The Sun.
London, England, 1844-07-17 00:00:00

TtlE SUN, 149:-STDPN, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 17, 1844,

61 4.' years of age, were put aside as unable
rch is the caravan. Infants were torn from
B_7e N:other:l' breasts, children of six or seven years of
toen .
' ,-tre wrung from the grasp of their parents. What
To maintain them was costly, to leave them
to perish Pat on the coast was cruel—they were dis-
patched, and they were the least to be pitied. The
caravan .
aid set out, men, women, and children, half naked
strong
The weakly were driven on by the lash,
the were restrained from flight by ropes and
el, 31: Thus the marched hundreds of miles, across
ofv2. ruing sands of the desert, some tortured y agony
io,nr?(I; some fell down dead, others perished by linger-
-o,!tisease ; others were knocked on the head ; and
idaTengent travellers had stated that you might track the
raven through the pathless wilderness by hun-
dre‘ca
arrived gold thousands of human skeletons. At length they
iVi, at the coast, where they were obliged to wait for
slave-ship. Disease, superinduced by fatigue and
illltreatment, speedily thinned their numbers. The slave-
61itirp:t length arrived. The captain made his selection,
r_ hose those whose strength sickness had least im-
baitZd ; the sickly were rejected. How were they dis-
til° " ? They were either put out of the way or
ared to perish by famine. An equal number to those
,s,a rlted had perished by famine, disease, or violence,
foraid every five hundred that went on board the
slaranched
five hundred more had perished before they
.ched it. But what were the horrors which pre-
;tiered the voyage to what these unfortunate beings
w_,) fated to endure -during that fatal transit? It was
s_cu known that a quarter or one-third more were put
,11.! board the slave-ship than would be tolerated on
Z_I;11 any other vessel. The result was, they fell
"Is to disorder, and died a horrible death, if they
seresia_ not thrown overboard. The captains of these
could
invariably took more negroes than the vessel
Luid hold, for the purpose of making up any deficiency
Consequence of death. If death ensued from these
at
s, the dead bodies were thrown overboard; but
that
was not all, for sometimes the living were thrown
_,:rboard too, for when the slave-trader thought, from
La look of the slaves, that they could not out-live the
at°B3lle, that fate was sure to await them. This
tad
w,UY no means an uncommon occurrence, and that
en even done by Englishmen, when years back
the
slave-trade was tolerated in this country.
Lists()q of all this was, the raging of
Lon board the vessel ; and instances had
878,n known where opthalmia had raged to such an
4„711', that no person on board could steer the ship,
:4 the vessel had been lost. The space allotted
aoBgares on board ship was so small, that the negro had
as much room „1,3 a man in his coffin. In moderate
Weather
air was given to the negroes from the hatch-
-0,1; but when storms arose, and the hatchways were
_reed to be closed, it was horrible to contemplate the
condition of the negroee, hundreds of whom died from
BLitocation. From all these various causes it was
'honed that one-third of the negroes embarked on the
coast of Africa perished before they arrived on the coast
iLlimerica. The ravages thus committed in the popu-
s'uon of Africa could not be less than from 400,000 to
:,000 every year. Let any man calculate from that
d e amount of devastation which must have followed
trine; the last fifty years on the population of Africa.
e would venture to • say, that if all the other
imes which the whole human race had com-
mitted, from the creation of the world till the
present day, were brought into an aggregate,
they would not equal—certain was hez they could
net exceed—the amount of the guilt of the African
: aye trade.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not, therefore, the
providence
of every:Government, and of every nation on whom
rrovidence had bestowed the means of putting an end
to this monstrous traffic, to employ those means to the
nttnost extent?—(Hear, hear)—and, if ever there was a
IGovernment or a nation upon which that duty was
46re peculiarly pressing, that Government was the
Government of England, and ours was that nation,—
i'heers-) He admitted that much had been done. The
bLiitishGovernment and the British nation could look
1,7_,K with satisfaction to the efforts which the country
made in this cause. Partial success had certainly
Fen obtained. The late Government had done their
title office
in this respect.—(Hear, hear.) When they came
office, in 1830, they inherited the fruits of the
Bftuours of those who had gone before them. The slave
iltr,,a4,,e under the British flag had been abolished,
Was utterly extinct. Under the French flag
it ""
had been prohibited, and existed only to a partial
extent, although great use was made of that flag to
cover the slave trade. With regard to Spain and Portu-
VI, and the Brazils, we had treaties with Spain and
ts?rtilgaA—the treaties were insufficient. Those coun-
e3 had passed a law prohibiting their subjects from
4,,oging in the slave-trade; but that law was a dead
7. We had likewise treaties with the Netherlands,
es," Sweden, and Denmark. There was no great slave
are carried on under the flag of Holland, and none at.
tilt tinder the flags of Sweden and Denmark. When
• eY earne into office important events had just occurred
s France. The Sovereign of that country had suc-
tieued to the Crown from the free choice of a free peo-
r`e• Power was •in the hands of men deeply imbued
42,ith the spirit and the principles of liberty. That tiring
case, it appeared to them that the Government of
the
might be induced to enter into engagements with
.e Government of England on that subject—their
dews
had been met. The French Government
had
Joyfully and readily accepted their pro-
li'isals
for a treaty, by which the right of search
should be. reciprocally granted by each nation in their
certain latitudes for the purpose of putting an end to the
gave-trade. That treaty, as far as the slave-trade was
concerned, had been undoubtedly successful. It was not
