The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-31 00:00:00

FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 31, 1850.

which he proposed.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon.
Baronet concluded by making the motion of which he
had given notice.

M. W. EVANS seconded the motion; and in doing
so his begged it might be understood that he was no sup-
porter of protection against free trade. He looked upon
this question as one of either freedom or slavery. If in the
course he was now adopting, be was inconsistent with
wbat he bad hitherto done, he was in the situation of
those who considered second thoughts best.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

Sir James Duke paired off in favour of Lord
Ashley's motion with Colonel Hon. H. C. Lowther.

THE LONDON GAZETTE.

(THIS EVENING.)

FOREIGN.OFFICE, AfiY 31, 1850.
The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint the
Eton. William Steff)rd Jeruingham, now Paid Attade
to her Majesty's Legation at the Hague, to be Secretary
to her Majesty's Legation at Rio de Janeiro.

W IIiTEHALL, MAY 31.
The Queen has been pleased to pre,eut the Reverend
Thomas Gamier, 11. A., to the Rectory of Trinity
Church, St. Marylehone, in the diocese of London, and
county of Middle!ex, the same being void by the resig-
nation of the Very Reverend Gilbert Elliot, now Dean
of Bristol.

WAR-OFFICE, MAY 31.
7th Regiment of Light Dragoons—Ensign Charles
Kavanagh, from the 3d Foot, to be Cornet, vice West,
who exchanges, May 31.
17th Light Dragoons Cornet Godfrey Charles
Morgan to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Russell,
who retires, May 31.
3d Regiment of Foot—Cornet Frederick Myddleton
West, from the 7th Light Dragoons, to be Ensign, vice
Kavanagh, who exchanges, May 31.
16th Foot—Lieutenant Henry James Stephenson,
from the 87th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Graham, who
exchanges, March 22.
.23d Foot—Second Lieutenant Trevor Hope Ed-
warders, to be First Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Marsh who retires, May 31.
50th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon John Clay Purves,
M.D., from the 94th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice
Stoney, who exchanges, May 31.
87th Foot—Lieuteuant William Blake Graham, from
the 18th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Stephenson, who
echanges, March 22.
94th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon Andrew Acres Stoney,
from the 50th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice
Purees, who exchanges. May 31.
GARAI/WHS.—The Rev. James Millar to be Chaplain
to the Garrison of Edinburgh Castle, vice the Reverend
William Beattie Smith, who has been permitted to retire
upon a military allowance, May 16.
MEMORANDUM.—The Christian names of Lieutenant
Vivian. of the 15th Light Dragoons, are "James Ed-
wards," not " James Edward," us stated in the Gazette
of 17th May 1850. The Christian names of Paymaster
Boyd, of the let Dragoons, are " Robert Thomas
Browne," not "Robert Browne Thomas."
Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Berkshire.
• Hungerford Troop of Yeomanry Cavalry—James Hay
Erskine Wemyss, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Capel Coape,
promoted, May 18.
Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Gloucestershire.
Royal Gloucestershire Regiment of Hussar Yeomanry
—Lieutenant Edward Hobson to be Captain, rite
Vaughan, resigned, May 28.
t Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ayrshire.
The Prince Regent's Royal Regiment of Ayrshire
Militia—Charles Vereker Hamilton, Gent., to be Captain,
vice Charles Sommerville Macalester, promoted, May 17.
WHITEHALL, MAY 25.
The Lord Chancellor has appointed Joseph Nowell, of
Barton-upon-Humber, in the county of Lincoln, Gent.,
to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of
Chancery. _

WHITEHALL, MAY 29.
The Lord Chancellor has appointed John Smith, cf
Andover, in the county of Southampton, Gent., to be a
Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery.
BANKRUPTS.
John Perko, furrier, Cross-street Islington, to sur
render, June 14, at two, and July 9, at eleven, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, official assignee, Ab-
church-lane, Lombard-street; Lowrance and Plews, Old
Jewry-chambers.

