The Sun.
London, England, 1850-11-29 00:00:00

Will be performed A PRACTICAL

To be followed by MY HEART'S IDOL ; or, A Desperate Remedy,
in which Messrs. C. Mathews, G. Vining, Bellingham ; Madame Yes-
trig, Miss Kenworthy, and Miss I. Dickenson will appear.
To conclude with the Extravaganza of OLYMPIC DEVILS ; or,
Orpheus and Eurydice, in which Miss Rosins Wright and Mr. H.
Horncastle will appear.

ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE,
THIS EVENING.
Will be performed PHILIP OF FRANCE AND MARIE
DE MERANIE. Characters by Messrs. G. V. Brooke, H. Farren,
Norton, W. Farren, jun., Johnstone, G. Cooke, Diddear ; Miss Helen
Faucit, and Mrs. L. Murray.

To be followed by a new Comedy, entitled MY WIFE'S
DAUGHTER, in which Messrs. H. Farren, W. Farren, Compton,
Norton, Mesdames Stirling, L. Murray, Louisa Howard, and Ellen
Turner will appear.
To conclude with a new BILLET DIVERTISSEMENT.

,LSTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.
Under the Patronage of her Majesty and his Royal Highness
Prince Albert.
Proprietor and Manager, Mr. W. Batty.
THIS EVENING,
Brilliant reception of the new Tale of Enchantment.
The Entertainments will commence with a new and original
Spectacle, entitled THE ENCHANTED PALFREY ; or, The War-
rior of the Crescent.

To be succeeded by an inimitable Display of Batty's Feats of
quitation in the Cirque Olympique, by the malo and female Eques-
trians of the Establishment
To conclude with a favourite Farce

Box-office open from Eleven till Four.
Stage Manager, Mr. T. Thompson.

HIGII WATER Al LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAT Morning 7 min. after 10 1 Evening 44 min. after 10
To-Moasow— Morning 17 min. after 11 I Evening 45 min. after 11

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, NOVEMBER 29.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
37—highest since noon yesterday.
30—lowest this morning and during the night.
37—this day, at noon.

BAROMETER, 30.31.
WLND E.N.E.—Morning, foggy and frosty; Afternoon, fine
sunshiny weather.

DAILY WEATHER TABLE.

State of the Wind and Weather at each of the following
places at Nine o'clock yesterday morning.—The stations
are arranged in order of latitude.
IimISTOWN (DUBLIN) —Wind N.W., gentle breeze—
cloudless.
PLYMOUTH—Wind N., gentle breeze—cloudless.
PORISMOUTH—Wind N.W., gentle breeze—cloudless.
BRIGHTON—Wind N., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
HASTINGS—Wind N.E., gentle breeze—cloudless.
SOUTHAMPTON— Wind N., strong breeze—cloudless.
FOLKESTONE—Wind N.E, strong breeze—rain.
TUNBRIDGE—Wind N, gentle breeze—cloudless.
BASINGSTOKE Wind N., calm—cloudless.
&anon—Wind N., calm—foggy.
READING—Wind N., calm—cloudless.
GREENWICH—Wind N., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
SWINDON—Wind N., light airs—frosty.
OxFoßD—Wind S.W., calm—foggy.
LEIGHTON—Wind S.E. gentle breeze—cloudless.
COLCHESTER—Wind N.E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
RUGBY—Wind N., gentle breeze—cloudless.
BIRMINGHAM—Wind N. W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
PETERBOROUGH—Wind N.E., strong breeze—partially
cloudy.
YARMOUTH—Wind N.E., hard wind—cloudless.
CBzwE—Calm—bard frost.
CoNwAy—Wind N., gentle breeze—cloudless.
HOLYHEAD—CaIm—frost.
SHEFFIELD—Wind E., gentle breeze—overcast.
LivEßFooL—Wind S.E., calm—cloudless.
MANCHESTER—CaIm—dense fog.
LANcAsTER—Wind N.W., calm—cloudless.
WHITBY—Wind N., strong breeze—overcast.
SNAP—Wind E., calai— hard frost.
SUNDERLAND—Wind W., gentle breeze—clear.
HEATTocE—Wind N. W., gentle breeze—cloudless.
BEItWICK—Wind N. %V.—gentle breeze— cloudless.
EDINBURGH.... Wind W., calm -.cloudless.
The returns from the following places indicate the state of
the wind and weather on Wednesday morning at nine
o'clock :
CORK—Wind S.W., light breeze—clear.
CABLow—Wind N., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
31 CLLINGAR— Win d 1`4., gentle breeze—hazy.
DUNDALK.—Wind N., gentle breeze—frosty.
POOLE—Wind N., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
LEDs—Wind N.E., calm—overcast.
YORK—Wind N., gentle breeze—rain.
WurrßY—Wind E., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
WIIITIMVEN Wind E., gentle breeze— cloudless.
DUNDEE —Wind N.W., gentle breeze—cloudless.