correct, as had been asserted, that in that instance the
sacrifice had been all on one side. There was a'
national feeling in France that France had been called
Upon to make concession to England which England had
knot made to France. Ho knew of no quality more
uonourable than that national feeling which so pre-
eminently distinguished the French nation.—(Cheers.)
tint as great a sacrifice had been made on the part of
Great Britain, when she permitted her commercial navy
to be visited and searched by the ships of war of France,
ajhad.been made by France in permitting her ships to
visited and searched by the ships of war of England
"(Bear, hear)—and, except to accomplish such a
Purpose as the abolition of the slave-trade, it
y
to:alijeaa:uesrific° that no British Minister would have dared
_ „ Propose
; but they had laid aside all feelings
for the attainment of this benevolent object.
n I Spain similar events had happened. There the ordi-
aary course of the succession had been changed. There
contest had arisen between a Queen supporting free
cOnstitutional principles, on the one hand, and a Prince
PPvrted by the party of despotism on the other. Eng-
and, sympathising with the struggles of a great people
to obtain freedom, had thrown her weight into the =tale
of the Queen and Constitutional Government, and, from
the support thus given to that cause, it had triumphed.
They felt that the Spanish Government of that day
owed them a debt of gratitude, and they had called on
ti_ient to pay it, not by giving to them any sordid advan-
'4ge4, political or commercial. No; but they had said
``salve us a better treaty for the suppression of the slave
hide. We call upon you, who have so recently engaged
;n
of
freedomorious struggle to obtain constitutional
far yourselves, to co-operate with us in rescuing the na-
tives Africa fs om a thraldom worse than that under
which you yourselves have been suffering. His Noble
Friendl Lord Clarendon, then Mr. Villier-, who was at
that time our Ambassador in Spain, had exerted that
teat and knowledge for which he was so remarkeble,
"4 a treaty had been signed, in 1835, which gave
Its full powers to enforce on Spanish subjects obedi-
ence to those laws which had been enacted in
relation to this matter as long ago as 1817. That treaty
produced a great effect in discouraging the slave-
roe to Cuba. In Cuba, in 1835, the number of slaves
imported averaged 40,000 a year, and in 1838 that num-
ber had been reduced to 28,000. Events similar to
those which had taken place in Spain had likewise taken
id
me in Portugal. There the dispute was a Queen and
institutional
, maxims on the one side, and a usurping
Church and despotism on the ether. The course which
Z had adopted in Spain we had adopted in Portugal.
c had exerted our influence on the side of liberty, and
"'rough our assistance the cause of liberty had tri.
Ili•nphed. We had made to the Portuguese Government
114' ante appeal that we had made to the Spanish (10-
;errlnsea, but not with the same success. The slave-
-,,ciers were stronger in Lisbon than they were in
Liktdrid—though he would say, that if the appeal had
c.,."'en made to the Government of Cuba, instead of to the
e-nvernment of Madrid, he believed we should
tve had as little success as we had met with
E., Lisbon. The Government had then come
n to Parliament and stated the engagements
ZuLloh Portugal had entered into, and the manner with
Zuich she treated those engagements. The Parliament
las of opinion that the cause was a good one, and gave
em by law those powers which the Portuguese Go-
'erutuent had refused to give them by treaty, That was
1.18: great asap gained, as it gave them the power of alieck-
s_n% the slave-trade, carried on under the Portuguese
"41.,„g. in a manner which, before that, they had been unable
;(1°- The naval officers on the coast of Africa, for the
Chiefs, of destroying the slave-trade with the native
...7efs, had landed, and taken possession of the slave bit-
-I,:cfuls. They had given up the property found there
tine chiefs, and had -taken the slaves to Sierra Leone
ind liberated them. The Government had authorised
Zen]. to do this. That step had struck the greatest dig.
1,88-4 Y into the slave traders of Cuba. He had reason to
ew that, in consequence, they had been about to with-
drawe their capital from the slave-trade, as they could no
The
Carry on the traffic with any hopes of suceoea,
;Ile result of those operations, to judge from the official
`BBerns, had been to produce a great diminution in the
Zniher of slaves landed mi the islands and coasts of
Isteevica. The number of slaves landed in 1838 waseein
a?,,zil 94.000, and in Cuba 28,000. making a total of
s,„`'Cl°O, While, in 1840, two years afterwards, thentfinber
making
into Brazil was 14,000, and into Cuba 14,100,
w,,,amr,lg a total of 28,700, instead of 122,000, which iP
1858 showing a diminution of 83,003 in the
,stslealser of slaves imported, as compared with that year.
was not a sudden and casual diminution, It had
► stated bygMr. Vandeler that from the years 1817
to :835 the number of 'slaves imported into the island of
I ;Pa ;.'"ed been from 39,000 to 40,000 every year ; in
8. 28,0043 in 1839, 25,000 ; in 1840, 14.000 ; in
18441 it was belie:red to have been only 11,000; and in
1842 those importpd via:s stated to have been diminished
;
4"3,000. The number imported Into Brazil in 1838 was
the'°9° ; in 1839, 56,000 ; in 184/, 14,000, As far as
sn _lnformation which Parliament had
e able them received wkitild
judge, a great diminution had taken
inplace the number of slaves transported from Africa
t 0 America. Treaties had been concluded with almost
tscrY American state, except the northern one—when
B',`,e treaties with the other powers of Europe were signed
'Ty intended to go further. The treaty with France con-
tain
r con-
ned article by which those powers had engaged to
request
of such of the other powers to accede to a treat
deersaid. they would
of the slave-trade as were partiesy
to the treaties of Aix-la-Chapelle. These Powers
would adhere to the spirit of their previous
thons—they engaged to sign the treaty which
• "Sa idgned between England and France, but

