The Sun.
London, England, 1868-11-25 00:00:00

KELLEY AND SADLER.

MR. MURPHY AT BLACKB URN.

Thesetwo men, who meet on the Champion yours° on the
Ist of next month, were out for practice yesterday, when
their form and style of going was very critically scanned.
The defeat of Kelley in the late contest for the champion-
ship of the Thames with Renforth has by no means lessened
the confidence felt in him by his backers, who are very
ready in placing their cash upon him. On the other hand,
Sadler's friends do not shrink from supporting their man
to the utmost. The training of both men has been
attended to assiduously, and all the preliminaries of the
match have progressed without a hitch. At present the
ex-champion is undoubtedly the favourite with the general
public, and will probably continue to be so to the last.

Mr. MurphY came out In a new light on Sunday last, at
Blackburn. He was discovered as a man of order. He
was to preach in a dilapidated music-hall, at Blackburn,
A charge of one penny was made for admission. There
was a large audience, consisting mainly of young men and
women, with a sprinkling of unruly youths bent on mis.
chief. When Mr. Murphy rose to deliver his sermon he
gave out the sth chapter of Acts, and had read part of the
first verse, when he suddenly stopped short, in consequence of
the feigned coughing which went on in one of the galleries,
After a pause of a few minutes, during which he gazed
gravely around, he said, "I am a man of order ; good
night !" This announcement called forth numerous appeals
to proceed. One man rose in the body of the hall and
trusted Mr. Murphy would not condemn the whole
assembly because of a few lads. These remarks met
with general approval. Mr. Murphy said his train
of thought had been interrupted, and he would not
speak ; all of them might have their money back.
If it was a week-day night he would do it, but he could
not then. He wanted to leave Blackburn as he came intc

(F om Ik--
e Anglo-American Times)

it—a man of order and of peace. The Sabbath he would
not desecrate for any man. Several persons appealed to
Mr. Murphy to "go on," one man saying he wanted
justice to be done to the town. Mr. Murphy
resumed. (Mr Murphy was said to be a Puseyite.
Would he reply to the charge?) Mr. Murphy
told the speaker the sooner Popery and Puseyism were
crushed the better, but he would not speak to them then.
A woman cried out for her penny back, whereupon Mr.
Murphy pulled one out of his pocket and offered it to
her. A man charged Mr. Murphy with insulting
the woman by doing so. This Mr. Murphy indig•
nantly and excitedly denied, and amid great tumult the
meeting dispersed, almost all refusing to take their
pennieg back.

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 25, 1868.

PROGRESS
OF ELECTIONS.

Besides the speeches of Horatio Seymour, two
leading statesmen addressed the people on the
coming elections. "William H. Seward, Secretary
of State, at Auburn, N.Y., October 31, said his
hearers were not to imagine that he was about to
purchase on Government account, all the outlying
territory in the universe, or indeed beyond the
magic circle of the Monroe doctrine. In reference
to his official duties and inadequate strength he
remarked, " I have reason to thank God, indeed,
that neither age, nor indulgence, nor casualty, has
brought me to great decrepitude, as persons have
sometimes imagined. Nevertheless, I certainly
have some years, perhaps enough for a place on the
retired list ; some wounds, perhaps enough for a
pension, if 1 were in the military or naval Eervice.
Moreover, every opinion or sentiment of mine that
has a bearing on the present hour was spoken long
ago, spoken as I thought in due time, spoken either
concurrently with or in advance of political events.
So true is this that no one has mistaken either
my official views or political relations." He had
come home to vote ; the present was the twenty-
first election, the twelfth in which he took part.
He reviewed the last contest, showing the wisdom
of selecting Lincoln and Johnson, and the po-
licy pursued by each, that of the latter being
a continuation of the former. Secretary Seward
then defended President Johnson's policy of
reconstruction at great length, claiming that
it was merely following the footsteps of Lin-
coln, which consisted simply in opening the
easiest, shortest, and safest way for the return into
the national family of the people of the Southern
States, who now repented their attempted separa-
tion. He attacked violently the Radical plan of
reconstruction as proposed by Congress, denounced
the Impeachment project, and characterized the
doings of Radicals as the wild and reckless proceed-
ings of inconsistent leaders, such as kept Mexico in
a condition of anarchy through a period of forty
years, and which has left hardly a stable or peace-
ful State remaining in South America. He said it
was not his purpose to vindicate the part he took in
those proceedings, and continued, " I simply say
that, as I stood by the wise and magnanimous
policy of President Lincoln in his life, so I have
adhered to the same policy since his mortal remains
were committed to an untimely grave, and I have
adhered with equal fidelity to his constitutional suc-
cessor. All parties frantically utter the cry " Let
us have peace." But the same is now needed as in
1865, the admission of loyal representatives from
the late rebel States into the Congress of the United
States, and it needs at this time at our hands no
more, but it belongs to the people of those States
just as much as it belongs to the people of this
State, to say whether they shall live under
one form of loyal Republican Government or
not. It matters not whether Governors or Re-
presentatives are white, black, or mixed, so that
they be representative men, freely chosen in those
States by the people, not by outside compulsion
or dictation. " I shall not take the sword in hand,
or put it into the hand of any other person, to effect
a reform by force in those States, which I am sure
will be effected much sooner and much more per-
manently through the exercise of persuasion and
reason. As little do I think it my duty to use the
sword to undo and remove what has already been
done in those States. Whether it was necessarily
done or unwisely done, the ambitious of parties
must come to reflect, with the close of the election,
and calmness and tranquillity must sooner or later
resume their sway over the public mind. It is pos-
sible that the dilemma of reconciliation may con-
tinue, and may require the attention of the new Ad-
ministration. It is in this respect that I deem the
present choice of the future Chief Magistrate not
only important, but perhaps critically so, as the last
two choices were so." The civil war closed in
saving the integrity of the Union, and in abolishing
African Slavery. Those who preside in Reconstruc-
tion hereafter ought, like those who have carried
on that work, to be drawn from and represent
citizens who maintained the Government in the
War, and, in abolishing Slavery ; for success could
be expected from no others. " The attitude of
each of the political parties in this canvass is in
some respects different from what I myself could
have desired. Very great crimes have been com-
mitted in the name Of liberty by the Republican
party of the United States. Nevertheless, the Re-

