The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-23 00:00:00

11107411i1111

LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1844.

The first topic brought forward in the House of
Lords was on a question put by Lord BROUGHAM,
relative to the occupation of Tahiti by the French.
The Earl of ABERDEEN had heard of that event with
great regret, but he could not yet give the explana-
tions that the House might require. We have ad-
verted to this subject in a separate article.
Lord MONTEAGLE moved for certain papers re-
specting the recent appointment to the deanery of
Dromore. The Earl of RipoN said he would not
oppose the motion. A little uproar then took place
in the House, which relieved its usual monotony.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH caused the scene, by
saying that the words " Homr WARING" looked as
well to this underhand deanery as those of " SPRING
RICE" to a pensioned peerage. The Duke of RICH-
MOND came to the rescue, the Marquis apologised
and the House adjourned.

In the Commons, after the presentation of petitions,
Mr. LABOUCHERR stated that he would postpone his
motion relative to the trade with Brazil till Thurs-
day, the 14th of March.
Mr, WALLACE also postponed his motion, relative,
to the administration of the Criminal Law in Scotland,
In answer to a question from Sir GEORGE GREY
relative to the occupation of Tahiti by the French,
Sir R. PEEL said he believed the French Admiral in
the Pacific Seas had taken possession of Tahiti, and
that the QUEEN had been deposed. He greatly la-
mented what had taken place, but he believed the
event was not in consequence of instructions from the
French Government. The English Government had
not communicated with the French Government on
the subject, and he thought the House would see the
propriety of waiting the result.
Mr. MILES brought up a Bill for the amendment
of the laws relative to master and servant.

On the Order of the Day being read for resuming
the adjourned debate on the state of Ireland, Sir
ROBERT PEEL wished to learn whether the debate
was to end that evening. He was unfortunately in
the position of one of the speakers, and he merely
wished to know the sentiments of the House. Several
Members called out " to-morrow night," and the ad-
journed debate commenced. Mr. MAURICE (MON..
NELL was the first speaker, and confined his remarks
entirely to the Irish State trials, with the exception
that the traversers, notwithstanding their conviction,
would still agitate for repeal. Mr. GREGORY opposed
the motion. Mr. BELLEW supported it. Mr. LID-
DELL paid a high compliment to the administration
of the Marquis of NORMANDY, but at the same time
congratulated the Tory party on their triumph of
argument, and had no doubt also he should have to
congratulate them on the result of the division.
Mr. Hums considered that the Irish Attorney-
General had utterly failed in his explanation. He
then adverted to the grievances of the Irish nation,
and chiefly to the grievance of a Protestant Esta-
blishment in a Catholic country. He would apply
the Church property to the education of the people,
and leave every man to pay
his clergyman as he paid
his doctor. Mr. HAMILTON, Mr. C. POWELL, and
Sir H. DOUGLAS followed.
Mr. SHELL then rose, and addressed the House for
nearly three hours, in a speech remarkable for its
searching bitterness of reproach as to the conduct of
the State trials. He denounced the Tory policy

with (-regard to Ireland in a strain -of•• withering',
sarcasm, which elicited the cheers and counter-
cheers of either side ; and concluded with a
peroration as eloquent and impassioned as it was pa-
triotic and sublime in the highest degree. Indeed
we never heard one more fervidly spoken, nor more I
generously and enthusiastically received. The House
acknowledged by their sympathy that, while Mr.
SHELL felt as an Irishman, he spoke as a Briton.
The ATTORNEINGENERAL moved the adjournment
of the debate at Half-past Twelve, which was agreed
to ; and after the disposal of two or three unimportant
orders the House adjourned.