wished, as a matter of diplomatic form, to have a new
treaty drawn up. To this England and France formally
assented. The English Government wished to afford
the French Government an opportunity of remedying
an imperfection in the French treaty, for in that treaty
there was only a zone of sixty miles round Cuba, Porto
Rico. Brazil, Madagascar, and along the western coast of
Africa. in a latitude of 15 deg. N., to a lat. of 15 deg. S.
But these limits excluded a considerable p tram)
of the southern coast, in both of which the slave-trade
was carried on vigorously. It was proposed to the
French Government to include both these parts; they
acceded to it, and the new treaty would include the
whole African coast as well as the West Indian seas.
The new treaty was drawn up, and presented to the
Austrian, Russian, and Prussian Governments, and
when the .late Government were going out of office,
and after a good deal of negotiation, the treaty was
within a few days of being signed. Russia started a few
trifling points, but these the English Government were
willing to accede to. The treaty would have been of
great advantage, and it was the ultimate
object of the British Government, when all the
Great Powers of Europe had signed the treaty, to
present it the Northern States of America, and he
thought he had a right to assume that the application
could not have been altogether unsuccessful.—(Hear,
hear.) When Austria, Prussia, and Russia, as well
as England and France, submitted to the right of search,
there were strong grounds for believing that, America
would not refuse ; at all events something might have
been done by the United States Government to assist
and co-operate. He considered that, as far his know-
ledge extended, things had not gone forwards but
backwards, and that great strides had been made
by their Government, not towards the suppression, but
towards the revival of the slave-trade. The Noble Lord
then went on to say that he expected the treaty between
England and the Five Powers would have been signed
immediately after the late Government left office, but
such was not the case ; it had not been signed for four
mouths after, and when signed, the French Government,
because of an address from the French Chambers, re-
fused to ratify—a thing unprecedented in the annals of
diplomatic intercourse, and which the British Govern-
ment should not have passed over without recording
their solemn protest against it. Nothing could justify a
Government receding from. the terms agreed upon
and signed by its Plenipotentiary, except that
it was proved that a Plenipotentiary acted against or
beyond his instructions. The next blow the cause of
freedom received, was that letter of the Lords of the
Admiralty, in May, 1842, in which blockade on the
coast of Africa was forbidden, although the Right Hon.
Baronet opposite (Sir R. Peel) afterwards declared that
the blockade of the coast of Africa was the mode de-
vised by the Government as the most effectual fur the
suppression of the slave-trade.—(Hear, hear.) The
British Government, in that unfortunate Ash-
burton negotiation, not only to a great ex-
tent surrendered that portion of territory which
rightfully belonged to this country, but gave up all claim
on the American Government for the fulfilment of that
article of the treatyof Ghent which they would nave been
otherwise bound to fulfil. There was, therefore, no
ground for calling on the American Government to do
anything further towards the suppression of the slave-
trade. He had been informed that in 1843 a greater
number of slaves had been imported into the West
Indies and Brazil than for many preceding
years. He believed in the sincerity of the Govern-
ment to put down slavery, but differed very widely
from them as to the efficacy of the measure. He feared
that the blockading of the entire coast of Africa. as sug-
gested by the Government, was physically impossible ;
nor would, he felt assured, experienced naval officers
concur in the practicability of such a scheme. He be-
lieved that the whole naval force which the American,
French, and English Government could collect on that
coast would be altogether insufficient. Just let the House
consider the immensity of the distance, from north to
east, along the coast—why it was out of the question.
In addition to the distance, it should be observed
that on many parts of the coast there were clusters of
islands, so that a cruiser might be within a mile of a
slave-ship and not see her. And then when a slaver had
escaped outside the zone, which the anti-slave squadron
watched, she was quite safe until she reached her desti-
nation. But there was a still further difficulty. Ten
degrees south latitude below the equator, and all along
the western coast, there was no mutual right of search
established between France and England. A vessel
bearing the French flag would not, therefore.
be searched in this region, but this would
not signify if the right of search prevailed on the coast
of the Brazils ; but one defect of the treaty of 1841 was,
that the right of search was not guaranteed on that
coast. He would not allude to the question of slate-
grown sugar, which had so recently occupied the atten-
tion of the House. They had been told by the Govern-
ment that there was the most cordial assurances and
feelings of friendship between this and the French Go-
vernments. No man rejoiced more heartily at it than
he did, but certainly he must say, that there had been
as yet no very brilliant or beneficial results
from this union—the fruit was not worthy of the tree.—
(Hear, hear.) He found that it was a combination on
the part of France rather to put down popular institu-
tions, and erect in its stead a military despotism. He
feared the two countries had rather combined to enslave
the free than to free the enslaved. It was said that Brazil
and Portugal had been assenting parties to a recent treaty.
Those two powers had entered into contracts of a most
stringent character with this country not to carry on
the slave-trade, and yet, in spite of those contracts, they
had done so. Only let England and France, if they
were united as it had been said they were—let them go
to Spain, and use the whole weight of their united influ-
ence, and if they did so, he did not hesitate to say that
they would obtain from Spain and Portugal the engage-
ments they had a right to expect, but which had hitherto
been withheld. He thought it was in the power of those
two countries, if they chose to be in earnest, to obtain,
if not an immediate suppression of the slave-trade,
something that would ere long ensure so desirable a re-
sult. The rulers of Spain had done something them-
selves towards putting an end to slavery. lferdinand
VII. had made an order that all ships carrying on the
slave-trade should be confiscated, and their captains sent
for ten years to the Philippine Islands. He hoped that
the union between France and England, of which they
had heard so much, would be directed to the accomplish-
ment of an object that would redound to the glory of
both. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated on a former
occasion that one of the great inducements for him and
his colleagues to take office was the desire and
hope of obtaining posthumous fame, and he did not ex-
clude from that the approval of conscience, which was
the highest reward. But the Right Hon. Baronet said
that one means by which they hoped to obtain future
fame was by conferring benefits on their countrymen
and on mankind generally.—)Hear.) The present
Government were placed in that situation that they
could not do the first. They could not emancipate the
industry of the country, because they were prevented
Srom doing that by the prejudices of their supporters.—
(Hear. hear.) They could nut give content to the six
millions of Catholics in Ireland, because they were pre- i
vented from doing that by the obstacles which they had
in former times placed in their own way. With respect
to the improvement of the condition of the country, the
vessel of the State was following in the wake, and not
leading other nations. 'But there was one field still open
to them, in which they might gather unfading laurels—
they might abolish the slave-trade. If they attempted
to do so they would have the country unanimous with
them, and the powers of so great a country, when
exerted in so noble a cause, would be sure to succeed.
If the present Government could say that they had in
their time put an end to crimes which their predecessors
could not effect—if they could have that to say they
would bequeath to posterity a name that would exist to
the most distant ages.—(Hear, hear.) But it it should
be recorded of them that the slave-trade had been put
down in the time of their predecessors, but that it raised
its odious head again in theirs, they would obtain a fame
compared with which the most absolute oblivion
would be preferable. The Noble Lord concluded
an eloquent speech by moving for a return, showing
the total number of African negroes landed
fur the purposes of slavery on the islands and
on the continent of Amerka, from the year 1815 to the
year 1843, both inclusive; distinguishing the number
so landed in each of those years, and distinguishing
also the number landed itt each year on the territory of
each separate state or power. so far as the same can be
made up from the documents in the possession of her
Majesty's Government.
Sir R. PEEL would have cordially concurred in the
motion of the Noble Lord, had he not been convinced
that it had been brought forward for the purpose of that
rhetorieel display which they had just witnessed. The
Noble Lord, having passed the greater portion of the
session in inactivity, roused himself at the close.—(Hear,
hear.) He had exerted himself to find out a motion on
which to make a speech, which the most captious Mi-
nister could not raise any objection to. The Noble Lord,
on the 11th of March, gave notice of a motion, the ob-
ject of which was very important, calling upon the
House of Commons to pass resolutions compelling the
Government to reject any proposals that might be made
by France for the modification of the existing laws.
Ile believed the Noble Lord met with little sanction on
that motion from his own side of the House ; and the
result was, that he shrunk from the motion, for week
after week he kept postponing it, still declaring
that he should bring it on, and when he made
that declaration, the countenances of those who
sat around him plainly showed their ' disappro-
bation,cl7etemnat
ißiQuilt, however, the Noble Lord stated his
to persevere, and the House was counted
out on the day when he was to bring the subject for-
ward. Now he would ask whether that was not indicative
of the opinion of the House on the subject? The Noble
Lord seemed to be greatly alarmed by what had taken place,
and he had good sense enough to abstain from bringing
forward the motion. Now, in considering the question,
he would separate all those parts of his speech with re-
spect to the slave-trade from those which had relation to
the condnct pursued by the Government, because it was
important, that upon the first point in which they all
eseseurred, that that concurrence ahould be expressed in
could not be' mistaken, not permitting party
daiwffearY hentceast cto dented from the weight of them. In the
whole of the first part of the speech of the Noble Lord,
he ulost cordially concurred. He believed that the slave-
trade was the most iniquitous traffic that wits ever
thought of by the wind of man, and that it engendered
more misery and crime than any public act of any nation.
11,s. did not think that the Noble Lord had in the
slightest degree over-rated the threeeisertirfac
e: and
horrors that had arisen' from
in
the blood and §ine,W3 ofh
two countries, and two Only, vi e
sponsible for the continuance Of this enOVlrlls Mal •
mveenre noTwhmeraeinlywerree-
Tw
ihtehr e
the was,ex exception
itohne
oprt Pert of e4vitereysiroethteor civilised a
tee° ui,rp.';
suppression of the trade in merSese(4-o,r, hear.)
and Brazil would zealously apply theineelves to the sup:
pression of the slave-trade in those parts of the WPtid
over which they exercised jurisdiction, the slare-tsisdP
If 6pzin
would be suppiemd, 'raucel Portuel—Detunark, to

