The Sun.
London, England, 1850-09-25 00:00:00

aint.vec. !lifjklf

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1850

An ancient festival is now being celebrated midway
between t'ae town of rhyl and the city of St. Asaph,
at the ruins of the castle of Rhuddlan. In an age of
innovation like the present, when regard is princi-
pally restricted to the most modern institutions, and
to the most recently contrived ceremonials, it becomes
peculiarly interesting to observe the continuance of
old customs, or the revival of antique festivities—and
this not so much as a subject interesting to antique-
ries, as one important to all who are anxious to wit-
ness the maintenance of the spirit of nationality.
Nowhere is this preservative principle more requisite
than in the country of the ancient Britons, where
it is rendered just now especially necessary as a
means of counteracting the influence of those edu-
cational improvements which must before long be in-
troduced among the Welch multitude, and which,
unless thus counteracted, must tend in a great mea-
sure to obliterate the national character. At any
time, therefore, the public could scarcely fail to re-
mark with interest the celebration of this ancient fes
tival, the festival of the Congress of Bards, otherwise
called the Royal Eisteddvod, but more particularlz,
must that popular interest in its performance be en-
hanced at a time like this, so singularly calculated to
diffuse. its most beneEcill influences. It will copse.
quently be with no inconsiderable curiosity or satis•
fiction that the gent.raliry of lettered readers wil;
scrutinize the reports published of the proccedingoi
colis:ituticg the current feast of the Eisteddvod, and
distirguirbing it from its scarcely numerable prede-
cessors. Contrasted with those predecessors, the pre
sent celebration may Lack much of the ancient splen-
dour of the .Eisteddvod, either when held in the pre •
scnce of the Prince of Powii at nithraval, of the
Prince of South \Vales at Dinevawr, or of the Prince
of North Wales at Aberftraw. In all other respects,
however, the Eisteddvod of 1850 may -dispute the
palm with all competitors, from the year
1100, the year of its first celebration, when the Prince
GRITEFUDD invited across St. George's Channel the
most illustrious of the bard a of Ireland to aid him i❑
compiling a code of laws for the better conduct of
the Cambrian musicians. Under the presidency of
Lord MoszyN, in the reign of Queen VICTORIA, and
under the especial patronage of his Royal ll:ghness
ALBERT, the youthful Prince of \Vales, the Rhuddlan
Royal Eisteddvod assumes to itself, in 1850, a dis-
tinction in no degree inferior to that enjoyed on any
prior occasion of its celebration.

Acting under the inspiration :of the bard alaw
(PARRY), who twenty years ago ventured, in
spite of enormous opposition, to combine the
wi:cheries of modern and ancient music in
the performance cf this great national ceremony,
the peseams entrusted with the direction and m snap •
ment of the present year's Eisteddvcd, headed by the
organist at the cathedral of St. Asaph, have
resolved to carry out the scheme of the fes-
tivities in this artistic particular on a' scale
of unusual magnitud-i and of unprecedented
excellence. Learning this intention, the general ex-
pectations of the attendants of the Eistedivod must
perforce have been materially increased ; yet
not so much so, we are satisfied; j(from the
ability of those deputed to preside over
the proceadings), as to lead to anything like disap-
pointment. Whatever may be thought of the su •
perior attractions of the modern and snore cultivated
system of music, as it will he represented on this oc-
caeelor, we are persuaded, from the very nature of
that occasion, that its blandishments will fail to
eclipse the interest surrounding that contest of the
bards which will yield oral examples of the ancient
theories of harmony and instrumentation. Of the
nature of this amicable and artistic contest, where
various c smpetitors vie with each other
for the dignity of supreme head or chief-
thin of the order, it is scarcely possible
to speak in terms of exaggerated commendation, cal-
culated as it is to advance the most elevating and
most humanhing of the fine arts both in regard to
its own intrinsic improvement sled also, and in a pe-
culiar manner, in the national estimation. Umpires
having been selected well skilled and accomplished
in poetry, music, heraldry, and the Welch language,
themes were propounded to the different bards for
competition, the subj'ects ranging variously in any of
the twenty-four metres, though always excluding per-
sonalities, erotic fancies, and satirical allusions.
By this judicious arrangement everything provocative
of irritation was scrupulously avoided, and the bards
were restricted in their flights of imagination and
effusions of melody to the atmosphere of high art, a
region conducive only to the noblest ends conceiv-
able. Whether or not the present Congress of the
Bards, commencing yesterday, will be productive of
any outpourings of genius, or be merely the tedious
contention of ambitious rn"diocrities, it would be idle,
if not invidious, to conjecture. But this, at least, may
be at once and safdy predicated of the
Rbuddlan Royal E steddvod that its effect
upon the intell4eit portion of the Welch population
cannot fail to be Lceeficial, inciting the popular
spirit of the country to new and nobler exertions,
sustaining the love of nationality where yet remem-
bered, and reviving it where nearly forgotten and
extinguished.
Whatever may ba thought of tha preservation of
these ancient ceremonies by those mho laugh them to
scorn as idle relics of antiquity, it cannot be denied that,
if useless in all other re spect, they are in the highest
degree commendable and advantageous, inasmuch as •
they directly tend to conserve the venerable sentiment
of nationality. In this particular the Royal Eis-
teddvod must not in any way be confounded

