The Sun.
London, England, 1868-08-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 15, 1868,

FRENCH AND ENGLISH ELECTIONS.

There is a controversy now going on be-
tween the Catholic papers of France as to
the line of policy to be pursued by Catholics
in the coming elections in France, which, be-
sides its intrinsic importance, is of interest
to ourselves, as it bears no slight similarity to
the controversy as to whether the Catholics of
the United Kingdom should support Mr. Glad-
stone and the disestablishment of the Irish
Church, or Mr. Disraeli and the Government.
The Gazelle de France, which in politics is Legi-
timist first, and then Catholic, contends that
it is the duty of Catholics to oppose indiscri-
minately every Government candidate, and
when, as in the majority of instances, Catholic
candidates are not forthcoming, or have no
chance of election, to vote for Liberals and
Revolutionists in preference to the supporters
of the Imperial dynasty. The Univers, which
is solely and simply Catholic in its politics,
contends, on the other hand, that it is the
duty of Catholics, if they cannot return mem-
bers of their own party, to vote for those can-
didates, whether belonging to the Opposition
or to the Government, who will give the
strongest pledges to support in the Chambers
the two most vital questions affecting French
politics—the Temporal Sovereignty of the
Pope and the freedom of education. In a very
large number of the constituencies the Catholic
party, acting together, will be in a position to
extort such pledges, at least from the Govern-
ment candidates, if not from those of the Op-
position, who, for the most part, belong to the
party of revolution and irreligion. In those
comparatively rare instances, however, in
which neither Government nor Opposition
candidates will give any assurance of not
attackinc, the Temporal Sovereignty of the
Pope, the Univers advises Catholics to abstain
altogether from voting. This policy seems in-
finitely to be preferred to that .of the Gazette
de France, which postpones Catholic interests
to party politics. It is the great vice of these
mere party politicians that they contract wide
and momentous questions, involving grave
political principles, into a simple matter of
party predilections or personal feeling. Men
of this stamp never seem to rise above the low
levels, if not of personal interests, at any rate of
party ties, of local influences, of extraneous, or
accidental associations. They never seem to
grasp, when test occasions call for an indepen-
dent judgment, the principles which underlie
political life, but flounder about in the muddy
waters of their own creating, an easy prey to
an adroit party angler. However honourable
to the Gazette de France, its staunch adherence
to the Legitimist party may be, still it is a
political crime to endanger the highest inte-
rests of the country and of religion for the
sake of a lower object. The return,t)by Catholic
support, to the Chambers of infidels and revo-
lutionists, simply because they are the oppo-
nents of the existing dynasty, as the Gazette de
France advises, is a suicidal, as well as crimi-
nal, policy. That good Catholics should be
found advocating such a policy shows the
danger of habitually subordinating Catholic
interests and principles to political or dynastic
partizanship.
One thing that may be said to the credit of
this shallow and shortsighted policy of the
French Legitimists is its openness and honesty.
There is no attempt in the writers of the Gazette
de France to conceal their aim, or to throw
dust in the eyes of the public. This directness
or purpose offers a favourable contrast to the
line pursued in England by some Catholic
partizans of Toryism under somewhat analo-
gous circumstances. What the defence by
the arms of France of the Temporal Sove-
reignty of the Pope is to French politicians
the disestablishment of the Irish Church is
to the Catholics of the United Kingdom.
The defence of the Pope, undertaken byFrance,
is the defeat of the infidel and revolutionary
party in the nation in the same way that
the disestablishment of Protestantis:-.1 in Ire-
land is the overthrow of Protestant ascend-
ancy in the United Kingdom. It would have
been a fair and direct issue had the Catholic
supporters of Toryism of the Disraeli stamp,
maintained that the overthrow of Protestant
ascendancy was no equivalent for the loss of
Tory promises, or for the restoration of the
Whigs to power. We might have lamented
the contracted political vision which looks
only to immediate interests or to temporary
or subordinate questions, and fails for want
of power or want of • will to recognise the
immense political consequences involved in
such an act of supreme justice as the dis-
establishment, by the vote of the nation,
of Irish Protestantism, but we should have
credited the Catholic advocates of this shal-
low, brainless policy, at least with the merit
of openness and thoroughgoing partizanship.
As it is, the shifty tactics pursued have only
excited contempt, for this tergiversation,
whether justly or not, is universally attributed
to extraneous and uncongenial influences
rather than to an honest conversion. In the
first instance, it was seriously argued that for
Catholics to support Mr. Gladstone in dis-
establishing the Protestant Church was to cast
in their lot with Dissenters, Voluntaryists, revo
lutionists, was to side with Garibaldi, with the
advocates of progress and Liberalism all over
the world, against the Pope and Catholic
principles, against the Encyclical and the Syl-
labus ; but when these grotesque absurdities
were fairly driven out of the field by sheer
ridicule, another plea is put forward, which is
neither honest, nor direct, nor above board, to
dissuade or discourage Catholics from an ener-
getic and united action in the coining elec-
tions. The plea in support of Mr. Disraeli's
Government now put forward is, not as for-
merly urged, that the Catholics of the Empire
are in doubt as to whether the disestablish-
ment of the Irish Church is a benefit or not,
but that both Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone
being agreed as 'to the necessity of dealing
with the Irish Church, the only question is,
shall Mr. Gladstone or Mr. Disraeli be allowed
and appointed to deal with it, and that as the
issue between the rival statesmen is only as
to the exact meaning of the word Disestablish-
ment, so such Catholics as prefer Mr. Glad-
stone's general politics wish him to have the
carriage of the question, while those Catholics
who prefer Mr. Disraeli's general policy wish
him to have the carriage of the question. But
we appeal with confidence to every one con-
versant with the question at issue between the
two parties, which has to be decided in the
coming elections, whether there is the slightest
doubt as to Mr. Disraeli's determination to
uphold the Irish Establishment and Mr. Glad-
stone's determination at all costs to abolish
it. If there be any meaning in words and acts
such is the issue to be tried. But why waste
breath on this transparent device to raise con-
fusion, in order to cover a party purpose ?
Catholic constituencies we make sure, will, as
the Catholic memberi of both houses did,
support the disestablishment of the Irish
Church, and place no confidence whatsoever
in Mr. Disraeli's proposed dealings with the
Irish Church, as explained by the supporters
of his policy in the English press.—Westminster
Gazette.