her honour, led the way—this country, the United States, I
Prussia, Russia, Austria, and every Power, were ready
to co-operate in this great work, While those two Powers
opposed the suppression of the slave-trade, and effectually
stopped the progress of so great a work. Spain and
Brazil were the only countries that lent their sanction to
this barbarous traffic. They were the only countries 1
that were deriving profit from it. They had the power
to suppress it, but without their good-will it was impos-
sible, whatever sacrifices they might impose upon the
people of .this countsy,_ effectually to succeed. They
might ,do much towards its suppression, but they
could not insure perfect success without the assist-
ance of Spain and. Brazil, because they were con-
stantly counteracted end defeated by the connivance of
local authorities. 'lt would be easy to show that Spain
and Brazil could suppress it. Brazil made the attempt
in 1840 and 1841, and the effect produced there was
most astonishing and immediate. During the period
the Government of Brazil actively interfered to dis-
courage this traffic there was a great diminution of the
number of slaves imported to Brazil. With respect to
Cuba, the last two years proved that it was in the
power of an active Government, notwithstanding all the
excitements of avarice, to take effectual measures for its
suppression. He thought it greatly to the credit of the
person who lately exercised power in Spain—he meant
General Espartero—that he had appointed an officer to
fake the command in Cuba, General Valdez, who re-
fused to participate in the gain of his predecessors, or to
connive at it. He discarded the-traffic, and the result
was extraordinary. During the period that General
Valdez was in Cuba, in 1842, the importation of slaves
into Cuba did not exceed 3,100, but when he as•aimed
the government it was upwards of 14,000 During the
first years of his government it was 8.000, and in the
last year it was only 3,000. If Brazil had honestly
exerted itself in 1840 and 1841 the slave-trade would
have been effectually suppressed. He hoped, after
the statements that had been made by the
Noble Lord, confirmed as they had been by
his successors in office, that the Government of Spain
would feel that they had a
,grievous responsibility cast
upon them—that the eyes of the whole of Europe were
turned towards them ; and that such being the case, he
trusted they would re-consider the course they had been
pursuing, and turn their minds to humanity and justice.
But if these higher motives would not prevail, then he
must warn the Government of Spain to look to the con-
dition of Cuba, a country where their tenour of power
was of so precarious a description. The black population
of that country were determined to rid themselves of the
sufferings and torture they were enduring. There
seemed to be a settled and deep determination to eman-
cipate themselves froM the state of slavery in which they
at present existed. Those-who took part in this had
been recently brought 'from the coast of Africa, men
who were unenlightened, and who could not have com-
bined, but who had come there smarting under a sense of
wrong.. What he had stated was the truth, confirmed
from many sources well entitled to credit ; and if any-
thing did occur, no suppression of it could be hoped for,
except by the most determined application of military
force. He trusted, however, he had said enough to show
that the public men of this country were not disunited
on that great question which the Noble Lord opposite
had expressed himself so strongly about, and that on both
sides of that House they were but the representatives
and organs of public opinion—that public opinion re-
acting on almost every other part of the civilised
world.—(Hear, hear.) He (Sir Robert Peel) now
proceeded to that part of the Noble Lord's ad-
dress wherein he drew an invidious contrast between
the course 'taken by .her Majesty's late and her Majesty's
present Government—their •principles and their opi-
nions on this question of the slave-trade; and whatever
the Noble Lord had said should. not provoke him
(Sir Robert Peel) to conceal that which was due to
him for the assiduous attention which he had ever paid
to this subject.—(Hear, hear.) He had done every-
thing that .could be done to invite other nations to co-
operate with this country for the suppression of the
slave trade ; but having admitted thus far, he came pre-
pared to defend the present Government from the impu-
tations sought to be cast upon it by the Noble Lord.
The first ground of imputation chosen by him was the
conduct of the Government to the treaty which had
been signed with France, in the year 1841. In thu year
1838 France had conferred with this country as to the
policy of inviting other countries to adopt, along with
them, measures for preventing as much as possible the
continuance of the odious slave trade. Franca had then,
no doubt with the greatest sincerity, united with this
country to get other countries to join them in that ex-
cellent effort. She was willing at that time to concede
the right of search—no objection had been made—none
,at, least, of a very strenuous nature—for no sacrifice
was asked from her which we were not prepared
and willing to make to a much greater extent, and most
certainly anything that might be supposed to have the effect
of touching her honour, must also have equally touched
the honour of England. As to the question of the right
of search, where one visit would have had to have been
made to the French naval force, several would of course
have to be made to ours—our own honour, therefore, was
at stake to a much greater extent than the honour of the
French flag ; but France gave to our proposals at that
time, not a reluctant, but a cordial and hearty assent.
The treaty was signed by the representative of France,
who was armed with full power for that purpose. There
was no allegation whatever that that representative had
at all exceded the powers entrusted to him. We had
every right to expect that a treaty so signed by a repre-
sentative having full powers would have been justified,
and so far as the King of the French and the Govern-
ment of France were concerned, he (Sir H. Peel) be-
lieved that every honest effort had been made in order
to the fulfilment of the expectations which they had a
right to form, and the proper anticipations of that
treaty.—(Hear, hear.) But certainly feelings of na-
tional pride did show themselves to a most extraordinary,
perhaps, to an almost alarming extent, and to this circum-
stance alone did he "(Sir R. Peel) attribute the non-
ratification of that treaty. For the rousing of those
feelings he' held the Noble Lord himself (Lord Palmers-
ton) responsible.—(Load Ministerial cheers.) Between
the engagements entered into and the ratification of the
treaty embodying them, an important event occurred
which terminated the reign of cordial and friendly feel-
ings which had hitherto prevailed between France and
this country. He (Sir R. Peel) would not enter into the
policy of the treaty of July- the 15th—nor yet of the
policy of the Syrian campaign ; but this he would say,
that the engagements entered into by 'England with the
three other Powers, to the exclusion of France—whether
justifiable or not—were the cause of those feelings which
arose in France,*and which . induced insuperable objec-
tions to her ratificetion of the treaty. It was not the
fault of the Government of Frapee that the treaty had
not been ratified—they had a bona fide intention in re-
ference to it—but it was the representation of nationa
anger in the popular assembly of that country, which'
debarred them from ratifying the engagements
which their Minister had entered into.—(Hear, hear.)
Could the Noble Lord have forgotten the de-
bates that took place on this subject in the
Chamber of Deputies? Did the Noble Lord forget the
part taken by so many of the public men of that coun-
try? Did he forget the speech made by M. Thiers, the
very Minister under whose auspices the negotiation of
the treaty was carried on? He distinctly stated in the
Chamber that they stood very differently then than
they did when the original arrangements for the treaty
were made—that the feeling in 1838 and 1839 was very
different, towards England than after the treaty of July,
1841, and the slight thrown on France by it.—( Hear,
hear.) :That Hon. Deputy also stated that they had a
right to attempt at a previous date, in conjunction with
England, many things they could not, at a subsequent
period, even think of venturing upon ; that in 1831 and
1833 there might have been motives sufficient to justify,
concession that he could never admit under after cir-
cumstances. That language was, in 1842, also the lan-
guage of Berryer, and of many others of the most emi-
nent men in the Chamber. Then he (Sir R. Peel) said
he was justified in charging upon the Noble Lord alone
(Lord Palmerstoa) the non-ratification of the treaty, and
the subsequent estrangement and • ills that had fol-
lowed between France and this country.—(Trea-
sury cheers.) The Noble Lord might • pride
himself opt his Syrian affair, if' he liked ; but he (Sir
H. Peel) should' tell him plainly that he was the last
person who ought to taunt the present Government with
difficulties, which, in fact, he (Lord Palmerston) had
himself created.—(Cheers.) Why, for year after year,
the NOble Lord, at the opening of Parliament, had taken
credit, in the Queen's speech, on account of the main-
tenance of a cordial and intimate friendship and good
understanding, between this country and France. It wa •
for the Noble Lord himself to state—and he never yet
had stated—..what was the reason that this good under
standing, of which at one time he was so prone to beast,
no longer existed.—(Loud Ministerial' cheers.) But,
whatever was the cause of the non-ratification of the
treaty, there was no occasion at that moment to inquire.
He trusted time, and the proper. influence of moderate
men on both sides of the channel, were rapidly working
their way to a bette.! state of feeling, and that bad
passions were rapidly sinking to rest.--L-(Cheers.) The
next point on which the Noble Lord had chosen to
attack the Government was becausethey did not think it
right to adopt his (Lord Palmerston's) views, with
respect to the destruction of the baracoons on the coast
of Africa. He (Lord P.) said he had given orders for
the destruction of these baracoons, without paying any
great regard to what the laws of other countries were.
The Noble Lord's only object was to restore the slaves to
liberty, no matter how, or by what means. Now he (Sir
R. Peel) must say that he thought the far better course
in all these matters—whether in our transactions with
civilised or with savage nations—was to adhere to certain
principles—( Hear, hear)—established by the natural
laws of equity and justice. There was no doubt we were
a powerful country —there was no doubt we could easily
enough land upia the coast of Africa, and do' almost as
we liked ; but he asked the Muse, he asked the coun-
try, did the law of nations justify us in such proceedings?
--(Cheers.) Why, savage nations might make no de-
mand for redress, or, if they made it, we might take no
heed of it ; but were there not civilised Powers who had
interests on the coast of Africa, and who might have to
decide, whether we were justified in wrongs we might
commit, and whether reparation for them ought not, in
fairness, to be asked for? The ordinary course in all
these matters was the proper one for a Government to
take—it was to take the opinion of that legal au-
thority whose especial office it was to advise the
Government in these cases, and to see that its
policy was kept untainted by wrong or illegality,
The Queen's Advocate-General had been applied to for
his advice, and he had replied, "If you have a treaty with
a native Prince on the coast, then you may interfere, but
not having such treaty, you are clearly not at liberty
to destroy the baracoons, and if a mnrder is committed
in your attempting to do so, you are clearly responsible
for it," Under those circumstances, the Government cer-
teinly thought it their duty to give notice to the naval
offleerS on the coast of Afriaa to refrain from such acts ;
but they had, at the same time, empowered them, and
urged them to take every opportunity in their power of
Raleing eneh treaties with the native Princes,-.((Hear,
kw!) pipci tlps House? them if there was al

