The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, Fit

then, he was entitled to deduct the number of persons
who had been thus improved from the total of paupers
that had to be supported in 1848 and 1849; and thus,
upon the face of these very figures themselves, it was
proved that the agricultural distress, which appeared
to be doubted, had increased, and was much greater
this year than last ; and that the ccmplaints so
slightingly referred to bad a re al and solid feunda-
tion. He admitted with pleasure that there was a
great improvement and a large increase of our trade,
and he was ready to join in congratulating her Ma-
jesty on that fact. But even the Ministry themselves
did not attribute that improvement to any specific cause;
and he thought it would not be difficult to show that
there were causes at work which, as in the years 1644
and 1845, and before the disastrous ye,rs of 1847 and
1848, produced prosperity altogether irrespective of
free trade in corn. He found that our exports of calico
had last year almost reached the amount they e ere be-
fore free trade operated upon t'sem. But how much of
this increase was owing to free trade, or to en increased
demand in the markets opened for us in markets by free
trade ? Why, of the 128,000,000 yards of calico ex-
ported, no less than 89,000,000 were sent to a part of
our own empire—British India.—(Hear.) This showed
conclusively how small a portion of our increased exports
was due to free trade. He could only express his here
that the present prosperity in the manufacturing dis-
tricts would not lead to over-trading and over-specu-
lation, and that the improvement would be as perma-
nent as it had be ea rapid. But if he was told that this
improvement was owing to free trade, he would remind 1
those that so argued that the boon thus conferred upon
the manufacturing interest bad been at the expense of
the agricultural interest.—(Cheers.) No one could look
at the prices of agricultural produce without seeing that
there must exist deep and general distress, which every
Noble Lord bad admitted. But his Noble and arned
Friend (Lord Brougham) had said that in France the
agricultural interest, though not exposed to free trade,
but enjoying the benefits of protection, was labouring
under the deepest distress. He would accept the filets,
but the facts in the case of France were widely different
to the facts in our own case. Her Majesty had adverted
to the fact that this country had been, under Divine
Providence, preserved from the wars and convulsions
which had shaken continental states. He thought that
these wars and convulsions were one great cause of
the distress of the agricultural interest of France.—
(Hear, hear.) Bat another great cause was to be found
in the different tenure of land in that country. Under
the Government of liberty, of fraternity, and of equality,
the land had been so minutely sub-divided among a mul-
titude of small proprietors that it was impossible for
them duly to cultivate the soil—(Hear. hear)—and
yet the party who had so much power over her Majesty's
Ministers, in the course of the declamations against ex-
isting constitutions, wished to produce a similar state of
things here.—(Protectionist cheers.) They wished to
put down the landlords, whom they described as possess-
ing too much land to be able to cultivats it themselves,
and who therefore let it to others to cultivate fer them,
screwing an exorbitant rent from their tenants. They
made the whole a question of rent. He denied it. This
was no question of rent. If they were to follow the ex-
ample of France, and take the soil from the possession of
the great landed proprietors, in order to make what had
been called a" safe and permanent democracy "—(Hear)
—if her Majesty's Government were led away by the
influence of these [attics, and gave countenance to mea-
sures which were intended and calculated to strike down
the influence and alienate the property of the great
landed aristocracy they might fall—their days might be
numberel; but, with the numbering of its days, with its
fill, would follow the fall of the British monarchy.—
(Cheers.) And, when that monarchy and aristocracy
were destroyed, and they were placed under the rule
of a crude Republic, they would only find that, as in
Fraece, they would have to endure the distress which
bad been so graphically described by his Noble and
Learned Friend as existing among the small proprietors
of that country. Then, when his Noble and Learned
Friend enumerated the taxes that pressed upon these
proprietors, he almost thought they amounted to 100
per cent. That was another cause of the distress in
France; and, in addition to this, must be takes into ac-
count those internal convulsions from which the agricul-
tural interest could not fail to suffer, and from which we
had firtunately been saved in this country. But the
Free-trade party wished also to burden the land by di-
rect taxation, and he should deeply regret to see her
Majesty's Ministers become the instruments for carrying
out so destructive a policy. But it had been said that the
distress was owing to temporary causes. Why, he found
that the decline in prices had been steadily going on for
the last three years, and though it was said that the fo-
reign grower would not import except at a remunerative
price that would protect the -home grower, yet he
found that from taking 1844, when the imports of wheat
and flour, at an average of 69:. 9.'. per quarter, were
4,451,000 quarters, as compared with 1349, when the
average price bad fallen to 445. ld. per quarter, the im-
ports were 4,453,352 quarters, being an actual increase
in a year when we had a good harvest over the year
1847—a year of famine, when the average, price was
575. 7d. per quarter. Again, they were told in 1847,
when there was a deficient and bad crop, that caused
low prices ; and in 1849, when there was a good and
abundant crop, they were told that abundance necessi-
tated a low price—the causes, then fore, were not tem-
porary, they were permanent. He did not pretend to
be a prophet, but ho had, when this questioned was dis•

