, thotigh a gentleman of high and un-
blemished character? Tne Honourable Gentlemen
must have forgotten their Greek, or be entirely
ignorant of the Greek Constitution. With regard to the
case of Mr. Finlay, he was not going to drag the House
through the waste of blue-books, nor was h going into
the nisi prius style of argument, which he did not think
tne Right lion. Baronet (Sir J. Graham), though he
hid deprecated it, had altogether avoided. But it was
sufficient for them to know that the man had been de-
frauded and plundered, and that he was an Englishman
and entitled to the protection of. the British Government.
—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Ripon and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Mem-
ber for Abingdon had not thought it worth their while to
refer to the arguments of the Hon. and Learned Member
for Sheffield, who had adduced many instances in which
the French Government had carried things with a much
higher hand in different parts of the world. No notice
had been taken on the other side of the House
of the numerous instances which had been mentioned
by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath of similar
claims made by the French Government in Portugal
in• 1831, and at Naples in 1848. But what was
the reason of the ' unconquerable hostility shown
to i the Noble Lord? It was because his
name was ideatified with responsible go-
vernment and with, the advance of liberal opinions.
If he had allowed aimself to be persuaded by Metter•
nich, or other foreign Ministers, to intercept the letters
of foreign subjects, the case would have been different.
but the Noble Lord, had not been guilty of opening let-
ters; his was a greeter crime, and the indictment against
him contained nattily counts. He (Lord Palmerston)
had defended constitutional government ,in Spain; he
had been guilty, of:sympathising with Italian liberty; he
bad dissented from Russian interference in Hungary—
(Cheers)-7E.-be had recognised the Republic of France.
--(Cheers.) _:These were great crimes in the eyes of
tyrants and despots, antic& that of Archimede of politics
the Emperor of Rusiia, who sought to push back the
world from its present advanced state of pros-
perity and civilization. If, however, the Noble
Lord was sacrificed to those alleged crimes, they might
depend upon it ' that they would light a flame in this
country.—(Cheers.) He solemnly believed that a con-
spiracy, had been organized against the Noble Lord—
a conspiracy of kings with crowns and without crowns,
of ministers with places and without places—and he
would add walls:tit 9haracter.—(Hear and cheers.) That
conspiracy' was participatedin not only in the saloons of
Paris, but also its the boudoirs of London.—(Hear, hear.)
He was going to say that the times of the Fronde had
again arrived. There . were certain ladies who culti-
vated a taste for foreign politics, and who were all things
to all men.—(Laughter.) A party headed perhaps by a
modern Duchess de Longueville, who hated the Noble
Lord as ardently as ever the original lady hated Maza-
rine.—(Cheers and laughter.) What use was it to move
for a Committee in the other House to obtain accommo-
dation for foreign diplomatists in the gallery if this was
to be the result? Were they to be invited to hear such
un-English sentiments as those which have been uttered
by persons who
"Explain a country's dear-bought rights away,
And plead for pirates in the face of day ?"
Will you then permit the Noble Lord to be run down
by the letters "'of our own correspondent?"—(Cheers)
—a gentleman, who, by the way, in the company of
Russian and French agents, had been recently deco-
rated in that country to which he had rendered
such substantial service by his letters—(Hear, hear)
.--aa- gentleman who- received what was called the Order
of the Saviour for his exertions. Well might such
an event call fur the manly indignation of General
Church, who said that he would never again wear
that order in consequence of its having been so -de-
graded; for he thought that so far from this order being
entitled now to be called the Order of the Saviour, it
should rather be viewed as a badge of Judas Iscariot.—
(Hear, hear.) The man that would put his hand to
letters for the purpose of betraying the interests of his
own country was deserving of neither respect nor
honour.—(Cheers.) He would have the House seriously
to reflect upon the consequences of the vote they gave
on this occasion. Why, beside the other consequences of
this measure the Greek question sinks into utter insig-
nificance. It was not the mere fact of giving a vote of
confidence" in the Noble Lord the Minister of Foreign
Affairs that we should consider on the present occasion.