Joitri Jackson, eating-house keeper, Mark-lane, June
11, at twelve, and July 11, at eleven, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman-street.
buildings, Fenchurch-street; Wright and Bonner, Lon-
don-street, Fenchurch-street.

Friend Westover, cheesemonger, Lewisham, Kent,
June 13, and July 13, at twelve, at the Court of Bank-
ruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Guildhall-chambers,
Basingball-street; Bristow and Tarrant, Bond court,
Wallbrook.

Samuel. Adams, gun and pistol manufacturer, Bir-
mingham, June 11, and July 10, at twelve, at the Bir-
mingham District Court. Whitmore, official assignee,
Birmingham; Nalder, Bristol.
Augustus Keapel Holman cloth manufacturer, Wort-
ley, Leeds, June 14 and July 26, at eleven, at the Leeds
District. Court. Young, official assignee ; Atkinson,
Dibb, and Atkinson ; E. and J. M. Barret, Leeds.
Wallis James Garrett, grocer, Bath,. June 15 and
July 16, at elevee, at the Bristol District Court.
Acraman, official assignee, Bristol; Berkeley, Lincoln's
Inn-fields; Cattle and Bender:on, Bristol.

PRICE OF SUGAR.
The Average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, com-
puted from returns made in the week ending May 98,
1850, exclusive of Cust, m Duties paid or payable thereon
on the importatian thereof into Great Britain:—
From the British possessions in America 245. 3d. per cwt.
From the Mauritius ... 225. lid. „
From the East Indies
..• ... 265. 6d. „
Average price of the three foregoing de-
scriptions of sugar, jointly, computed as
above, and exclusive of duty ... 245. lid.
By authority of Parliament,
HENRY BICKN xt.r.., Clerk of the Grocers' Company.
Grocers'-hall, May 31.

CENTRAL GAS CONSUMERS' COMPANY
Yesterday, on the re-assembling of the Committee,
Mr. Cardwell in the chair, after hearing Mr. War-
ren, for the Commercial, and Mr, Corrie, for the Bri-
tish Gas Light Companies' in opposition to the Pro-
moters of the Central Gas Consumers' Bill.
The Hors. CHAIRMAN, addressing the parties said,
reference had been made in the course of the pro-
ceedings to the excitement that had existed in the
City on the subject of better and cheaper gas, and
read a few observations which he was unanimously
desired by the Committee to make before clearing the
room :—lt is now agreed on both sides that gas shall
hereafter be supplied to the citizens of London at 4s.
per 1,000 cubic feet, with the possibility of a further
reduction in price. It has appeared in evidence that
all parties originally objected to the establishment of
a new company, if the object could be attained
through the instrumentality of companies already
established. It has further appeared that the old
companies steadily refused to make the required
concession, and were only induced at last to do so by
the organisation and perseverance of the promoters of
this Bill, and that the gas consumers of the City are
indebted to the promoters for the advantage thus ob-
tained. Having referred to these particulars, the
Committee are willing, if the parties desire it, to
adjourn the consideration of the preamble.
Mr. HILL, Q C., on the part of the promoters, had
no objection to that course.
Mr. HOPE, QC , was instructed on behalf of the
City companies to say that they had no desire for an
adjournment, but would leave the matter with the
Committee.

The room was then cleared, and the Committee
having deliberated about a quarter of an hour, and
being given to understand that there was no proba-
bility of any compromise or arrangement being made
between the parties, the public were re-admitted, and
The CHAIRMAN said he had to acquaint them that
the question "that the preamble of the Bill is proved,"
had been put and agreed to, and that the decision of
the Committee had been unanimous. With respect
to the two companies trading without the,walls of the
City, the Commercial and the British Gas Light Com •
pany, the Committee would' be desirous in framing
any clauses to take the course which might be most
reasonable as regarded their respective interests.
Mr. Ilmtsaid he hoped, as far as possible, his clients
would concur, and the Committee adjourned till Mon-
day next.