Perhaps the last act of the Hon. Thad. Stevens
was to write a letter, which the person to whom it
was addresse3 made public, showing that the ques-
tion as to the payment of the 5-20's had been
wisely settled by the passage of the Funding Bill.
He urged his friends and those who hold them to
exchange 5-20's for the New Bonds. But we have
never considere3 the late Mr. Stevens to be a financial
light to any one's path, and the holders will require
better grounds than a mere recommendation before
they do anything of the sort, even if the oppor-
tunity were open.
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FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE UNITED

STATES.

The Hon. D. A. Wells, Special CJmmissioner of
Revenue, answers as follows (though somewhat
condensed) Mr. Allison's questions relating to the
public expenditure and receipts, and the increase
or diminution of the debt :
RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES FOR 1867-8.

The national receipts of revenue from all sources
for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, were sub-
stantially as follows :--

Customs (gold)
Internal revenue (currency)
47,000,000
Miscellaneous

Public lands and direct tax 2;800,000

Total 5406,300,000
The expenditure of the Government on account
of the interest on the public debt for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1868, was $141,635,551.13.
The other aggregate expenses of the several de-
partments of the Government for the same period
were $229,914,674.56 ; making a total expendi-
ture for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, of
$371,520,225 ; and leaving an estimated surplus of
receipts over expenditures of $34,749,777. The
details of the expenditure will be seen in part by
the following statements, which show some ground
for believing that in future years the expenses will
be smaller :

Interest—The present condition of the debt of
the United States necessitates the annual expendi-
ture, on account of interest, of about $126,000,000.
The excess of interest over this amount last year
was due mainly to payments on accumulated inte-
rest on the compound interest notes, and will not
again appear.
__