In his (Mr. Osborne's) opinion the Noble Lord's cha-
racter required no
.such vote to support it. But we
have heard nothing as yet about the commerce of the
country. He would have the House reflect whether by
the reversal of the foreign policy of the Noble Lord, we,
who have ships in every sea, merchants in every port.
should not suffer the most serious injury, for what
would the situation of these merchants be if we condemn
the Noble Lord's foreign policy?—(Hear, hear.) Re-
verse that foreign policy and our commerce will be im-
mediately crippled. Not only would that consequence
follow, but the progress of civilization would be at once
retarded. There was not a despot that would not ree
joice, not over the humiliation of the Noble Lord, but
over the humiliation of Great Britain herself—(Hear,
hear.) He would speak a few words to two Honourable
Gentlemen. To the one who represented the Protec-
tionist party in this House, he 'would ask him to consi-
der what course he was about to take. Of course that
party would vote against the Noble Lord. But have
they at all contemplated what would follow? Have they
forgotten hoW they have been treated before by that
Minister whom they trusted?—(Cheers). Were they
about to find themselves still trusting and again betrayed?
" For Banquo's issue have I 'filed my mind—
For them the gracious Duncan have I murdered."
Were they again to be made the victims of`
treachery? As far as he was concerned, he
would much prefer to see that party in power
than the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for
Tamworth. He knew what their measures were, but he
could not explain the policy of the Right Hon. Baronet.
—(Hear.) He would place his trust in no party. The
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon boasted that
he had generously followed the policy of the Govern-
ment for a period of four years; and now, in the fifth
year, when he thinks the Government are in the agonies
of death, he no doubt thinks he can see a way by which
he can mount to fame and possibly to office.—(Hear,
hear.) But he (Mr. 0.) believed that there were actu-
ally to be found men upon this (the Ministerial) side of
the House who intended to vote against the Noble Lord.
Now he was at a loss to understand how men calling
themselves liberal, and taking the map of Europe in
their hands, could bring their minds to adopt that
course.—(Hear, hear.) Did they consider what they
s ere really going to do? Why, by giving their vote
to-night, against the Noble Lord they were giving the
greatest encouragement to the schemes of Austrian ab-
solutism and to the genius of Cossack domination.—
(Hear, hear.) He would support the motion of the
lion. and Learned Member for Sheffield both with pride
and pleasure.—(The Hon. and Gallant Member then sat
down amidst the most tremendous cheering.)
Lord JOHN MANNERS said that, without attempt-
ing to follow the Hon. Gentleman who h el just sat down
through all the topics he had discussed, he should
explain to the House the grounds upon which he should
give his vote against the motion of the Hen. Member
for Sheffield. These,wereshiefly: two: first, that the
pat)y of the Noble Lord the. Foreign Seeeetary had not
tended ter:the-Maintenance of English' honour ebroad and
the peace of the world; and secondly, that it waa 'd.-
reedy calculated to impair the dignity of the Crown.
On those grounds he was prepared most conscientiously
to register his vote against the motion. The Noble Lord
did not send the English fleet to enforce compensation

from France for the injuries sustained by our artisans
there, who were turned from their homes at the revolu-
tion.—(flear, hear.) In the case of Greece, the compli-
cations which had arisen were twofold, the first
originating in the delay, and the second the in-
comprehensible tenacity with which Mr. Wyse re-
fused to accept the proposition made to him on the
part of France. It was a singular coincidence
that a delay of ten days in this case, as well
as in that of Switzerland, should be fatal to the po-
licy of the Government, and be the means of disturbing
their relations with all the great powers of Europe. The
clue to the pertinacious refusal of Mr. Wyse was, that
he thought the negotiations would be transferred to Lon-
don. The result was that French mediation was frus-
trated, the negotiation was not transferred to London,
and the outrage perpetrated on Greece upon the respon-