course in a distracted state, and not till the mcrning did the
possibility of the child being locked up in the church all
night occur to her. The s,xton was applied to; and on
opening the church door the child was found seated at one of
the windows She state; that she slept soundly till the sun
shone in at the windows ; and she was not at all frightened ;
and that immediately she awoke she went to the window, in
the expectation of seeing some one pass whom she might
call to her assistance.—Brighton Gazette.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 30.
(Continued from our Fourth Edition of last night.)
Air. COW AN seconded the motion.
SUNDAY LABOUR IN THE POST-OFFICE.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could
assure his Noble Friend and the House, that in opposing
the motion he was fully sensible of the feeling enter-
tained by many persons upon this subject, and should be
exceedingly sorry to he supposed, from any word that
he should say, to differ at all from the view the Noble
Lord had expressed of the value of the Sabbath-day.
(Hear, hear.) But this motion went but a very small
way towards carrying that view into effect. If the ob-
ject were that no libour should be performed on the
Sabbath, a very difiet eat motion would be required; be-
cause, even as to persons employed in the public service,
the Noble Lord was in error when he supposed that these
were the only persons upon whom Sunday labour was
imposed. What did he say to the case ot the Police, the
Exciseman, the Coast Guard, the Custom-house officer,
all of whom were often called upon on the Sunday ?
(Hear, hear.) He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
had mentioned persons connected with his own depart-
ment ; but there were many other class of servants, pri-
vate and public, from whom the Noble Lord could not
venture to propose to take away the burden of Sunday
labour. That it should be reduced to a minimum, both in
public and private establishments, no one felt more
strongly than himself;— (Hear.) And he hoped to show
that upon this subject the Government had not been neg-
ligent, but had within the last two years carried that
principle to an extent never contemplated previously,
and far exceeding what had been done in the last halt
century.—(Hear.) He had to thank the Noble Lord for
acknowledging so frankly what the Government had
done; because for the last six months the Government
had been subjected to the grossest mis-statements of
fact as to what they had been doing for the past two
years.—(Hear.) For those two years the Noble Lord at
the head of the Post-office department, and gentlemen
connected with the administration of that office, had been
unremitting in their endeavours to reduce the amount of
Sunday labour—(Hear)—and it was a proof how
strangely things were sometimes tsken up in this coun-
try, that the very measure which effected the largest re-
duction was treated as one in the opposite direction,
and tending very largely to increase Sunday labour!—
(Hear, bear.) He could not help suspecting that some
portion of the feeling manifested had taken its rise in
the mis-statements which were circulated in the country
upon this question—(Heer, hear)—he did not at all mean
to say that an honest feeling did not exist upon the sub-
ject, but really the most extraordinary mis-statements
had been circulated, and conduct was imputed to the
Government the very reverse of that which they
were pursuing.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He would
state generally the effect of the measures the Govern-
ment had pursued. The effect had been to relieve from
any Sunday labour, preventing attendance on divine
worship, no less than 8,000 persons in the United King-
dow.—(Hear, hear.) The measure which excited so
much feeling was the temporary employment of about
25 clerks in London on the Sunday for a very few
months; 27 clerks had been employed in the London
Post-office on Sunday for years without exciting obser-
vation, and it was proposed to employ temporarily 25
more; and that was a portion of a general measure—and
it was unjust to consider what took place in one parti-
cular town and exclude what took place in the rest of the
country—that was part of a general measure, by which
in England upwards of 6,000 persons were relieved. It
had since been extended to Scotland and Ireland, and
2,000 more were relieved.—(Hear, hear.) But what had
been the effect with respect to London, where the out-
cry arose? Why, not only had the additional employ-
ment of 25 persons (to bring the new system into opera-
tion) been discontinued, but the 27 persons heretofore
employed had by subsequent arrangements been reduced
to four.—(Hear, hear.) In London the 27 persons em-
ployed had been reduced to a clerk and three messengers.
and in the country generally the persons connected with
the Post-office had been relieved to the number of 8,000;
and with the exception of those who attended (as we under-
stood) to the receipt and delivery of the mails, and who
would not be relieved even by the proposal of the Noble
Lord, no person was debarred from the opportunity of at-
tending public worship on Sunday.—(Hear, hear.) He
would appeal to the House whether such attacks as had
been made upon the Post-office department were jus-
tified.—(Hear, hear.) He had certainly felt very
strongly the exceeding injustice of the attacks made upon
the department by persons who never took the trouble to
ascertain what the facts were.—(Hear.) He hoped the
House would take what the Government had done as a
pledge and earnest that they were willing to the greatest