a.
cussed priori, and without the light which actual ex-
perience had since thrown upon it, stated his
belief, that in three years the imports would
mount up between fur and five millions of quarters.
and the prices range from 40% to 455. ; and the result
had shown the correctness of that opinion.—(Cheers.)
I lie thought, therefore, that they had prima facie eri.
dence that the distress was not :owing to temporary
cauzer —that the decline in prices would be permanent.
If they now could have corn poured in at the present
prices, they had no grounds for believing that corn could
ever be higher than 45*. or 465. a quarter. lie asked
the Noble Lord if the consequences which had resulted
were such as they had anticipated from the repeal of
the corn-laws? lie would say confidently that the ad-
vocates for the repeal of the corn-laws never contem-
plated that the effect would be V) bring corn down to 45s
and 461. On the contrary, it was argued that the effect
would be to raise rent; and one Noble Lord, who advo-
cated the repeal, looked forward with great confidence
t) that result.—(hear.) The primary object which he
had in view was to prevent large quantities of land from
being thrown out of cultivation through the great de-
preciation of prices—and by so doing, thereby reduce
still more the condition of the agricultural labourer. A
Noble Lord had talked about the increase of rents since
1815, but the alteration which had taken place in the
value of the currency bad not been taken into ac-
count. The rent paid for the land was a very insignifi-
cant return fu)r the millions cf capital which had
been sunk upon it, and was a return which the men who
attacked the landed interest would think a very inade-
quate return. Although labour might be obtainel by
the landed interest at sixpence a day, they preferred pay-
ing a shilling, and did not take advantage of the compe-
titiun to reduce the wages cf the labourer to starvation
point.—(hear, hear.) So much then for the conduct of
the landed interest, which had been so much vilified.

Fur himself he could say that from the property he pos-
-Bes:e3 in Ireland he had not, as we understood th(
Noble Lord to say, received during the last 18 months a
sixpence of rent. Considering the heavy burdens to
hich land was liable, and the unremucerating prices of
agricultural produce, was it unreasonable that they were
not sari: fled with the language used towards the agri-
cultural body in her Majesty's Speech? It was with re-
gret he assented to the amendment, but not feeling
satisfied with the language in the Speech of her Ma-
jesty, be felt bound to give that amendment hi:
support —an amendment, he would aid, which bad
been so ably and so temperately introduced to
their Lordships' attention. Be the policy right, or be
the policy wrong, of the measures which they had
adopted, it was decidedly unfair that the occupiers of
land should still be compelled to bear the exclusive bur-
dens which had been so long cast upon them.—(Hear,
hear.) He asked them—and he asked them with confi-
dence, to give their support to the amendment, which
upon two grounds accounted fur the distress which they
all regretted, namely, the adoption of free-trade mea-
sures, and the pressure of local taxation—two causes
which had resulted from the measures which had been
adopted by her Majesty's Ministers.—(The Noble Lord
then resumed his seat amid loud Opposition cheers.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that, after the
speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, he felt
it his duty to address the House npbn some of those
topics to which the Noble Lord had alluded. Admitting
that it was the right of Noble Lords to give vent to their
opinions, and to embody them in an amendment, it
seemed they had found only one subject upon which
it was necessary to move an amendment. The
Noble Lord (Stanley) had expressed his surprise
that, with reference to the relations in which this
country stood towards foreign powers, so meagre a
communication had been made. Whatever the Noble
Lord might think, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne)
would take upon himself to say that the statement in
the Speech was strictly correct; and, with respect to
Russia, to which the Noble Lord had particularly al.
luded, he could confidently affirm that the relations of
this country with Russia were of a most amicable
character.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to what had
been said about Turkey, this country felt itself bound
to aid in upholding the dignity and the independence of
the Porte; and the result of the measures which had
been adopted had been of a nature best calculated to
maintain the peace of Europe. As to the effect of their
legislation on the navigation-laws, which the Noble Lord
had deprecated, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could
say, that both on the part of the United States and of
Sweden there had been every desire exhibited to met t
this country in a spirit of reciprocity on that subject,
and similar assurances had been received from other
Go►ernments —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He would now
refer to the amendment which bad teen moved. The
Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) had complained of the
terms which were used in the Speech as contrasting in-
vidiously the condition of the manufacturing labouring
population with that of the agricultural. Now be de-
precated any invidious comparison, and for his own
part he considered the interests of the agricultural la-
bourer were identified with the interests of the landlord.