sibility of Mr. Wyse. The Noble Lord said the Foreign
Secretary was not the minister of Austria or Russia,
and the Gallant Officer boasted that the conduct of Lord
Palmerston was opposed to Cossack policy, but there
was a passage in a dispatch of Mr. Wyse, which showed
that there was little ground for this boast. The conduct
of the Noble Lord rather forwarded the views of Rus-
sia. When it was said that the conduct of the Go-
vernment contributed to the preservation of the peace of
Europe, they should look to the claims put forward
with regard to the islands of Cervi and Sapienzi. In
September, 1849, Sir William Parker was ordered to
take possession of them, nevertheless the fleet went
into the Dardanelles, and Sir William Parker forgot
to take possession of them, but afterwards returned
into the Greek waters, and Mr. Wyse suspended the
order. Then followed the energetic note of Count Nes-
sslrode, when Lord Bloomfield was directed to assure
him that Russian rights would be regarded, but orders
had been previously given to take possession of these
islands without consulting Russia. Then, with regard
to Switzerland in 1847, France offered her mediation,
which, if accepted, might have prevented the civil war
which took place. In that case ten days were lost before
the note was transmitted to Mr. Peel. Pending the ex-
planation which the Noble Lord would give upon this
point, and giving him credit for good intentions, yet,
looking to the continued delay which had taken place,
he could not think that it was calculated to promote the
peace and happiness of Europe. With respect to
Italian affairs, it was said that England wished to oc-
cupy the position of a spectator, and that the Noble Lord
did not moan to deprive Austria of her Lombar-
dic territories; yet Mr. Abercromby, sitting in Turin
when the Assembly was discussing the question of an-
nexation, stated in his dispatch, " after an animated
discussion,the question was decided in favour of annexa-
tion by a majority, &c." It was in this aummary
manner that the event was treated. At a later period
Mr. Abercromby was found writing—"lt is with much
regret that I have to announce to your Lordship the
retreat of the Sardinian troops, under his Sardinian
Majesty, to the banks of the Oglio." If it was the part
of England to. remairi ateirapaseivo ;spectitor7how could
the Noble Lora eirdei, the Blitts;li'Meniiter in. Sardinia
to proceed to Alessandria, to comfert the defeated Mo-
narch and offer to Charles Albert :the good officem of
England ? When Mr. AbererieriabY -performed that'
task, so grateful to his feelinge,lie told the King of Sar-
dinia that, as regarded her Majesty's. 'Government and
the people of Great Britain, he'eoula-answer; for their.
sympathy. When Mr. Abercronitiy.:to 4E upon him to"
say the sympathy of the honest,:just*minded ,People of
England went along with Charles Albert, .11r. Aber.,
cromby calumniated the peopleeet Englattd.—(Heare
hear.) The sympathy proffereso6 Charles:Albert, it
might be suspected, was not that which he relied on re.
'ceiving when he commenced his ill-starred expedition ;
what he expected was• something far more substantial
than unmeaning cheers in Free Trade Hall, or pretty
expressions on the part of a high Minister of State. And
when Charles Albert was in the state so well described
by the great moralist of England :
" The bold Sardinian,' in a luckless hour,
Tries the dread summits of Caesarean pow'r,
With unexpected legions bursts away,
And sees defenceless realms receive his sway;
Short sway ! fair Austria spreads her mournful charms,
The Queen, the beauty, sets the world in arms;
From hill to hill the beacon's rousing blaze
Spreads wide the hope of plunder and of praise;
The fierce Croatian, and the wild Hussar,
With all the sons of ravage, crowd the war.
The baffled Prince, in honour's flatt'ring bloom
Of hasty greatness, finds the fatal doom ;
His foes' derision, and his subjects' blame,
And steals to death from anguish and from shame."
When such'was the career of the Sardinian Monarch,
the value of the Noble Lord's sympathy might well be
appreciated. The object of attempting to excite the
people in different countries against their Governments
was alleged to be, that liberal institutions might
be established and freedom diffused. Yet it was
remarkable that in Austrian Italy the feeling of
the people was in favour of the legitimate Sovereign.