The Civil List—The expenditures of the execu-
tive, legislative, and judiciary, foreign intercourse,
territories, collection of the revenue, District of
Columbia, public lands, mints and assay offices,
coast survey, lighthouses, post-office deficiency,
&c., were last year $53,009,846.95. The estimate
of the present year is about $36,000,000.
Interior Department—The expenditures under this
head for the last fiscal year were $27,882,676.27, ap-
portioned substantially as follows :—For pensions
$23,282,676 ; for Indians, $4,600,000.
Navy Department.—The expenditures under
this head were $25,775,502.72, but the appropria-
tions for the present fiscal year are only
$17,300,000.
War Department.—The total disbursements of
the War Department were $123,246,648.67, of
which amount there were paid :
For bounties. 538,000,000
Reimbursing State war claims 10,330,188
Engineer bureau, mainly river and harbour
improvements ....
Payments for property lost or destroyed in
the military service of the United States,
estimated
Subsistence of Indians, estimated r 1,000,000
Freedmen's Bureau 3,215,000
Expenses of reconstruction
National Cemeteries
Commutation rations of prisoners of war

Total— $66,533,238
This amount deducted from $123,246,648.62
indicates the legitimate army expenditure for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1868, to have been
$56,713,410 ; of which a large part is due to the
Indian hostilities in the summer and fall of 1867.
The military appropriations fur the present year
are only $33,081,018.
CLASSIFICATION OF EXPENDITURES.
Dividing the expenditures of the last year into
" ordinary expenses," or those which are required
to support and maintain the Government, and
" extraordinary expenses," or those which have
been the unavoidable result of the war, we have—

ORDINARY EXPENDITURES.
Fiscal year 1867-8. 1858-9.
Estimated or

...........
!Actual. appropriated.
Civil list
Interior (Indians)
Navy Department 25,775,50'2 72 17,300,000 00
War Department
Rivers and harbours 6,132,120 00 1,500,000 00

Total $146,231,379 67 $90,381,013 00
EXTRAORDINARY EXPENDITURES.
Fiscal year 1867-8. 1868-9.
Estimated or
Actual appropriated.
Interest public debt $141,635,551 00 $126,000,000 00
Pensions 23,282,676 00 25,000,000 00
Bounties
Freedmen's Bureau
Reconstruction
Reimbursing States
Payment for property
lost or destroyed in
military service 5,111,300 00 6,000,000 00
Subsistence of Indians 1,000,000 00 1,000,000 00
National cemeteries
Commutation prisoners'
rations 152,000 00

Total 5225,318,815 00 $198,500,000 00
EXPENDITURES OF THE WAR AND NAVY DEPART-
MENTS FOR SEVERAL YEARS.

The
expenditures of the War Depart-
ment,lB6s, to June 30, 1868, in-
clusive, were $917,117,043.43. The disbursements
from
reAgaptreill,
for the nine mouths from April 1, 1865, to Decem-
ber 31, 1865, as stated by quarters, were as fol-
lows :

Seeoud quarter of 1865
Third „ ~ 5414,196,277 36
165,369,237 32
Fourth „ 77

Total ....................... ~. ......... $647,688,056 33

So that of the above total expenditures .of the
War Department, $647,688,000, or 70 per cent of
the whole, was directly contingent upon the ter-
mination
was disbursed in the
reurrender of Gen. Lee.
e charged to the War
s
The
ea
btmiaolonanntochfes
souf thec
ceexepdei war,nn
gdai
987.10, covers a period
January 1, 1866, to
n
jofuntthirty Department,
i3roty,
ImBo6nl,B•it,zh.
months,
,nsdo2r6r9ef,pr4ro2eraBB
represents the disbursements,
further contingent upon the termination of the war
—such as arrears of pay and transportation of
troops, the expenses of the Indian war in the sum-
mer and fall of 1867, the payment of bounties
(49,382,859), from July 1, 1866, to June 30, 1868,
the payment for property lost or destroyed in the
military service of the United States ($11,000,000),
the reimbursement of the State claims in 1867-8
($10,330,000), river and harbour improvements and
the expenses of fortifications, subsistence of Indians,
freedmen's bureau, expenses of reconstruction, &c.
The expenditures of the Navy Department from
April 1, 1865, to June 30, 1868, were $133,119,296.
Of this amount $59,817,889, or 45 per cent., were
distributed within the nine months succeeding the
termination of the war in 1865. The balance,
$73,271,407, covers the regular expenses of our
navy for a period of thirty months, ending July 1,
Ib6B, as well as the disbursements on account of
prize money, and for the settlement of contracts
entered into prior to the war. The following table
shows the expenditures of the Navy Department
since and including the fiscal year 1862 :--

