The Sun.
London, England, 1868-01-27 00:00:00

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LONDON, IVIONDAY, JAN. 27, 1868.

It is a matter of regret to all sensible persons
that the French Government should have persisted
in the prosecution of the editors of the Paris news-
papers. As might have been expected they were
found guilty according to the law, and sentenced
to pay a fine of one thousand francs and six months'
imprisonment, in case of default in the payment
thereof. This sentence includes ten responsible
editors, and the step cannot be too much censured,
for it is most decidedly one of retrogression. In
La France we find a very sensible letter from M. de
Laquerronniere, and in this publication he condemns
this persecution of the press in the strongest terms.
lie truly remarks that the doctrine implied by the
sentence is an " excessive and impracticable restric-
tion ; and indeed it would be better to have absolute
prohibition." Such an arrangement would certainly
be the more suitable of the two, and most completely
do we concur in the opinion of this writer, that the
trial is au error of the Government which all sensible
men must deplore. It is the more disappointing,
because from certain changes that had taken place
during the last ten years there seemed an indication
of better things in this respect, but all the fair pro-
mises have faded away, and it is difficult to point to
any amelioration in the condition of the freedom of
the press since these last restrictive laws have been
put into force. Public opinion in France is de-
cidedly against this mode of proceeding, but unfor-
tunately too little heed is paid to it, and too little
opportunity even allowed for its expression. A
protest would have been quite sufficient in the case
of these journals, and this prosecution altogether
has been one of those blunders that are worse than

a crime.

Lord STANLEY'S speech at Bristol has been com-
mented upon by M. EDOUARD HERVE in most flat-
tering terms. This tribute from one who is so well
acquainted with our institutions is worth having,
as it is interesting to follow the writer's observa-
tions. " Lord STANLEY," it is said, " speaks as an
honest man should speak to honest men, and as a
man of sense to men of sense." What seems to
strike M. HERVE more forcibly than anything else
in this speech is its extreme candour ; there is no
attempt made to impart a false colouring to things,
or to make events out better than they are, and it
is this characteristic which makes the discourse so
creditable both to the speaker and to the hearers.
Some of the reflections upon the general policy
of England that are here met with are also
most admirable. 9.t present a wiser and more
generous spirit prevails, although great diffi-
culties have to be overcome in consequence
of the effects produced by the errors of our
predecessors ; this is especially true as regards Ire-
land. It is seldom that we find the French press

treating the subjects referring to this country in so
fair a spirit, and with such justice of sentiment.
It is always something gained when the politicans
of one nation can rightly estimate the feelings and
sentiments of another, and yet the appearance of a
criticism of this nature is as rare as it is valuable. M.
HERVE seems entirely to enter into the meaning of
his subject, and this makes his opinion the more
deserving of notice. The impossibility of such a
speech as that of Lord STANLEY'S being delivered
1 in France need not prevent its being duly appre-
ciated and admired there for its sense and
sagacity.

Mr. FERRAND has been displaying his eloquence at
Bristol on the occasion of the Working-Men's Asso-
ciation having A meeting, and he spoke out in his
usual independent style, though his auditory were
not always inclined to hear him patiently. He en-
deavoured to impress some of his convictions upon
the minds of those present, and made a successful
hit against Mr. BERKELEY, wbo had declared in
the same sentence that they must fix their hearts
on GLADSTONE, and that nothing could answer in
the way of Reform without the ballot. Now, said
Mr. FERRAND, it is an extraordinary thing that he
should fix his heart, and the hearts of his friends,
on GLADSTONE, when GLADSTONE had always
spoke against the ballot, and voted against
it too. There is always a good deal
worthy of notice in Mr. FERRAND'S speeches,
notwithstanding their one-sidedness and occa-
sional exaggeration. In taking a retrospective
glance at past events, the hon. member said that
"the Duke of WELLLNGTON made the great mistake
of his life when he declared in the House of Lords
that he was opposed to all reform. The Whigs,
then the Liberal party, took advantage of that
avowal, and made an agitation throughout the
country. They raised the passions of the ignorant,
the roughs, and rowdies, and dangerous classes
then as they are attempting to do now." Mr.
FARRAND proceeded to give an animated account
of the misdoings and mistakes of the Whigs, which
resulted in their majority of 350 dwindling down
into one. He also animadverted upon Mr. BRIGHT'S
conduct in charging the Tories with being the ene-
mies of the working classes, while the hon. member
for Birmingham himself had always been opposed to
factory legislation, and all other changes that had
been effected for the benefit of the operatives.
At one time women worked for fifteen hours a
day, and women and children were employed in
coal 'alines, and there is no denying that those
who effected those alterations did great service to
their country. During the course of Mr. FER-
RAND'S speech, and subsequently to it, a great deal
of disturbance was created by the unseemly de-
monstration of certain classes who had evidently
come there to promote the cause of discord. Such
an exhibition is always to be regretted, and it is
a pity that those who, directly or indirectly, fur-
ther such interruptions, do not see, how con.
temptible is their device. It is never any proof
of wisdom to refuse to hear what is said on all
sides, and there was great force in what Mr.
FERRAND said, that it must go forth to the world
that the " Liberal party in Bristol were
afraid of free discussion." Several resolutions
were passed, the first of which was that the meeting
expressed its full confidence of the home and foreign
policy of ber MAJESTY'S Ministers, and, at the same
time, to " record its deep gratitude to them for
under circumstances of great difficulty,
having,restore e to a large number of their
fellow-country men."