'l4"' 4.--111110
.6,7 w
LONDON, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1850.

A generous effort was made on Monday by General
FABVIER to extort from the French Assembly a de-
cision authorising the liberation of the Emir Alm"
EL-KADER. Unfortunately, the endeavour, like many
previous ones of a similar character, proved unsuc-
cessful. The Republic, actuated by a dread of ex-
citing disturbances in Algeria, by causing the heroic
captive to be conveyed eit'aer to St. Jean d'Acre or
to Alexandria, has definitively resolved to continue
indefinitely the period of his incarceration. In conse-
quence of this lamentable determination, the treaty
solemnly entered into by the then governor of Al-
geria, the Due D'AUBL.4ILE, and the then commander
of the province, Genes al LAMORICIERE will remain
unfulfilled. The faith of the " great nation," given
with all form and ceremony to one of the bravest
men in modern history, :will continue broken, and
the honour of the land of BAYARD and DUGUESCLIN,
remain in this manner flagrantly compromised.
Notwithstanding the ,exordium of the speech,
delivered:,hy General DJ SCHRAMM, the Minister of
War, we cannot but regard his assertions of sympa-
thy for the' unfortunate leader of the Arabs and his

rejection of the demand of General FABVIER as alto-
gether irreconcileable. All the protestations of gene-
rosity in the world will fail to convince the public
mind of the magnanimity of a Government which
refuses to accede to demands so simple as those relat-
ing to the ratification of a treaty deliberately entered
into by the representatives of France; and the condi-
tions of which were afterwards deliberately evaded,
first by the Monarchy, and then by the Republic.
So painful is the sense entertained by us of the short-
coming of France in this particular, that we could
wish to see in the hands of the Prince Louis NAPO-
LEON that plenitude of authority which could
enable him by a single stroke of his pen
to decree the freedom of the Emir. We
are satisfied of one thing, and that is, that the heart of
the PRESIDENT is sufficiently alive to the influence of
generous emotions to be solicitous to yield this prac-
tical tribute of sympathy to a brave man, now under-
going the miseries of that imprisonment the bitterness
of which he himself has experienced. Living now in
the splendour of the Palace of the Elysee, as the
chief magistrate of his native country—the country
of his ancestral glory and of his dynastic daydreams
—he must still cherish a lively recollection of his six
years' captivity in the fortress of Ham, a recollection
so lively as to inspire his mind with a sympathising
regret for the confinement of ABD-EL-KADER in the
chateau of Amboise. By a strange coincidence
Amboise has been selected as the prison
of the dauntless but fallen Arab that
royal Amboise, whose very name, whose very
walls, whose very atmosphere are associated with the
idea of French generosity—Amboise, where the great
Italian artist, LEONARDO DA VINCI, was received in
his old age as the guest and favourite of the First
FRANCIS—Amboise, where his bones have reposed
unmolested since the time of their sepulture. In that
palatial chateau, which was once the abode of LEO-
NARDO'' the luckless ABD-EL-KADER is now pining
for the land of his many glorious recollections.
Under all circumstances the incarceration of a great
and brave-hearted warrior is always the object of
peculiar sympathy and condolence. The imagination
can scarcely form to itself more painful pictures than
are suggested by the thought of RICHARD CCEVE DE
LION in his dungeon, of FRANCIS the FIRST in bis
Spanish captivity, of TOUSSAINT L'OVERTURE in his
exile and imprisonment among the European mountains,
or of NAPOLEON in his miserable insulation in the island
of St. Helena. Added to these sorrowful ideas are
others, perhaps on some accounts still more depress.
ing, suggested by the retention of the unfortunate
ABD-EL-KADER at Amboise. To him—the child of
the desert, the only bounds to whose liberty have
hitherto been the wide and trackless plains of the
wilderness—the sense of bondage must be more irk•
some and intolerable even than to the soul of the lion-
hearted PLANTAGENET. Especially must this be the
case, moreover, when he calls to mind the fact that
he was tricked into submission to the powers of
France by the solemn engagements entered into with
him for the preservation of bis personal freedom—en-
gagements made, not by a simple colonel of a regi-
ment, by a consul, or by an ambassador—but by the
military commander of a French province, and by the
Governor-General of Algeria. Why, the shameless eva-
sion of the promise given to the Emperor NAPOLEON, in
1815, by Captain MAITLAND' lives in history as a
damning accusation on our Government ! But Cap-
tain MAITLAND was merely the commander of the
Bellerophon, whereas the Due D'AUMALE was the
Governor-General of Algeria, the official and autho-
rised representative of the French Monarchy ; nay,
what is yet more, the son of the SOVEREIGN. Well
might General FAnvina, when alluding to this
shameless act of
.perpetuated treachery, exclaim
against the false position assumed by his mother
country. When a similar petition was submitted
to the Constituent Assembly, said General FAB-
VIER, " do,' you know what was the declaration of
the implacable Meniteur ?" It was that the announce-
ment was received with laughter ! " And this," he ex-
claims in tones of sorrow and amazement, " and this
was in a French Assembly, that is to say among
the representatives of the most moral, the most loyal,
and the most generous people who have ever existed !"
No wonder the voice of a brave soldier like General
FABVIER should give utterance to words of indigna-
tion when recording a circumstance so disgraceful to
the national spirit of his countrymen ! No wonder
that he should marvel at that cruelest of all insults to
the unfortunate—derision—derision expressed more-
over towards a hero like ABD-EL-KADER, by a nation
like France ! That the demands of justice and of
humanity should be overlooked by the Republic we
regret, the more so because we had anticipated better
things from the youthful and generous heart of the
French democracy. Let the Republic bear in mind
the significant fact, that the downfall of Louis
PHILIPPE followed immediately upon his de