1862
$42,674,562
1863
1864
1865
1866
1867
1868
1E69
FREEDMEN'S BUREAU AND RECONSTRUCTION
EXPENSES. _ -

The expenses of the Freedmen's Bureau since its
organization hasbeen $5,617,000. Concerning the
proportion of this expenditure incurred by the
Bureau for the relief of the starving and destitute
of both races, and for educational or other pur-
poses, the Treasury has no information. According
to the accounts of the Treasury, the expenditures
contingent upon the Reconstruction Acts have been
$2,344,700.56.
REDUCTION OF TAXATION AND DEBT.
The amount of taxes abated or repealed since the
close of the war is thus estimated :--
By act of July 13, 1866
$60,000,000
~ March 2, 1867 ... •.. 40,000,000
~ February 3, 1868 ... ... 23,769,000
March 31, 1868 ... ..• 43,500,000

Total $167,269,000
At the close of the war taxation was all but uni-
ver.,al ; land, agricultural produce, unmanufactured
lumber, breadstuffs, and a few other forms of pro-
perty or products only, being excepted. At the
present time, of all manufactured articles or pro-
ducts of industry, the following only are subject to
specific or direct taxation :—Distilled spirits, fer-
mented liquors, manufactured tobacco, gas, matches,
and playing cards. Perfumery, cosmetics, patent
medicines, and a few other manufactured articles,
are subjected to a stamp tax proportioned to their
selling price, since July, 1865 ; furthermore, the
additional tax of five per cent. on incomes in excess
of five thousand dollars has been repealed, an I the
exemption on all incomes h is been increased from
$6OO to $l,OOO. The taxation formerly imposed on
the gross receipts accruing from the transportation
of merchandise has also been entirely removed.
Coincident with the above reduction of taxation, or
from August 31,1861, to June.3o, 1868, the aggre-
gate debt; deducting cash in the Treasury, exhibits
a reduction of $250,000,000. On this abatement
of the debt the reduction of interest at six per cent.
would be $15,000,000 per annum.

The prices of Ilorniman's Teas are greatly reduced; their
well-known superiority has attracted a host of spurious
imitations; therefore notice all Genuine Packets are signed
" Horniman ¢ C 0.," London. 300 Confectioners are Agents
in London and 2,200 Chemists in the Country.

MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)

