The Sun.
London, England, 1850-04-03 00:00:00

of expenditure.; neither would the Government have
introduced it solely on such grounds. The saving to
the Exchequer of the Lord-Lieutenant's salary, and
expenses of his court, will be a matter of
I the most trivial importance in comparison
to the other results that may fairly be
anticipated from the measure. Irishmen
must be taught to look beyond the narrow bounds of
their native island, not to consider themselves as na-
tives of a mere dependency on England, burning to
cast off the foreign yoke, but as faithful subjects of
our Most Gracious QUEEN, entitled to a full partici-
pation in all the advantages attainable by the most
favoured portion of her empire. Recent improve-
ments have brought the most remote part of Ireland
within easy access of the British metropolis. The
construction of railroads, the establishment of steam
navigation, with a fleet of powerful steamers regu-
larly plying between the shores of both countries,
completely supersede the necessity that once
existed for separate Administrations and separate
Executives for England and Ireland. Weeks might
formerly have been consumed before any communi-
cation could be had between the respective capitals.
It may now be effected with perfect certainty in little
more than twelve hours, even without the aid of the
electric telegraph, which, in cases of emergency, will
reduce even that limited period to less than one-half.
There can, therefore, be no possible ground for as-
serting that the distance between the islands requires
the continuance of distinctions that occasion many
heartburnings and dissensions, and induce a spirit of
pseudo-nationality, and a provincial feeling that has
led to the most mischievous results. There was great
truth in the doubt of the talented author of "Ireland
Imperialized," a pamphlet to which we have repeat-
edly alluded in terms of approbation, in which
he questions " Whether the most remarkable suc-
cesses of the Earl of CLARENDON'S Administration, the
suppression, the exposure of the agitation hypocrisy,.
had ever been called for, but for the plots and counter-
plots, which through successive Administrations, were
fostered under the shadow of Viceregal protection."
This is a view of the subject in which the educated
and reasoning men of both the countries will fully
and cordially concur. The Irish disturbances, the
attempt at insurrection so easily suppressed at Bailin
garry, and the banishment of some earnest and devoted,
although deeply mistaken men, may be in a great de-
gree, if not altogether, ascribed to the erroneous po-
licy that treated Ireland as a dependency on, instead
of an integral portion of, Great Britain, and which
maintained distinct and separate establishments at
London and Dublin.

But to carry out fully the more judicious policy at
length about to be adapted, it is essential that the
" learned professions " in both countries should be
placed upon the same foundation—that a person who
is qualified to act as a clergyman, a doctor, or a barrister
in one part of the United Kingdom, should possess
the same privileges in all. The doctrines of the Es-
tablished Churches of England and Ireland are the
same ; they were placed on the same founda-
tion, by the " treaty of union," and Eng-
lish clergymen are received with open arms in
every part of Ireland. And yet we find the Bishop,
of LONDON refusing to allow those ordained in Ire-
land to 'acute in his diocese unless they have just
been officiating in other parts of England, have been
licensed by some " English" Prelate, and present
" English" testimonials as to their conduct. The
diseases to which the people of England and Ireland
are liable, are, to say the least of it, very similar;
the remedies that may be beneficial in one country
will prove efficacious in another, and yet the most
eminent members of the faculty in either country can-
not legally practise in the other. Those absurd
distinctions are still kept up, without any
valid reason being assigned, and occasion
jealousy and ill-feeling among the members
of learned bodies, whom it is most desirable to con-
ciliate and render at peace among themselves.
But far more important in its results is the
absurd distinction drawn between the members
of the legal profession. It is considered de-
sirable to induce English capitalists to make
investments in the sister kingdom. What. can
have a greater tendency to do so than that they
should still be permitted to avail themselves of the
advice of those with whom they have been long ac-
quainted, and in whose ability and integrity they
have the utmost confidence ? It is most desirable
that such a privilege should be bestowed
❑pon English barristers and English solicitors,
not merely for their own sakes, but for
their clients more especially, who should not be de-
barred from obtaining the services of any duly quail-