possible degree they believed practicable to carry further
this reduction of Sunday labour—(Hear)—and he was
perfectly ready, with reference to the latter part of this
resolution, to undertake that inquiry should be mad•
how far it was possible still further to reduce the con-
veyance of the mails on Sunday.—(Hear, hear.) But
the proposal of the Noble Lord was, first, that there
should be no collection of letters on the Sunday in the
country--that was, that the Post-office messengers
should not be sent round to collect the letters, but tt at
people should be at liberty to put them in on the Sun-
day—though, if there was to be no dispatch on the
Sunday. that would not he: much. Now, so far as the
Post-office was concerned, this was (we understood) in
operation; so far as the Post office was earl-
cereed, it was perfectly easy to close the office;
it was es question for the public to determine;
and where any district had expressed its wish
that there should be no collection and no de-
livery of letters, that wish of the inhabitants was con-
formed to.—(Hear.) The second question was one of
greater difficulty, because it involved a very consider-
able delay in the transmission of letters to many parts of
the country. It was, after all, not so much a question
for the Government as for the country to decide. If the
country was prepared to forego the receipt and delivery
of its letters on Sunday, and to submit to the inconvee
nience which the delay of the transmission of mails on
Sunday would impose upon it, there was no difficulty, so
far as the Post-office was concerned. But he believed
that the country would find that this imposed excee l-
ing great difficulty and hardship upon it—(llear)
and he confessed he thought ho was faithfully represent-
ing the great majority of the people when he said that
such a course ought not to be adopted.—(Hear.) A
petition was presented from Bath, but there came a
counter-petition from many persons in that place repre-
senting the hardship that the measure asked for would
inflict upon them ; they stated that the persons living
there had connexions in every part of the globe, and
that early intelligence from them and communication to
theta was an object of great solicitude.—(Hear.) Was
not that so with all persons of all classes, from the highest
to the lowest? In the case of the highest, indeed, many
means of obviating the difficulty might be resorted to. It
was easy to send a message by electric telegraph, or to send
a messenger—for the Noble Lord did not propose to stop
the trains. But that was not in the power of the great
majority—it was not in the power of the poorer or the
working-classes; and believing that to them, no less than
to the wealthy, early intelligence from relations and
friends was an object of great interest and anxious soli-
citude, he was unwilling to debar them from the advan-
tage which the Post-office gave them.—(Hear, hear.)
The question had been raised in the United States, in
many parts of which stricter notions prevailed upon the
observance of the Sabbath than in England; but upon
consideration they came to the same conclusion as ho
hoped that House would come to. They were desirous
of a diminution of Sunday labour, but they felt that it
could not be utterly discontinued; that the comfort and
happiness of a large portion of the people were essen-
tially promoted by the regular transmission of the mails.
—(Bear, hear.) This was not a question of revenue;
the revenue would not be affected by the decision; he
utterly disclaimed that consideration; but he belie. ed the
comfort and happiness of a great portion of the people
were promoted by a very small degree of Sunday labour
in the transmission of the mails, and he believed the evil
was much less than the advantage. Wherever Sunday
labour could be diminished, the Government were per-
fectly ready to diminish it; but they did not think it
would conduce to the real happiness of the great body
of the people that it should be utterly and entirely dis-
continued.—(Hear, hear.)
Col. THOMPSON said, that regard being had to the
part which he had formerly taken with respect to this
question, he might expose himself to the charge of
cowardice if he did not at once announce his decided
objection to the motion. The Noble Lord who intro-
duced the motion said ho would decline all theological
argument, but, at the same time, he declared that all
scriptural churches and all sects were unanimous upon
the question of Sabbath observance. Now, for his part,
he believed that as long as Christianity, and not Judaism,
was the religion of the great majority of the people of
this country, the belief would prevail amongst a con-
siderable number that the observance of Sunday after
the Judaical manner was not only not enjoined by
Scripture, but absolutely prohibited by it. The great
Author of Christianity himself was exposed to the same
imputations as might be cast upon the humblest of his
followers, when he went against the received opinion of
his country and his age with respect to the observance
of the Sabbath. Another high authority, second only
to Christ—the apostle par excellence—the Apostle of the
Gentiles—would allow no man to judge another in re-
spect of the Sabbath-day. Christians were relieved from
the most onerous of Jewish rites only on the same grounds
and authority by which they were liberated from the
severe observance of the Sabbath. No such observ-
ance of the Sabbath was required by the early Christian
Church. The expression of the " Lord's day" was ,
used by the early Christian Church because it was
thought proper to devote the first day of the week to the I