The death of Thaddeus Stevens has given the
best proof of the influence he exerted during life.
That line of a cable telegram has set more pens in
motion than any event since it announced its own
success, and more than anything merely personal
for many years. The Times attributes the secret
of his life to a passionate love of equality.
The Daily News considered that he had outlived his
leadership since the war, and holds with us that lie
was more a revolutionary leader than a statesman.
The lelegraph says that " he was indeed a man," and
in a comparison with the leaders of the same party
elevates Stevens with all his faults to the highest
place. The Star thinks he has exercised the most
commanding influence over American politics of
any man 'of modern times, and this by force of
will, by invective, by knowledge of Parliamentary
usage, and by a deep attachment to the cause of
human freedom. The Sun asserts that no one can
deny his energy, his ability, or the position he
achieved ; his death will remove one of the
most formidable champions •of " greenbacks,"
and the South can no where find a more bitter or
uncompromising enemy. It hopes that the ani-
mosities of the past may be buried in his grave.
The Pall-Mall Gazette alludes to the striking figure
which has disappeared from Congress. Whoever
entered asked which is Thaddeus Stevens, and those
acquainted with his public character could almost
have singled him out. He lived close to the capitol,
and would, when he could, get out of bed, drag
himself to the chamber in which he had spent the
active part of 20 years. " There were some per-
sonal reasons in his case, as in that of an emi-
nent colleague in another Chamber, for the almost
superhuman animosity with which he pursued every
partisan of the. South." Considering, if the Gazette
means Senator Sumner, that it was the energy with
which he threw himself into the cause of the Negro
when that cause met with little moral support and
considerable personal danger, that brought on him
the ruffianly attack, we can scarcely see the appro-
priateness of the remark. If the editor of the Pall
Mall was kicked for giving honest utterance to his
convictions, and because he held those convictions
after being kicked, was told that there were perso-
nal reasons for his holding them, the case, as put by
the Pall Mall, would be similar.
The New York Sun declares that Mr. Wells, the
Special Commissioner of the Revenue, was legis-
lated out of office from the Ist August, by the 50th
section of the New Tax Bill. This the Evening
Post disputes, asserting that nothing but a forced
construction of the law could make it thus act. The
friends of Mr. Welles are not, however, without
anxiety, knowing the peculiarity of the President's
nature. If it can be so construed, and he can use
a Congressional instrument to annoy Congress, he
is considered safe to do it. He desi• es to get rid of
Mr. Rollins, and even of Mr. M'Culloch, making a
clean sweep of the Treasury, and doubts were en-
tertained whether he would not consider Mr.
Rollins' resignation unconditional, and remove him.
The Secretary of the Treasury has issued his
usual monthly statement of the public debt and the
cash in the Treasury of the United States. The
former amounted on the Ist inst. to $2,633,500,000,
and the latter to $110,000,000. We do not know
what portion of the money in the Treasury is gold ;
but, although the statement shows an increase in
the debt, it is considerably better than rumour led
many to anticipate.
Although the bill for the reduction of the army
failed, Secretary Welles is preparing the necessary
orders to reduce the naval force by ordering one
or more vessels home from the various squadrons,
discharging the crews, and placing officers on shore
duty.
Generals George E. Spencer and Willard Warner
were admitted as United States Senators from
Alabama. Both are of Northern extraction ; the
former was once clerk of the lowa Senate, of which
State he is a native, and both served in the Union
army, the latter on General Sherman's staff. On
the close of the war these officers settled in Ala-
bama, Warner erecting there an iron manufactory.
Of the twelve Senators sent from the South,
before the return of those from Georgia, two
only are Southerners ; one coming from New
Hampshire, one fro:n Massachusetts ; and New
Jersey, New York, Minnesota, Michigan, Illinois,
Ohio, Kansas, and Nebraska, each furnishing one.
The Georgia Legislature elected Joshua Hill, an
original Union man, though Conservative, for the
long term ; and H. V. M. Miller, a strong Demo-
crat, for the short one. A discussion occurred in
the Chamber about the date from which the
Southern members were to be paid, to which these
patriotic gentlemen listened, we hope, with indif-
ference; if not, we regret to say that virtue, in
in this instance, was not rewarded, as the carpet-
bags will not bulge out with the greenbacks ex-
tracted from the Treasury, for the Senate decided
that they should not be paid for the whole session,
but only from the date when their States re-entered
the Union.

General Hancock has published a letter in denial
of the report that he was dissatisfied with the
nomination of Seymour and Blair. He holds with
Senator Doolittle that it is now the business of the
party to unite in support of their candidates, and
he asserts that if he failed in this he would not only
falsify his own record, but commit a crime. The
nominations of both Conventions have been ac-
cepted as final, and there now appears no chance of
a split on either side in getting up a third party
movement, even that in favour of the Chief Jus-
tice having died, as Mr. Chase now clearly sees
that it would be useless ; indeed he has, according
to the Republicans, dragged his robes through
the mire quite enough to soil them.

Senator Henderson delivered himself • before
Congress adjourned of a bitter reply to Mr. But-
ler's Impeachment report. He accused the General
not only of being a bold, wilful, intentional falsi-
fier, but a thief,lalthough nobody has been able to
show that Butler ever directly stole anything. On
the 18th page of the report is this telegram, dated
Washington, May 15, 1868, the vote being taken
on the following day—" To John R. Garland, New
York. Senator Henderson says conviction will fail
by two votes. Lockwood." And on this Mr. But-
ler thus comments in the report :—" So the Gold
Room had the benefit of Senator Henderson's
knowledge." Lockwood is Mr. Crounse, of the
New York Vines, who was in communication with
the members of the Missouri delegation, then
labouring to turn their Senator from his evil design
of voting for acquittal, and from them he got the
information he telegraphed thus positively, consi-
dering the source so good. Although Butler
had not the slightest reason for his insinua-
tion he did not hesitate to make it. His re-
ply is remarkable for the horror it depicts against
the man who breaks the Sabbath. The Senator's
speech was made on a Sunday, as the Chamber sat
on that day to get through the business. " On the
evening of the Lord's Day," says Ben Butler, " a
certain debating assembly deem the Sabbath well
spent in listening to such an harangue." Ile
escapes by a shuffle from Senator llenderson's alle-
gation that the other members of the committee
were gentlemen, and would have nothing to do with
the report. " Ile submitted it," he adds with sor-
row, " grieving continually that without the expla-
nations of the Senator from Missouri, of which he
of his own will had deprived the committee, the
evidence seemed to bear so hardly and conclusively
upon him," especially when he was compared with
" admittedly innocent and honourable Senators."
Now, in the Report, Butler acknowledges that he
had not found any proof against any Senator, but
he continues with these innuendoes and assertions,
at the same time turning up his eyes in pious hor-
ror at the desecration of the Lord's Day.
General Butler got lawo, to print his speech in
reply to Senator Henderson, as the House very pro-
perly declined to waste time in listening to it, and
it appeared in the Globe on the 30th July, headed,
" Henderson Wounded." It is thought either the
publishers of the Globe, or more likely, General
Butler, will come to grief through this violation of
propriety ; and, if so, Butler will be in a peck of
troubles, for while passing through Baltimore he
was served with a visit at the instance of Woolley,
who wants $lOO,OOO for false imprisonment, and
another by a BaltiMore firm, who assert that the

