The Sun.
London, England, 1868-02-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1868.

SECOND EDITION, now ready, in 2 vols., Svo., with Portrait,
SPIRITUAL WIVES.
By W. HEPWORTH DIXON,

Author of "New America," &e.

"Mr. Dixon has treated his subject in a philanthropical spirit,
and in his usual graphic manner. There is, to our thinking,
more pernicious doctrine in one chapter of some of the Feusa-
tional novels, which tind admirers in drawing-rooms and eulo-
gists in the press, than in the whole of Mr. Dixon's interesting
work."—Examiner.

"No more wondrous narrative of human passion and ro-
mance, no stranger contribution to the literature of psychology,
than Mr. Dixon's book, has been published since man first began
to seek after the laws that govern the moral and intellectual life
of the human race. 'Spiritual Wives' will be studied with no
less profit than interest."—Post.
Hurst and Blackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

THE HURRICANE AND EARTHQUAKE IN THE
WEST INDIES.

LADY HERBERT'S NARRATIVE of her
RECENT VISIT to the WEST INDIES, with an Account
of the Earthquake and Hurricane in those Islands, of which she
was a witness, appears in TEMPLE BAR for FEBRUARY.

Pnblilied This Day, price One Shilling.

ROBERT COCKS AND CO.'S POPULAR
MUSIC.

TOO LATE! TOO LATE ! Poetry by ALFRED
TENNYSON. Music by Miss M. LINDSAY (Mrs. J.
W. Bliss). 35.; free by post for 19 stamps.
" The Poet Laureate, in his usual accomplished style,
which none can excel, has penned some very solemn and
striking verses, bearing the title, Too Late! Too Late !
ye cannot enter now ;' and Mrs. J. Worthington Bliss (well
known as Miss M. Lindsay) has set them to music. The
mournful nature of the words—so expressive of the heart-
felt grief and sorrow of those who, through delay of re-
pentance, find themselves excluded from 'the realms of
the blest,' has not been lost sight of in the music, and full
justice has been rendered by the talented composer, to
whom we are so deeply indebted for some of the best
sacred music of the present day."—Vide Christian Herald,
Oct. 2.

London : Robert Cocks and Co., New Burlington-street.

Just published, price ls. Gd., by post ls. Gd., the Second Edition,
with Addenda, containing additional Facts and Cases, in illus-
tration of the nefarious proceedings of the Advertising Quacks,
REVELATIONS OF QUACKS AND
QUACKERY. By DETECTOR. Reprinted from the
"Medical Circular."
London: H. Balliere, 219, Regent-street.
The numerous reviews of this startling work by the Saturday
Review, Punch, Weekly Dispatch, Public Opinion, and other
journals, recommending its universal perusal, are reprinted with
this edition.

IOHN GOSNELL and CO.'S CHERRY
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POWELL'S BALSAM OF ANISEED, for
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Sold by all Chemists and Medicine Vendors throughout
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each. Established nearly half a century.
SATISFACTORY LETTER.
5, Wood-street, Millbank, Westminster,
October 5, 1867.
Sir,—Some months back I had an attack of Bronchitis,
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To Mr. Powell.
Ask for POWELL'S BALSAM of ANISEED.

RUPTURES.—BY ROYAL LETTERS PATENT.
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PR INT I N G-.—TO PROPRIETORS OF
NEWSPAPERS, PERIODICALS, &c.
The Printing and Machining of Newspapers, &c., done
on exceedingly favourable terms. Use of Editorial and
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reply. Address—The Manager, " Sun" Printing Offices,
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GREAT NORTHERN HOSPITAL,
Caledonian-road, Islington, N.
Supported by Voluntary Contributions.
This Hospital has relieved 481,954 patients since it was
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ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn-road,
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Patron—Her Most Gracious MAJESTY the QUEEN.

Vice-Patron—
His Royal Highness the Prince of WALES, K.G.
. _

President—His Grace the Duke of BUCCLEUCI[, K.G.
This Hospital, founded in the year 1828, the first to
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TO-NIGH T. - MADAME SAINTON
DOLBY'S LAST BALLAD CONCERT at ST. JAMES'S
HALL.

