The Sun.
London, England, 1868-10-19 00:00:00

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PLIO
. 4d.
STAMPSD ...... 51.

ARCHBISHOP 111.1 NNING ON MR.
G L A DSTONE.

(FP.OM A CORRESPONDENT.)
ARCHBISHOP MANNING'S letter respecting his
relations with Mr. GLADSTONE ought to tinge with
shame the cheeks of those who made those relations
a charge against the Liberal leader's loyalty to the
English Church. It will not do so, for they arc past
feeling shame. They have so wholly given them-
selves up to the dominion of a tyrannical and all-
mastering party spirit, the most widied of evil
spirits, that they stop short at no meanness, no false-
hood, to support a cause which they know to be
hopelessly lost. There are some men, however,
who though not so far gone in partisanship as this,
are yet liable to be influenced by vague accusations
which they do not exactly believe, but do not wholly
disbelieve. To such we would say a few words. In
the first place, what does this relationship prove ?
Twenty-eight years ago. Mr. GLADSTONE, then a
Tory, and known as the author of a work on Church
Principles, asked Mr. MANNING, then a clergyman in
the English Church, and an old college friend, to
stand sponsor to his son. How was Mr. GLADSTONE
to know that more than ten years later this clergy-
man would secede from the English Church? If there
was any indiscretion in the selection, it must be attri-
buted to Mr. GLADSTONE the Tory member for the
Duke of NEWCASTLE'S pocket borough of Newark,
not to Mr. GLADSTONE the Liberal candidate for
South-West Lancashire. So that, even on their
own supposition his accusers will gain only damage
to themselves.

Archbishop MANNING'S secession led to the ces-
sation of intimacy between the two friends, but not
to the cessation of admiration on the part of one
for the other. Archbishop MANNING finds in Mr.
GLADSTONE the model of a high-minded, generous-
hearted statesman. His character and career excite
in Dr. MANNING'S mind that enthusiasm which we
find so prevalent in the nation generally, especially
among the working classes. He and they see in him
a disregard and contempt for all the conventional isms
of politics, for the little mean intrigues which
our leading statesmen have too often sanc-
tioned. He and they have caught the con-
tagion of Mr. GLADSTONE'S earnestness so welcome
after seven years' faithlessness to Liberal ideas
by professed Liberals. Archbishop MANNING knows,
the whole nation knows, that when Mr. GLADSTONE
has set before himself an object, that object he will
pursue. Men laughed at him when, two years ago,
he said, " We have crossed the Rubicon, we have
broken our bridges, and burnt our boats." They did
not believe, after the seven years' regime of PALMER-
I
STON and persiflage, that there was such earnestness
to be found anywhere. They were undeceived. Mr.
GLADSTONE was defeated in his Reform Bill, but he
was determined that Reform should not be beaten.
He told his antagonists that if he fell, out of his ashes
an avenger would arise, and carry the old standard
on to victory. We all know what followed.
There is another reason why Mr. GLADSTONE is so
admired and trusted. It is, that in spite of all the
great change which has taken place in his political
ideas since the old friendship which has been so much
animadverted on, he is and has been thoroughly con-
sistent. Consistency is by no means synonymous
with fixity of opinion. As Mr. DISRAELI once said, the
man who has never changed his opinions must be
either a fool or a knave. To suppose that the man of
56 with matured intellect and wide experience will
have the same views as the man of 28 who has only
just begun to examine the great questions of the day,
is as absurd as to suppose that the employment
of the child will prove satisfactory to the
man. If a man's mind does not go on developing
he will be as much of a dwarf intellectually as the
poor stunted creatures of three feet high we some-
times see limping, with baby forms and aged faces,
through our streets, are physically. It is not
inconsistent to be a Protectionist at 25 and a
Free Trader at 50 ; it is not inconsistent to
uphold the " sacred union " of Church and State
as a youth, and to believe that it is sometimes
the reverse of sacred as a sexagenarian. We will
go farther, and say that it is not inconsistent to
hold opinions one year and to surrender them the
next; for, as in PEEL'S treatment of the free-trade
question, new and powerful arguments may arise
which may overbalance the old counter-arguments.
But it is inconsistent to maintain opinions
in words and to deny them in deeds.
It is inconsistent for the Conservatives to
accept household suffrage so long as they declare
that they are of the same mind that they were when
they opposed the £7 suffrage. It is something
worse than inconsistent to attempt to reconcile to-
day's concession with yesterday's refusal. If the
Conservative party would come forward boldly and
honestly, and admit that they were in error two
years ago, they would find full forgiveness
on the part of the nation, as PEEL found in 1846.
But this is just what they will not do. Mr. DISRAELI I
has, indeed, boasted of having educated his party ;
but they deny the education ; and high-minded men
like Sir STAFFORD NOTHCOTE contend that there is
nothing wrong in his acceptance of the present
Reform Bill, although when opposing Mr. GLAD-
STONE'S he declared that nothing should induce
him to vote for household suffrage, whether
with or without guarantees. Contrast with the
Indian Secretary his former chief, who has frankly
avowed his youthful mistakes, who has told the
Liberal party that he came sueing to them in formd
pauperis, and that for their generous reception of him
they deserve his everlasting gratitude. It is this
great fundamental moral difference which makes the
public estimation of the two political leaders differ
so widely. They know that Mr. GLADSTONE
will never take a step unless he believes it to
be right ; they believe that Mr. DISRAELI would
take one because it was expedient. They feel
certain that Mr. GLADSTONE if he should ever adopt
a course which the public could not sanction
would have done so because he believed it was for
the public good ; they feel that with Mr. DISRAELI
they are never sure against " leaps in the dark " and
other like perilous feats performed in order to "dish"
an opponent. What wonder, then, if men of all
creeds admire and trust Mr. GLADSTONE ; if the
Catholic Archbishop MANNING, the Presby-
terian Duke of ARGYLL, the " Tractarian "
Dr. PUSEY, the Quaker Mr. BRIGHT, find
in him a man to excite their generous enthu-
siasm, their loyal devotion. These four men, so
widely differing in other matters, so united in this,
are but representatives of the nation.