ground for imputation upon" the Government in tluis ex-
hibiting this country as anxious to respect, both with
savage and with civilised powers, those rights which we
ever insisted on should be respected in our proper inte-
rests.—(Ministerial cheers.) He believed the instruc:
Lions given to the cruizers were consistent with law, and
such as would command the approval of that House and
of the country—(Hear, hear)—and that the whole con-
duct of the Government was perfectly consistent
with a sincere and honest desire to suppress the.
slave-trade on the coast of Africa, and where-
ever else the legitimate influence of England
might be made to extend.—(Cheers.) The next point
on which the Noble Lord attacked them was as to a

measure which he appeared to :think amounted to a
blockade of the coast of Africa. The term blockade

could hardly be properly applied to this service--in his
(Sir R. Peel's) opinion, that was not a proper form.
What was contemplated was an increase of the naval

force, in order to prevent the departure from the coast
of Africa of vessels laden with slaves. The Noble Lord

greatly diapproYed of this 111ni but he (Sir R. Peel)
entertained strong hope of its success, from the circum-
stance that it had been recommended by distinguished
officers who had served on the coast of Africa, and who

all concurred in expressing their confidence in its effi-
ciency for the object to be attained. Captain Matson,
an officer well known for his experience and services—
(" Hear, hear." from Sir C. Napier)—and who was
most competent to give an opinion, highly approved of
the plan. The Noble Lord, by signs, seemed to think
an officer disqualified from givin7 a sound opinion if he
happened to have served on the coast of Africa. That
gallant officer, and others of equal weight, had ex-
plained to the Government how the slave-trade was
carried on from the variety of sources whence slaves
were supplied to the coast, and from the constant and

careful Watch which was kept on the ;British cruizers:
so as that the moment they moved from one point,
the shipment and transmission of these un-
hippy beings might instantly be commenced
from it. They stated that if the English Go-
vernment would sustain a permanent force of greater
amount, and under a direct superintending control—
taking care that. no information- should ever get abroad
where those ships should be stationed—they would, in
two years, do more for the suppression of the slave-
trade, than if they employed five times the amount
un'ler the present system. Captain Denman, an officer
of great judgment and experience, fully concurred in the
views of Captain Matson, as did also Captain Tucker,
another name eminent in the naval records of the coun-

try. Those officers had all given these opinions; and
that it should he known without any concert with each
other, these suggestions had not been handed over to
civilians alone for consideration-and for decision, but

they had been submitted to his Gallant Friend near him
(Sir G. Cockburn, we presume), -who, after having taken
time, as he always did, for considertion, had come to the
conclusion, not that they would absolutely succeed, but
that they promised a greater chance of success than any
of the plans which they had hitherto acted upon. Again,
then, he asked the House whether the imputations at-
tempted to be cast by the Noble Lord ('Palmerstoiqapon
the Government were not unfounded and unjust ?
(Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) would not weary the
House upon other points attenipted to be tortured into
charges against them ; but woad now say a word or two
as to the withdrawal, under the new plan of action on the
coast of Africa, of vessels from the coasts of Cuba and
Brazil. No doubt, at times tliere might be requisition
made of those ships for other points, should events oc
cur suddenly to require an extra protection to British
interests At the present moment, for instance, there
were differences between Buenos Ayres and Monte
Video, which might call for even a still stronger shield
to British property and lives. But when requisition
should be made of any part of such force, it would only
he a temporary withdrawal of any part of it from the
coast of Cuba. He (Sir R. Peel) did not contemplate
any permanent discontinuance of the force on the coast
of Brazil and. Cuba, nor did ho think he should here-
after, at all events for some time to come, advise that any
such step should be taken. If there were any feelings a
pride or honour in the Governments of Cuba and Brazil,
they would induce them to act as this kind of police on
their respective coasts. At the present moment England
was absolutely peforminr the duty of a police upon these
coasts, a duty which feelings of pride and honour ought
to lead them to discharge themselves, to relieve others
from the necessity of it. The Noble Lord had referred
to the good understanding between this country and
France. He said he was glad to observe it, but still he
spoke of it in terms not much calculated to impose or
strengthen it. He (Sir Robert Peel) had always
been of opinion that this good understanding
could not be preserved by any compromise
that would be dishonourable to this country.—(Hear.)
But if it could be continued with a due reeard to national
honour, he believed it was an understanding essential to
the interests of civilisatien—essential to the peace and
welfare of the whole civilised world.—(Cheers.) lie
believed it was the earnest wish of the great body of the
people of this country to maintain that understanding;
and he could say for the present Government, that
though it might be subjected to occasional taunts on the
subject, he believed that the predominant feeling both
in this House and the country- was in favour of the main-
tenance of that good understanding, subject to the con-
ditions he had alluded to. The House must be aware
of the difficulties to which the Governments of France
and England were exposed in preserving that steady and
temperate course. In this country they were taunted
with making concessions to France, and the French
Government were taunted with making concessions to
England. There seemed.to be parties in both countries
who were continually throwing every impediment in the
way of that course, and prevented the continuance of
mutual good feeling. He give credit to the Government
of France for being actuated- by a sincere desire to
abolish the slave-trade. But whether France united
with them in inculcating on Spain and' Brazil
the necessity of observing their treaties, or whether it
did not, he could assure the Noble Lord that those
treaties would not be neglected by the Government.
They had brought before the Government of Spain the
conduct of the present Government of Cuba, and they
had placed it in dishonourabie contrast with the conduct
of the late Governor-General Valdez. The Government
would insist on the performance of that treaty by Spain
according to its conditions, for some of which it had
received an equivalent from England. The Government
were determined to adopt such measures as would lead
to the abolition of the slave-trade. The Noble Lord had
expressed a wish that England would combine with
France for the purpose of rescuing the oppressed from
their fetters, rather than for the purpose of enslaving the
free. Enslaving the free ! Why, where did the Noble
Lord find any ground for the imputation ? Where did
he find the ground for asserting that there was any com-
bination between France and this country for that pur-
pose ? Did the Noble Lord think that it was for the
interests of France and England—to the countries
governed by free institutions—that any people should be
subjected to a despotic form of government. He (Sir
H. Peel) insisted that Spain was governed by free
institutions. He believed that such institutions, com-
bined with a limited monarchy, would elevate Spain
to her place among the nations of the world; but he
apprehended that we ought not .to enforce such a form
of government on Spain. Ought England to have
interfered to maintain the Government of Espar-
tern ? He believed that Espartero was an ho-
nourable man, desirous of doing his duty towards Spain
and determined to do it without assuming an unconsti-
tutional. pfswer. He believed that that forbearance and
honesty, in a state of society perhaps unsuited to them,
had led to his fall. But whatever might be his grateful
acknowledgme it to Espartero for his public conduct—
whatever respect he might have for his personal quali-
ties, for the forbearance he had.shown, and his determi-
nation to act according to the Constitution of the coun-
try—yet, if the Noble Lord thought they ought to have
actually interfered for' the purpose of maintaining his or
any Other form of government in Spain, he must say he
totally. differed from the Noble Lord. He believed that
no nation would more resent such an. interference than
the people of Spain. , The people of Spain were the best
judges of their domestic Constitution. It ,was the duty
of this country to assist him with advice when it was
called for, and by friendly relations as long as the inter-
course existed, but he totally differed from the Noble Lord
in supposing that they were actively to interfere in the
nternal affairs of that country. He did not recollect
any other point of the Noble Lord's speech to which he
would refer, with the exception of that peroration which
he believed was the main object of the speech itself—
(Hear, hear.) He believed that the Noble Lord
admired it very much, and would hardly have made
such a trumpery motion as the present one but for the
purpose of introducing it. The moment he had seen the
terms of the Noble Lord's 'Option, he had given direc-
tions to have all the ilformation, prepared. He would
even add to it more than the Noble Lord asked. The
Noble Lord might take the number of condemnations
that had been made at Sierra Leone during the past
year. He wished to show Foreign Powers, that not-
withstandinga rnpnaerrty divisions, they were united. in
in
which the slave-trade might
be put down. • He had answered all the charges in the
Noble Lord's speech, with regard to the treaty of
1841, to the efforts making on the coast of Africa and
eensideringthe their
Brazil ; and had shown :that the Noble Lord had not
one single ground for the accusation he had made
against the Government. But the Noble Lord was
justly proud of his peroration, which ought to have been
spoken in the month of March last; but he had, no
doubt, said he would found his oratorical reputation upon
it—that it would make a great impression upon the
House and the country, and therefore lie was not sur-
prised that the Noble Lord could not forego the temp-
tation. That peroration was founded on something that
he (Sir Robert Peel) had said two years since, to the
effect that those who consented to make private sacri-
fices to undertake public duties did not do so for
the mere pecuniary compensation, but from a hope of
establishing a claim to the gratitude of the public.
The Noble Lord then said that that desire for fame
could not be that which rested on human opinions only,
but that which had regard to the higher sense of duty.
He (Sir Robert Peel) thought that all fame that de-
pended upon temporary popularity, was exceedingly
evanescent. He believed that the only way of insuring
true fame was, regard!ess of popularity to do that which
a sense of duty dictated. When he said, therefore, that
public men looked to permanent reputation for the re-
ward of their public labours, he meant those labours
which were conducive to the welfare of their country,
and dictated by a sense of duty. But the Noble Lord
said that to them most of the avenues of fame were
stopped up. To increase commerce and to loosen the
shackles of trade, that the Noble Lord said was impoes
Bible to the present Government, on account of the party
connected with it. But, at any rate, it had done more than
the Noble Lord, and ten times more than he ever con-
templated till his dying moments, when it becense Bias
cessary to make some desperate efforts to prolong his
political existence, Not till then did the Noble Locd
become a freestrader, Nat till 1841, when the Minis-
terial existence was greatly perilled, had they beer('
anything of those magnificent declarations in %voile of
commercial liberty which OW' Noble Lord said the re-
v

