The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-06 00:00:00

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[PRICE SD.

principles which had guided them at home—they might
think the struggles of any ration for freedom were either
'unheeded or forgotten in such a state of society, but the
:fact was otherwise, and he could assure them tbett the
'Polish and Hungarian cause excited the deepest and
most lively interest, and the utmost anxiety was shown
!to know by successive mail,; whet progress the Hunga-
rians had made towards the restoration cf their rialits.
He had no doubt, if these people in that particular
quarter of the world were enplied te, that they would
'subscribe liberally on beha f et' the refute es which this
association had to support. Having lately visited Malta,
he bore testimony to the praiseworthy conduct of Earl
Forteseue te wards ten Hungarian exilee who reached
the island after their extreditien from Turkey, and who,
at his intercession, were not only allowed to land—the
Governor having is the first instance given directions to
prevent their coming on shore—but procured them the
means of proceeding on their journey.
The resolution was put and carried.
Lord D. STUART then rose to continue his observa-
tions, and said—l was observing, when the Noble Lords,
Lord Beaumont and the E irl of Harrowby, entered the
room, that the excellent conduct of the Polish refugees
in this country deserved great commendation. I roust
say that nothing could be more exemplary than their
conduct; and their enemies are, therefore, driven to re-
vile them for the course they pursued on the Continent,
and that in no scrupulous manner. I might refer to
many misrepresentations which have been circulated by
the friends of Russia and Austria in public papers, and
I have no doubt that these misrepresentations have had
an effect, and a most injurious effect, on the public mind,
but on the present occasion it will be unnecessary. In
these days, when so much disturbance exists in Europe,
I may say in all countries except our own, more happily
blessed by better institutions, which respect the rights f
the Monarch on the throne as well as of everyone under
her henificent sceptre, we have not had such disorders
and disturbances as have occurred on the continent, and
as have arisen, I think, by the misconduct of princes
and rulers. But as we have no occasion to battle for
our rights in the way which was' dopted on the Conti-
nent—that is to say, with arms—and though such rights
and ameliorations as the people think desirable here are
generally attained by more legitimate, but not less effi-
cient means, still the echo of what has taken place
throughout the different countries of Europe is such as
has alarmed very considerably many friends of
.order in
this country; and as in many of these commotions—in
the most legitimate and most Justifiable—the Poles have
taken a very successful and brilliant part, people began
to think they were possessed of great power,
and they accordingly dreaded the exercise of
that power. Hence it is, that when the Poles have
taken a part in the commotions of other countries,
people have been anxious to represent them as anar-
chists, as men desirous only of overthrowing governments
and thrones, and who have no other motives for so
doing but aggrandisement, rapine, and plunder. Now,
I say, their cannot be a greater misrepresentation.
If they have taken a part in the various disturbances,
commotion:, and wars on the Continent, they have done
so always on a principle which no Englishman can
deny or impugn, via., of doing all in their power to re-
cover the rights, the liberties, and independence of their
own countrymen.—(Hear.) Of course, I do not *eel:
of individual cases. ln all countries there are
had, interested, and misled men; but I say,
as a body, the Poles have on no occasion
taken up arms except with the intention of
aiding liberty, because if liberty be established and
flourish, will a beneficial influence not be exercised over
the destinies of their own country? It is absurd to
suppose they a ant anarchy or confusion, but I ask if
liberty be firmly established throughout Europe will Po-
land not be bene fitted? If we established a free constitu-
tion in the remotest part of the world it would have an
effect upon Poland, and, therefore, it was but natural that
the sons of Poland should be found under the banner of
freedom wherever it is unfurled. I speak here of the
principle, but it is another question whether in all cases it
is wise and prudent to engage in struggles for freedom.
I would not advise the Poles to take up any cause in
which there is little reasonable chance of success; but
would, on the contrary. urge them to weigh the probabili-
ties of success well before they sacrifice their lives, their
liberties, or their blood, because if they are not suc-
cessful, they do more harm than good; yet in most of the
instances in which the Poles have engaged in warfare,
a direct influence has been exercised on the destinies of
their own country. First of all there was the Hun-
garian war. The Poles were encouraged by the strug-
gle of the noble sons of that great nation, which may
be considered the sister of Poland, and to which this
country, I think, ought to have shown itself a sister.
—(Hear.) I believe if more support had been given
to the brave Hungarian; by this country—as real na-
tional and efficient support as was nobly given by the
Poles—l believe Hungary would at this day efford
a bright and noble example of a great, free,
and constitutional country. established in the
ht art of Devote; and what doubt can I have, if that was
the case, that the re-establishment of the Polish consti-
tution would follow in a very short tirne?—(llear, hear.)
