The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-27 00:00:00

through in spite of everything—a Protecticnist Minis-
! try, ‘‘it i Lurd Stanley at its head, and a proposal to
put on a certain duty on corn. That will be proposed
as sure as we are in existence, and it will only
depend upon the strength of feeling out of doors
whether or not it will be successful.—(Chr'ers )
Mr. Roebuck next addressed himself to the working-
men of the town, and pointed out to them that it lay
with themselves to secure the. 101. householder fran-
chise. He did not know how many pots of beer
a good hardworking man might drink in a week,
but if he would only cut off one and put by. the six-
pence, that it cost, every one of the class might be a
freeman: The Honourable Member then referred 'to
a case tried •at the recent York Assizes, when two
Sheffield men were .convicted of a diabolical outrage
against one of the principal manufacturers of the
town. Trades 'unions were in • great &toe
Sheffield, and according to the manner in v. 040
that force was employed would ebe apierion
their capacity for government:- IT by tti ir.
,conduct
they persuaded the middle classes that 'there Wbellel be
danger in trusting them with the franehise, yen:ll2-
would pass away before the fatal impretesion,,could
be removed. Mr. Roebuck thee proceeded as :—Now, gentlemen, I could by taking separate
topics keep you here hour alter hour; but, as I said at
the commencement, my career as your representivive has
been mt2p by step betore you. If any proportion, or the
majority, of my constituents think I have done wrong, I
only ask of them just that fairness and good faith tout
they will tell me openly what they think. Give me an
opportunity of removing misrepresentation, setting
right that which has been wrongly conceived, and de-
fending myself if I be myself accused.—(Hear.) I believe
that from the beginning to the end I have had only your
interest at heart. My own individual aggrandizement,
after now eighteen years of public life. I may not think
myself called uptAi to talk of; and I shall believe that
any man who makes any open or covert imputation or
insinuation respecting myself and my motives must
either be very blind or very malicious. [Alderman
Dunn—Hear,. hear.] Hitherto there has been no
benefit for myself. And if, as some of you have
now and then told me, I believe, that I ought
to have been present here or there when a di-
vision took place, my answer is, it is impossible
with limited strength and human endurance to do all
that lam called upon to do. There are Members in
the House of Commons who make a glory of being in
every vote. Now, first and foremost, I honestly tell
you that many a thing is decided in that House
which I do not understand—(Laughter)—and I do
not like to vote in a matter that I do not compre-
-1 bend.—(Hear, and cheers.) I never can, and I believe
there is not a man in that House who can, understand
Ia debate upon a private Bill. Unless I really know
the contents, of a Bill and understand the matter I
always go out of the House. But if I gloried ix
being in every division this would rob me of a glory--
a most easily acquired one. It only consists in
a power of sitting—(Laughter)—and carelessness as to
the consequences of your vote. But as I believe a vote
a solemn thing, I never give one unless I understand the
matter in hand.—(Hear.) Now I have no doubt that
there are certain gentlemen in this town who take a great
interest in questions relating to Church and State.—
(Hear.) So did I. And if you listen to any one of
us who shall come -and describe to you the course of
conduct in the House of Commons with respect to ques-
tions, you will know that it is a much more easy thing to
desire a discussion than to be able to bring it on. Mr.
Cobden says that he has balloted, I believe, every time
that a ballot has taken place in the House of Commons,
for the purpose of bringing on his views about peace and
arbitration; and yet Mr. Cobden, with all his good inten-
tions, has been unable to get a night for that purpose. I,
like Mr. Cobden, had my hobby; it was not the peace
society, but it was the Church of Ireland. I tried, night
after night, to he on that ballot to get a chance. 1305
there is a set of honourable gentlemen—and we are all
honourable men—(Laughter)—who have a fancy and a
pleasure to see their names always upon the books of
the House of Commons. They are invariably pro-
posing questions about which the world takes
no earthly interest; and as sure as the day for
balloting comes round you find twenty or thirty
balloting papers which relate to those mysterious
matters that only concern the gentlemen who
propose them. The consequence is that the real work-
ing business of the days which are devoted to the
private Members is overrun by those ideal matters;
and the consequence resulting from that is, that
those in which the people really take an interest
when the people desire it cannot come on to be dis-
cussed. I will give you an illustration. There
is a body of gentlemen in this country—l dare
say you have heard talk of them—called country gen-
tlemen. Now, the country gentlemen had a great
ambition about the malt tax. They wanted to discuss
the malt tax. They, like us, found the ballot overrun.
There was no possibility of getting the malt tax dis-
cussed, but instead of the malt tax there was something
about the Raja of Sattarab or Kamschatka—(Laugh-
ter)—or something in which nobody took any interest.
Under these circumstances ten of them, I think,
combined together, and every one of them put his hand
into the box, with the full intention that the first of
them that was called should give the malt-tax for dis-
cussion ; and that was the only way in
which they were enabled to get the discussion.
They got it, and they were beaten as you
all know. If I could get ten friends to do the same
with respect to the Irish Church, I should fancy I had a
very decent minority to go out into the lobby of the House
of Commons with. Whether I shall ever get ten men into
the lobby Ido not know. But as good luck would have it-
I did get a day; and it is to explain the consequences of
that day that I favour you with the description which I
will now give you. The day came, and I was first on the
list. The Irish Church had been do*n many months on the
books of the House of Commons, and that was the first
night I had a chance of discussing it. I had taken great
pains with respect to the foreign policy of this country.
For a fortnight I was not in bed till after three in the
morning, and was necessarily obliged to be up at half-past
seven. There is but limited endurance in man—l broke
down, and when the Irish Church came on for discussion
I was lying on my bed and unable to move. I hope my
friends will take that as an apology for deserting that
which I could not help deserting.—(Applause.) I hardly
know whether I have any further explanations to make.
You know what I have done for you ; you know
the principles upon which I have acted. The time
will come—it may come more rapidly than some of
us, or at least some of you, expect—when you will
be again called upon to select your representatives.
If the sample that I have given you the last
two sessions be not to your liking, you will then
have the remedy in your own hands.—(Hear, hear.) I
am frank with you—you will then be frank with me.
I cannot alter my course of conduct, because that
course of conduct is the result of a good deal of calm
reflection. The principles which have governed that
conduct you know. The conduct itself has been before
you. If it suits you, you know how to reward the ser-
vant; if it does not suit you, you know how to punish him.
Gentlemen, I have done.—(Vehement and protracted
applause.)
The meeting, before it separated, unanimously re-
solved, " That the best thanks of this meeting are here-
by given to John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., for his inde-
pendent conduct in Parliament, and for his attendance
here this day."

