The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-25 00:00:00

JUNE 25, 1850.

in such cases the moral feelings were naturally weakened.
But the Jews were:;radually, under an enlighted policy,
being admitted to the participation of those rightr, and the
consequence was that they were rapidly recovering from the
position in which they had been placed by passed oppression
and misgovernment. It was their hope that, when Greece
was liberated from the thraldom in which it had been for-
merly held—when it was placed under the rule of a prince
I of the Frank-German race—that it would have risen to its
pristine glory. Instead of that, however, the independence
of Greece had been threatened by being placed under Rus-
sian protection. Its taking _the course he had done the
Noble Lord had shown that, whether the claims of her sub-
jects were great'or email, England would spread the broad
iegis of her protection OrttF them.—(Cheers.)
Sir J. GRAHAM—Let us, Sir, before the evening closes,
at all events get out of nisi prius.—(Loud cheers and laughter
from the Protectionists.) We have now been discussing
this question for six hours. • I have had the advantage of
listening to three gentlemen of the long robe, and, except
at the close of the speech of the Honourable and
Learned Gentleman who has just sat down, we have
not yet travelled out of Greece. The llonourable
and Learned Gentleman made an observation at the
commencement of his speech in which I concur, namely,
that it is hardly possible to exaggerate the gravity of the
question under discussion, coupled with the attendant cir-
cumstances of the time when we aro discussing it. It
affects the dignity, the honour, and the interests of this
country.—(Hear, hear.) lam dragged into this discussion
most reluctantly and unwittingly, but, at the same time, my
absence would be construed into cowardice, and silence,
coupled with the opinion I am about to express, is equally
impossible. Yet, before I proceed to discuss this important
question, would you pardon me if I shortly revert to my
own position.—(Hear, hear.) I have given to the Govern-
ment which now presides over the destinies of this country,
for the last four years an independent and honest support,
because, in the' state of parties, and with reference to the
general position of the, country, I thought ft my duty so to
do ; sad in giving that support I have not carped .at
trifles, nor have I disparaged any portions of their conduct
from which I may have differed, but I have exercised for-
bearance.—(Hear, hear.,) The Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man Mr, Wood) says he is not personally acquainted with
the INohle Viseount who now administers the foreign affairs
of this country. My: position with respect to him is
entirely different. I have known him for many years, It
was my fortune for four years•to be his colleague, and during'
that period I can truly say I never acted with any person
whose conduct appeared more honourable, trustworthy, or
faithful, or for whom I entertained a more sincere or a more
cordial friendship.—(Cheers.) It was not because of any
difference on foreign affairs that I parted from that Govern-
ment with which we were both connected. On the contrary,
he and I, from the offices we held in the Government-of Lord
Grey,. yore. _forced jnkt_ intimate and perpetual communica-
tion ; and though since I 'left that Government, now many
Lears ago, I have been thrown into opposition to that Noble
ord, in public, I have received from him every courtesy, and
in private all that kindness which he extends to his friends
without reference to party.—(Hear, and cheers.) I there-
fore feel no hostility 'to the Government or to the Noble Lord,
but I feel that we are here to-night deliberately to discuss,
not the narrow question of Greece, but the more enlarged
question of our foreign policy generally. You have here
propounded a vote contrary to that to which the -House
of Lords have arrived. You say that the claims
are just, not exaggerated, and that the course
pursued has not tended to endanger our relations with foreign
powers. You recollect what was done when the Duke of
Wellington carried a resolution in the House of Lords recom-
mending that the neutrality which his Majesty suggested
with regard to Portugal should be observed. That was car-
ried by a majority of 10 against Lord Grey's Government.
The question was asked, "Is it your intention to change
your policy with regard to Portugal?" "Not at all" was
the reply. Colonel Davis then traversed the conduct of the
Duke of Wellington in the House of Commons, showing
that success had not attended the army of Don Pedro. in
Portugal ; and his resolution was carried by a majority in
this House of 250. That was a course quite intelligible.