Every year we have assembled here I have directed
your attention to the conduct of the Emperor of Russia;
every 3 ear there has been some new crime to stain his
career.—(Hear, hear.) Some persons have :aid to me,
" Well, what new reproach will you have to make against
the Czar at the next annual meeting? You will have to
go over the same ground again." I replied, however,
Don't be afraid, you may be sure that some great
monstrous violation of the rights of liberty will
be perpetrated by the Autocrat;" and since we
met here last year what have we seen?
Why, the greatest, the foultnt, the most out-
rageous violation of the riehts of nations that
has ever been attempted. Last year I called the atten-
tion of the public to what was going on in the principali-
ties of the Danube, pointing out that by the Emperor of
Russia marching his troops into those countries he was
committing a violation of the laws of nations—an un-
justifiable interference with the rights and independence
of Turkey. I pointed it out to the Government and to
the House of Commons. I denounced the proceedings
to the public; and if the Government and the country
had been as much alive to the subject as they ought to
have been, I think a protest made to the Emperor of
Russia against his conduct would have effectually pre-
vented his carrying out his designs in those prin-
cipalities, and establishing himself in a place from which
he might better direct his attacks on Hungary.
We ought never to have suffered him to take possession
of Moldavia and Wallachia. He did so chiefly in order
that he might have an opportunity .of attacking Hun-
gary; and having thus acquired a favourable position, he
eventually made use of it, at first indeed wills little suc •
cess, because the gallant General Been, at the head of
the Hungarian army, was able to drive out the Rus-
sians wherever they entered, and attained some brilliant
victories over them, which will not be forgotten as long
as history continues to be read.—(Hear.) If you exa-
mine the conduct of the Emperor you will always find
that when be commences any great enterprise, he always
puts tone foot :a little before the other, just to see
whether it would be safe to proceed further in his
course. First of all the. aggression is committed by
some general in his service, without authority; then it
is said orders are given to recall the troops; then we
find the Government of England makes no objection;
the troops remain a here they are instead of being with-
drawn; they advance gradually forward in their march,
until at last the whole country is full of them, and in-
vaded by a body of marauders, to the destruction and
misery of the inhabitants, who aro forced to main-
tain them at their own expense. I say, a more
flagrant invasion of the rights of nations cannot be
conceived. (Hear, hear.) But the matter did
not end there. He marched his troops into Hungary,
with which he had no sort of business or right what-
ever. I want to know by what right, by what reason,
he interfered with, that country. It was not by the law
of nations. The Hungarians were fighting with Aus-
tria for their rights and their independence.. It
another
a civil war; it was a war of on© nationr against awnaos
f Russiajusti-
and by no pretence was the Emp
fied in interfering. Writers on international law laid it
down' that if there is any justification for the;
it
e, inter•
ference of one country with the affairs of
another,_ is
when the Sovereign of that country calls
for and seeks
for the assistance of an ally; but, in order to
be tho Sovereign of Hungary it is necessary
for the individual claiming the throne to
take an oath to support the constitution, and
that was never done by the present Emperor. There-
fore, legally he was not the King of Hungary, and de facto
at the time the Austrians entered t'ae country he was
not so, because th! gallant Hungarians, with the assist-
ance of their Polish allies, had driven every Austrian
out of the country, so that there was scarcely an inch of
land on which an Austrian still remcened; and the Em-
peror of Russia, whose conduct called for the reproach
and indignation of all, not satisfied with his violation of
the rights of nations, and which, I may add, by treachery
succeeded—because I believe if there had been no
treachery in the Hungarian camp, ho would not, with all
his hordes of barbarians, have succeeded in putting
down that gallant people, but at last, taking advantage
of the dissensions which existed, ho got possession of
the country, and drove the gallant • Hungarians and
their brave allies out of the country, as exiles; not sa-
tisfied with that, I say, he makes a demand upon the
Porte for the refugees who had taken shelter in the
Turkish dominions; and Austria, who, I need not tell
you, is the servant and handmaid of Russia, and acts, of
course, in every respect as Russia requires, demanded
that the brave Hungarians should be given up to her;
and a similar demand was made by Russia with
regard to the Poles. I rejoice, therefore,
at the observation made by Lord Beaumont regarding
the conduct of the Sultan in this matter. 1 think that
conduct deserves all praise, and I am glad to find it isofor-
much appreciated in this country, because, though
oene
tainly the Sultan did not do all we wished he had d
re,
in which case there would have been no Hu
fugees at present in captivity in Turlsey,
cireuml:
have regard, in judging of its conduct, aga,r,ieanmus;
tt
notnos overlook
stances in which he was placed.
We mu-
the fact that he was in a position of greatembarrasme.esnt,
certain treaties,
and that he was shackled by
which no doubt existed. I think that
a myself
a more just and lib salinterpretation of those
treaties would have set his Handalre alto.gethe!, to act
as he thought proper and
.ow such refugees es
treaties were 116
chose
pleased to remain in his dominion.,
leave to go forth freely. But the were bllSeep-
, tiwo of a different interpretation. A less liberal inter-