(
which
fear,
had habeeern. ) s p
olie ke
nw oo uf I r efe o t
bd
y ther
Noble h Henley
e Lord a Union,s
being
a union in which the condition of the agricultural la
bourer was so bad. He found that in the Henley Unit :n
the cost of maintenance of paupers had been reduced in
the year 1849 from 7821. to 368/., and the numbers had
been reduced from 28,327 to 19,312. The Noble Mar-
quis adduced other instances, such as the increase which
had taken place in the consumption of tea within the last
) ear, as showing the increase in the comforts of the
mass of the population, and the advantage which had re-
sulted to the country from the passing of those measures
which Noble Lords opposite so strongly deprecated. It
was the glory of this country that commerce could not
increase without the landed interest being benefited at
the same time. And when he stated that, taking the
an:MIA Of the exports up t 9 the latest cement, it W9ULd

be found that the increase in these during the last year
amounted to no less than ten mil'ions sterling—(Hear,
hear)—that then must greatly benefit the community at
large. But then the Noble Lord said that was counter-
balanced by the large importations of foreign grain.
But what was the fact? He found that in the last three
months of 1848 the importations of foreign grain into
this country amounted to 1,438,000 quarters, while
during the last three months of the year 1849 that im-
portation was reduced to 145,800 quarters. But he had
also got the amount of the quantity of foreign grain of
all descriptions imported into this country during the
present month, or during the first four weeks of 1850,
and he found that while in the first four weeks of the
year 1849 the amount imported was 1,108,618 quarters,
during the past four weeks the importations had only
amounted to 336,895 quarters. So that this importa-
tion of foreign corn, against which the farmers were
told it would be in vain for them to struggle, was reduced
in the proportion of about ,one-fourth of its former
amount. Some allusion had been made to the state of
France, but there could not be a more instructive pic-
ture than that which the Noble Lord (Brougham) had
drawn of protected France and unprotected England.
The Noble Lord said that a „vrt at part of this distress in
France was owing to the parcelling and extreme sub-
division of the land. But that existed long before these
extensive importations had taken place. The Noble
Earl who moved the amendment referred to former
p• Hods, which he described as times of happiness to the
labouring classes of the community, under a state of
protection of corn-laws and of the sliding-scale, of
which he avowed himself to be still the advocate. One
of the years to which the Noble Earl referred, was 1833.
He would quote from a most authentic document the
state of England and the landed interest at this period,
when prot 'ctcd by the sliding-scale. It was the report
of a Committee which was composed of the greatest au-
thorities on both sides of the House. After referring to
the report of a former Committee of 1821, the Commit-
t-e expressed a hope that the great body of the occupiers
of the soil in this country possessed a power
which would enable them to surmount the difficulties
under which they laboured; and they then go on
to say that they were bound to state that a
great many c f the difficulties remained unchanged
—that the savings of a great number of the occupiers
were gone, their credit was diminished, and their re-
sources generally exhausted. This opinion they stated
was formed not upon the evidence of the ratepayers, but
of many of the most respectable gentlemen, as well
owners of land as occupiers, surveyors, and land agents.
What worse description could the Noble Lord give of
the state of agriculture, and the owners and
occupiers of land at the present day ? Could
he describe them in more simple, or more em-
phatic terms than " that their savings were
gone, their credit had failed, and that their resources
were exhausted!" And this, too, was under a scheme
which he thought so good that be refused to take an Bs.
permanent duty in lieu thereof, believing that the country
could only be saved by the aid of that defensive system,
with this panoply, this fort"fication of a sliding scale,
which exhausted the resources, took away the savings,
and diminished the capital of the country. Die
' condition of the agricultural labourer had, therefore,
been at various times equally as bad as it is at
present, and therefore it was that he hoped Noble
Lords and Honourable Gentlemen who were in the
habit of addressing public meetings upon this sub-
ject would cease to hold delusive language to the far-
mere, and forbear to tell them that their resource was
only in these protective laws. They deceived the
farmers when they held out such delusive hopes
to them, instead of telling them fairly that they
were not the only body in England who had to compete
with the foreigner, and bidding them look to the woollen
and silk manufacturers, who were successfully competing
with the foreigner, and bidding them "go and do like-
wise." Instead of adopting this course with the farmer,
they deceived him by telling him to go to Parliament,
and that Parliament would relieve him. And what,
after all, was the relief proposed to be obtained from
Parliament ? Was it a recourse to a system of fixed
duty? If a farmer addressed at one ef these public
meetings was told that by going to Parliament he could
obtain relief and security—if he bad the intelligence of
a British farmer, and would come and look over the
amendment of the Noble Earl, he would ask, what is
the relief you promised us? You have nothing here
but mere general statements? What do you propose to
do? He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) understood that
the Noble Duke was prepared, if the amendment was
carried, to follow it up by some other resolutions in
favour of a return to the old system of ppotection—
The Duke of RICHMOND—I am prepared, if this
amendment is carried, to get rid cf the present Govern-
ment; and I have every hope that the Members of a
new House of Commons will give their protection t
