The Sun.
London, England, 1868-06-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The Times opines that the course of the Lords' debate)
on the Suspensory Bill is now the single object of political
curiosity. The bill simply prevents the creation of fresh
interests, leaving the spiritual wants of the mem-
bers of the Protestant Church in Ireland provided 'for,
and the bill ought therefore to command the support of all
who admit the necessity of redistributing the revenues of
the Irish Establishment. Yet it is certain—though the
leading opponents of the bill, and every educated
man who holds that the Irish Establishment
cannot be maintained as it is, are morally bound to
support it—that the Suspensory Bill will be rejected.
Lord Russell will of course be conspicuous in its
support. Lord Kimberley will support by his
later experience Lord Clarendon's conclusions. The
Duke of Argyll will probably repeat his argument
of twelve months since, and a few independent
Liberal peers will give their aid to the bill. The Govern-
ment are equally pledged to oppose it, and Lord Derby
will probably be found fighting with Lord Cairns in
defence of an Establishment which Lord Stanley has pro-
nounced indefensible. Unhappily, the opposition to the
Bill will not be confined to the Government and their im-
mediate supporters. Lord Salisbury fought against the
resolutions in the Commons. Lord Grey will doubtless
be followed by others on the cross benches, and the bishops
have in something like a corporate capacity announced
their intention to oppose it. A debate of considerable
interest may be anticipated, though the result is fore-
known. The bill will be rejected, and the question of the
day will be presented at the hustings not merely as the
redress of an enormous grievance in Ireland, but also as
a contest between the popular and the hereditary
branches of the Legislature. It is plain, indeed, that
the rejection of the bill cannot prolong the existence
of the Irish Church, and this consideration may
prevent any exasperation of the public mind, unless it be
provoked by the injudicious language of some of the
defenders of the Establishment. But if there be no exas-
peration, it will be only because something like contempt
has displaced it. The popular verdict is certain and irre-
sistible, and the House of Lords, although conscious that
they must presently yield to what they now resist, aro
about to disparage their reputation and weaken their
influence by solemnly recording their vote in favour of
ruaintaining an injustice which the nation has decisively
condemned.

The Post, commenting upon Count Bismarck's tempo-
rary retirement from public affairs on account of ill-health,
says Count Bismarck has, in the now concluded session,
proved that he is prepared to accept the r(lie of a constitu-
tional Minister. lie has descended, as it were, from the
steys of the throne to the floor of Parliament, and taken
the part that was imposed upon him by circumstances.
The King and hia Minister have read, and read
alike, the handwriting on the wall. They can
discern the signs cf the times. The Father.
land, which was a poetical expression and a
political illusion, is only not secured by the bond of unity,
and it is understood that conciliation and fair and honour.
able compromises are essential to the consentient action
which is required to perfect and consolidate success.
Nothing short of this will suffice to vindicate the high-
handed policy by which the Prussian mission was inau-
gurated. The improvement of .the victory for the benefit
of Germany and the peace of Europe is indispensable to
the ratification of the arrangements that have resulted
from it, and the acknowledgment of the collateral and
contingent provisions which are thereby entailed.
The Herald notes that the adjourned debate on the
Telegraphs Bill brought out a fact which will supply the
advocates of the measure with a new and powerful argu-
ment in its favour. Its opponents have dwelt with much
emphasis upon the potential evil of placing the control of
the wires in the. hands of a vablic department, and have
drawn by no means too flattering a picture of the conse-
quences which may result from making telegraphy a
Government monopoly. Of course there is something to
be said in support of their hypotheses, and, if we lived
under a pure bureaucracy, we might be justly appre-
hensive of the reproduction here of the evils of espionage
from which some of our continental neighbours suffer.
But from some statements made on Thursday night it
seems that the Government for the time being is not the
only foe to the freedom of telegraphic communication.
Mr. Leeman, the advocate of the railway vested interest
in telegraphy, withdrew his amendment, and by general
consent the bill which the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer bad introduced was about to be referred to
a select committee with very little stir, and no
opposition whatever, when Mr. Norwood made a
disclosure which ought to stimulate those who
deprecate monopoly and dread the mischiefs of a
system which may be grievously abused. It seems that
companies can " put on the screw " as well as Cabinets,
and can use their powers quite as unscrupnlously as
Ministers of State. In some cases, at least, newspapers have
been threatened with the withdrawment of existing facili-
ties, and have been told that they had better look out for
fresh means of communication. In plain English, the
practical remedy on which the companies, or some of them,
appear to rely, is the rescission of existing contracts, and
the consequent compelling of newspaper proprietors to
accept any terms that those who now command
the telegraphs may think proper to impose. There
is an old saw which tells us that companies have
neither bodies to be kicked nor souls to be saved.