THE SIIN,

with the fantastic revival of festivities such
as the tournament at Eglinton, that cha-
rivari on the chivalric. On the con-
trary, it is of a character deservedly to he associated
in idea with that beautiful ceremony recently holden
in the birthplace of King ALFRED the Great on the
thou.-,andth anniversary of his nativity. Each
of these august festivities has appealed to
the most ennobling of the national predilections
of Great Britain, the one in Wales, the other in Eng-
land, inflaming tha patriotism and elevating the am-
bition of the intelligent multitude. Quietly though
the one was allowed to pass over, and noisily as
the other is being celebrated, we cannot bring our-
selves to believe that the heart of England remained
untouched by the homage paid at his tomb to the
memory of the Great ALFRED, or that the genius of
Wales will remain unmoved by the eloquence of the
Bard Talhaiarn, or by the installation of the successful
candidate in the bardic chair of the Eisteddvod.

Mr. JONATHAN DUNCAN, to whose admirable lec-
tures on "labour, trade, and currency" we recently
directed the public attention, differs materially from
the generality of critics in some important particulars.
He is not contented merely with finding fault, with
exposing the errors of the existing system, or even in
tracing those errors to their fountain and origin, but
he also provides a suitable substitute, not only free
from the evils he has so clearly explained, but bearing
the most stringent ordeal, the most trying tests, to
which it can be subjected. The disease is ascertained
and an adequate remedy indicated—a remedy so
simple and obvious that it is strange
_how any
person of ordinary capacity can still remain so deeply
imbued with bullionist prejudices as to refuse assent
to the principles and views so lucidly and distinctly
put forward by the talented lecturer.
That remedy is to restore gold to its natural posi-
tion as a commodity, to deal with it in the same
manner as we do with cotton, iron, calico, or any
other article subject to the ordinary rules of supply
and demand. In such case the price or value will
necessarily fluctuate—we shall not be compelled to
pay the same price when there is a glut in the mar-
ket, and our coffers are full to overflowing, as when the
commodity is scarce and in demand, and required, as it
may occasionally be, for the purpose of correcting
the foreign exchanges, as it is termed—a necessity
which, under the present monetary code, has fre-
quently led to the most injurious consequences to the
trade and commerce of the country, which has
brought thousands and tens of thousands of indus-
trious and upright men to bankruptcy and ruin, and
reduced their families to poverty and destitution, in
order that what was termed " the integrity of the
standard" might be maintained. These families were
the hecatombs sacrificed to the Golden image which
had been set up, before which all the interests of the
nation, the welfare, and prosperity of the people were
prostrated.
In lieu of " gold" thus deposed from its functions
Mr. DuNcaer proposes to establish a paper cur-
rency as the circulating medium of the country,
and this paper he divides into two classes,
viz., "national taxation money," to be issued
by the Government, and "commercial money," to be
issued by banking institutions, full security being
previously deposited with the Government for the re-
demption in full of the " commercial money" so
brought into circulation. By these means there
would always be a "circulating medium" adequate
to the wants and exigencies of the nation. The value
of money would always be maintained at about the
same rate, and those extraordinary fluctuations in the
currency which RICHARD COBDEN—the RICHARD
COBDEN of the Anti-Corn-law League, not of the
Peace Congress—justly declared to have occasioned
" greater evils, pecuniary, social, and moral, than the
direct failures of all the banks of issue, since they
were first established in this country," would be
altogether prevented.
The " taxation money" would have its source and
origin in our fiscal wants, and its certain redemption
in the same cause. It would, in fact, be to all in-
tents and purposes the same as the Exchequer-bills
now in use, save and except that it would not, ac-