sent Governinent could not carry out. The Noble Lord I
said they could not do justice to Ireland, and referts_d
to the emancipation of the Roman Catholics from their
disabilities. The Noble Lord need hardly have ad-
dressed that to him, so far as the practical measure
by which thoss disabilities were removed was
concerned—so far as the encountering of hazard
and making sacrifices to forward it, the Noble Lord
had no great reason to taunt him with not attempting to
do justice. With regard to the Established Church, he
could not well understand the Noble Lord. Since last-
session he had made a speech strongly in favour of main-
taining the Established Church in Ireland. The Noble
Lord said it was impossible for them to attempt to carry
out any general measure of education ; but last year
they did make more than one attempt to provide a
limited system of education. There were obstacles in
the way of that measure.
An !lox. MEMBER—It was very limited.
Sir R. PEEL-If it was limited, the greater' pity that
it was so opposed. But it was not on account of the
Government's party predilections that the plan failed.
But one other avenue to permanent distinction, the Noble
Lord said, was yet open to them—that was, an effectual
measure for the suppression of the slave-trade. He
could assure the Noble Lord that her Majesty's Govern-
ment, if that were the only avenue open to them to ac-
quire a lasting reputation, would not neglect the oppor-
tunity it afforded to them. They felt deeply impressed, not
from any warm or exclusive feeling of interest, that
the imputation of deriving any advantage frorh.suf-
fering other nations to continue the system of slavery,
having ourselves abolished it, was an absurd one. The
position of this country with respect to slavery was a
peculiar one. It had two great objects b--fore it—the
effectual suppression of the slave-trade, and the suppres-
, sion of it by means which were recognised by the gene-
ral law of nations. They must not, by ill-considered
attempts to effect that object, unduly hazard the main-
tenance of amiable relations with other countries. The
interruptions of those relations, if unjustly, occasioned,
would do nothing for the suppression of. the slave-trade.
England must keep herself in the right. With that re-
servation, the Government would proceed temperately—
would act according to the law of nations—would ex-
tend its protection to the weak as well as the strong.
With that reservation, he could assure the Noble Lord
that her Majesty's Government was deeply impressed
both with the duty and policy, on the highest considera-
tion of public welfare, of suppressing the slave-trade,
and if that avenue to fame remained open to them, the
Government would avail itself of it, as far as honest and
persevering means would allow them.—(Cheers.)
Sir C. N APIER commenced by alluding to the pro-
tection given by the treaty with America to vessels sail-
ing under the American flag. By the Ashburton treaty
it was agreed that an American cruiser should sail in
company with an English one. Now America sent only
eighty guns to the African station. That would furnish
but a very few cruisers, unless they only gave one or
two guns to each, which, he concluded, the American
had not done. Now if an English ship, sailing in com-
pany with an American one, was to overtake the slaver
before the American came in sight, he wished to know
if the British ship would have a right to board and search
that slaver if she should hoist the American flag. Now
he thought that was one of the most important things in
carrying out the slave treaties, and he hoped, before the
close of the debate, they would have a distinct avowal
whether a British cruiser coming up with a vessel bear-
ing the American flag would board that vessel before the
American cruiser came up He did not think the Right
Hon. Baronet was quite right in saying that his Noble
Friend was the chief cause of England breaking off with
France. Why England did not break off from France,
but France from England, so that he was not entirely to
blame.