In the former part of Mr. ROEBUCK'S able and
vigorous speech at Sheffield, the other evening, he
took a survey of the politics of the past and the
present. In the latter half he tarned the attention
of his audience to the asp.2ets of the future, and
sail that the main polities of the coming year might
be summed up in three things—the Scotch Iteforna
Bill, the Irish Reform Bill, and some legislation
with respect to the trades' unions of the country.
As to the increase of the Scotch represen-
tation, he spoke very hopefully, and refer-
ring to the juncture of Scotland and Eng-
land through her Parliament, he said that
from that time to this Scotland has learnt the

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benefit of being connected with a richer people. call must allow that the Southern States, as they
4, She has brought into onr laws and literature, into are at present, are a source of national weakness,
our ha bit aof thought and feelings of society every- and they may thank the breadth of the Atlantic
thing thl .t could honour, distinguish, and heighten rather than their own administrative powers, that
n
a nation ." Why should not the result be the same no foreigner has yet availed himself of the ready
with Irel and? She has eloquence to adorn our laws, opportunity which they offer to the enemies of the
she has genius to enrich our literature, she has once United States.
fervent :feelings, keen wit, ready humour, and her
own special light-heartedness to bring into our social
and intellectual circles. If Scotland has felt the
benefit, of connection with a richer people, why
should_ not Ireland be equally susceptible of the ad-
vantages to be derived from her union with Eng-
land ? Mr. ROEBUCK did not, however, examine
the case in this aspect. He denounced, as all
rational politicians do denounce, the idea of a
separation between the two countries, and pointed
out that under the law there was no recognised
inequality. Trial by jury and all other vital mat-
ters were identical in both, and there was no law
in England to compel landlords to grant leases to
their tenants. There was something more than law
wanted to improve the condition of the sister coun-
try. " Depend upon it," he exclaims," it is not law
that will make Ireland what it ought to be. It is
the teaching of her teachers ; it is the reception of
that teaching by her people ; it is a determination
on the part of everybody to do his duty in that
state of life in which it has pleased GrOD to call
him, and not to turn round to talk nonsense about
" Erin-go-bragb or Bryan Boru." But we have for
centuries done mischief, as Mr. ROEBUCK said later
on, and the mischief of centuries cnnot be
undone in one generation. Fenianism, though a
great evil, may be ultimately productive of good if
it eliminates the professed agitators and' noisy
riorters from the real and earnest reformers of Ire-
land. England has often shown her anxiety
to remove the grievances of her sister coun-
try, and strong as is the indignation against
Fenianism, Englishmen are magnanimous enough to
distinguish between the crimes of a few conspirators
and the mistakes of their dupes, still more between
the reckless agitator, whose hand is against every
man, and the loyal and conscientious Irishman, who
feels that his country is unjustly burdened. As for
the American Irish element, Mr. ROEBUCK spoke the
truthwhen he said the Irish emigrant who arrived in
America with his feelings embittered against England
found two parties fighting against each other, be-
tween which he held the balance. Both parties
courted him, and Democrats and Republicans alike
talked nonsense to obtain his vote. Without doubt
this fact introduces an awkward element into the
question, but the greater the difficulty, the more
need for patience, promptitude, and resolution in
dealing with it.

LATEST INTELL WINCE.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

FRANCE.
M. MAGNES' FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
PARIS, Jan. 27.

The Moniteur of this morning publishes M.
Magne's report upon the financial condition of
France. According to this statement, on the Ist
December, 1867, the floating debt amounted to 936
million francs. In consequence of events beyond
control, the receipts of the Buiget of 1867 show a
deficit of 26 millions as comparel with the esti-
mates. Adding to this the extraordinary credit
voted by the Corps Legislatiff on the 31st May,
1867, of 158 millions, and the cost of the
expedition to Rome, there is a total of
189 millions of francs necessary ,to cover
the outlay occasioned by the events of 1867.
The report denotes various augmentations of ex-
pense which will be felt by the budgets of 1868
and 1869, and concludes that supplementary re-
sources to the amount of 82 millions of francs
will be required to be shared between those two
years. The report calls to mind that it is neces-
sary to reform the war materials and the fleet, in
"the interest of the defence of the country and of
the national honour. From reports submitted to
the Ministries of War and Marine, a sum of 187
millions ought to be devoted to that object.
It would, however, be illusory to suppose
that these resources would suffice to cover
every requirement, but relative to the
war material every essential would be therewith
met. The details of his urgent importance would
be completed in proportion to the annual resources.
The report concludes by proposing a loan of 440
millions of francs, which would meet all exigencies.
The funds in the army dotation chest are not dis-
posable. The loan will be negotiated by public
subscription. The report proposes to divide the
monthly payments of the loan into twenty instal-
ments.