General illegally collected money from them at
Fortress Monroe.

The arrangements for the new Atlantic Cable
have been fully completed. Its termini will be Brest,
'in Europe, and the French island of St. Pierre. off
Newfoundland, and thence probably to Plymouth,
Massachusetts, on the American side. The first of
the two sections composing the line, that is from
Brest to St. Pierre, will be 2,325 miles ling, and the
second, from St. Pierre to the United States, 722
miles. The cable from Valentia to Newfoundland
being less than 1,900 miles, that to St. Pierre is
much longer, but it is conjectured that by giving a
greater weight of copper to the conductor messages
will be transmitted with equal speed. For this pur-
pose the copper is to be increased from 3001 b., as
in the present cable, to 4001 b. per marine mile. As
it will be necessary to ship about 3,350 miles of
cable, which is greatly in excess of that required for
the Valentia lines, the one of 1866 being 1896 miles,
and that of 1866, 1851, of course the Great Eastern
must be employed, and she is well able to bear the
burden. The deep sea cable of the longer section will
weigh fully 35 cwt. per mile, and the total when laid
will be about 10,000 tons. It will be strong enough
to bear about 8 tons, the strain in paying out pro-
bably never exceeding one-twelfth this weight. The
shallow water section will be stout and heavy, a
bituminous covering protecting the iron wire from
rust. By the contract the cable is to be shipped
next June, and the line is expected to be opened for
traffic in the course of 1869. The French Govern-
ment made their concession to MM. D'Erlanger
and Reuter, binding itself not to grant any other
for 20 years, dating from the Ist September, 1869.
The company formed by these gentlemen is mainly
composed of Englishmen, with many English on the
direction, and bids fair to prove a most profitable
speculation.
An American correspondent who, according to
the Pall Mall Gazette, is well acquainted with the
various questions relating to American funds, writes
to that paper to show the virtue of the Democratic
platform, at least in this, that it makes no sugges-
tion of changing the legal form of the public in-
debtedness. " The party declares it will only pay
the 5-20 Bonds in lawful money, pledging itself to
elevate the value of the greenbacks to par, and to
use them for paying that part of the Public Debt
not by law payable in coin." This is a most praise-
worthy intention ; but what we do not understand,
and desire the " well-acquainted correspondent"
to explain, is the use of an agitation to pay in
greenbacks, which are pledged to be raised to par
with gold. Think of the English Conserva-
tive party going to the country with the
one great plank in its, platform of paying all its
creditors in Bank Notes whom they were not com-
pelled by law to pay in gold. The foolish and thick-
headed, of whom the world contains so many, might
ask the object of this when the notes could be ex-
changed for gold at their par value in Thread-
needle-street--and we, being amongst that lot,
.wonder at the Democrats who pledged themselves
to bring greenbacks to a level with gold, while
furiously agitating to pay the debt in the paper they
bind themselves to make equivalent with gold.
A correspondent asks—lhs an American citizen
human affection that Englishmen are bound to re-
spect? and we apply to the Standard, which, as an
old woman we hold to ba the best authority, for au
answer. The oracular response is, If your cor-
respondent be a Copperhead—yes ; if a Radical—.
no. " Mr. Colfax," continues the old lady, "lately
told the Indiana people in an hour and a half's
speech that he loved them before all the world."
Then granny gives an extract from the speech, all
which is intended to be very satirical, and to prove
that Colfax had no right to love South Bend before
all the world. Our correspondent knows that
Colfax rose with that city ; he has seen it grow
from a hamlet into an important town ; his own
career is associated with it, and as an editor and
afterwards Congressional Representative, he must
have had more than ordinary opportunities of be-
coming acquainted with the inhabitants. Why,
then, should Colfax be sneered at for telling the
people who had assembled, every man, woman,
and child of them, to welcome him back to his old
home, and to do him honour, that he loved South
Bend before all the world.
The New York Citizen considers that the Demo-
cratic party will elect the Governor of the State next
November by a majority of from 40,000 to 60,000
votes. If so, Mr. Griswold, the Radical nominee,
who it asserts is simply a Cree3us willing to shed
golden blood for the honour of being a candidate,
has no chance. Horace Greeley, who represents
positive issues, would have called forth the enthu-
siasm of his own side and run a closer race. Had
Fenton been renominated his unrivalled political
strategy would have aided his party, but Griswold,
though highly respectable, is a nobody in the con-
test. This leaves the governorship to one of the
four candidates to be named by the Democratic
State Convention. Stanford E. Church, Senator
H. C. Murphy, William M. Tweed, and the Hon.
John T. Hoffman. The Citizen picks out Mayor
Hoffnun for the following reasons. Church can
have the nomination if he wants it, but is not rich
enough, and a compromise can be made by naming
him as Governor Morgan's successor in the United
States Senate. Tweed has only allowed himself to
be talked about, to hold the. field still more closely
in Hoffman's favour, drawing off from him prema-
ture fire, and Senator Murphy's proper place is in
the States' Senate or in Congress. But the Citizen
makesapOint of Mayor Hoffman's resigning his civic
chief magistracy that the Democrats may capture
that office as well as the Chief Magistracy of the
State.

