The Sun.
London, England, 1857-12-21 00:00:00

Was submitted by the President to the Senate on
the following 10th Dec. Whether this treaty, in
its original or amended form, would have accom-
plished the object intended without giving birth
to new and embarrassing complications between the
two Governments, may perhaps be well questioned.
Certain it is, however, it was rendered much less
objectionable by the different amendments made to
it by the Senate.
The treaty as amended was ratified by me on
12th March, 1857, and was transmitted to London
for ratification by the British Government. That
Government expressed its willingness to concur in
all the amendments made by the senate, with the
single exception of the clause mentioned as to
Ruatan and the other islands in the Bay of Hondu-
ras. The article in the original treaty submitted to
the senate, after the reciting that these islands and
their inhabitants having bees by a convention
bearing date the 27th Aug., 1856, between her
Britannic Majesty and the Republic of Honduras,
constituted and declared a free territory under the
sovereignty of the said Republic of Honduras, sti-
pulated that the two contracting parties do hereby
mutually engage to recognise and respect in all
future time the independence and rights of the
said free territory as a part of the Republic of Hon-

duras.
Upon an examination of this convention between
Great Britain and Honduras of the 27th August,
1856, it was found that whilst declaring the Bay
Islands to be a free territory under the sove-
reignty of the Republic of Honduras, it deprived
that republic of rights, without which its sove-
reignty over them could scarcely be said to exist.
It divided them from the remainder of Honduras,
and gave to them their own legislative, executive,
and judicial officers, elected by themselves. It
deprived the Governor of Honduras of the taxing
power in every form, and exempted the people of
the islands from the performance of military duty
except for their own exclusive defence. It also
prohibited that republic from erecting fortifications
upon them for their protection, thus leaving them
open to invasion from any quarter ; and finally pro-
dded that slavery shall not at any time hereafter
be permitted to exist therein.
Had Honduras ratified thisconvention, she would
have ratified the establishment of a state substan-
tially independent within her own limits, and a
state at all times subject to British influence and
eontroL Moreover, had the United States ratified
the treaty with Great Britain in its original form, we
should have been bound to recognise and respect in
all future times these stipulations, to the prejudice
of Honduras and in direct opposition to the
spirit and meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer
Treaty, as understood in the United States.
The senate rejected the entire clause, and substi-
tuted in its stead a simple recognition of the sove-
reign right of Honduras to those islands in the fol-
lowing language :—" The two contracting parties
do hereby mutually ety' fwe to recognise and respect
the islands of Ruatan,Eressena, and Morat, situate
in the Bay of Honduras, and off the coast of the
Republic of Honduras, as under the sovereignty,
and as part of the said Republic of Honduras."
Great Britain rejected this amendment, assigning
as the only reason that the ratifications of the Con-
vention of the 27th August, 1856, between her and
Honduras; bad not been exchanged, owing to the
hesitation:4f that Government ; had this been done
it stated-theifeter Majesty's Government would have
had littleAgficulty in agreeinc, to the modification
propoik4by the senate, which would have had in
effect theLsame signification as the original wording.
Whether this would have been the effect whether
the circumstance of the exchange of the ratification
of the British Convention with Honduras prior in
point of time to the ratification of our treaty with
Great Britain, would in effect have had the same
signification as the original wording, and thus have
nullified the amendment of the senate, may wall be
doubted. It is perhaps fortunate that the question
has never arisen. _ _

