The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-15 00:00:00

was equally satisfactory that is afforded to us con-
cerning the law on the press in France, but in this,
the weak poiat of his Government, though long
years are changing circumstances, the Em-
peror NAPOLEON seems resolved to keep to his
first decrees with a zeal worthy of a better cause.
It is of no use to talk of liberty when a gagged
press can bo pointed out by the critic, and it is in-
deed a pity that no friend or adviser can be found
to assure the EMPEROR of the fatal error he is com-
mitting in this respect, and the injuries he is in-
flicting on his reputation by interposing these
constant restrictions upon the expression of public
opinion. The [policy of Russia seems still to
agitate the French writers, and La Patrie
contains a dissertation upon its tendency, and the
best mode to adopt to check its encroachments. It
declares that no danger will arise if the Western
Powers will, by " mutual agreement," present a for-
midable barrier to the schemes of the St. Peters-
burg Cabinet. The best way will be to terminate
this crisis, and thus put a stop to the present system
of encroachment. There are certainly not
wanted many subjects of an angry nature for
discussion just now, but there is some reason in
this piece of advice just quoted. The worst of it
is that the Western Powers are so divided amongst
themselves that there seems little or no chance of
combining with that complete and perfect
unanimity which can alone effect the triumph of an
undertaking and secure its permanence. There
seems little to choose between the policy of Berlin
and St. Petersburg, except that the former is more
insidious.

THE presence of her Majesty's second son M
the loyal colony named "in honour of our good
Queen," as the Victorians remind us, gives mom
than'ordinFY interest to the affairs of that rising
State. Whatever question there may be 61 the
loyalty of home of her Majesty's subjects nearer
home, there hi no room for any doubt at the anti-
podes. The reception which the Duke of EDIN-
BURGH has received places that beyond controversy.
But apart from this link of enthUsiastic loyalty,
which keeps up the attachment of these vast
colonies with tho mother country half the
circumference of the world removed from
them, there are political and commercial
interests connected with them at the pre-
sent moment entitled to grave consideration at
home. This is especially the case with Victoria-
Erected into a separate State as recently as 1851, it
has already experienced difficulties of parlia-
mentary government such as England has never
had in 600 years. During the visit of Prince
ALFRED a sort of coup d'gtat was in existence.
One of the chief functions of the Legislature
was being discharged by the law courts.
The Council and Legislative Assembly—the two
Houses of Parliament—had been prorogued with a
view to a dissolution without voting the supplies,
and the only means which Sir HENRY MANNERS
SUTTON had to carry on the Government was to
permit countless actions or petitions to be brought
against the QUEEN in the Supreme Court of the
colony. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL "confessed judg-
ment," and then, agreeably to English precedent,
the Executive was empowered to apply
the accruing revenues to meet the expenditure.
The conflict betw.e'en the two Houses which
resulted in this state of things is without a
parallel. It began three years since, in January
1865, on an alleged invasion of the privileges of
the Council by the Assembly, and the dead-lock
which has existed from that time seems likely to
continue for months, if not years, to come.
The question at issue is one of privilege. As
the result of the general election in 1864, an unfor-
tunate change came over the counsels of the
M'CuLLocii Ministry. They became Protectionists.
They proposed to substitute for a simple tariff, with
eight or ten articles subject to duty, a tariff of
great complexity, with sufficiently high duties "to
pkuict-C. itaGive inaustry and. "to encourage Rome
manufacture." The Assembly, elected by ballot
and universal suffrage, attempted to smuggle this
through the Council by including it in the same
bill which appropriates the supplies for the year.
The Council is the counterpart of our House of
Lords, except that it is an elective body. Its mem-
bers are elected by the professional and propertied
classes. 'l'hey were opposed to the principle of
protection, and considered that they were entitled
to be heard before the new policy was adopted.
Being by the Constitution unable to alter the
Supply Bill, they rejected it. A long struggle
ensued, which it is unnecessary to detail. At length
an appeal was made to the constituencies, which
brought a still more Protectionist majority. The
Tariff Bill was sent up in a separate form, and the
Council, deferring to the express wish of the
country, accepted it. This did not take place till
April 1866. There, however, the struggle might
have ended but for the part which the Governor,
Sir CHARLES DARLING, took ill it. He had
authorised the collection of the new duties before
they had received the assent of the Upper
House. Addresses were sent to Her MAJESTY
complaining of his conduct, and at the
critical moment, when the two Houses
seemed to have a prospect of reconciliation, came
the Governor's recall. Immediately the old feud
was revived. The Assembly voted an address of
condolence to Sir CuAraxs, and a grant of 4'20,000
to Lady DARLING. Mr. CARDWELL, then the
Foreign Secretary, ruled that this grant could not
be sanctioned by Her MAJESTY. Sir CHARLES
DARLING was told that its acceptance would
necessitate his withdrawal from the colo-
nial service and the forfeit of his pension.
Sir CHARLES, cashiered and without prospect of
immediate employment elsewhere, determined to
take the money if he could get it. For it now
became a question whether the terms of Mr. CARD-
WELL'S letter were to be construed as a condition
of accepting the grant, or as a penalty for doing so.
The Assembly took one view, and the Council the
opposite. The new Governor, Sir HENRY MANNERS
SUTTON, recommended the Council to vote the sum
"in anticipation of receiving which Sir CHARLES
DARLING had retired from the colonial service."
Refusing this, they were asked to consent
to a temporary supply of half a million,
but, fearing that the obnoxious grant might
be included in it, they rejected this proposal
also, thus driving the unfortunate Governor to the
necessity of administering the colony without the
power of spending a penny except by the orders of
the law-courts, and that, too, when the second son
of Her MAJESTY was his guest. Such has been the
constitutional struggle in Victoria. The popular
branch of the Legislature has claimed not only
that no money shall be granted without its con-
sent, but the far wider exclusive privilege to
grant what moneys it may think proper, and
for what purposes. It has resented the inter-
ference of the Upper House as "an attempt
by indirect means to obtain co-ordinate authority
with the Legislative Assembly in dealing with the
finances of the colony." The Assembly having thus
shewn a determination to have its way, the Council
has sent an address to Her MAJESTY, submitting
that the proposed grant was not a matter with
which the Victoria Legislature should deal, and
praying that she would signify her 11-,vai will and
pleasure on the subject. If her 11Iaj.2st's
they will probably do so ;
Ministers advise the Upper House to
Give way
if the sarnen.lvicc 1.);
tendered to the Assembly, the issue is har•ller to
-111,1 v,
predict.

Notwithstanding the severity of the weather •it
is encouraging to find that the condition of the
public health is highly satisfactory. According to
the return of the Registrar-General, the deaths in
the metropolis during the week ending Saturday,
January 11, were 1,574, or 225 less than the cor-
rected average. This return is the more satisfac-
tory, as there was some reason to apprehend a dif-