cording to Mr. DUNCAN'S views, bear interest; that
it would be issued directly to the persons having
claims on the national Exchequer without the inter-
vention of any intermediate parties, by which a large
sum would be saved to the country, and, also, that it
would be made in convenient amounts, not i❑
the large and unwieldy bills, which the lazi-
ness of a former Comptroller of the Exchequer
introduced, and which the cupidity and influence of
wealthy capitalists caused to be continued for their
own private objects. It signified but little whether
coins or pieces of paper were issued for that purpose;
so long as the latter satisfied the claims of the tax-
gatherer, whose visits, unhappily, are not " few or
ear between," they answered every purpose that
could be desired, just as fully as if they possessed in-
trinsic value. Toe butcher or baker would not de-
nominate them " worthless rags," and refuse to give
his joints or loaves to the holder, in exchange
so long as ho was well assured that he could content
the rate-collector, and that the farmer would gladly
accept any surplus he might have beyond his own re-
quirements in payment for his cattle or corn. It
would not, in fact, require the provision by which it
would be rendered " legal tender," for without such a
stipulation it would possess " a purchasing power"
that would fully content the party to whom it was
tendered. A party receiving " a pound" rarely in-
vestigates the quantity of gold or the fineness of the
metal—all he desires is to be assured that when he
wishes to part with it it will be ag sin accepted from
him, in turn, at the same price or value which he him-
self gave for it.
The amount of these notes, or " national taxation
money," would be strictly limited by the wants of the
country. Whatever sum or sums of money were
voted by Parliament would be issued in each and
every year, and they would find their way back to
the Exchequer, and be cancelled in the course of that
year. If 50,000,0001. sterling were granted to de•
fray the demands of the public creditor, or for the
maintenance of our national establishments, notes o
convenient denominations should be issued to that
amount, which would be paid to the fundholder for
his dividends, to the officials in all the public offices in
payment of their 'respective salaries or claims upon
the Treasury, of any nature or kind whatsoever.
The same amount would be collected in the course of
the ensuing year, and these notes could never be de-
preciated below their nominal value, for they should
be obtained and paid into the Exchequer. It would,
in fact, be more likely to be at a premium than a
discount.

ITER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.—THE GRAND NA-
TIONAL CoscF.Ku.—The entire theatre is now undergoing
various changes necessary for the opening of tbese musical
reunions. The circles of boxes are being arranged as stalls,
and the pit and the stage arc being formed into one exten-
sive area. The hangings will be of geranium-coloured satin
trimmed with gold lace. Upwards of 150 workmen are
busily employed. Felicien David is engaged to write a new
dramatic symphony, which he will conduct in person; and
arrangements have been entered into with llerr Marschner
and the renowned Spohr, for new works. The concerts will
commence on October the 15th.
DEATH OE ALEXANDER
LYON this gentleman took place yesterdaymorning, Esq. —T he deatha
t his
chambers, in Clement's Inn. To
say etbaat
demisehis
_ will be
regretted is but faintly to express the•
mournful feelingwhi,:h
will pervade the hearts of all who knew him. For upwards
' of a quarter of a century Mr. Lyons was associated with the
literary department of this journal. In now chronicling his
death at the close of such an extended intimacy, we feel we
cannot do justice to that high sense of honour, that strict
adherence to undevia ing truth, those unswerving principles
of integrity by which his every act was regulated, and which
i renderet it an honour to be admitted amongst the circle of
his friends. We dare not trust ourselves to say more
We °"
who was a finished scholar, and in every relation of We the
perfect loss will be considered
. as a misfor.
the daily press of the
tune by all w
gentleman.ho
—Herald.
metropolis.
are clolnisnec.ed with