But now, the Hon. Member for Sheffield, not acting in con-
cert with the Government, but exercising his own discretion,
has enlarged the subject and brought a much greater ques-
tion than that of Greece 'before the House. What we are
now debating is not confined to Greece. The question is
Do you upon the whole approve of the policy pursued by
her Majesty's Government with reference to foreign rela-
tions since their last accession to office 2—(Hear, hear.) I
understand from her Majesty's Government that in the
present circumstances it is their desire that the issue should
join upon that ground, and that the opinion of the House
should be taken upon it. It is, therefore, to this larger
question that I mean to address myself, if you indulge me;
and I will go very rapidly and frankly over some of the most
prominent points.—(Hear, hear.) I have already referred
to my connexion in office, during the Government of Lord
Grey, with the Noble Lord. Now, it cannot be supposed
for a moment by those who recollect the transactions of
that period that I am disposed to limit within very strict
rules the interference of England with reference to foreign
nations. The Hon. Member for Sheffield referred. to the sup-
port given to Belgium, when she threw off the yoke of Hol-
land. I was a party to the blockade of Holland, to the siege
Of Antwerp, and to all the measures taken to ensure the sepa-
ration of Belgium from Holland, which was a direct departure
from the treaty of Vienna.— (Hear, hear.) But I call on you
to recollect how Lord Grey acted, and how those critical
affairs were conducted. They were conducted with Prince
Talleyrand in France, and every step was taken deliberately,
with the full and entire concurrence of all the representa-
tives of the great powers of Europe.—(Cheers.) We in-
terferred also with respect to Portugal very decisively, and to
the extent of not only blockading the ports of Portugal, but
of landing our troops, and we confirmed the dynasty of Don
Pedro and expelled Don Miguel ; but these transactions
were so conducted as not to interrupt our intercourse with all
the great powers of Europe.—(Cheers.) I would just observe
that my view of the danger of the interference which atter
Lord Grey ceased to be at the head of the Government and
Lord Melbourne came into office., the Noble Lord (Palmer-
ston) exercised, is pointed out with great perspicuity by the
present Earl Grey, in a debate which took place in this Home
when the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) was at the head
of affairs. The words are so pointed, so prophetic, they con=-
tain such a forecasting of the future danger of that interfelf-c
ence in which the Noble Lord is so prone to indulge, that I.
will read an extract or two. Lord Ilowick is speaking on the'
address on the let of Feb. 1844, he says:
"Like the Right Hoe. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), he thought
there was no greater curse to the world at large, and to the
interests of civilization and humanity, than the carrying on
in every court in &trope, and in every country in the world,
a party struggle between what was called the English party
and the French party. He abominated the whole system of
such interference, and he would say that the more they ab-
stained front giving advice to other countries as to the ma-
nagement of their internal affairs the better The
sninisters of France and of England might take opposite
(views of what was most conducive to the interests of Mexico
or of Portugal, and little by little, totally contrary to the
wishes of their respective Governments, a sort of French and
English party was created. A struggle for ascendancy be-
rtween those parties resulted, and the unfortunate system
was carried on, became the prey of factions which were oc-
casioned, and of animosities which were embittered by this
kind of interference."
I Further on Lord Howick says :

" He had heard with much regret the expressions of his
Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston), who, adverting to the pre-
;sent condition of Spain, had said that, under that union of
snterests and that good understanding to which the Right
;Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) had referred, and that union of
interests which existed between France and England, the
(late Regent of Spain, to whom he paid a high and well-
pnerited compliment, had fallen from power, and that a state
iof military despotism, if not anarchy, had succeeded. He
joined in lamenting the unfortunate state of things now
!existing in Spain, but, while he did so, he rejoiced that the
Night Hon. Baronet and the Government of the French
king had abstained from taking any active part in prevent.
jng its continuance. He imputed blame to neither Govern-
ment for what had occurred, and he only hoped they might
abstain in like manner trotn all interference for the future,
,and that they would leave the Spaniards to settle their own
.affairs for themselves, as the most likely means of restoring
that country to the state of constitutional government, and
,security of person and property, which all must equally
(desire."