publican party neither rests under any suspicion of
its loyalty, or of its devotion to human freedom; nor
can it fall under any such suspicion. The Demo-
cratic party, I do not propose now to say with how
much justice, has not so conducted itself with cor-
porate and responsible action as to secure the con-
fidence of the loyal people in its unconditional and
uncompromising adherence to the Union, or in its
acceptance and approval of the effective aboli-
tion of slavery. I entertain no jealousy of
the Democratic party or its leaders, and no un-
friendly or uncharitable feelings towards that
great constituency. On the other hand, I cherish
a grateful appreciation of the patriotism, magnani-
mity, and heroism of many of my fellow-citizens,
with whom I have cheerfully laboured and co-ope-
rated. While they still retain their adhesion to
the Democratic party, how could • I distrust the
loyalty of Andrew Johnson, Geneial Hancock,
General M'Clellan, Sanmor Buckalew, of Pennsyl-
vania ; of Senator Hendricks, of Indiana ; or his
associate, Mr. Niblack ; or of Cox, of Ohio, to
whom personally, more than to any other member,
is due the passage of the Constitutional Amend-
ment abolishing slavery? To confide the respon-
sibilities of the Government to the Democratic
party in its present cmiclition would be perhaps to
increase the lamentable political excitement which
alone has delayed the complete restoration of the
Union up to the present time. The result of the
election, if favourable to the candidates of our
' choice, will prepare the popular mind to accept now
what it has heretofore rejected, namely, the most
practical and easy solution of the national embar-
rassments." We need scarcely add that Mr. Seward
cast his vote for Grant and Colfax. On the same
day Edwin M. Stanton addressed the citizens of
Philadelphia at the Academy of Music. He replied
to Mr. Seymour's late stump addresses. He said--
"The men who nominated Seymour met in New
York a short time ago, and who were they ? Re-
bels, red-handed prisoners of war of the United
States, and their associates. (Cheers.) These are
the men who put in nomination Horatio Seymour.
Who put in nomination Ulysses S. Grant? The
great Republican party that loved this nation dar-
ting the war, under the Divine blessing, through
trials and dangers and all the vicissitudes of the
great struggle we have just passed through—the
great Republican party. (Cheers.) The first
reason, then, why we will prefer Grant. to Sey-
mour on the coming first Tuesday in November is
to be found in the bodies who placed them iu
nomination. And than whom do they repre-
sent? Grant represents the loyal heart of Ame-
rica. Seymour is the travelling agent of Wade
Hampton and Forrest." He then sketched Grant
and his career. Returning to Mr. Seymour, he
asks, what reasons does he give why the banner of
the Union, its honour and glory, should not be en-
trusted to Grant's hand. " Seymour has charged
many things, but has he named a single remedy? He
has told you of mistakes that have been committed,
of errors that have been committed by the Repub-
lican party; but in all this long array of charges
against the Republican party has he told you once
that he himself stands forth as the representative
and advocate of any measure of reform? For that
his lips have been silent—he has been dumb ! The
burden of his song, beginning at Buffalo and end-
ing at Pittsburg, has been mainly about items—
First, of the expenditures of the Government;
second, of taxation ; and third, of its extravagance.
Now what have been the expenditures of the Go-
vernment during the last three years which arq
complained of by Horatio Seymour? They have,
all of them, been expenses of the war, and for war
purposes ; they were expended to overthrow the
rebellion—a rebellion declared by the wisest states-
men of the earth, by. all the foreign Governments
of the earth, to be beyond the power of being
I repressed. Yet it has been repressed—repressed by