THE SIR ROBERT PEEL TEST

MONIAL.

The following communication has been received by
the treasurers to the Peel Fund:—

" City of London Police, Chief-office, July 25.
" Gentlemen,—l have much satisfaction in sending to
you, at the instance of the contributors, the sum of 431.
Is., in aid of the Peel Fund,' from the officers and con-
stables of the city of London police force, being a sub-
scription of half a day's pay by each member, including
my own, as the commissioner.
I avail myself of the occasion to advert to a letter
under the signature of ' Leo,' to the editor of a morning
paper, in which the writer asserts that it is not true
that the subscription from the police force in the city of
London is voluntary. It is the result of an intimation
from their superiors that the foroo is expected to sub-
scribe half a day's pay; and while very favourable to
the subscription on general grounds, I protest against
any direction being given to the police, or any other!,
in any department on such a subject.' Nothing can be
more remote from the truth than the imputation of
Leo.' The first intimation I received of an intention
existing among the members of the force to subscribe to
the Peel Fund was in the form of an inquiry, whether I,
as the commissioner, had any objection to their subscrib-
ing a day's pay, such being the very general wish of its
members. My reply was, that while I was greatly
pleased to hear of the prevailing feeling among them, I
considered half a day's pay would be ample, and that
every man was to consider himself a free agent to sub-
scribe or not. When the subscription was placed in my
hands the superintendent observed that every officer and
constable had subscribed, except two, and at the same
time produced to me a list of names of the subscribers,
but which I declined to receive, inasmuch as it would be
to make me acquainted with the names and numbers of
the men who had declined to subscribe, and they will
consequently remain unknown to me.
" It is my uniform practice to allow every man the
same privilege of thinking and acting that I claim for
myself.
" I feel sure that you will concur with me in the
opinion that whoever assumes to enter a protest which
implicates the official conduct of the individual to whom
it relates should take oars to be well-informed as to his
facts. I willingly admit that the character of a publio
man is public property, but it is not therefore open to the
malicious attack of every unmanly assailant who may
choose to shelter his malevolence under a fictitious sig•
nature. " I am, Gentlemen, your faithful servant,
" D. W. HARVEY."
" To the Treasurer of the Peel Fund."

ABATEMENT OF RENT.—At the rent audits ill.,
cently held by Mr. Horncastle for the Venerable the Dog'
and Chapter of York, Sir Henry Fitz-Herbert, Bart., and
Henry Frederick Walker, Esq., returns were made, varying
according to circumstances, from 7i to 12 per cent., upon
the half- year's rent due at Lady-day last. Edward Coke, Esq.,
ofwa Luonndgefrosrtda,nnde atrh
athat Derby,
an
had been given to one tenant, who did not apprise the others,
inhtaismreatdinuncendf hiaisrr. ecnntshleo,B pienrtecnentito.n;
d havinge d the rtenn
re-pocket
ea-updnintk
awith h thee i3O fallr.
r
The trustees of the Wakefield
raceneundtta.cl:7ndstelietuiireilingtrlwaytaittishceagytrieoaanttt.enat
Charity (Sir Oswald Mosley, Bart., acting trustee) returned
20 per cent. to the tenants on Monday, the 15th instant.
Derby Mercury.
Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, 1645.
r A DVEISTISEMENT.]An7ieTa.::,huandEd
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