I contend that the principles there laid down by Lord
IHowick are sound and most prudent.—(Cheers.) But, let
me contrast this advice, so given, with the conduct of the
Noble Lord (Palmerston) almost immediately after his ac-
cession to power in 1837. Recollect that the advice is
ointed by Lord Howick with respect to Spain. Almost the
first dispatch written by the Noble Lord (Palmerston) to
it H. Bulwer in 1846, violates, in my opinion, all the advice
iven by Lord Grey. It strongly interferes with the
overnment of Spain, and affords a specimen of the spirit in
hich the Noble Lord began a system of interference in all
he affairs of Spain. Ile came into office in June, and this is
dated the 19th of July. This is the way in which he talks
lof a great nation like Spain. He says—" She has a parlia-
rent by law, but all freedom of election has beeh overborne
, y force or by other means."—(Cheers from the Minis-
terialists.) This is perfectly true, but is this the mode in
which the Government of Spain should be spoken
of by the Minister of ati ally in a time of pro-
found peace ? —(Cheers from the Protectionists.)
frhe Noble Lord proceeded to say that violence
nd power bad survived the fall of Narvaez, and then he ex-
ressed a hope that the Ministers of Spain would return to
he ways of the constitution and obedience to the laws. All
his is excellent advice, but then it ought to have been
practically impossible to administer it to the Government of
an independent ally.—(Cheers.) Sir Henry Bulwer shortly
Jailer wrote home that the French Government had inter-
rheted these dispatches as declarations of hostility against
e Spanish Ministry.—(Hear, hear.) I will now pass on
to 1848. After the great revolution which overthrew the
French monarchy, the Noble Lord again addressed an admo-
'aition to the Government of Spain. At that time Narvaez
sad returned to power. The admonition-was, therefore, ad-
dressed to Narvaez himself, and Sir Henry Bulwer was, in
act, ordered to communicate the substance of the message
to the Queen-Mother and to the Minister. This subject has
been already discussed in this House. The dispatch was
dated the 16th of March, and contained this declaration :
that Narvaez should enlarge the basis of his administra-
tion, and , take some Liberal into office. Narvaez r-
e.
Oived this communication with extraordinary comol
fency, and told Sir Henry Bulwer that he would comp
sl
make
way for the Progressista. He, however, came to a differentake
determination, for,- like the Noble Lord opposite, he did not
give way to his political rival. As regarded the reconcilia-
tion wished
between the Courts of Spain and St. James's, b
to observe, that a sort of amende having been made for the
e Noble
abrupt expulsion of Sir H. Bulwer, th oble Lord, while
be consented to the reconciliations inserted in his dis-
patch, a most uncalled-for and extraordinarypassage, to
the effect that if Sir H. Bulwer was not already across the
Atlantic he would advice his Sovereign to select no other
person than Sir 11. Bulwer for her representative at the
court of Madrid. Was that the way to keep this country on
the most amicable relations with the great powers of Europe ?
(Cheers.) The selection of Sir H. Bulwer in that way
could have produced no other effect than the renewal of the
most bitter enmity between the two countries.--(Hear,
hear.) Well, then, we had frequently interfered with Por-
tugal ; the object of_ the Noble Lord being, as far as was
consistent with our friendly relations, to promote the
cause of civil liberty. But, had the Noble Lord been
successful in that respect, either in Spain or Portugal ?
Had he been successful in placing in power the men
who were most likely to effect that object ? He had
rivetted Narvaez in Spain.—(Hear.) While in Portugal
he had endeavoured almost by the force of arms to sustain big
objection against placing the supreme power in the hands of
one particular man, that man being Costa Cabral. And yet
ever since Costa Cabral had been the Prime Minister in Por-
tugal, and was likely to continue to be their Minister. In
the autumn of 1847 there was a heaving which indicated
the great earthquake of 1848, and the overthrow of the dy-
nasty of Louis Philippe. No where was that more strongly
indicated than in Switzerland. The Right Hon. Baronet
here took occasion to explain how anxiously he had desired
to speak before the Noble Lord, in order that if he should
make any mitstaternent or mistake, the Noble Lord might
correct
lie then went into the history of the fatal
Zw_
isclion Wadi-took plac4 in the ttu= of 1547 between the

~.~~

• different states composing the Republic of SwitzerTandott
one hand the Sonderbund; on the other the tiltra-Rep,ubli-
cans—and of the part acted in reference thereto, by France
and England. Guizot was in favour of the' Sonderbund
or moderate Republicans, .and for cheOking tbelSonderbdiiii:,
At that time M. Morier Was Withdrawn, and Mr;Peel ip-
pointed our chargé d'atfaiieg. It was proposed by the -Chi;
valier Bunsen that a note should be signed by the fikre_poweid,".
and a drafcof the note was prepared by the Duke de BrOglie.'.