Sir R. PEEL hoped his Gallant Friend would not
give any explanation of the instructions sent out. The
American Government had declined to give their in-
structions, and he thought that if the instructions were
made known, it would have the effect of counteracting
the objects they had in view. But, in order to show the
spirit which existed between the British and American
officers, he would read a letter from Captain Foot. (The
Right Hon. Gentleman then read a letter from Captain
Foot, which stated that the basis of a good understand-
ing between the American and British squadrons was re-
established, and he trusted it would continue.) He (Sir
R Peel) could not give the instructions, but this letter
showed the spirit which existed.
Sir C. NAPIER said he had not asked for the instruc-
tions. He merely wished to know from the Gallant
Officer opposite what was to be done in a certain case ?
Sir R. PEEL said that when the case had occurred an
answer would be given.
Mr. PETER BORTHWICK complimented the Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government on the
firmness and caution which he had displayed with re-
gard to this subject, but he did not think that the Right
Hon. Baronet, or the Noble Lord, was justified in saying
that Queen Isabella of Spain had a juster claim to legiti-
macy than l)on Carlos.
Captain PECHELL thought that the Right Hon.
Baronet had displayed the part of a discreet and
cautious Minister in laying an embargo on the Hon.
Gentlemen connected with the Admiralty, which pre-
vented them from answering the question put by his
Hon. and Gallant Friend. He concurred in the policy
of increasing the naval forces on the coast of Africa,
but heahought that the force on the coast of Cuba and
Brazil ought not to be diminished. He trusted that the
force on the coast of Africa would now be of such a
description as would prevent it from being so harassing
to the officers employed there. He also hoped that the
ten-gun brigs would be done away with, and that vessels
of a better description would be employed. The Hon.
and Gallant Gentleman referred to the evidence given
by Capt. Broadhead, who stated that, 'if he had such a
vessel as the Waterwitch, he would capture five out of
six of the vessels with which he came in sight. He
thought that the Noble Lord deserved well of civilised
Europe for his endeavours to put down' the scandalous
traffic in slaves.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON replied. He said that the
Right Hon. Baronet had neither done justice to himself
nor to him (Lord Palmerston). The Right Hon. Ba-
ronet had not done justice to him, because he had stated
that it was his intention to discuss the'slave trade in ge-
neral—nor to himself, because the Right Hon. Baronet,
being so well informed on everr-subject connected with
the government of this country, it was not possible he
could be taken at a disadvantage. He could assure the
Right Hon. Baronet that he would feel greater pleasure
in hearing a full answer given to his motion, than if he
had obtained a mere party triumph, -and for this reason,
that he considered this a most interesting and impor-
tant subject.—(Flearahear.) The Right Hon. Baronet
had given an answer in home respects, but in others he
had failed to do so. First, with regard to the refusal of
the French Government to ratify the treaty which they
had signed, though he agreed with the Right lion. Ba-
ronet in thinking that that refusal would Justify the
British Government in altering their friendly relations
with France, yet still he thought that the British Cko:
vernment ought, as a matter of example, to have put on
record a friendly protest. The Right lion, Baronet had
said that he was responsible for the irritativ which had
subsisted between both countries. He (Lord-Palmerston)
could not accept that responsibility. He would votive
to say that no man had attached more importance tq the
existence of friendly relations between France and
England than he had done, especially when he was in
office. They had even alluded to the cordial union which
subsisted between both countries in speeches from the
Throne, and boasted of it in speeches in that Hquse„
The Right Hon. Baronet had said that it was owing to
some act of his that these friendly relations had ceased.
Now, what was the fact? He would not go into the de-
tails of the Syrian negotiation, but it was well known
that at the commencement of that negotiation they be-
lieved England and France had the same ohjects in view.
It was on record that the negotiations began by a dis-
tinct proposition on the-part of the French Government
to the other Powers, that they would maintain the In.
tegrity of the Turkish empire. That was a policy
founded on due regard to the interests of England.
and the peace of Europe ; and he believed those who sat
opposite to him held, in common, with him, that the
maintenance of the integrity of the Torltish empire was
an object of great importance In both those respects.
They thought that by the treaty of Unkiar Skilessi the
integrity of that empire was in great danger, and they
embarked in a course of measures, tending to what they
considered to be the direct interest of England, and in
the next place, to maintain . the peace of Europe. It
was France departed from that policy into which she
and England had embarked for a certain time ; and if
subsequent events tended to excite irritation in France,
that was not a reason why England and the other
Powers should have departed from that course of policy
which they entered into—not from motives of titling
what was disagreeable to France, but -frol a regard to
the interests of England and the peace of Europe. But
the Right Hon, Baronet had not answered the charge
which he brought against the Government, of
delaying for a month after they came into
office to ask for a ratification of the treaty,
lie agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, thet the coast
of Africa was a more important station than the coast.
of Cuba and Brazil, and for this reason, that the slitYo
ships were taken before the negroes were got on board,
whereas, when they were captured on their arrival in
Cuba or Brazil, all the suffering and misery had been
endured. What i) contended was,- that it would not be
wise to withdraw the squadron from both Cuba and
Brazil. He was glad to find that he had misunderstood
the intentions of the Government, and he quite approved
of their course. Now, with regard to the baraeoana, the
Right Hon. Baronet said": that, in dealing with these
uncivilised tribes on the coast of Africa, they must ob-
serve those international laws which were consecrated
by the usuage of Europe, He must say that that had
n a always been the doctrine of the Qtavernment on
that subject.—(Hear, hear.) In the discussion on
the affeirs of India In the lastseaston, when the matter
in debate was the mode in Which they had conducted
themselves towards the Ameers of Sinde, it was said
that the laws of Europe could not be applied with rigour
to such a half-civilised people as the people of sin e.—
(Hear, hear.) But he was glad to find that they were
likely to differ much on the question of the baracoqns,
He thought it would be very useful for slave-traders in
general to be made aware that it was the intention of
the Government to avail themselves of their power to
root out those nests of pirates which infested the differ-
ent parts of the African coast.—(flear, hear.) Now
these were the points upon whip' the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet stated that he had unfhirly accused the Governs
meat of n.t acting with sufficient energy. He NtAa ex-
ceedingly glad to hear from him a coutivmation of the
statement as to the good effects arising from the distin-
guished administration ofbeneral Valdez in Cuba.
He quite agreed with him that if the Governments of
Chilli% and Brazil would only do their duty, the, task- of
suppressing the slave-trade would, heepree light indeed ;
and he trusted that friendly representations to those
Governments would awaken hem to a sense of the chitty
they (we'd, not merely to England, but gyp, tlieJnseives
and the faith of the treaties into 14ich they had en-
tered. The 4114 gulls getriunt had done him the