all the domestic interests in this country.—(Hear.)
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thanked his Noble
Friend for stating so explicitly his intentions. It was
now des-, that what was intended was to get rid of the
present Government, and then to call together a new
House of Commons to re-enact the old corn-lave. He
would be as frank with the Noble Duke as he had been
with him. There was a time when he considered that
a fixed duty was the best mode of meeting the nseces•
sits which existed for a great and radical change in
the system cf the corn-laws. That proposition was
made, and by the Noble Lords opposite it was resisted.
—(Hear.) It was resisted by them successfully, and
the rejection of that proposition placed the country
in a situation which compelled it to determine between
The sliding-scale and no corn duty at all. Whether the
farmer was now, upon reflection, grateful to the Noble
Lords opposite for having saved him from a fixed duty,
, he did not know; but, at all events, the farmer was so
, saved by their exertions, and Parliament having once
decided between the tee-total repeal of the corn-laws and
the sliding-scale, and that havirg been decided by large
majorities, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) for one—
though the Noble Lord might be ready for the conflict
—was not prepared to engage in that conflict of interests
which would ensue if that proposition were now to be
carried. He would not be responsible for it. Noble
Lords had a right to take the sense of the House upon
the subject, and he was glad that they were pre-
pared to take it with the explanation so distinctly stated
by the Noble Duke. He did not entertain that low
opinion of the English farmer which some of those who
prefessed to call themselves his friends appared to en-
tertain, that he alone who was engaged in the manufac-
ture or the land, was unable to compete with the manu-
facturers of other countries. He was not sreaking
lightly when he said that, although the farmers
might be rather slower than the manufacturers in
embracing improved methods, and in making new
exertions, still he did not want the energy which
was indispensable to success. Their Lordships would
recollect, that from one end of the country to the other,
all protection had been substantially done away with.—
(No, no.) Take the case of silk, for instance. Since
the amount of protection was diminished, the exporta-
tion had been steadily increasing during the last year.
The quantity of silk exported had increased from
605,9631b5. to 1,231,8351b5., while the increase in the
declared value had been from 466,0001. to 805,0001., or
nearly doubled in amount. And a great quantity of
this silk eras exported to the countries from whence the
raw material was imported into this country. Was not
this a proof of the injuriousness of the protective duties?
Again, in the article of copper, the same results had been
obtained from a reduction of the duty. The poor-rates
of the county of Cornwall had not been so low for some
years as they e ere at present, owing to the great in-
increase of employment given to the people in connexion
with the manufacture of copper. With respect to the
public meetings to which he had referred, he had
seen and heard enough of them to know that those
who addressed them did so not with a view
(1. discussing great questions of principle, but
of inflaming the minds and exciting the
passions of one part cf the country against the other.
He (Lord Lansdowne) was not prepared is go back on
their past policy; he was not prepared to hold out what
he believed to be a delusion. He objected t the amend-
ment of the Noble Lord, which was calculated, if carried,
to give rise to general uncertainty and confusion. The
way to test the question was to appeal to the energies
that distinguished the British character, and which were
not confined to ore class alone, but extended to every
class—energies which at the present moment were ex-
hibiting themselves notwithstanding the change in the
navigation-laws, for in spite of the predictions in that
House, and the declarations of persons interested, er
supposed to be interested, in that subject, there was
scarcely a port in England at that moment in which ship
building was carried on, in which there are not more
ships building than at any former time; and at that port
which was the emporium of the trade, the port of Sun-
derland, there was an enormous quantity of shipping
laid down. With such an example of what energy could
do before him, he could not accede to the proposition of
the Noble Earl.—(Hear, hear.)
The Duke of BEAUFORT said that a doubt having
been expressed as to there being distress amongst the
agricultural labourer?, he could only state, in spite of
the figures referred to by the Noble Marquis, that such
distress did exist. When he saw repeatedly at the ses-
sions and other meetings bodies of labourers coming and
begging for work and wages, and stating that they could
not get one or the other, he could not but believe there
was considerable distress.—(Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY wished to say a single word in reference
to a statement made; by a Noble Lord opposite. The
Noble Lord represented him to say that repeal of the
corn-laws would increase his rent, but he never had
said any such thing; what he did say was, that the
repeal of the corn-laws would increase the value of his
property. Noble Lords generally could not attempt
to deny the improved state of the country, and its ad-
vance, in spite of the difficulties of the last three years,
in the career of prosperity—(Hear, bear)—and no
one could entertain any doubt whatever that at no distant
time the land, like other interests, would share in these
benefits.—(Hear, hear.) As the Noble Lord had re-
ferred to his (Earl Grey's) private affairs, he would only
say that nothing had occurred within his own personal
experience
public
experience
or
the slightest
expectations dege re
were
enter-
tained.—(Hear, bear.)
Their Lordships then divided.
For the Address :
Present ••• •
Proxies •••
For the amendment:—
Present
Proxies