which commemoration of the great event w it was thought
could never be brought too frequently before the eyes
of Christians. But the Lord's day than was observed
without severity; the early Christians merely held
meetings and made charitable contributions on that day.
Luther made it a point to buy sonlethinx every Sunday,
in order, as he said, to prove his Christian liberty; and
Calvin said the only reason he could assign fur the ob-
servance of the Sabbath being so strictly enjoined to the
Jews was, that it was the only means by which relaxa-
tion could be provided for the multitude of slaves they
hold in bondage. The Church of England gave the
Commandments from Exodus, but drew no inference
from them. It had fallen to his lot to experience the
inconvenience arising from the London Post-oliice being
closed on Sundays. He once attended on a Saturday
the deathbed of his wife's brother, who fell a victim
to an attack of cholera in a village near the metropolis.
The young man died at three o'clock on the Mon-
day morning, and he was unable to tend A letter on the

subject to his sister in France until eight o'clock on
the same evening. The impossibility of communicating
aggravated his sufferings at the moment. It was possible.
that some rich commercial men who could afford to spend
20/. cccasionally on an express would be very glad to see
their poorer brethren deprived of the advantage of re-
ceiving letters on Sunday; but there was no general feel-
ing amongst the commercial classes in favour of the pro-
posed change. He hoped that the time was approaching
when Sunday would be rendered practically advantageous
to that large class of men in this country which was
without political influence, but was fast advancing in
knowledge and intelligence, and which would soon en-
force the necessity of admitting it within the barriers of
the con.setution. Every facility should be given to enable
that class to obtain literary information on its day of
rest. The House would be takir6e a step in the opposite
direction to declare that the humbler classes should
neither send nor receive communications on Sundays.
Mr. PLUMPTRE expressed his dissent from the views
of the last speaker, and maintained that the holy obser-
vance of the Sabbath-day was enjoined by the decalogue.
The analogy which the Chancellor of the Exchequer
sought to establish between policemen and letter-carriers
and deliverers failed, because the policeman's labours
were labours of necessity.
Mr. MUNTZ was glad that the Noble Lord had
altered the latter part of his motion as it stood on the
paper, because, although he was anxious to prevent the
delivery of letters on Sunday, he had no wish to stop
the transmission of mails on that day. Much had been
said about the hardship to which Post-office officials
were subjected under the present system, but the sys-
tem was productive of great inconvenience to private in-
dividuals also. For his part, he was quite tired of
reading and writing letters on Sunday.—(Hear, hear,
and laughter.) If ail persons were placed un the same
footing no injury could arise to any one from the aboli-
tion of the Sunday delivery. Take his word fur it, that,
if the Noble Lord's proposition were carried into effect
throughout the kingdom, everybody would rejoice at it
after a fortnight's experience. It was farcical to pre-
tend that the delivery of letters on a Sunday was a mat-
ter of essential importance to every petty provincial
town when the merchants of this great metropolis
went without their correspondence on that day with-
out complaint. He did not rely so much on the
religious part of the question as others did ;
but he thought every man was entitled to
the Sunday as a day of rest, and to employ it as ho
liked. He cared not whether the observance of Sunday
sprang from Judaism or nct. However established, it
was a benefaction to mankind. His own experience sa•
tisfied him that if the Legislature and the Government
were not to maintain the observance of Sunday, it
would soon be converted into a work-day. Masters
would soon force their workmen to labour on Sundays,
as some masters now compelled their men to work longer
than they oughl to do on week days. For the reasons
he had stated, the Noble Lord's motion should receive
his cordial support.
Mr. FORSTER denied that the petitions presented
in favour of the Noble Lord's proposition expressed the
opinion of the more intelligent portion of the commu-
nity. To show that such petitions were got up, he in-
instanced a case when, a petition having been
presented purporting to be from a borough of 15,000
inhabitants, and signed, in some instances by persons
whose names he did not recognise, a counter-petition
was sent to him for presentation signed by the magis-
trates and all the principal traders and shopkeepers of
the place. Ile hoped the independent Members of that
House would have the courage, as ho believed they had
the inclination, to oppose the motion.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For Lord Ashley's motion ... 93
Against it ... 63
_