The return of the Austrians was regarded by the farmers
as a blessing. The Noble. Lord had been unsuccessful
as a mediator, but he Strove to serve Charles Albert by
diplomacy. With this view the Noble Lord assured tee
Court of Austria that she could, never retain her Italian
provinces, and when the country was re-occupied! by
Marshal Radetski it was represented that such re-occu-
pation was not synonimous with the re-establishment of
Austrian authority; but Austria was not to be scared
out of her rights. The noble answer of Prince.Schvtart-
,zenberg was, that it was better for Austrians to die with
arms in their hands, than to give up,Loinbardy: Whet
had been the result, in a coinneareeal.Poult of view, of
this fomenting insurrecitions?--(llear.) He would
• ask the 1:lort., and ,gallant Gentleman what had been the
result of the partial insurrection'm Italy. The effect of
the policy of the Noble Lord in the Italian states had
been injurious, to the commercial interests of the
country. Previous to the liberal and gentlemanly in-
terference by Charles Albert, the fiscal dues in Tuscany
were little more than nominal. In several other states
the tariffs ware very low. But in all these states the re-
strictions upon commercial intercourse had since been
increased. He wished the commerce of England joy of
the' result. The policy of interference had increased re-
striction from the farthest cape of Italy to the confines of
Saxony.—(Hear, hear.) He felt the question could not
be narrowed to Greece. He forbore to touch on the
policy of the Noble Lord with regard to Portugal, or on
the policy he pursued with respect to the Spanish mar-
riages. He had put before the House the reasons why he
thought that neither the honour nor the dignity of this
country was maintained by this policy. He thought that
the peace of the world could not be maintained if it was
much longer pursued.—(Hear, hear.) It was not calcu-
lated to secure for England that position which she
ought to hold amongst the nations of the world. It was
calculated to excite the hostility of the world, and arouse
the indignation of civilized Europe; and therefore he
could not conscientiously give his support to a resolution
affirming that this policy was calculated to uphold the
honour and dignity of the nation.
Mr. C. ANSTEY said that they were called upon to
give their approbation to the foreign policy of her Ma-
jesty's Government, because the principles upon which
that foreign policy was conducted were calculated to up-
hold the honour of the country. No definite period was
mentioned to which their consideration was to be con-
fined; but they were invited at least to go so far back as
1830, for the evidence of its merits; and, upon the other
hand, they-were told by his Hon. and Learned Friend
that the object of the resolution was to neutralise the
effect produced by the rash and un-English vote of the
House of Lords upon foreign Governments. Now they
knew that the ground upon which their policy had been
attacked in another place was the whole course of policy
in the Levant since the year 1848. He complained of
being called upon to give a vote upon the resolution be-
fore the House, which he knew, if there was any force
in language, was meaningless. They were not asked to
affirm the vote of the House of Lords. They were not
asked to say that the foreign policy pursued was not
wise, and just, and honourable. He could not affirm that
it was cvise, and just, and English, and he could not
affirm the contrary.—(Hear.) He could not affirm that
of any Government, and therefore he felt himself in a
difficulty. He had had occasion to condemn the policy
of the Foreign Minister, and he did then unfeignedly
condemn it, but he wished to deal fairly with him and
the Ministry in the consideration of their policy. The
foreign policy, since February, 1848, be could affirm had
been such as declared in the resolution. He was most
essentially and determinately opposed to the policy of
those parties who advocated the extradition of those ve-
nerable and patriotic men, after they had sought refuge
in a country enjoying the protection of this country. It
was in a spirit of fair play, and not that he had confidence
in his policy, that he came forward to render his testi-
mony in his place in Parliament, and to declare that in
one and all the recent passages of his policy which had
been made the subject of so much obloquy elsewhere,
his judgment was that the Noble Lord (Lord Palmer-
ston) had sinned rather in respect of moderation than of
excess. He owed that much to the Noble Lord, and he
appealed to the House not to misconstrue his motives
and his speech. • The Noble Lord who had just sat down
had opened new ground that night. He asked them to
come to the decision that the measures of the Noble
Lord in Italy were inconsistent with the interests of this
country, and inconsistent with the peace of the world.
--INTi5w, he said the—Noble Lord had opened that new
ground. They were now to have a discussion on Italy.
Now, what was it all about? When a slight deficiency
in the statement of the Noblei.ord and the Right Hon.