HOLYHEAD MAIL SERVICE.---The Prince of Wales
steamer, the property of the City of Dublin Steam Company,
has been surveyed at Liverpool by the Government Inspec-
tor, as a preparatory measure, in the event of her being re-
quired, in case of accident, for the perti)rmance of the mail
packet service between Holyhead and Dublin, when she
would be used as an extra boat. The Prince of Wales is a
fine vessel of 430 tons burthea and 20)-horse power, and is
now on the station between the Menai bridge and Liverpool.
Wor:ley Hall, near Manchez,ter, the seat of the
Earl of Ellesmere, was completed at the don of the year
1845, from the design of Mr. Edward Blore, architect. It
was commenced in Id4o, is of the mixed style of the end of
the sixteenth century, and is mainly constructed of Hol-
ington stone. The panellings of the principal rooms are of
oak, and in character with the exterior of the building.
the lodging accommodation is very extensive—far beyond
the usual proportion to the reception rooms. The whole,
including the grounds, terraces, &c., is a new creation.
The plan shows the appropriation of the rooms, size, tic.
Worsley, in the parish of Eccles, Lancaster, is about seven
miles from Manchester. At Worley-bridge begins the Bridge-
watcr Canal, executed by Briudley in 1760.—Builder.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
Monday was the last day on which the journals
were permitted to publish political articles without a
signature, and the Moniteur du Soir of Monday
evening took advantage of its last anonymous number
to publish the following manifesto of the PRESIDENT
in opposition to the manifesto of the Count DE CHAM-
BORD. This important document is headed, " What
the PRESIDENT desires," and is as follows:
"The menacing attitude assumed for the last two
months by the monarchical parties has excited great
emotion both in Paris and in the departments. The
country has a right to know what are the projects of
Louis Napoleon in the event of the Royalists—united or
disunited—of the two branches seeking to prevent the
necessary prolongation of the Presidential powers. We
think we are acquainted with these projects, and will
state them in a few words. Louis Napoleon repudiates
openly all dynastic arriere penae; he desires no other pro
rogatives than those which he now enjoys. his sole ob-
ject is the re-establishment of order, confidence, and
credit ; in a word, to close the era of revolutions. But,
to accomplish the mission cf peace which has been
reserved for him by Providence, it is necessary that the
power of the President should have stability and dura-
tion. Louis Napoleon would not respond to the wish of
the six millions of citizlns, who chose him as the symbol
of the ideas of order a-id prudent progress inaugurated
in 1789, if he were humbly to bo v his head to the
Royalist coalition which imprudently agitates the coun-
try. Louis Napoleon hopes, then, that when the mo-
ment shall arrive for discussing the future condition of
France—that is to say, to consolidate power definitely,
or to decree anarchy—the National Assembly will com-
prehend the duties imposed upon it by circumstances,
and the immense responsibility which it would assume
in history if it wore to hesitate to save the immediate
revision of the Constitution. If the National Assembly,
forgetting that Franco desires above all things to be
tranquillized, should refuse to adopt a measure impera-
tively demanded by public safety, Louis Napoleon would
not hesitate to make an appeal to the entire people, from
whom he has received his mission. And the people
would decide whether the President of the Republic
should adopt for his motto Abnegation or Perseve-
rance.' "