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76<

BPIRIT-DiriTER 13MBLIO :01711NUEL

The Times gives a short history of Spain for the test
twenty-twOyears, noticing to how great an extent the famous
"Spanish marriages" engrossed the attention and fired
the passions of the whole political world. They almost led
to war, and did lead to revolutions as wonderful as ever
war itself produced. While recording the vanity of these
royal wishes and the discomfiture of this deePdiplomacy,
we are bound also to acknowledge that our own
alarms were unfounded. Indeed, if political tra-
ditions had as much weight in these days as
they had .a quarter of a century ago, we might
smile in astonishment at the manner in which the
Spanish marriages have worked to our imaginary
advantage. The dread of a Coburg was a powerful motive
with poor Louis Philippe, and a Coburg is now the
likeliest successor to the Spanish Crown. The objection
to Portugal as the sworn ally of England was felt with
peculiar strength in 184 G, and Portugal may now, per-
haps, annex the kingdom of Spain. There still, indeed,
survives a French journal which has learnt and for-
gotten so very little as actually to reproduce this phantom
in a late impression, and to remark that England
would probably like nothing better than to see the
whole Peninsula " one Portugal." As a matter of
fact, there is hardly one Englishman in a thousand at the
present time who would so much as understand the
insinuation conveyed in these words, and the one who did
understand it would laugh at the old-world notion.
There was, a time, no doubt, when just as Brittany had
been employed by England against France, and Scotland
by France against England, so Portugal was regarded by
our Government as a serviceable instrument against Bour-
bonised Spain. But all those traditions now belong to the
past. In these days we recognise our best interests in
the true interests of other nations. We wish only to see
Spain and Portugal prosperous together, whether sepa-
rate or united. If the choice of the Spaniards indeed
should really fall on a Portuguese prince, the election is
more likely to merge Portugal in Spain than Spain in
Portugal, though the union of the two Peninsular crowns
is probably about the last result which the authors of the
Spanish marriages would have anticipated.
The Standard canvasses the claims of the several pro-
posed candidates for the Spanish throne. Our contempo-
rary remarks that it would be neither in the interest of
the Duke of Edinburgh nor in that of England that he
should accept the crown. No member of the Bourbon
family will suit the Spaniards in their present temper.
King Ferdinand seems to remain, therefore, the only
resource of the Spaniards. But Hobson's choice is not
always a bad one, and in King Ferdinand the Spaniards
will probably find the man in Europe best fitted to fill
their throne. He has experience in the part of a con-
stitutional ruler, and that, too, over a people with much
the same virtues and failings as they have. His election
would be perfectly satisfactory to all the Great Powers,
who would see in it a pledge for the permanence of the new
order of things, whilst the difficulty about the succession is
one very far from insuperable. The election of King Fer-
dinand would not mean the Iberian union. He has a
second son to whom he could transmit the crown, or if the
Spaniards cannot brook the idea of being ruled by a
Portuguese, there is no reason why King Ferdinand, who
is in the prime of life, should not give them a new
dynasty of their own by a second marriage. There
remains the question, will King Ferdinand accept the
crown if the Spaniards offer it to him? We believe that
he will ; not from any desire for a position of so much diffi-
culty, but because he feels that by accepting it he can
serve the interests of the Peninsula, whose fortunes lie has
made his own ; and we trust that Spain, once assured
that she will not have to suffer the idignity of seeing the
crown she offers refused, will call him to rule over her,
and thus give her well-wishers fresh cause to believe in a
brilliant future.