Baronet had been supplied, the result was this, that they
were not forewarned, and could not be supposed to fore-
see that the war would be so speedily put down. The
Noble Lord did give to all parties that advice which was
most calculated to induce peace. The Austrians had
endeavoured to establish a state of disorder throughout
Italy, and even beyond the limits of their southern
boundary; and the limits of the Noble Lord's declaration
was, that if they interfered beyond their own dominions
to check the progress of liberty, it would not be re-
garded by England with indifference. He contended
that the motives of Charles Albert to elevate his country
were those that became an honest and upright patriot,
and though he failed, through the influence of Austria
and Russia, yet his failure wes to be characterised rather
by defeat than disgrace. And wherefore, he asked,
should a British Minister who supported so high and
honourable a cause be subject to the censnre of a British
Parliament or a British people ? He then alluded to the
speech of the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir James
Graham), in which he animadverted on the conduct of
the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston), and he (Mr. Anstey)
contended that there was no similarity of feeling or inte-
rest between a civilized nation and a horde of brutal
Cossacks, headed by their barbarian despots. But be
should, in reply to the censure of the Right Honourable
Beronet (Sir James Graham) say that the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs acted as became an Englishman and a
Christian, and he contended, therefore, that Turk ey was
,much indebted to England, and consequently to the Noble
Lord;-for hiS prompt interference in preienting the fleet of
Cabinet of E.
Russia from enterieg, the Boephorouseeed thin the Dar-
dahelles: He to say that
the
oPProved ng
of the
land and that of France tad -higtrlr
conduct of the Noble Lord on that occasion, and though
opposition was raised against the present Government
for certain motives, yet he felt assured that the people of

England would not join in such opposition, because they
had a strong recollection of the services of the Noble
Lord (Lord Palmerston), and he felt assured that they
would never be found guilty of Egratitude. Ho next
alluded to the Pragmatic Diet, which was violated by
Austria in respect to Hungary, which latter country was
to enjoy certain privileges independew. of the Austrian
Government; and it should be borne in mind by the
House that Austria used every exertion in 1848 to de-
prive Hungary of the few privileges that she before that
period enjoyed. When such an innovation and aggres-
sion was made by the military oligarchy that reigned at
Vienna, he considered that the interposition offered by
the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) was most just and
legitimate, and that his line of policy on that occasion,
for the purpose of sparing the blood and lives of the
Hungarians, was deserving of the highest eulogy, and
that it also reflected much to the glory and honour of
England. He hoped that such beneficial acts would be
borne in mind by all Hon. Gentlemen who intended to
vote. As for his own part, he had no confidence in the
present Government, and therefore did not intend to
vote, yet at the same time he should say he had much
less confidence in any that might be • introduced as a
successor to the present Government. He next argued
that it was not stipulated that England was bound, in
conjunction with the powers of Russia and France, to
protect the two islands, Cervi and Sapienza, and he
therefore agreed that the policy of the Noble Lord on
that occasion was a strong proof of his judgment and for-
bearance, particularly as those islands formerly be-
longed to Venice. In that opinion he concurred with
his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. Roebuck), and
totally disagreed with the allegation of the Noble Lord
(Lord J. Manners) —(Hear, hear.) He would call the
attention of the House to a circumstance which would

.....
show that the Greek Government occupied those
- - _

:wo islands for some time, and that when some con-

victs from eerie°, one of the lonian islands, were
wrecked and obliged to put into the island of Cervi, a
communication was made by Sir E. Lyons to Lord
Palmerston, that the Greek authorities in these islands
demanded them from the police in charge of the con-
victs. The police then gave them up, and, therefore, on
the above communication, Lord Palmerston ordered that
the Greek Government should give up those islands,
which, from the shelter afforded by the number of their
excellent harbours, were the continual rendezvous of
pirates. He would ask was such an act unworthy of $
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, particularly when the
occupation of these islands was long known to Lord
Stanley and the Earl of Aberdeen, during their official
career, previously to the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston)
coming into power?—(Hear, hear.) With respect to
the reprisals which had been made, he confessed that
if the parties had done less than they had done, where'
a British subject had been injured, they would have been
subject to the reprehension of Parliament.—(Hear.)