Majority ... ... —25
The announcement of the numbers was received with
expressions of applause.
MINISTERS' MONEY (IRELAND.)
Mr. FAGAN presented several petitions against
ministers' money in Ireland, and, referring to a state-
ment which had been made in his absence by the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government, requested a repe-
tition of the announcement then made. After that an-
nouncement it would be impolitic to press his motion.
Lord J. RUSSELL repeated, that as the question
was under the consideration of the Government, it was
desirable that the Hon. Member should not proceed
with his motion, and hi had no hesitation in adding
that not later than the commencement of next session
the Government would be prepared to propose a measure
on the subject.
Mr. HUME hoped that the question relating to a
similar impost in Edinburgh and Montrose would be
settled at the same time.
Sir G. GREY had already stated that the second re-
port on that subject bad been recently presented by Mr.
Lefevre, but as the proposition therein mooted affected
materially the interests of the Kirk of Scotland, it was
desirable, before any action on the part of the Govern-
ment, that that body should have time to consider and
express an opinion on the subject.
Mt. HAMILTON had always thought the question of
ministers' money one which ought to be settled by the
Government. There were circumstances which it was
desirable to remedy, and he hoped the question, so long
disputed, would now be satisfactorily adjusted.
ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT.
Lord J. RUSSELL, with reference to the notice he
had given, that he should in Committee of the whole
House move fur leave to bring in a Bill to "regulate the
mode of administering the oath of abjuration to persona
professing the Jewish religion," observed that it was not
his intention to make any s:atement on the subject, for
he did not think the House would object to grant him
leave to bring in the Bill, seeing they had twice passed a
measure based on the same principle. In moving the
second reading of the Bill, he should state the reasons on
which the measure was fouuded, and why he thought
legislation on the subject desirable. There being so
much doubt and uncertainty with respect to the law, and
it being a matter for consideration whether Jews might
not come to the table of the House and take the oath on
as good grounds as persons belonging to the Society of
Friends—a course, however, which it would be decidedly
not right to take—he thought it desirable that both
Houses of Parliament should have an opportunity of
considering the question in all its bearings as to what
was the intention of the present oath of abjuration, and
what course ought to be taken in the matter.
Mr. NEWDEGATE expressed his regret that, after
the strong proof of religious feeling afforded that evening,
the Noble Lord should have persisted in a measure
which raised a question us to the maintenance of the
Christian character of the House. When the Noble
Lord rimed the second reading of the Bill, he should
move that the Bill be read a second time that day six
months. Be was confident he would be supported by
the same strong feeling out of doors, the force of which
might be traced in the division of that evening.
Mr. PLUMPTRE would second the amendment of
his Hon. Friend (Mr. Newdegate) when the proper time
arrived. He protested against the measure in any shape,
and would take every opportunity to offer it his decided
opposition.
The House having then resolved itself into a Com-
mittee of the whole House, and after a resolution therein
agreed to,
Lord J. RUSSELL obtained leave to bring i❑ a Bill
to " regulate the mode of administering tho oath of ab-
juration to persons professing the Jewish religion."
The matter then dropped.
COMPOUND HOUSEHOLDERS.
Sir W. CLAY obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
amend the law for the registration of certain persons