plorable breach of faith to ABD..EL-KADER—as it
were in retribution for an act of turpitude so inju-
rious to the fair fame of European civilization. It
would be a graceful, not to say a sagacious proceed-
ing on the part of whatever power may happen to
succeed the Legislative Assembly, to pronounce the
word which shall open the prison doors of the
chateau of Amboise, and permit the illustrious cap-
tive to depart for St. Jean d'Acre or for Alexandria.

Our hopes have been so miserably disappointed by
the present representatives of the French people, that
we cannot but look forward to some future authority
which may vindicate the national reputation, and in
so doing cover with additional disgrace those who
have only rivetted anew the chains of the Arabian
captive.

The necessity for an adjustment of the relations
between the landlords and tenants of Ireland has been
for some time past the subject of a vigorous and wide-
spread agitation in that country. Tbe people have
spoken out in strong and unmistakeable terms through
the length and breadth of the land. Manifestations in
favour of " tenant right" have been made not only
in each province, but almost in'every county and im-
portant agricultural district of that kingdom. The
exertions of the " Tenant League" have been active,
steady, and untiring, and, with few exceptions, the
language of this extensive confederation has been of
that firm and temperate character which should com-
mand attention, while the important principle it
advocates deserves success, and we hope to see the
settlement of this question effected as speedily as
possible after the meeting of the coming session of
Parliament.

We have so frequently, and at such length, through
the columns of this journal, pointed out the injustice
and impolicy of the present state of land-law in Ire-
land, that the task has become somewhat irksome, and
we should not be disposed again to refer to any of the
arguments by which we sustained our views upon
this subject if we were not impressed with a belief in the
humiliating fact that there is, in the human mind, a
strong, repulsive feeling, against the reception of any
fact, or truth, which jars with its interests or preju-
dices, and that it requires the frequent iteration of
even a truth almost self-evident to fix it upon
the public mind.