fled men whom they may think proper to select.
But Ireland could not be thrown open to the English
bar without the establishment of forensic reciprocity;
and what valid reason can be assigned against the
change ? The education, such as it is, is the same in
both countries. The Irish barrister must, however,
be a member of the English inns of court, and serve
a certain number of terms in London, before he can
be admitted to practise even in Ireland. The stamp
duties are the same, the expenses are about equal,
and similar precautions are taken on both sides
of the Channel to prevent the accession of
unworthy members. Why, then, we again
ask, should the Four Courts be closed
against the English, or Westminster against the Irish
practitioner ? The recent legislation—the Act for
facilitating the sale of encumbered estates—has re-

duced the emoluments of the latter, which will be
further diminished by the Bill for the reform of Out
Court of Chancery in Ireland. We do not complain
of these measures—on the contrary, believing th©m to
be of the most beneficial character to the community
at large, we say that the interests of" the bar" should
not be permitted to retard their progress. But, most

unquestionably, these enactments give additional

validity to the claim of the Irish barristers to be ad-
mitted to a full participation in all the rights and
privileges of their English brethren, and to hare the
sphere of their labours extended as the amount of
business in their own country is narrowed and cir-
cumscribed.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
M. VIDAL has chosen to represent the department
of the Lower Rhine in the Assembly ; there will be
consequently, a new election for Paris; the new Demo-
cratic candidate will it is said be M. EMILE DE Gl`
BARDIN. The Committee on the new Press law met
on Monday, and the editors of various Paris journals
were examined ; a petition from the delegates of the
provi►,cial journals was also presented against the
Bill. The petitioners state that should,the Ministerial
measure become law, it will annihilate a considerable
portion of the departmental press. It is generally
supposed that the proposition will be extensively mo-
dified.

This Law of the Press, and the article
in its defence, which appeared in the
, Napoleon, in which the whole press is at-
tacked as exercising a power without authority
.and without responsibility, and in which it
more than insinuated that the sooner all political
writers of every description are gagged the better,
have widened the breach heretofore subsisting be-
tween the PRESIDENT and the leaders of the majority ;
while the Ministerial Patric satirizes MM. TIIIERS,
MOLE, BEARYER, and MONTALEMISERT as men of
the past, mere chaterrers, effete and cowardly, and
calls them Burgraves, in allusion to the character of
the three Burgraves in one of .Vic Tow IluGo's dramas.
The Ordre, the organ of OntLON BARROT, thus
takes the PRESIDENT to task in an article from the
pen of M. TIIIERS :
" Had the press been wanting to the sacred cause of
order and law, by whom would it have been saved ?
You are now in power, and it is in the name of power
you accuse the press without distinction. But do
you forget that M. Ledru Rollin and M. Louis
Blanc one day held power ? That perhaps the turn
may come sooner or later for Raspail, Blanqui,
or even the citizen Proudhon ? Do you forget
the attempts at Strasbourg and Boulogne ? I)o you
forgot that since you have been borne to power you have
driven away the very men who raised you to it, who
rendered you the most striking services and gave you
the best counsel. Do you forget that in this same paper,
the Napoleon, the Assembly has itself been over and over
again the object of attack? The boasted wisdom of
power is not then quite infallible! If, as you have so
often demanded, the press be suppressed—the Assembly
be set aide—the voices of ancient parties smothered—
pray what would remain fur the guidance and salvation
of France amidst the terrible trials which yet await her
—you and your entourage? We do not undervalue the
generosity of your intention—we recollect the hopes
which were once attached to your name—we would
willingly believe that those who surround you are as
much devoted to the country as they are to your person.
Believe us that they and your star are not sufficient
against the frightful storm that menaces Europe."
The following announcement appears in the Gazette
de Fralice:—