The protest of Lord NORMANDY and several other
Liberal Peers on the subject of Ireland, is one that
does credit to them both as legislators and as
English gentlemen. The protest comprises not less
than seven distinct reasons, each of which, to our
thinking, is irresistible, and is expressed in the
simplest, tersest, and most straight-forward manner
possible. One of the reasons is as follows, and
there is not a single word in it that could be altered
for the better:—" Dissentient, because under the
system pursued during the first four years of her
MAJESTY'S reign, the value of property in Ireland
had increased, in consequence of the tranquillity
produced by confidence in the impartial administration
of the laws. Since then, Ireland has become the
chief difficulty of the Executive, and for this reason,
that they who as legislators had previously impeded
the full extension of equal laws, have since, in the
conduct of the Government, neglected to secure to
that people the prictical enjoyment of equal rights."
In these few significant words we have an explana-
tion of the whole cause of the present discontented
state of the sister country. The people there have lost
the confidence which four short years ago they
had in the favourable disposition of an English
Government. While the MELBOURNE Ministry were
in power, they felt that they had some rational
ground for hope ; they knew that efforts would be
made to befriend them, and that a small, arbitrary
faction, always inimical to their best interests, would
not be openly upheld and patronised to their manifest
disadvantage ; but this ground for hope has now been
cut away from under their feet; the Tories are in
power—the Tories who never yet conferred on them
even the most trivial boon from good will, but al-
ways from the pressure of stern, gaunt necessity—
consequently the Irish people see clearly enough
that the course of policy that will be hence-
forth pursued towards them will be one of no earthly
benefit to their interests, but will be founded on the
" as-little-as• needs-be" principle. As a matter of
course, Sir ROBERT PEEL and his congenial col-
leagues, who have already determined on their line
of action, will do little or nothing for Ireland ; some
alteration in the franchise they will make—whether
for better or worse cannot as yet be ascertained—
and some day or other they will come forth
with a bulky Report of the Landlord-and-
Tenant Commission ; and this is just about the
sum total of benefit which they propose to confer
on the native country of their great idol, the Duke
of WELLINGTON ! But no, we do the Tories injustice.
They will allow the Irish question to be debated
for long nights together in the House of Commons ;
aye, and they will even allow the whole six hundred
and fifty-eight Members of which that spotless and
patriotic House consists, to have their full swing of
talk on the occasion ; but why is this ? Because, in
the first place they cannot help themselves ; and
secondly, because they are pretty well assured of their
majority. When the present debate is brought to a
close, Ministers will consider that the great ques-
tion of Ireland is fairly and fully settled
for the session, and will make a point of
doing all that in them lies to check any
further discussion on the subject. And while they
persist in a miserable, mischievous line of policy
like this, they expect the Irish people to be un-
feignedly grateful, and look about them with a fool-
ish stare of wonder when they find themselves dis-
appointed in their expectations ! Of one thing
Ministers may rest assured—so long as they main-
tain the principles of Toryism, they will never be
able to appease the discontents of Ireland,
or govern it with any credit to themselves,
or advantage to the country. They may,
indeed, manage to keep it quiet —as NA-
POLEON quieted Germany —by filling it with
horse, foot, and artillery ; but they will never
gain the confidence and affections of the people ; and
this is, or should be, the great aim and end of all
legislation. And how long, pray, will England con-
sent to be saddled with an income-tax, in order that
Government may be enabled to meet the heavy ex-
penses of the military occupation of Ireland ? This
is a question, the solution of which cannot now be
very long deferred, and on its successful solution or
otherwise, depends, in a great measure, the stability
of the Peel Administration.

Madrid journals of the 14th have been received,
but they bring no intelligence of the slightest in-
terest. The whole of the country is now under mi-
litary law, and the Constitution is at an end. The
people of Catalonia may thank themselves for this
happy result. According to the Government jour-
nals, for scarcely any others are now published, order
and peace universally prevail. The National Guards
of Leon, Salamanca, Cuenca, Talavera de la Reina,
Zamora, Badajoz, Orense, and Corunna, had been
disarmed, and those towns declared in a state of siege.
The Three per Cents. were done at 28 13-16 for
cash, and 29i at 60 days ; the Five per Cents. at
20i ; the Debt without interest, at 7i at 60 days.

The Paris Opposition journals still continue their
comments on the dethronement of Queen POMAIIE,
and the decision of the brave Admiral DUPETIT
THOUARS, in occupying Otaheite. These comments
generally are in the worst possible taste, and are
made evidently not from any importance attached to
the acquisition, but to raise a bad feeling against the
GUIZOT Cabinet, and to make unjust attacks on the
policy of England. TRIERS' journal is equally vio-
lent and vain-glorious with the others ; and thus,
with much complacency, adverts to the prejudices
and antipathies of John Bull, and the admirable fa-
culty of assimilation which is peculiar to France
in her relations with new nations. Algiers, of
course, is a proof of this assertion. "We
have no doubt," says that journal, " that
the Ministry is exceedingly chagrined and em-
barrassed at the success which the conduct of the
brave Admiral DUPDTIT TROUARS has just obtained.
But it must make up its mind to act. The welcome
which public opinion has given to this act of vigour
and sound policy will not permit it henceforward
to draw back, without being covered with shame.
Willingly or unwillingly, it must accept the new
colony with which our navy has enriched us. We are
accustomed to the ridiculous language of the journals
of London, and we expect, in reference to this matter,
to read in their columns furious declamations
against the unbridled ambition of France. Those
accusations, and the abuse attendant on them, will
find us perfectly indifferent. The English them-
selves, at least all those who are acquainted with
their epoch, do not believe one word of those griev-
ances, repeated from the time of PITT, and which are
flung as food to the prejudices and antipathies of old
John Bull. They know what task their mis-
sionaries have imposed on themselves in the latitudes
of Oceania, and they will perceive that, if the condi-
tions of our treaty with the chiefs of the Society.
Islands have of necessity been changed, it is solely
because the influence of the Methodist traders, who
had seized on the chief power in Queen PoMARE'S
name, had rendered the maintenance of the protecto-
rate impossible. In the bottom of flair
hearts they will render justice to France ;
aid there is not one who is not of opinion,
that in an analogous situation, :England would have
been obliged to do what France has done. But it is
not precisely according to sound sense and justice
that the English journals will regulate their opinion.
There is a fact, in all this, which occupies and annoys
them. Our marine has exhibited vigour, in seas
where our flag was scarcely known, and where Eng-
land reigned supreme. With our taste for civilisation,
and with that admirable faculty of assimilation, which
is peculiar to France in her relations with new nations,
GOD only knows where this first step may lead us. If
such is, in fact, the cause of anxiety to the English
nation, we are sorry for her, but it will not turn
France away from the path where her destinies call her."
The Ministerial journals preserve a strict silence on
the subject. The Chamber of Deputies have been

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