He regretted to see that there was a lamentable amount
of ignorance on this-subject even, among some of those
Honourable, Members who had takenot leading-pert in,
the, debate, "hest Hciiic4rable Membett'seented te know
nothing more ol.the question: than: ga-
thertd from the reports -in 'the morning-papers.—The
' •Honetifahki htid Learned Membeas.thein osefere4to *owe
of the cases which'lhad been made the subject qt*Aora-
plabit..on ilia' Part Of the ileitis's' Giierniiiint, and
amongst them .to the case -of thes"'Fantome,.-f' ; IVen in
the - ease -hi Signor Awl fi.eo, ithich:hitOseien'enide the
subject of` o indecent mirtle'that indttudsilsl could
not, by.oivil action, obtain• redress, frcm the Government
for the losses; and injury_ eshichhernight bi3Alet9: prey.
he hadatestibied. k It had heti that an overwhelm-
ing force had been sent to seek redress for those wrongs,
and complaint was made against the Government on
that subject; but he remembered that in the war
with Spain, complaint was made to Parliament
against the Government of the day for not
having sent such an overwhelming force against the
Spaniards on that occasion as would not have failed to
make them submit. He thought, that when reprisals
were to be made, a sufficient force to make them should
be employed.—(Herr, hear.) He was not prepared to
condemn the whole of the foreign policy of the Govern-
ment on the present occasion. He could not vote for the
motion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, because it
went generally to an approval of the foreign policy of
the Government; neither could he vote for the negative
of that motion, because, latterly, there were some parts
of that policy of a liberal character (as in the case of
Hungary), of which he approved, and he had, therefore,
looking at the case in all its details, conscientiously come
to the conclusion not to vote at all.—(Hear.)
Mr. BAILIE COCHRANE thought that the House
had bean greatly edified by the speech of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman who had just sat down, because of
the knowledge he had shown of the affairs of Greece,
and must have been somewhat surprised at the
speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman
ending with a declaration that he would not vote at
all. He had on a former occasion listened for hours to a
speech of the Hon. and Learned liember, and heard him
indulge in all manner of invective against the Noble Lord
at the head of the foreign department, because of his
foreign Policy ; but he (Mr. Cochrane) now rose, not to
indulge in any invective, but 'to express his opinion of
the importance Of, this debate.—(Hear, )ear, from the
Opposition.) He_ differed from the, Noble ,Lord (Lord
John 'Russell) who had said the other day that the policy
of the Noble Ler& it the head id Foreign'. Affairs was
";English policy:”.e-(fleer, bear; from the Ministerial
benches.) lie (Mr.'Cochrane) denied that it was English
policy--(Hear, bear, from the Opposition)Hbecanie the
policy of the.Neb.le Lord . was, based en bad, faith to-
wards other countries,.--(.lrear, heir, and cries of "Nor
no,") He . did. not .quarrel with 'the Noble Lord
for his revolutionary spirit, but good faith, he
maintained, ought to be kept with every
country.—(Hear, hear, from both sides of, the
House.) He had given notice, about a fortnight
ago, on the subject of dispatches in relation to the afore
of Switzerland, to which the Duke de Broglie and Mon-
sieur De Somville were parties on the one hand, and
the NOW Lord on the other. The charges which were
Made against the Noble Lprd by. the French authoritiell
had been denied by the Noble Lord, and he (Mr. Coch;
rano) was delighted to heir that denial, because it woule
appear from it that there had been much misrepresents'
tion of the Noble Lord on the subject. The Hon. Mem'
ber then quoted from correspondence between the No-
ble Lord at the head of the Foreign Department, the,
' Duke de Broglie, and M. De Somville on the subject ne
the affairs of Switzerland. He found from that
correspondence that the Noble Lord had declined t°
interfere in the matter, en the ground that be.
would not, on principle, meddle in the foreign offal!',
of any countries. He then went 'on to ex1)10411„
the interviews which had taken place betaver
Mr. Peel and other. diplomatic functionaries on the sue:
ject of the threat of the French Government to ware:
troops into Switzerland for the purpose of crushing th`
revolutionary movement in that country, and to tae in'
terviews between the &tile Lord, the Chevalier Banse°'
and other diplomatists, on the snbject, and the desire
expressed on the-occasiou, to prevent General Dufour°
from marching against Lucerne. But, notwithstanding
the promises thus given by the Noble Lord, and the
desire expressed by Mr. Peel, General Dufoure' we,".