The Assemblie Nationale, in an article signed
ADRIEN DE LAVALETTE, atter quoting the Presi-
dential manifesto from the Moniteur du Soir, thus
comments on it :

" Is there not in this form and in this style the ap-
pearance at least of a semi-official communication?
Who would dare use this language if not authorised at
least by a verbal confidence? And if the President does
not cause a disavowal to be given to those who speak in
his name, has not public opinion a right to pronounce
itself severely on the anarchical conflicts and agitations
which it is proposod to create for the country? Can it
be by chance that persons have the idea that the heri-
tage of the parties who have combated the revolu-
tion is open, and that France is to be had by the
first comer? We could comprehend perfectly that
by the side of these gross declamations against the
two dynastic parties, atter these declarations inspired
by so republican a patriotism, this species of
manifesto would have for conclusion the maintenance
of the Constitution. That at least would be lo•
gical. If the republican path be entered on, the course
already marked out must be followed, the republican
charter must be respected. What does the manifesto
ask for? What does the Charg6 d'Affaires or the non-
official friend of the Ely:63 desire? First, the violation of
the Constitution to the profit of the President alone. It
is the policy of personal.right at its highest degree of
egotism. What signifies this imperative command of the
prolongation of the powers of the President, these me-
naces against the Assembly in case it should not engage in
an attempt on the supreme power, in a conspiracy against
the regular will of the nation? In tracing these menaces
against legislative power, the too z alous entourage for-
gets that the Executive power is not armed with any article
of the Constitution against the Parliament, and that the
Parliament has all necessary means to defend itself and
choose a protector to watch over the safety of the Re-
public. Were we not right in remarking how much the
imprudent zeal of subalterns is injurious to all causes,
and ought we not to be sad when all these deplorable
faults give so great advantages to the party of disorder?"
In all the journals, with the exception of the
Journal des Debuts, the Ordre, the Republique, and
the Courrier Francais, the political articles are
signed by their respective writers. The Journal des
Debuts contains no political article, and the others
contend that the law did not come into operation
until to-day. The following is a list of the writers
who have signed articles in the various journals :
Coßstitutionnel-111. Veron.

Siec/e—M. Louis PerriP, redacteur en chef, aided
by MM. Pierre Bernard, Louis Jourdan,
Auguste Junin), and Hypplite Lamarche.
Each man signs as for the committee.
National—M. Leopold Duras.
_ _

Ordre—M. ChainLolle, representative of the people.
Presse—M. Emile de Girardin and M. Alfonse
Peyont.
Pouvoir—M. Granier de Cassagnac.
Assemblhe Nationale—M. Adrien de Lavalette.

Univers—M. Eugene Veuillot.

Opinion Publique—M. Frang )is Nettement.
Union—M. Larentie and M. Lubis.

Cluirivari—MM. Taxille Delord, Clement Caraquil,
and Louis lluart.
Putrie—M. Eugene Forcide.
The Moniteur du AS'oir was not published in time
fur post.
M. DE LAROCaFJAQUELIN has addressed the follow-
ing reply to the remarks of the Union and the Opinion
Publiquc on his letter protesting against the Wies-
baden manifesto :