The Daily lk-ews notes that the Quarterly Review has
made it up with Mr. Disraeli, and is enrolled in that
literary lifeguard of Tory-Radicalism which includes
Blackwood and Judy, the Standard and the John Bull, the
Globe and the St. James's Chronicle. The old oracle of
Conservatism has wilfully shut his eyes to that which it
plainly saw last year. If we recollect rightly, it then
asked why Mr. Disraeli should not play with the Church
the game which he had played with the State. It could
find no reassuring answer then, and it is unable
to suggest one now. But it is resolved to have
faith. No doubt when, to outbid his rivals, Mr. Disraeli
proposes that the Established Church in Ireland should be
deprived, not only of the wealth which it owes to the
State, but of that which it has derived from private
benefactors, without regard in either case to vested
interests, and that the funds thence accruing shall be
handed over in mass to the Roman Catholic Church ; or.
perhaps, that the words England and Scotland be inserted
before the word Ireland in Mr. Gladstone's disestablishing
bill, the Quarterly Review wilt once more feel itself
betrayed, and will again appeal to the high moralities,
and hysterically denounce the profanation of them.
But Mr. Disraeli will have his excuse. It is
necessary, he will say, that the question should be
settled once for all on a permanent basis. The unworthy
scepticism of those timid spirits who are afraid of trusting
a people with the guardianship of their own religion, if
disestablishment throughout the United Kingdom is the
Conservative policy ; or who are so ungenerous as to
refuse to connect the Irish State with the faith of the
Irish nation, if the establishment of Roman Catholicisni
is deemed the surest security against being ousted, will
be deprecated or denounced with indignant or melanchol
scorn.

The Post says the Democrats. have been the first to
admit the significance of the defeat they have sustained
at the elections in Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, by the
precipitation with which they propose to substitute Chief
Justice Chase for Mr. Seymour as candidate for the
Presidentship. Such a course is, we believe, without a
precedent, and cannot result otherwise than in failure.
Whether the selection of the Chief Justice in the first
instance would have made any sensible difference in the
results of the recent elections may be open to dis-
cussion, but there can be no doubt that his nomi-
nation at the eleventh hour, when several States
have already voted on the assumption that a
different candidate commanded the confidence of the
Democratic party, must end in the discomfiture of that
faction. In the necessity of things, some choice must be
made in the first instance of the individual most likely to
receive the suffrages of either party in the State, and that
choice once made should be considered final. It is, how-
ever, this finality which the Democratic chiefs now seek to
destroy by the strange expedient which they suggest, and
by so doing, whilst, so far as we can see, adding nothing
to their chances of success in the pending contest, they
will render the decisions of all future conventions unsafe,
and leave their own partisans on future occasions ini
a state of the most hopeless uncertainty respecting
the particular individual for whom their support is
solicited.

The Herald remarks that the Irish Catholic priesthood
seem bent upon the extension of their political power, and
the ensuing election is to be taken as atest of their success.
and so far as matters have as yet gonetheir triumph would
appear to be complete. Those candidates who have not
accepted their conditions are contumeliously set aside, or
at least deprived of their sanction and support. It only
remains to be seen whether or not the electors will ratify
their decisions when the day of trial arrives. That those con-
ditions are of the most stringent nature is evidenced
by the recent proceedings in Cork, Queen's County,
and Galway. On former occasions persons seeking
a seat in the House of Commons at their hands were
rarely, if ever, asked to pledge themselves to one particular
line of conduct in Parliament, and unswervingly to pursue
the undefined policy of any particular statesman, no matter
where or to what conclusions it might lead them.
"Measures, not men," was heretofore the motto generally
inscribed on the banners of the Irish representatives of the
Liberal party, and being only bound to introduce or
support certain specific questions, which they perfectly
well knew were unattainable, they enjoyed on all other
occasions a sort of liberty of action, of which those
amongst them possessing the most moderate talents
availed themselves to profit their own personal interests.
The Herald thinks the Irish members are likely to lo
simply delegates of the Catholic bishops. Their number
may not be large, but a compact body of some thirty
votes, always in readiness to obey commands, cannot fail
to make its influence felt in a division, and thus 1.
may very well happen that our national policy on some
momentous occasion will be determined indirectly by the
unconstitutional power exercised by the Roman Catholic
hierarchy.