allowed to march a large force against Lucerne. He ("'li
Cochrane) charged the Noble Lord, then, with bad fait
in his foreign policy on that occasion.—(Hear.) In: 1841
Lord Ponsonby wrote to the Noble Lord the Foreigri Sto
cretary that the Pope was in great danger. Lord in e
arrived in Rome in December, 1848, and would 'it boil
believed that he went to the Hotel de l'Europe, anA, sr
received by a knot of scoundrels, by whom be 116,1
loudly cheered, for what he called the independe*°° ;
Italy—a republican cry raised throughout the cotuats°lo:
In a box in the theatre, tao, he received Ciceroscu4
one of those abandoned men who are remarkable fit; tof
audacity of their character and the utter recklessmeee
ther conduct. Equally wanting in good faith had. he.ri
the conduct of the Noble Lord with regard to the :06,/,ps
of Sicily and Naples. Throughout Italy there ye to
one feeling, that all the miseries which that country sue,
fered had been brought about by British interfevencos
He should not trouble the House further, but it w eof
for want of matter to prove the reprehensible naturet; the Noble Lord's conduct. His policy was not an. :Ol
lish policy, it was egotistical and selfish, based )
cocrcioh of the weak and concession to the strong. rot
Lord PALMERSTON, who on rising was loudly slim
by the Ministerial side of the House, then spoke as follc.oto
Mr. Speaker, anxious as many Members undoubtedly oreoo,
deliver their sentiment on this most important quo:3o,d
a fr
yet I am sure that they will feel it is due to me—the o,
will feel it is due to this House—that they will feel it :is d
ye
to the country, that I should not permit the second: °no
of this important debate to close without having sta ?Per
the House my views and explanations of the matter in -411 1
tion. Sir, when I say that this is an important ques t.:th
- n
say so with the fullest conviction that it is not ns el the
question of the tenure of office by one individual— °loot
tenure of office by a.Govenament—but that it is a qu te. or)
which involves principles of national policy—(Hear, oar
—which involves the deepest interest as well as the bi°l!„ot
and dignity of the country.— (Hear, hear.) Sir, I c hie
think the course pursued, and' by which the questio s pi
been brought to its present issue, is becoming the .osr
whose act :this question has been brought uuder discu 6131,0
or is fitting the gravity and importance of the matter l'll3lto
they have brought this and the other House of Parliame ote
discuss.—(Hear, hear.) I think, if a party in this cot
either imagine they are strong enough-
to . carry ;co
Government by storm and take Pessim of All
oss
citadel of office, or that by measuring their own stre
with that of their opponents on matters of . such gravity' tto
importance connected with the conduct of Government,. to,
their duty to call on Parliament to °express their diall'?voo°
bation of what has passed—l hink that, either in tb,eitft
case or in the other, that party thoud not be contented, 740
obtaining the opinion of the HoUse of Lords, but !I.'"oger
send down their resolution for the concurrence of this DJ
9'o to
or, at least, those that act with thenrhere should proP° ;011$1
this House that resolution.—(Hear, hear.) But be the ottoo
what it may, we have come to the same end, and the 11, the
is now substantially considering whether it should adotrof
resolution Of the; House of Lords or the resolution whic`4te
Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) ha sob O„:0
to our consideration. Now, Sir,. the resolution of the fof
of Lords involves the future and the past. It lays do fr7,sier
the future 'a principle of national per:icy. which I co 4/..14,1
totally incompatible with the interests, with the right*,
~oso
the honour and the dignity of this country(Hear,lieli_
gd- r) of ee
also with the practice, not only of this country, u efree
other constitutional Countries.--(Hear.) It lays "tte
principle which even the noble person who moved
solution was obliged in his speech' to 'modify. Alth,ost 01;
did not think it proper to insert the modification of :01 De
solution, yet be found it necessary to Introduee
speech, for the purpose of obtaining the concurrence rit!,°o
majority,— (Hear, hear.) This, country 4,t01d
andntrtihbautnalstf?' that vette
tsluibjects in foreign lands are entitlette eri` more Pr °co;ll4e,
thtilgtmcatrny tb,h!aplapwere: 'os:oo:trti
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition, and at cdotefer c,ee'sry„
ton' front the. Miiiiitertal sidetrfahe :House.) alte,l
is told that 'British subjeces.:o6froad,, muissaceti leek
tection of 'the ir-own noun 0, tint that - they anal' 1,0 se:ister
that indifferent justice which they may happen to. h, $,,
the hands of foreign Governments and tribunals. IT4 39"
\of Lords has not said that it does not e."