On the 6th of November the note tendere&by the Duke'
de Broglie to the Noble Lord, who kept it till thel6tb;
out any communication relating thereto. On the 16th he'
sent it, suggesting alterations, to Paris,, and 'fresh' • the IGth '
to the 26th of November was consumed in aereiing to 'and
signing the note. On the 22d of November Mr. Peel white
to the Noble Lord from Basle, suiting that General Dtifoue'
had advanc.?.d onLausantie, wheie the Sonderbtind
lected. His letter was received on the 26th, the day the
note was signed, and on the 27th the Noble Lord addressed
him instructions to the effect, that if on arriving at Battle; be
found the Sonderbund dissolved after a complete Tictory;' in
that case he must not present the note. Mr. Peel; in 'Corise."'
quence of private instructions from the Noble Lord, sent to
General Dufour, directing him to lose no time, but to rneke
haste in his operations.
Lord PALMERSTON—That is not true.— (Cheers.)
Sir J. GRAHAM—The confidence of the Government 'wile
not, however, withdrawn from Mr. Peel. He remained'''.
chargé d'affaires, and was, he believed, still in the employ.
merit of the Government.

Lord PALMERSTON—I sent no such message.— (Cheers ,
and a laugh. )
Sir J. GRAHAM—Then the Noble Lord meant to convey .
that the Miniaters of France and Spain in so stating were
guilty of saying what was not borne out by fact. (We un-,
derstood Lord Palmerston to assent.) The misunderstand-
ing that arose 'between M. Guizot and the Noble Lord in re-
ference to that transaction led to a degree of animosity on the
part of the Noble Lord' which pursued M. Guizot to his-fall.,
—(Oh, oh.) lie was compelled, however, to charge upon
the Noble Lord a much heavier responsibility—the - over-
throw of a Monarchy and the establishment of a Republic,
which the authors of it now desired to modify. lie vas
sure it would be to the end of the Noble Lord's life i sonrce
of regret to him that, whereas he only intended to overthrocr
M. Guizot,in his efforts to do so he effected a change the
results of which it was impossible to calculate.—(Cries'
" Oh.") Then, with regard to Austria. In Febrdary, 1849,
the Noble. Lord laid on the table a short correspondence, cons i•s s
taining a dispatch to Lord Ponsonby, which implied that _
Austria was engaged in designs inconsistent with the indee
pendence of Piedmont, and in which the ,Noble Lord said
distinctly that the execution of any such purpose would not
be regarded with indifference by her Majesty's Government. '
It was a fact beyond all doubt, that the Noble Lord received .
in. answer to that dispatch a note from Prince Metternith at -
-Vienna, containing a solemn denial of any such. intention,. .
and stating that the policy of Austria towards Italy was
purely defensive, that least of all did she entertain the alleged
intention'towards Piedmont, and that so far from it she was
ready to enter into an arrangement to maintain her indepen,
dence. That correspondence took place in August and Sep- .
tember,. 1847, and in February, 1848, the liable Lord pro-
sented a paper to that louse containing the letter of accusa-
tion, but not accompanying it with the letter of Prince Met-
ternich in reply. It was not until the month of August,
when Lord Brougham moved for a copy of it, that the ilia-
pitch was produced. Such was the transaction with Austria
Which had been so loudly complained of, arid which he must
say redounded little to the honour of this country. - The very
fact of that dispatch was a cause of. excitement. Piedmont
became the assailant, and then the question arose—did her
Majesty's Government do all in their power to restrain her
attacks 7 Their exertions, he.regretted to say, =owned to
a simple suggestion that Austria was strong and Piedmont
was weak.' Austria applied to the Noble Lord for his media-.
tion, and the Noble Lord refused it unless Austria consented'
to the surrender of Venice as well as Lombardy. It was impos-
sible to divine the amount of mischief which had flowed from
that refusal. Well, Rome was in the occupation of the French
army ; Lombardy was again occupied by the absolute power
of Russia; Venice had been reconquered ; so that, in point of
fact, there was not to be seen a vestige of that liberty
which the Noble Lord said he was so anxious to preserve.
With regard to Sicily, it was open to her Ma-
jesty's Government to give any advice; and Sicily
bad, moreover, peculiar claims upon our intervention.