commonly known as " compound householders," and to
facilitate the exercise by such persons of their right to
vote in the election of borough Members to serve in Par-
liament.
ENGLISH AND IRISH UNIVERSITIES.
On the order of the day for the resumption of the de-
bate. on Mr. Heywood's motion relating to this subject,
Mr. GLADSTONE said, that when he gave notice,
in an early part of the day, of his intention to move the
postponement of this adjourned debate, it was in the be-
lief (which he was sure was shared by every Member
who heard him) that there was not the least probabi-
lity, in the ordinary course of business,. that this subject
would come on before eleven or twelve o'clock at night.
Had he been aware of the course which business had
actually taken, he know of no reason why the debate
I should not have been resumed that evening. He should
be the last to ask the House to show great indulgence
to Members who neglected their duty; but, considering
a circumstance which was known to all, (alluding, we
presume, to the dinner at the Mansion-house to Lord
Gough), and considering also the general expectation
that it would not come on, he did not think it unrea-
sonable to ask the House not to go on with the discus-
sion that night. With the single exception of himself and
the Hon. Member for the University of Dublin, all the
other representatives of the Universities were absent, as
were also the Right Hoe. Gentleman the Member for Tam-
worth and other Gentlemen who were deeply interested
in the question, particularly some lawyers of great emi-
nence, who believed that it involved a constitutional
point of great importance, and who were desirous to
*pen up that topic.—(Hear, hear.) Another question
which had been raised, very much to his surprise, was
that the discussion should be dropped altogether. He
hardly knew whether it was necessary for him to go into
an argument on that matter, because it was difficult for
hire to persuade himself that any Gentleman who
sat in that House, and who was in the least degree con-
' versant with the history of the Universities and the
actual relations between them and the State, could se-
riously imagine that the question of an inquiry by a
Royal Commission was so slight and trivial as not to de-
serve discussion in that House.—(Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown had in the
fairest manner admitted that it did deserve discussion.
Ho was quite sure the Noble Lord was right, and that
it was for the interest of the Noble Lord's own view of
the question that it should be discussed. He begged the
House to remember that they had yet bad almost no de•
bate upon the question whether a royal commissio❑
should be issued—because the debate upon that point
had virtually commenced with the speech of the Noble
Lord at a late hour of the evening. He begged likewise
to observe that the organs of the Government had ac:
quainted him and the other representatives of the Uni-
versities in an early part of the evening in question, that
the Government intended to meet the motion of the Hon,

]Member fir North Lanctt hireJ(Hr.lleywood) with the
previous question. He felt asoured that the turn and
the torte of the debate would have been very different

from what they were if Hon. Members previously had
had any idea of the serious and formidable announce-
ment of the Noble Lord; for, however much the Noble
Lord might feel the strength of the reasons which in-
duced him to make it, there was no denying that it WEI 6

a serious and famiClable announcetnent to snake.
(Hear, hear.) lie begged to state that the intention of
himself and his friends was directly to raise the question,
wheth,r the proceeding which the Noble Lord had an-
nounced was or was not an unconstitutional proceeding.
They did not intend merely to debate the question
whether it was expedient to institute an inquiry into tt,e
state of the Universities—not merely whether there was
a case to warrant the interference of the State. The in- '