The Star commends the plan of Mr. Gladstone's cam,
paign in South-West Lancashire. Referring especially to
the right hon. gentleman's speech on the Irish Church
Commission, the Star says Mr. Gladstone put into a clear
and compendious form some of the obvious and radical
objections to the plan of the commission. Believing the
bishops of the Irish Church to be uien of honour, soli
citous for the dignity no less than _for the mate.
rial prosperity of their Church, we feel that Mr.
Gladstone only does them justice in crediting them with a
feeling of repulsion towards the half-hearted cutting and
carving of the commission. The introduction of one
of the " points of the Charter," the payment of mem-
bers, by the allocation Of £5OO a year to the travelling
bishop sent away from the duties of his (ace tc
lounge in the House of Peers, cannot be grateful
to the feelings of Conservative Churchmen. Nor
can Irishmen, even though they may belong to
the dominant caste, look with complacency on a pro•
position for the transfer of the tithe property of the
poorest and most Catholic parishes iu Munster and Con.
naught to the wealthy districts of the metropolitan county,
or " the Black North." And certainly, after the admirably
reasoned and exhaustive reply of Mr. Gladstone to those
who charge him with favouring Popery, we do not see
how Irish Churchmen can fail any longer to discern the
fact that the real danger to Protestantism lies in the
Policy of the Tories, and not in that of Mr. Gladstone.

LATE EDITION of " THE SUN" at
c 'W. SMITH'S Camden Stores," 78, Park-street, Camden

town,

LOiVDON, MONDAY, OCT. 19,;31868.

Mr. GLADSTONE iS of opinion that there cannot
be too much of a good thing, and therefore he con-
tinues day by day to instil the precepts of his wis-
dom and to shed the light of his oratory upon the
favoured electors of South-West Lancashire. On
Saturday the right hon. gentleman addressed a
meeting at Newton, and put his views at some
length before them on the leading topics of the
day. He fell back upon his old resource of the
public expenditure, and declared that it was a
great advantage to have a question of this sort con-
sidered at a general election ; but why, he did not
very clearly make out, and it may appear to many
that the contrary is the case, because it is not
when men's minds are the most excited that they
can the best attend to matters of detail and come
to a just conclusion on subjects that imperatively
demand calm reflection. The chief part of his
discourse was occupied in criticising the Report of
the Commissioners on the Irish Church, and no
one who reads his remarks would judge from their
tenour that they proceed from one whose leader
had proposed the Commission. Earl RUSSELL was
the acknowledged head of the Liberals when the
proposition was made to the House of Lords, and
at that time the rank and power of the party were
greatly in favour of it, but now a change has come
over the spirit of their dream, and Mr. GLAD-
STONE sets the example of pulling to pieces the
Report, and explaining how worse than useless all
its suggestions are. For the matter of that it is not
likely that the judgment of the Commissioners is
infallible, or that some improvements might not be
made upon their plans, but as they stand they are
a great advance of anything which Mr. GLAD-
STONE or his friends contemplated a few years ago,
and those who are but too much led away by the
oratory of the right hon. gentleman to see clearly
must :recognise this for themselves. At the con-
clusion of his speech, which was one of a more argu-
mentative character than those he has lately made,
the right hon. gentleman dwelt with some irritation
on the reproaches that had been made on him and his
supporters for the time they have taken, and de-
clared with great emphasis that the Irish Church
had been successful in nothing but in putting up
" agitation, bitterness, and controversy ;" but he
forgot how largely he by his own exertions had
contributed to the display of these sentiments.
Mr. GRENFELL also addressed the meeting, and
subsequently a vote of confidence in both gentlemen
was passed, and resolutions adopted to secure
their return for that division of the county.