• -

honour to say, that what he was pleased to call his
peroration, was, in his own opinion at least, not to be
thrown away.—(Hear, hear.) Such was the general
opinion of those who made observations in that House.
—(Hear; hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet said that the
present Government had done ten times more to remove
restrictions than their predecessors. lie did not admit
the correctness of the arithmetical calculations on which
this statement was founded, but he hoped he would be
able to make a larger boast at the close of the next
session.---(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet
said the Government had proposed a scheme of educa-
tion which was prevented by resistance from being
carried out; but he did not get rid of the force of his
remark, that it was the prejudices existing in the
Government itself which prevented them from proposing
to Parliament a scheme founded on a large and com-
prehensive principle.—(Hear, hear.)' The Right Hon.
Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, distinctly stated that he would net go•one step, in
the 'way of relaxation, beyond the point which those
who sat on that side of the House thought was not
sufficiently liberal to render the measure acceptable and
useful to the country.—(Hear, hear.) Well, now, with
regard to Ireland, he had stated that the Government
were unable, through the obstacles which they had raised,
to give contentment to the six millions of Catholics
inhabiting Ireland. The Right Hon. Baronet, in reply,
reminded him that it was mainly to himself that the Catho-
lics owed the great boon conferred upon them bytCatholic
Emancipation. No man was more sensible of the merit of
the Right Hon. Baronet in that respect than himself.
Though not belonging to-the Government of that period,
he had had the honour of giving it his support; and he
always contended that the sacrifice ofprivate feeling and
personal advantage to public duty, which he then made,
did him the greatest honour.—(Hear, hear.) But it was
not enough to emancipate a great body of men, to make
them by law capable of holding office and taking a share
in the government of the country, if they did not practi-
cally give them access to those situations and that influ-
ence to which they had by law been rendered eligible.—
(Hear, hear.) His complaint against the Go-
vernment was, that practically they excluded from
all share in the Government, six millions of people.
--(Hear, hear.) Now, he would not go into all the
topics on which the Right Hon. Baronet had dilated, but
he would say that he bad heard with the greatest delight
the remarks with which he had closed his speech.
Whether his motion were too long or too short, too early
or too late, he was delighted that it had afforded the Go-
vernment an opportunity of stating its intentions, feel-
ings, and opinions on the subject of the slave-trade.—
(Hear, hear.) He hoped all the nations in the world
would see that in England there were not two parties on
this subject ; that, however the English people might
differ on• domestic or foreign questions, on the question
of the slave-trade they were united as one man ; that
whatever Government might be in power, there would
be no change of policy, there being a fixed determination
on the part of the British people, that this odious
and detestable slave-trade should be brought to
an end.—(Cheers.) He felt sure that when that was well
known, as the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet would
make it, when Government knew that that was the set-
tled determination of every British Government, and
that in pursuing such acourse every British Government
would receive the unanimous support of the whole Bri-
tish people, that resistance, which private influence and
local prejudice had opposed to the entire suppression of
the slave-trade, would at length give wav, and he could
assure the Right Hon. Baronet, that if his Government
should have the honour and the glory of putting the-
crowning hand to this great work, and be able to state to
Parliament, that by their measures the slave-trade had
been utterly extinguished; or brought to an impercep-
tible point, no party feeling, no personal consideration,
would abate or diminish the pleasure with which he
should receive the announcement or his disposition to do
honour to the Government that had accomplished so
great a work.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir R. PEEL proposed to add to the return an ac-
count of the number of slaves emancipa'ed in Sierra
Leone, Surinam, and other places, from 1819 to 1844.
The motion was then agreed to.
HARBOURS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Mr. HUME rose to move for returns on this subject.
He said this was a subject of domestic importance which
he was very anxious to bring before the House. In a
country which depended so much on its ships and com-
merce, they must have harbours as well as seamen, and
on this subject he thought the policy of this country had
been extremely lax. Many harbours, formerly ca-
pable of receiving vessels of large dimensions,
would now scarcely admit boats. There could
be nothing more certain than that it was the
duty of this country to mantain her harbours in as
perfect a state as possible. What he wanted was, that
the country should not lose the harbours which nature
had given to it. They knew that in the time of
Charles 11. a 64-gun ship might enter the harbour of
Rye, whereas in 1819 it would scarcely admit a boat.
There was scarcely a single harbour which pro-
per Commissioners had been appointed to protect.
In one harbour, that of Southwold, upwards of 3,000
acres, over which the tide had flowed had been enclosed.
The Lords of the Admiralty ought not to suffer any har-
bour to be deprived of a single cubic foot of water by
these encroachments, without an equivalent. He wished
the Government to take up the question. The Commis-
sioners appointed to consider the state of the Medway at
Rochester, among whom were Sir Byam Martin and Sir
Robert Sepping, had reported that every encroachment
on our rivers and harbours should be viewed with jea-
lousy ; and had suggested the revision, and the conso-
lidation of the Acts of Parliament relating to this suh-
ject, and the appointment of officers to inapect and
preserve these harbours. Several naval officers and
engineers, among whom he might mention Captain
Samuel. Nicholson and Mr, Walker, had expressed their
concurrence in these opinions ; and if measures 'were
not speedily adopted to remedy these evi/F., They. would
become irreparable. So great had these encroachments
—which had been made contrary to ]raw--,becume, that
they must be put down. Lord Ellphorough and Mr.
Justice Bailey had laid down the law, that the property
in the soil of rivers, when there was a flux and reflux of
the tide, was in the King, and not in the lord of the
manor. It was agrand sight to see the fleets or ships which
crowded our coast, but it was absolutely necessary that
something should be done to afford protection to these
ships in time of war. Ile had the °titt . day stood
on a prominence on the coast—cif 'Norfolk, and had
counted" More than 200 sail of ships. Now what would
be the fate of all these vessels, if War should tale place
Let it be recollected that steam uavipticke had show.'
the nature of war.. We should

- want harbotra
where for these vessels to ea ea every-
es steam-boats
which would steal oat after them:- Last year there had
cleared out Of the porta of this kingdom 21,980 ships,
being an aggregate of 3,758,000 tons engaged in the
foreign trade, and 141,697 ships, being an aggregate of
11,321,000 tons engaged in the home trade. Now, in
what ttandition would these ships be, with which our
seats were swarming, in the event of a war ? He would
refer to the evidence of the Duke of Wellington, given
before the Shipwreck Committee in 1843, as a proof of
the importance of this subject, The Noble Duke had
stated that the trade of the port of London would be-
°ow a losing trade in time of war, if something were
not done for its protection against the effect of steam in
maritime warfare ; and bad dilated upon the advantages
which. the French would possess. They had the sun at
their back, and they could see every vessel coming up
the channel, could calculate the time at which she would
beat a given point, and meet her, The Noble Duke had
-used the words "maritime warihre," in contradistinction
to naval warfare, because it would be impossible toprotect
ships by naval means. This proved the necessity of
providing harbours is which these ships should take re-
fuge. The Prince de Joinvillo had alluded to the facility
with which France, by her steam navy, might injure the
commercial navy of Great Britain, and recommended
the improvement of steam navigation to his countrymen,
because by it they could wound England in two points,
in which she was equally vulnerable. They could shake
the confidence cif the British people in their insular posi-
tion, and also in their maratime power. It ought to be
our object to guard against these dangers. In the har-
bour of Southwold 149,000,000 cubic feet of water,
amounting to 30,000,000 of tons, were excluded 'every
tile. Thefe were 16 inclosures in the neighbourhood of
this harbour, containing 2,724 acres, which had formerly
been melted by water. The harbour of Sandwich had
been lost in the same manner, and at Montrose there
had been an encroachment of 70 acres <A land, by which
10,000,00 Q cubic feet of water bad been lost. At
the time of the rebellion in 1745, a French
frigate had entered the harbour of Montrose,
No frigate could enter the harbour now, for they had
been malting small encroachments all round, which had
eseaped observation. Our national-prosperity depended
on our maritime supremacy. He should' wish to see all
these harbours placed under public superintendence, and
an engineer officer appointed to every district, to take
care that no encroachments should be made which
would exelude one cubic feet of water from any tidal
river. He feared that evil effects would :follow front the
enclosures on the banks of the Thames, He had op-
posed the embankment for the new Houses of Parlia-
mont. It had been reported that it might be done with
safety. He should like to know the opinion of those
who had so, reported. An erroneous idea was prevalent
- that these embankmencs increased the force of the stream
by narrowing it; but their object ought to be to increase
the body of water entering the harbour.—<Hear, bear.)
They might not to allow any municipal officers
to interfere with this subject, and if the Corporation
of London were the conservators of the river,
the Lords of the Admiralty, on behalf of the Crown,
were the conservators of the Lord Mayor and the cors
poration-,(A laugh)—and ought to take care that they
inflicted no injury on the public. The Hon. Member
concluded by moving for an address to her Majesty, that
she will be graciously pleased to appoint a Commission
to inquire into the past and present condition of the
several tidal harbours, ports, and creeks of the United
Kingdom, with the view of ascertaining the state of the
navigation, and the depth of water of these harbours,
&c. ; whether the depth .of water was greater formerly
than at the present time, and whether any and what
eztent of land over which the tide flowed at any former
period has been inclosed t under what authority the seve-
ral inclosures wore made, the effects of such inclosures
of land, and of the erection of piers,
,jetties, &c.,
in decreasing the depth, or iii improving or injuring the
navigation of the several harbours, creeks, &c. • to calll
for and e;1111114e all general reports of engineersl
and public Commissioners, relative ;h, -the construction,
I improvement, or preservation a the several ports, har-
bours, creeks, and navigEll4lo waters of the United Mug-
' dam which have 4.en 'regulated by Act of Parliament
since 1809 A the operations under such Acts, and whether
the result has, been beneficial or injurious to the naviga-
ikon of the said ports ; to inquire into the nature
of the powers. eutrusted to the Board of Admiralty,
under an tots of Parliament, for protecting the naviga-
ti,e,n of the ports and harbours of the United Kingdom, ,
and in what manner they blare exercised those powers ;
and whether more extensive and more defined powers
. may be requisite to enable them to protest ?Ad is) krt.
Ikro've 'tile harbours of this kingdo% - .1