The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-11 00:00:00

they were satisfied was in existence, have been de-
feated by the devices and machinations of those
who in the North and South are allied to the Pre-
sident. The telegraphic correspondence between
Mr. Johnson and Lewis E. Parsons shows that he
used his personal and official influence to defeat the
ratification of the Constitutional amendment and
the Congressional plan of Reconstruction. Pur-
suing the subject further, it is easy to comprehend
and discover his entire scheme of criminal ambition
to obtain command of the War Department and
the army, and by their combined power to control
the elections in the ten States not yet restored to
the Union. By his policy, if in control of the War
Department, it would be easy in the ten States to
exclude from the polls every coloured m•an and give
the franchise to every white rebel He could se-
cure the election of delegates from the ten States
to the Democratic N ►tion tl C )nvention f tvour-
able to his nomination, and having delegates
assured from other sections of the country would
have secured his nomination. This he confi-
dently an ; with the War Department
in his hands, and the Tenure-of-Office Act
broken down, he would be able to remove Grant,
Sherman, Sheridan, or any other officer, high or low,
who stood in his way. With tens of thousands of
office-holders scattered all over the country, he
would be able to control the nominations of the
Democratic party in every State of the Union. If,
with the electoral votes of the 'ten States, he ob-
tained enough from the States now represented in
Congress to make a majority of the electoral votes,
he would defy the House and Senate should they
attempt to reject the votes of the ten States, whe-
ther they had been previously restored to the Union
or not. In a contest with the two Houses, he and
his friends and supporters, including the War De-
partment, the Treasury Department, and the army
and the navy, would insist that he had been duly
elected President, and he would have been inaugu-
rated on the 4th of March next as President for
another four years. The President is hostile to Mr.
Stanton, but he has not incurred all this hazard for
the mere purpose of gratifying his personal feelings
towards Mr. Stanton, but under the influence of
ambition, unlimited and unscrupulous, which dares
anything and everything necessary for its gratifica-
tion. The House of Representatives has brought this
great criminal to your bar upon a conviction that the
country was in peril, they believing that the inter-
rests of the country are no longer safe in his hands.
Representing the people of the country, they appeal
to this tribunal to maintain the constitutional
powers of the Senate. Never before in the history
of any free government has there been so base, so
unjustifiable an attempt upon the part of any Execu-
tive, whether Emperor, King, or President, to de-
stroy the just authority of another department of
the Government. You cannot fail to discharge
your duty. Nothing, literally nothing, can be said
in defence of this criminal. Andrew Johnson is
guilty, upon the proof in part, and upon his own
admissions of having intentionally violated a public
law, of usurping and exercising powers not exer-
cised or even asserted by any of his predecessors in
office. Judge Pickering, of the District Court. of
New Hampshire, was impeached and removed from
office for the crime of having appeared upon the
bench in a state of intoxication. I need not draw
any parallel betweon Judge Pickering and this re-
spondent. Andrew Johnson has disregarded and
violated the laws and constitution of his own coun-
try. The States of the Union are without law,
without security, without safety, because of his evil
purposes and machinations. Forty millions of people
have been rendered anxious and uncertain as to the
preservation of public peace and the perpetuation of
the institutions of freedom in this country. Catus
Venes is the great political criminal of history; for two
years he was the scourge of Sicily. It has a popu-
lation of about two million souls. The criminal at
your bar has been the scourge of a country con-
taining a population six times as great. This re-
spondent has not canvassed States or enriched him-
self by the plunder of their homes, but he had ad-
hered to a policy which deprived the people of the
blessings of peace, of the protection of law, of the
just reward of honest industry. A vast and im-
portant portion- of the R public is prostrate and
helpless under the evils which his administration
has brought upon it. Venes had his friends, but
this respondent will look in vain even in the South
for any testimonials to his virtues or to his public
conduct. Will any one say that the heaviest nun-
ishment which you can give is any adequate pun-
ishment for these crimes ? But it is yours to re-
lieve, not to punish. The people of England have
successfully resisted Executive encroachinent upon
their rights ; let not their example be lost upon us.
We suppressed the rebellion in arms, and we are
now to expel it from the Executive Councils. At
your bar the House of Representatives demands
justice ; justice for the people ; justice to the ac-
cused. Justice is of God, and it cannot perish. By
and through justice comes obedience to law by all
magistrates aad people. By and through justice
comes the liberty of the law, which is freedom with-
on; license. Senators, as far as lam concerned, the
case is now in your hands, and it is soon to be closed
by my associate. The House of Representatives
have presented this criminal at the bar, with equal
confidence in his guilt and in your disposition' to
administer ex tct justice between him and the people
of the United States. His conviction is the triumph
of law, of order, of justice. I dn. not contemplate
his acquittal—it is impossible. Therefore Ido not
look beyond. But, Senators, the people of America
will never permit an usurping Executive to break
down the securities for liberty provided by the Con-
stitution. The cause of the country is in your hands.
Your verdict of guilty is peace to our beloved land."
Mr. Boutwell's argument lasted over the remainder
of Wednesday, and although he had spoken for
three hours the Senate adjourned, and his speech
was resumed on Thursday.
April 23.—At 11 o'clock Mr. Boutwell re-com-
menced and continued to occupy the court till 1.40
p.ria., when it reassembled after a recess of ten
minutes. The galleries were on this, as well as the
preceding day, crowded to hear him. Among those
present were the Chief Justice of Canada, General
Howard, Judge Advocate Holt, Samuel Bowles of
Springfield, and Theodore Tilton. Mr. Boutwell
read from printed slips. The legal merits of the
speech are much discussed, but it was delivered
effectively, more especially his denunciation of Mr.
Johnson's Cabinet, and made a deep impression.
Judge Nelson, of Tennessee, then opened the case
for the defence in an extempore address. . He is
said to be behind the times, and that the speech
rather harmed than helped the cause. Ilis manner
was passionate, but his matter commonplace, while
here and there passages were strong and brilliant.
It was reported to be against the wish of Evarts
and Curtis that he spoke, but at the express desire
of the President. Mr. Curtis was absent during
the delivery. Judge Nelson began as all the
other speakers by alluding to the magnitude of
the case and his inability to treat it. He
would. consider many points which requited
attention though not belonging to the case, as they
had been introduced by the Managers. He then
referred to the charges of evil nature, wickedness
and detestable character, which had been brought
against the President, and which so far had re-
mained unnoticed by his counsel. The President
was accused of being everything, from a political
criminal to a common scold. These accusations,
stigmas, and aspersions he intended to examine.
He sketched the President's early life and career,
and passed a high encomium on his patriotism and
public services, referring also to the fact that his
neighbours and those who, like himself, knew him
best, sustained him and believed him innocent. Mr.
Nelson felt he was not addressing merely Senators
or politicians, but judges expected to rise above
prejudice or party considerations and do impartial
justice. Referring to the immense outside pres-
sure which, it was impossible to conceal, unwor-
thy persons and journals sought to bring to bear
upon them, he was confident they would repel it
with indignation. If he could believe the result
of the trial was a foregone conclusion, humble
individual that he was, he would scorn to ad-
dress them. He asked them as far as possible to
put themselves in the President's place, to judge
of his feelings, and motives, and intentions—a
privilege accorded to the meanest criminal. Citing