The British Government immediately after re-
jecting the treaty as amended proposed to enter into
a new treaty with the United States, similar in all
respects to the treaty which they had just refused
to ratify, if the United States would consent to add
to the senate's clear and unqualified recognition of
the sovereignty of Honduras over the Bay Islands,
the following conditional stipulati on :—" Whenever
and so soon as the Republic of Honduras shall have
concluded and ratified a treaty with Great Bri-
tain, by which Great Britain shall have ceded
and the Republic of Honduras shall have accepted
t hesaid islands, subject to the provisions and con-
ditions contained in such treaty."
This propoiition was of course rejected. After
the Senate hacVitefused to recognise the British
convention with llonduras of the 27th August, 1856,
with full knowledge of its contents, it was impossi-
ble for me, necessarily ignorant of the provisions
and conditions which mighb bo Gor.tolvx.cl in a tn-
ture convention between the same parties, to sanc-
tion them in advance.
The fact is, that when two nations like Great Bri-
tain and the United States—mutually desirous as
they are, and I trust ever may be, of maintaining
the most friendly relations with each other—have
unfortunately concluded a treaty which they under-
!stand in senses directly opposite, the wisest course
is to abrogate such a treaty by mutual consent, and
to commence anew. Had thisbeen done promptly,
all difficulties in Central America would most pro-
bably ere this have been adjusted to the satisfaction
of both parties. The time spent in discussing the
meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty would
have been devotel to this praiseworthy purpose,
and the task would have been the more easily ac-
complished because the interest of the two countries
in Central America is identical, being confined to
securing a safe transits over all the routes across
the Isthmus.
Whilst entertaining these sentiment', I shall
nevertheless not refuse to contribute to any reason-
able adjustment of the Central American questions
which is not practically inconsistent with the Ame-
rican interpretation of the treaty. Overtures for
this purpose have been recently made by the British
government in a friendly spirit, which I cordially
reciprocate, but whether this renewed effort will
result in succeis I am not yet prepared to express
an opinion—a brief period will determine.
CONTINENTAL POWERS.

With France our ancient relations of friendship
still continue to exist. The French government
have in several recent instances, which need not be
enumerated, evinced a spirit of goodwill and kind-
ness towards our country which I heartily recipro-
cate. It is, notwithstanding, much to be regretted
that two nations whose productions are of such a
character as to invite extensive exchanges and freest

commercial intercourse should continue to enforce
ancient.and obsolete restrictions of trade! against
each other. Our commercial treaty with Franco is
in this respect an exception from our treaties with
all other commercial nations. It jealously levies dis-
criminating duties both on tonnage and on articles,
the growth, produce, or manufacture of the one
country, or when arriving iu vessels belonging to
the other.
More than forty years ago, on the 3d of March,
1815, Congress passed an act offering to all nations
to admit their vessels laden with general produc-
tions into the ports of the United States upon the
same terms with our own vessels, provided they
would reciprocate to us similar advantages. This
act confined the reciprocity to the productions of
the respective foreign nations who hereby entered
into the proposed arrangements with the United
States. The act of May 24, 1828, reduced this re-
striction, and offered a similar reciprocity to all
such vessels without reference to the origin of their
cargoes. Upon these principles our commercial
treaties and arrangements have been founded, ex-
cept with France, and let us hope that the excep-
tion may not long exist.
Our relations with Russia remain, as they have
ever been, on the most friendly footing. Tue pre-
sent emperor, as well as his predecessors, have never
failed, when the occasion offered, to manifest their
good will to our country, and their frieudship has
always been highly appreciated by the government
and people of the Un ted States.
With all other European governments, except
that of Spain, our relations are as cordial as we could
desire.
I regret to say that no progress whatever has been
made, since the adjournment of the United States
Oangress, towards the settlement of any of the
vai
tnerous claims of our citizaus against the Spanish
government.
Besides that the outrage committed on our flag
by the
seas eff'the Starting
seas frigate Ferrolana, on the high
Araelitezf Cuba, in March, lz.-455, by firing
into the
mail steamer El Dorado, and
derna,uding and aeall,,
„eldlelter, remains unacknow-
ledged and unredre
Spanish cro, tllO general tone and tem-
per of the rariaelit towardsregred that of the
United Stat s are much to
Our present EnvtooybEexrter:?ged(llll,4:ll.aiil:uiynibtuer
Plenipotentiary is
pose to send out a new minister. to 5
pur-
r
special instructions on all question% vven,
tween the two goverEments, with a determination
to have them speedily and amicably aqust.td,
if
this be possible. i 1
In the meantime, whenever our urgEs
the just claim of our citizens on the notice
.of the
Spanish government, he is met with the pleeetion
that Congress have never made the appropriation_
recommended by President Polk, in annual
message of December, 1847, to be paid to the Span-
ish government for the purpose of distribution
among the claimants in the Imistid case. A simlar
recommendation was made by my immediate pre-
decessor, in his message of December, 1853 ; and
entirely concurring with both in the opinion that
this indemnity is justly duo under the treaty with
Spain, of 27th Oct., 1795, I earnestly recommend