... ... 86
... ..• 66-152

... 69
... 34-103

Majority fur Ministers 49
The Address was then agreed to, and was ordered to
be carried xi) by Lords with white stares.
The House then adjourned until Monday.

DEATH OF ME. WESTALL, William
Westall, the landscape painter, died on the 22d inst., in
the 69th year of his age. Though little celebrated for
bis oil pictures, he had a pleasant f sling for landscape
nature (lake scenery more especially). Mr. Westall
was elected an Associate of the Royal Academy in 1813,
and was the senior Associate at the time of bis death.

NEW EDITION OF EVELYN'S DIARY.
Now ready, 10s. 6d. bound,
V OL, I. OF EVELYN'S DIARY
AND CORRESPONDENCE.
NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION.
Revised, with numerous Additional Notes.
To be completed In 4 Volumes, uniform with the New Edit'on of
Pepy's Diary.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.
To be had of all Booksellers.

TWEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
Lessee and Manager, Mr. JAMES ANDERSON.
THIS EVENING,
will be presented. tsy her Majesty's Servants,
The Play of THE LADY OF LYONS. Claude Melnotte, Mr. J
Anderson ; Beauseant, Mr. Montagne ; Glavin, Mr. Parry ; General
Daman, Mr. Baker; M. Deechapelles, Mr. Davidge; Pauline Des-
chapelles, Miss Vandenhoff.
To conclude with a New Grand LTlsterical, Metaphorical,
Allegorie.l, and Diabolical Pantomime, by the author of " Bluff
King Hal 'to be called HARLEQUIN and GOOD QUEEN BESS ;
MERRTE ENGLAND IN TILE OLDEN TIME,
Private boxes, 31. 3e., 21. 12s. fid., 21. 25., 11. Its. 6d., and 11. Is.