PAINLESS DENTISTRY.
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empire to be pulled to pieces; but I think if any
man is determined to take that course he should at
least be able to point out upon what principle the
empire can be kept united. Another member of
Parliament—not a general supporter of the Go-
vernment, but sitting on the Opposition side of
the House, making a speech the other day at Shef-
field—declared, in the most emphatic manner, that
while there was breath in his body and blood, in his
veins he would oppose any kind of separation of
the two countries. Rear in mind that this gentle-
man four or five years ago was the most determined
supporter of the slaveholders, that he went so far
as to offer himself as an envoy between the Empe-
ror of the French and the Parliament of England
with the object of bringing about the recognition as
a distinct State of the slaveholding Confederacy.
There was every kind of slander of the most offen-
sive description uttered by him against the people
of the Northern States, who determined that
their Republic should not be pulled in pieces,
and now he says as long as there is breath in his
body and blood in his veins there shall be no sepa-
ration between Great Britain and Ireland. (Cheers
and laughter.) I need not tell you that lam not
here to-night to argue that question of separation,
for it is quite unnecessary ; but I venture to say
this—that the Cabinet Ministers who have no
remedy whatsoever to offer, but merely passages of
a speech of defiance like this, and the partisan sup-
porters of a Government who can speak such pas-
sages as those I have quoted, they are not true
friends of union, but, in my opinion, they are the
promoters of disaffection and separation. (Cheers.)
I mustremind them, as I will remind you, although,
no doubt, my object may be misconstrued and misre-
presented,—l may remind you that the question of
which they have spoken is not a question outside
the range of discussion. There is a great prece-
dent in our history. After the union with Scot-
land, 160 years ago, a proposition was submitted
to Parliament for the repeal of the Union with
Scotland ; that .oroposition was rejected in a full
house by a majority of only two ; therefore, there is
a precedent set in a high quarter if any person think
it his duty to discuss the question of separation.
(Cheers.) Be.ii,des, the empire was powerful before
the Legislative Union with Ireland. It was power-
ful in colonisation, powerful in war, powerful in
commerce ; and you must bear in mind that the
Irish Parliament was a Parliament nearly. if not
quite, as national as ours, and as sacred to Ireland
as the Parliament of England is to England. The
mode of its extinction forms one of the foulest
stories in the annals of this country. Force and
fraud and corruption of an unparalleled character
were the means by which the extinction of the Irish
Parliament was brought about. Although I have
not a word to say in favour of the separation of the
two countries—(cheers)—yet I will not hesitate to
say this, that the Irish people never consented to
the Legislative Union, and that their right to pro-
test against it and their right to seek for restoration
of their Parliament, if they think it would be ad-
vantageous to them, has not been, and cannot be,
destroyed. (Cheers.) However, the question be-
fore us is this—it is a fair question—Can we so deal
with Ireland as to make union peaceable and inevit-
able through its obvious advantages to both coun-
tries? They are in Ireland really the same people
as ourselves. We all speak the same language, we
read the same books—and the Irish write a great
number of books which we read in England—our
interests are the same, our family connexions are
wonderfully intertwined, and, as is proved by the
harmony which exists in different parts of the con-
tinent of Europe, there is nothing in the difference
of religion between Catholics and Protestants, if
men will act in a just and Christian spirit, to pre-
vent the most perfect harmony between two coun-
tries. (Cheers.) Now, with regard to this ques-
tion of the legislative union, I shall mike only one
more observation, which is this, that I shall never
consent myself to any measure which would dis-
turb legislative union till it is proved that iu Eng-
land statesmanship is absolutely dead, and till it is
proved in Ireland that right and justice have failed
to influence mankind. (Cheers.) The Minister of
whom I have spoken said there were two great
subjects for Parliament and controversy with regard
to Ireland—viz., the Church and the land. But
these questions are much more than questions of
Parliament and controversy. These are questions
on which may depend the duration or decay of the
Empire. These two questions are the beginning
and the end of this terrible Irish difficulty.
(Cheers.) Scotland is a nation, and I think, on
the whole, that the Scotch are rather more national
than the Irish. They are very ready always to
assert the virtues and the greatness of Scotland in
every part of the world ; but Scotland is a member
of a great nation, with which she is content.
Well, Ireland is also a nation ; but I want to
know why we can't make Ireland also content to
be a portion of a greater nation, and to take her
share in that greater renown which attaches to a
greater Power. I believe as much as I believe that
lam here that all this can be done. There is
nothing that a Parliament in Dublin can do that the
Imperial Parliament cannot do if it tries to do it ;
there is nothing with regard to the true interests of
the people that an independent Irish representation
could do which a Parliament in London cannot do ;
there is nothing which Ireland can do for herself,
if she were a part of the American Union, which
our statesmen in London, if right and just, cannot
also do for Ireland. (Cheers.) Suppose we bad a
Parliament in Dublin that was elected by the free
and equal vote of the householders of the Irish
nation, does anybody believe that there would exist
in that country an institution such as there is now
under the name of the Protestant Established
Church? (Cheers.) Let nobody suppose that lam
hostile to a Protestant Church, or Protestantism.
I am as you know a Protestant of Protestants.
(Laughter and cheers.) If any man will say with
such a Parliament in Dublin the Irish people would
permit that political State Church to exist, he must
have this idea of Ireland and Irish people, he must
believe that Ireland is nothing better than a huge
lunatic asylum. (Loud cheers and laughter.)
Then, why should we, the people of England, being
the most powerful section of the three king-
doms, why should our Parliament in London assist
in supporting that Church against the known opi-
nion and the thousand repeated protests of the
great majority of the Irish people? (Cheers.)
The Cnurch has been maintained there for the sake
of building up in time past what was considered the
English interest. A supremacy party was esta-
blished with the idea of preserving the union with
England, and it has become in our time, more than
other institutions, that which imperils that union.
I believe that nobody who can have any kind of
claim for thinking on the question will say that we,
the people of England, the Parliament of Great
Britain, can pretend any longer to govern Ireland
on the principles, and in accordance with the pre-
judices and the fashions of that supremacy party.
(Cheers.) The case has gone far beyond argument
—it has gone altogether beyond the ,resistance of
the tone or the tinkering of the Whigs. (Cheers
and laughter.) It is a question which the people of
England themselves must no longer leave to ped-
dling statesmen, but one on which they must express
an opinion whenever there comss an election, when
we shall have the pleasure of inviting
a larger num-
ber to express their opinions on public questions
than in past times. They must express an over-
whelming opinion in favour of common sense and
common justice in the government of Ireland.
I said the case has gone beyond argument. The
other day I saw, I think, the latest estimate that has
been made of the property of the Irish Church. It
was estimated as a principal sum of not less than
£13,000,000 sterling. Now, I cannot tell you how
much £13,000,000 sterling is. I can write it down
in figures, and, as you hear, I can speak it from my