On the 29th July a Grand festival took place in
Johnes' Wood, New York, at which 5,000 persons
were present, to raise funds for the erection of the
monument to commemorate the heroism of the Irish
soldiers who fell in the late war for the preserv'a-
ton of the Union. Miles O'Reilly read the poem
he had written for the occasion, and at the conclu-
sion was loudly called upon for a speech. However
beautiful the lines, there is in them this glaring
contradiction—they were written to commemorate
the deeds of gallant Irish soldiers who fell for the
preservation of the American Union, yet the burden
of the song is to inaugurate another war for the
disruption of the British Union. Nor is the allu-
sion in these lines complimentary to Americans :
" For Irish soldiers fighting hero,
As when Lord Clare was bid advance,
And Cumberland beheld with fear
The old green banner swinging clear
To shield the broken lines of France."
Mr O'Gorman said—" Of all the races that have
been called into this nation to strengthen it, there
is not one, I am proud to say, to which the United
States is more indebted than to the race from which
I sprang." What! not even that which founded
the colonies, and gave to the American people their
early history, their religion, language, literature, and
laws ?

We give the following as a specimen of how the
Iron Age puts it. We thought every one knew
that it was Juarez who discontinued diplomatic
relations with England after executing Maximilian,
because England had recognized the Imperial Go-
vernment ; but we are obliged to the iron Age for
correcting this error—there is nothing like truth :
" England has discontinued diplomatic relations
with Mexico since the death of Maximilian. She is
shocked because the Mexicans exercised the power
which the fortune of war placed in their hands, and
treated with severity one whom they justly regarded
as an invader and usurper. Does England forget
the many princes she murdered in India ?—the Irish
patriots who are suffering a lingering death in her
prisons ?"

That paper also, after stating that the British Go-
vernment had ordered the blocl:ade of the port of
Mazatlan to be at once raised, goes o❑ to advise
that the United States should not permit a sister
Republic to receive treatment which England would
not dare to offer to a stronger power—that is, the
instant disavowal and, perhaps, dismissal of her
officer who took upon himself to avenge an insult.
This is the way the iron Aye has of putting it !
Nominally Congress has adjourned to the 21st
September, but it is not likely to meet at that date,
unless the President shows an inclination to avail
himself of its absence ; in which case Senator
Morgan, of New York, who is the chairman of the
Executive Republican Committee of the Cham-
ber, and General Schenck, of Ohio, chair-