Stall., ss. each.
s. d. s. d.
FIRST PRICE. SECOND PRICE.
Roses - - 4 0 Boxes - - 2 0
Fit - - - 2 0 Pit - - - I 0
Lower Gallery - I 0
I Lower Gallery -0 6
Upper Gallery - 0 6 No Ilalf•price to Upper Gallery
Box-book-keeper, Mr. J. Posey.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Mr. B. Webster. Aele Lessee and Mamurer. Old Brompton.

MR. ARCHER'S BENEFIT.
THIS EVENING,
Will be performed NELL OWYNNE.
After which TIIE CHRISTENING.
To be followed by THE MAID OF CBOISSEY.
To conclude with nib: MAID WITH THE MILKING-PAIL.
The Box-office is under the direction of Mr. L T. ♦rcher.

THEATRE ROYAL. ADELPIII.
Under the direction of Madame Calera.
THIS EVENING

Will be performed a new domestic Drama, called THE WILLOW
COPSE. Principal characters by Messrs. Hughes, Wright, P. Bed-
fore , 0. Smith, Worrell; Madame Celeste, and Miss Woolgar.
Aster which FRA.NKENSTEIN ; or, The Model Man. Franken-
stein, Mr. Wright; the What is It? Mr. P. Bedford; Zamiel, Mr. 0.
Smith ; Otto of Rosenberg, Miss Woolgar ; Tiddlewincz, Miss E.
Chaplin ; Agatha, Miss Coveny ; Undine, Mies E. Battling.
To be followed by a new slippery sketch called MRS. BUNBURY'S
SPOONS. Mr. Highbury Barnes, Mr. P. Bedford ; Bob Twinks,
Mr. Wright; Job Smith, Mr. 0. Smith; Mrs. Banbury, Mrs. F.
Matthews; Mrs. Highbnry Barnes, Miss Brooks.

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
Under the Management of Madame Vestrfs.
Sole Lessee. Mr. Charlet, Mathews.
Tflrs EVENING.
Rill be performed METHINICR I SEE MT PITIMR.
Ater which TM: ISLAND OF JEWELS.
To conclude with BOX AND COX.
Dress Boxes 54. ; Upper Boxes, 41. ; Pit, Ss.; Gallery, Is. No
bait-price to any part of the house.
All applications for Private Boxes must be made to Mr. Allcroft, 15
New Bond-street.

PRINCESS'S THEATtIE.
Mr. J. M. Maddox, Sole Lessee and Manager.
THIS EVENING,

Will be performed a new comic Opera, entitled THE VALLEY OT
►NDOIIRE.

To conclude with KING JAMIE ; or, Harlequin and Magic Fiddle
Harlequin, Mr. Bolegna ; Pantaloon, Mr. Paul.; Clown, Mr. Flex-
more ; Columbine, Miss Fawcett.

ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.
FRENCH PLAYS AND OPERA COVIQUE.

Mr. MITCHELL begs respectfully to announce that the French
Performances at the St. James's Theatre will commence
THIS EVENING,
Eight o'clock, when will be performed
LE MAITRE CIIAPELLE.
To conekde with a New Opera Bonffen, entitled
LE CIID.

Th. Box-office of the Theatre is open daily from Eleven till
Five.

ASTLE Y's ROYAL AMPHITHEATILL.
Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty.
THIS EVENING,
The performance will commence at a Quarter to Seven. with a
new Grand Spectacle of THE KNIGHT OF. THE EAGLE CREST;
or, The Tourney of Lore, in which Mr. N..T. Hicks will appear.
To be followed by a brilliant display of Batty's peerless scenes of
.he Circle, supported by the accomplished artistes of the establish-
ment.
To conclude with a trend Equestrian Comic Pantomime, by Nel-
son Lee, millet HAT: L SQUIN YANKEE DOODLE, Who came to
Town upon his little Pony.
box-office open from Eleven till Four.

111GLI WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tom DAT —Morning, 56 min. after 4 1 Evening, 1G min. after 5
To-Mealow —Morning, 37:atin. after 5 1 Eveitag, 57 min. atter 5

THE WEATHER.—Suit OFFICE, FEB. 1.
THERMOMETER, Lowest, 35; Highott, 47; Noon, 50,

BAROMETER, 2914.
WIND S.S.W.—dull hazy weather.

4_ ;4 ti !Mc.,
„ir
1,
•
• N 14A
= _

WW:j'