It might, perhaps, be said in addition, that though
they may have interests to promote they do not always
adopt the best way to take care of them. When an oppo-
sition spings up, and changes are advocated, the suariterin
mode is generally better than the fortiter in re. Those
who feel that they have grievances already sufficiently
grave to induce them to advocate the transference of the
telegraph from the hands of private traders to those of a
Government department are not likely to be won back by
intimations of the pains and penalties which will be in
store for them whenever those of whom they complain can
get their own way. Yet this is exactly what has already
been clone, and this single circumstance will, we trust, tend
greatly to help the bill in its passage through Parliament,
and to quicken the action of the select committee to which
it has been referred.

The Daily News observes that the course of railway
legislation shows little or no improvement. Parliament
certainly does not seem to know its own mind on the sub
jest, and in all probability is halting not between two but
among a dozen different opinions. The past fortnight's
experience has certainly not been encouraging. A decision
passed one day is overruled the next, owing, it is said,
to some " misapprehension " a plea which we may
readily admit to be true, not only on one, but very
likely on both occasions. Uncertainty is now the pre-
vailing rule. In old days, when two or three
powerful railway companies were battling for the privi-
lege of constructing unprofitable extensions, they at least
sw their way clear. What was wanted lay in, if not a
narrow, at least a well understood compass : clever counsel,
thoroughly practised to sway a committee—a rare and
difficult art ; plausible engineers, acid as many local wit-
nesses as could by influence or interest be possibly got
together. For years these tactics never variel The only
question debated before the committees was the right to
certain privileges. A new class of questions has now
come before • the committees directly out of the routine
which has prevailed for years past. Delicate financial
arrangements, the necessity of passing some measure
for the relief of a great company with immense liabilities,
and at the same time the care to sanction nothing that will
prejudice one class of shareholders to the advantage of
another, are not easy matters to decide upon without pre-
vious experience. It is not surprising, therefore, that the
committees hesitate often in pronouncing or maintaining
an opinion. Yet this hesitation is the one thing
that does most harm. Railways cannot afford to
wait. Better to have an immediate though faulty
decision at once than to experience constant
delay. One class of persons certainly benefit by
the
.present to of "affairs. If parliamentary
io.h.,(stroon leaves companies in difficulty, or seems about to
extricate them, it at least causes the price of the stock to
fluctuate considerably on the market. Hence the small
fry of speculators are only t(x) glad of the opportunity to
gamble in a security that may rise or fall 2 or 3 per cent.
in a day. It is not equally pleasant, however, for legiti-
mate shareholders to find the value of their property
varying at every moment, and surely these last are
entitled to chief consideration. To stop altogether even
the worst kind of speculation FPA been often tried, and
found impossible. Still it is a duty to carefully avoid any
course tending, however indirectly, to its encouragement.
The Standard says that there appears to be a greater
possibility' than it should have supposed of the selection of
Chief Justice Chase as the Presidentiat candidate of the
Conservative party. " The objection which, underprdinary
circumstances, would render a proposition simply laugh-
able—namely, that until lately Mr. Chase was an active
member of the Radical faction, and that he has not aban-
doned any of the avowed Principles of that party, is of the
less consequence at present, that on matters of principle
there is little avowed difference in the views of the
opposed parties, that whicli does exist being a dif-
ference of spirit and intention, of unavowed wishes
and secret policy, rather than of such opinions as
can be stated and defined in a political programme.
Li the manifesto of the Chicago Convention there is
nothing that Mr. Pendleton might not sign, except that
earise which is supposed to denounce repudiation. Simi -
lor!y, it is not improbable that the Democratic programme
will contain nothing inconsistent with the known princi-
ph•s of the Chief Justice. There may be, some danger
lest, if elected, he should disappoint the N IeWS of his sup-
porters. and reconcile himself NVith his former friends— a
course which is not without precedent in American history,
and IA fore choosingliim as theircandidate the Conservatives
u ill pr, )1 'ably be caretsl to take securities againstsuch a deser-
tion. As between eneral Grant aml Mr. Chase,theStundard
has no reason for feelilig any decided preference. Both
are men of position and repute; both are gentlemen. The
one has had the training of a lawyer and a statesman ;
the other, as a successful commander of large armies,
cannot but be a man of administrative capacity. Both
are men of strong will and of sufficient weight to give
effect to their will ; neither of them is likely to be over-
home by Congress without sturdy resistance, and
neither is one whom it would be quite safe to badger and
bully as Congress has badgered Mr. Johnson. Grant
Is probably the stronger, Chase the more capable of
the two,