" I will not reply to the personalities which you have
addressed to me. The good sense of the public will decide
whether the grave questions which are cut short by the
circular signed by M. de Bartl 61emy can be reduced to a
petty question of persons. It will judge whether even
the must elementary principles are Pot therein outraged
in the most deplorable manner. I know you too is ell
rot to know that you suffer as well as myself, but I take
into account the exigencies of position. It is essential
that I should not be accused of culpable susceptibility
by charging me with having accepted or exaggerated
without reflection this sad circular. You have not said
that this circular was not official. You have not the
right to say so. It was deliberated at Wiesbaden without
the participation of the Prince, I am convinced, before
August 30, a date given to it to produce more effect,
and to avoid re possibility. The Duc de Levis had led
me on the 14th, at Wiesbaden, to expe3t it. I left on the
15th. M. de Barthelemy announces that be is charged
officially with this communication, and he is incapable of
saying an) thing but the truth. And in order that no
doubt should remain as to the authenticity of this poli-
tical dooument, does not M. de Barthelemy say-40n my
return to France, I shall have the honour, as previously,
of transmitting to you the instructions of MM. de
Levis, de St. Priest, Berryer, de Ptsstoret, and d'Escars?'
Finally, the five members of the Committee have given
their adhesion to this act. In fact, Mde Bartlie:emy
finishes his circular by saying—' Not having taken your
address to Germany, I considered it my duty to wait for
my return to France to send you this circular.' So im-
portant a document not having been carried into execu-
tion before M. de Barthe'emy returned to Paris, is it
possible to suppose that he could fail in propriety to
such an extent as to publish it without having on
his arrival submitted it to such of the persons named
es were not present when it was drawn up. since
it is well known that he is their secretary ? I repeat
it, for such is the truth, the circular itself shows its
authenticity ; and for all the Legitimatists of France the
signature,of M. de Bartl Cerny includes those ef the
five personages, named. flow can it be pretended that
this circular was not to have been rendered public ? It
was then a bad action that was to be concealed ? But
in that case aby were so many copies of such a dccu-
meat sent to all the departments ? Why was it distri-
buted in an open office to known persons, who went
to ask for it ? If it is of little importance, why is there
so much noisy joy on the part of some madmen, and so
much grief on the part of the immense majority of the
Legitimatists ? No attempt ought to be made to dimi-
nish the importance of such a fault. There are but two
ways of acting—to support it with energy, or to disavow
it openly. The Prince has been deceived in the most
culpable manner ; he has been deceived as to the wishes,
the opinions, and the sentiments of France. Such is
the truth. It is fur the Legitimatist party to see what it
has to do. It is for those who have compromised the
Prince to declare loudly and publicly that they have
caused him to use a language which he has not used,
and which ho could not have used. They are bound, in
fine, to declare that the Count de Chambord was com-
pletely ignorant of this official circular. No men have a
right to declare themselves devoted to a cause when they
assume the right to ruin it. Ah 1 lam accused of hav-
ing been opposed to a conciliation amongst all parties,
and which I desired most anxiously. Well, now I can
bo judged of ' • and I will now complete the explanation
of my political views, which certain folks seek to misre-
present. I valued highly the monarchical pricciples,
and those of liberty, of 'B9 ; I hava always pro-
fessed them; and without having approved of all
the revolutionary acts and principles which followed
the declaration of nullity of the cahier des clots,
without having accepted the acts or principles of 1830,
or all those of 1848, I did not dissemble from myself the
profound root which these different revolutions had taken
in the country; I was firmly convinced that the mo-
narchy could not be re-established in France, except by
the national will freely expressed—an act which would
cltterhhgi
rtdt iamhee
atvaedecrrya;y
pttthhphaeienta
greoe:mfd
pftti
fur
reee,
awfingiraets thsti
ages,
andplace all parties in accord, by uniting to the principle of
violent
lf
ae
tn
regretted
t inh
e ia tds
rnhe
op I
ugbrswh
o
leoiaevereignty. We had
not to be his own grandson, so much puissance did he
see in the principal of traditional hereditary right; we
had tried the monarchy of 1830, directed by an able
prince, and in conditions apparently the most complete for
the future; we now are trying the Republic legally esta-
blished, and I said to myself: If it is true, as is as-
serted, that the Republic is hateful to the majority of
France, let us consult the nation, and in case it returns
to the Monarchy, by the national will, a conciliation is
effected: all parties admit the inefficiency of all the trials
made; they go back to the law of our fathers, and
France addresses to the King these words which Mas-
sillon pronounced in presence of Louis XV., ' Sire, it is
the choice of the nation which first placed the tceptre in
the hands of your ancestors; it is it which raised them
on the military shield and proclaimed them sovereigns.
to the free
Royalty afterwards became the heritage of their
descendants; but they owed it originally
ccnsent of the French nation. Their birth
In possession of
alone afterwards placed them

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