But the interference that took place was. in terms not very
complimentary to his Neapolitan Majesty; and not only in
the shape of advice, but the British fleet was actually em-
ployed on the coast of Sicily. The Sicilian insurgents
thought for a moment of tendering the crown to the Duke
of Genoa, and they sent a messenger on board a British man-
of-war, and assurances were given that if the Duke of Genoa
would accept the crown he would be recognised by Eng-
land. The King of Naples asserted his power. The insur-
gents had been encouraged by us; they relied on our assist-
ance ; they prolonged their resistance, relying on our assist-
ance ; they were overcome ; we left them to their fate ;
and when a large body of these Sicilian refugees fled to Malta
they were refused admission by our Governor. These
matters he was anxious to have explained by the Noble
Lord. With regard to the Hungarian refugees, he admitted
distinctly in terms as strong as could be used by any gentle-
man, that the message sent by the Emperor of Russia, through
an aide-de-camp, demanding either the expulsion or the
surrender of the Hungarian refugees, was a harsh measure,
and one which it became England to prevent. The
course taken by her Majesty's Government in the first
instance was not only unexceptionable, but right and
highly honourable; they appealed to the generosity
and good faith of the Emperor, in a dispatch firm in its tone,
and yet conciliatory in its character while doing this. But
it was not wise to take any step which could be construed
into menace. To send a fleet to the Dardanelles before an
answer was given to' that message was imprudent in
the highest degree. By the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, .
it was provided that the Dardanelles and the
Bosphorons should not, under any pretext, be passed
without a special firman from the Sultan. The English
fleet, however, not only proceeded to the mouth of the Dar-
danelles, but Sir Stratford Canning called on the fleet to go
up to Constantinople ; and, if he was not mistaken, the
fleet went part , of the way ; but, be that as it
may, it went inside the Dardanelles. When the Emperor
etqlussia heard that this hostile demonstration kad been
made at the mouth of the Dardanelles, he was
naturally /awry indignant, and an excuse was made by
, he 'Britisirricloyernrnent.—(Opposition cheers.) Now, this
as a kiuestion which touched the honour of the English
t
talon. Was the excuse which was made consistent with
he-facts or not? The excuse was that the fleet was driven
within the Dardanelles by stress of weather. Now there
was a living witness, a Member of the House of Peers, who
stated in his place in Parliament, that, so far from being
driven in by stress of weather, Sir William Parker weighed
anchor on a flue day, and entered the Dardanelles in smooth
water.—(Hear, hear.) Now, this brought him to the affairs
of Greece. He had already said that the tone assumed by
the Noble Lord to foreign Ministers was sometimes so offen-
sive that he was not surprised that hostile feelings should be
generated even where it was desirable that the relations
should be most amicable. He held in his hand a letter pur-
porting to be written by the Noble Lord to M. Lelararchi,
dated October, 1847, and which had appeared in a Greek
paper. The French party was at that time in power at
Athens, and this letter was published there, and had not been
contradicted. (Theßight Hon. Baronet then read the letter
in question, which stated that M. Delararchi would do well to
abstain from unfounded accusations against her Majesty's
Government, and he ought not to forget that these were net
the means by which the relations of the British and Grecian
Governments could be placed on a more satisfactory footing.
Her Majesty's Government had heard with great regret,
the declaration that M. Delararchi had resolved on pur-
suing the same, course which had been pursued by M. Coe
letti ; that system hid been a syslem of illegality, of cor-
ruption,
of violence, injustice, and tyranny, oppressive and
disgusting to the reek nation. Her Majesty's Government
had hoped that this iniquitous system would have ceased" '
with the life of a Minister who was considered as its author,,"
but as M. Delararchi declared that he meant to continue
the same systems it was evident that he was acting under an
influence equally hostile to the welfare of Greece and
to this country.) Was it not quite natural that there should
be some difficulty in preserving amicable arrangements
after a letter so addressed? 'Die Noble Lord took great
credit to himself for furthering free institutions. It so hap-
pened that after the demise of Mr. Canning, the question of
the independence of Greece was unsettled. It was not until
1829, when the Earl of Aberdeen was Secretary tbr Foreigts
Affairs, that the independence of Greece was establisteed;
and it was not until 1845, he thought, that there was any ~
constitutional government, and it was when his Right',lron.