THE SWISS CONSTITUTION.
BERNE, Jan. 27.

We have by the arrival of the Cuba news from
New York to the 15th January, and the general
aspect of affairs is anything but encouraging. The
embroglio at the War-office continues in a manner
which we should in this country imagine to be in-
compatible with the discharge of public business.
On the 14th, the day prior to the departure of
the Cuba, Mr. STANTON resumed possession of
the War Department. General GRANT volun-
tarilythe keys so soon as he re-
eeived
the resolution up the
of the Senate, and notified
the PRESIDENT that under the Tenure of Office Bill
his functions of Secretary of War ad interim
ceased the moment he received notice of the
action of the Senate. The General is evidently
very apprehensive of assuming too much, and car-
ries the reticence which distinguishes his speech
into action. He is apparently fearful of identifying
nutesen With cithor party, and now that the elec-
tions are drawing nearer and nearer, he shrinks
from giving offence to the Republicans. He leaves
the battle between the Legislature and the Executive
to be fought out by other parties, and will await
the issue before he takes independent action. He
cannot, indeed, refuse to obey the orders of the
PRESIDENT as his military commander, and it now
seems that he is equally reluctant to disregard the
commands of. Congress. The bill reinstating Mr.
STANTON was passed in the Senate by thirty-
five votes to six. Mr. JOHNSON, however, is
not inclined to submit to dictation, and has an-
nounced that he will issue all military orders
through GRANT instead of through STANTON.
GRANT'S military position woald enable him to do
this ; but whatever course Mr. JOHNSON resolves
upon, it is certain that he will not allow his au-
thority to be so completely set aside as the Radicals
desire. They are scheming now to remove all the
prominent men who oppose them in their headlong
course. General HANCOCK has become remarkable
for his temperate and constitutional administration
of his district, and the PRESIDENT, it will be re-
membered, expressly reeetnmendel him for approval
to the Senate. That august body has shown their
sense of his services by the introduction of a reso-
lution to reduce the quota of major-generals in the
army, the resolution being so framed as to cause
the discharge of IlaxeoeK and ROUSSEAU.
Another resolution adopted by the Senate recom-
mends the consideration of a law for the suspension
of officials from office pending impeachment and trial.
This is no doubt aimed at the PRESIDENT, though
his wildest antagonists one would imagine could
hardly dream of reopening the Impeachment ques-
tion. The House of Representatives, it is true, is
ready for a good deal. No hesitation or misgiving
interferes with the vigour of their resolutions. The
bill denying the validity of the civil Governments
of the South, which we learned by the cable last
week, had passed the Lower House, makes it a
high misdemeanour for the PRESIDENT to employ
the army or navy to enforce the authority of the
present civil governments in the rebellious States.
This is evidently intended to prevent the action of
the troops in repressing the riots in the South. It
would seem that the House of Representatives is
really in earnest in endeavouring to rekindle the
flames of civil war and rebellion in those
distracted and desolated provinces. Whether
they seriously desire the confiscation of
the planters' lands, hoping for personal en-
riching of the members, or whether they are
carried away by their dislike to the PRESIDENT, it
is certain that the system which they are delibe-
rately pursuing in the South would be intolerable to
any but the most degraded people. To set aside all
civil law, and to know that the military law is ad-
ministered by men of known partiality and harsh-
ness, to provoke a fresh revolt against the
arbitraryessis simply
power that is so unworthily employed. The
condition of the Southern States has excited the
commiseration of Europe, but it is powerless to
awaken the sympathies or moderate the political
rancour of their own countrymen. How can it be
supposed that capital will flow into a country so
harassed and so persecuted? in which the most or-
dinary guarantees of popular freedom and indivi-
dual rights are completely set aside, and the old
traditions of civil law and liberty are overriden
without scruple ? Under the existing rule, while
senators and representatives are quarrelling about
the rival claims of white and black, both negroes
and planters are in danger of starvation. But who
will invest money in the cultivation of land that
may any day be taken from him? Who will till
the ground when he is uncertain of his wages?
who will speculate, who will advance money or give
credit to men in such a condition? ET= the Radi-

A popular vote was taken yesterday in the
Canton of Zurich upon the question of revision of
the Constitution. The revision by the constitutional
council was decided upon by 47,776 votes to 10,057.

AMERICA.
ARRIVAL OF THE AMERICA.
(Via Southampton.)

NEW YORK, Jan. 15 (Noon.)
Mr. Stanton has not passed any official orders.

OUTWARD CALCUTTA, CHINA, AND
AUSTRALIAN MAILS.
GIBRALTAR, Jan. 26.

The Ceylon, from Southampton 25th inst., ar-
rived at 10 p.m. yesterday. She experienced ter-
rific weather in the Bay of Biscay, lost three boats,
decks swept, bulwarks, bridge, and Post-office in-
jured ; ship's galley smashed, and figure-head
carried away. Damage being repaired here.
Otherwise, everything all right and well. Ship
leaves at 4 p.m. to-day for Alexandria.