Friend (Sir Robert Peel) was in power, and Lord Aberdeen. ,
was at the head of the Foreign department, and very much',
in consequence of representations from our Government,
that the ccnstitutional government was established: well
now, he imagined that, after all, truth and plain dealing
were the best. Well now, he had every reason to be- ,
lieve that Greece was not innocent of covert inter-
ference and fomenting insurrection in the lonian Islands.
Had there been any evidence to sustain the' charge, there
was no length to which we might not have pushed our
hostility. Now Sir Henry Ward, in a speech addressed to
his senate, preferred the charge in direct terms. It was'met
indignantly by King Otho ; Sir Henry Ward then retrpcted
it, but in the papers presented to the French Chatnberif in '''
dispatch dated the 14th of March, by N. Drouyn de, l'lluY 4-
Nthat complaint was again referred to by the Minister of
,fos
reign Affairs. Now with respect to these Grecian claims,-;
the claims of M. Pacifico and of Mr. Finlayo,fantdh:o,ret :sip, ee•',J.',
cially in respect of an English boat's crew that had bee ''
seized, much had been said in vindication
must say these appeared to him to be the least irn ante!
part of this matter. The Honourable and Learnehl ,
ber for Sheffield, who, be hoped, would excuse ' him Ice).
saying so, had 'with great addrees' taken the art' of liti,
able advocate, but passed entirely over the claiatit Or. VII, !.
two islands. Sir Henry Ward said that otirsblaltn. is esi
them was indisputable.
difficult and doubtful case did beer.)
Itv 0
hi
ce, .when depended, ialienomtviisst.aLctliaotr,a. more .
Venice was
assvhceotnhgeur
etrhedesebyislands bil.on,ged. to
France, and as to
whether they had been transferred to Venice •by i previons,t-;
treaty. Now it was by the merest accident that them
islands were not seized in October last, according to an
order from the Foreign-office to the Admiralty, and an order
from the Admiralty to Sir William Parker. Neitlseeiof
these documents was given in these papars,.bitt tbete'icatt st _
letter from Sir William Parker acknowledging the receipt 4.
October.theinstrucAtionms,ordeatehdasStyeptaehmdbeirlhaanddyihseisd ahnrsdwererwwasas
ndeavte:!._..
given, aid bad it
been executed it was quite plain that
France Russia would, from a casus federis, have had g*'`
ca
By the prudence of Sir William. Parker, in. hett-:
toting to
d Russia execute phc.ahtilsobaroofugaffhatirshimNsitAta'
rsaunscebe4ll7.d
France aavoided.m i
r,tha
had
a d order,heeh this complication
she conduct of this country towards France with reference'
Grime s. • and -again he said he deeply regretted the
' ;--ours- e takers by her Majesty's.
.Government. Some Gentl-
emen had expressed an opinion that it was right to
,refuse the mediation of France, and else _.! her
good offices. Perhaps he might agree in the pradeneasof re.
fusing mediation because the affair had advanced so far, and
we had asserted our rights with so high a hand, Wel evil
have accepted the mediation of France might have 1)64
hardly consistent with an independent position ; but he Musk
say, France having tendered her mediation, to accept her•
good offices appeared to him to be the surest course to lead
to a misunderstanding. But when the convention in London
had been signed, the natural course would have been, when
from some misunderstanding another arrangement had
been extorted by force of arms, the natural course,
and the wise course, would have been that the
convention in London should have been accepted,
and he thought it a great misfortune that that course
was not taken. Of course it would have been said tha
we attempted to obtain conditions less derogatory to the
dignity of England ; but the transaction had ended ex•
actly in our accepting the worst of the conditions that could
have been obtained from us. Well now, consequent upon
that some negotiation had taken place, and perhaps to make
a point in the House of Lords, some portions of a correspon.
dence had been published charging Baron Gros with a bplack, ,
of faith. Then another dispatch of Lord Normanby's *4*,
treduce'd'eXplaining how the mistake had arisen. Then,atl
last, he was sure to the joy of that House and of the coantryi•
notwithstanding all these charges and the jeopardy of a gobs/.
understanding with France, the negotiations had terminated
favourably, the convention of London had been accePti*
.
that which was likely to end with such fatal- .06144,41163.6.1
had terminated in peace. Something big I;fin 'mitt Whit
i:regard -to -Dozunark, tad its relating+ with PM**