We pass over the natural and inherent right of
every member of the human family to a subsistence
upon the soil where he was born, nor shall we dwell
on the unnatural anomaly—not very uncommon in
the sister island—of GOD'S creatures perishing for
want in the midst of a bountiful abundance which, in
His beneficence, was intended to be APPORTIONED to
all—to the landlord, the tenant, the labourer each in
his degree ; aye, even our laws—and every law
based upon the divine—recognize the right of those
who can no longer labour, the aged and the infirm to
support and shelter. Our law for the relief of the
poor is based upon the recognition of this right. Un-
answerable arguments might be deduced from these
principles to show that every human being is by all
laws, human and divine, entitlad to some share of
the fruits of the earth. But while we admit the com-
mon right of all to live upon the products of the
earth, we are by no means the advocates of the ab-
surd and impracticable principles of Communism.
We are rather disposed to concur in the couplet of
the poet, that—

" Order is heaven's first law, and this confess'd,
some are, and must be, greater than the rest."
And while we would do full and ample justice to
the Irish tenant, we would be no party to the inflic-
tion of injustice upon the Irish landlord. •
Looking then upon the Irish land question merely
in a social point of view, as a matter in dispute be-
tween two classes of her MAnny's subjects, let us
see whether it would .not be for the benefit of both
parties that this dispute should be settled by the State.

And further, whether the State is not bound, by a due
regard to the interests of the empire and the public
good, to adjust this question by legislative interpo-
sition. The man who invests his capital in the pro-
duction of any article of trade or commerce acquires
thereby a permanent and beneficial interest in the
product. The moment the raw material is pail
for no man has any lien on the article produced.
We look upon land as the raw material of the farmer,
and the tenant as the producer, and when he invests
his capital, viz., his labour in the soil, he is, in our
opinion, entitled to a beneficial interest in what has
been produced by his capital. We think this cannot
be reasonably denied ; and if it be admitted that his
labour and industry give him a title to a beneficial
interest in their fruits, it ought to follow that this
interest should be secure, fixed, and permanent, be-
yond the control or caprice of others.
Now, we can see no mode by which the Irish
tenant can obtain this secure and fixed tenure save by
the interposition of the Legislature. To this the
Irish landlord is opposed, as an undue interference
with what he calls his rights. We think a calm
consideration of the subject should convince him that
his opposition to the legal adjustment of this ques-
tion is as useless as it is unwise ; for though his
POWER may be, perhaps, a little circumscribed, he
would be far more than recompensed for the loss of
some small electioneering influence by the enhance-
ment of his property and the security of his person.
The Irish landlord need but look to the compara-
tive value of an estate where the tenant-right is re-
cognized and where it is not. In the one he will see
the land brought into the highest degree of cultiva-
tion, while it is impoverished and scarcely half culti-
vated in the other. When the rack-rented tenant
gets into arrear on an estate where the tenant right
does not exist, the landlord has no remedy
but either to evict, at the risk of his
life, or to wipe out the arrears, and begin anew till
they accumulate again. Thus the rentals in those
parts of Ireland where this sight is not recognized are
frequently more nominal than real ; and the pro-
prietors are thereby often led into embarrassments
and ruin by living up to these nominal incomes. The
depreciated value at which some of the western and
southern estates have been sold under the Encum-
bered Estates Bill might be pointed out as unfortu-
nate instances of this kind. How different is the
position of the Ulster landlord, who acts upon the
principle of tenant-right ! He lets his land at a fair
and moderate rent—he gives his tenant the
power of selling his interest in the land
which his industry has improved ; the landlord
has a perfect security for any arrears, as, in the
event of any change of tenancy, the FIRST LIEN ON
THE PURCHASE-MONEY IS THE LANDLORD'S RENT,
AND ALL ARREARS. The landlords of Ireland, ge-
nerally, should take counsel together, and consider
whether it would not be for their benefit to secure
to themselves, by a legalized tenant-right, these ad-
vantages and safeguards, now confined to a few pro-
prietors in Ulster.

That the State is bound, by public policy, to
adjust this quetion will be manifest by a glance at
the fact, that in every country where the people
have not a fixed interest in the soil their
tendencies are always revolutionary. Those only
wish for change who have nothing to lose. The Irish
tenant feels that he is a serf without any fixed or
beneficial interest in the products of his toil and in-
dustry—no change can make him worse ; his die-
content vents itself in agrarian outrage, conflagra-
tion, and bloodshed. The only cure for these evils is
to turn the serf into a substantial yeoman, fix him
on the soil, let him become as it were attached to the
freehold ; let him feel that he has a stake in the com-
mon weal, and you convert the turbulent revolutionist
into a peaceful citizen. To achieve an end so desira-
ble, we say, is the duty of, the State. It would be but
justice to the tenant, security to the landlord.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The proposition of M. CRETON for the repeal of
the proscription of the Bourbons will be opposed by
the Bonapartists. On this subject the Pays has the
following :
" The Assembly has fixed Saturday for discussing the
question of taking into consideration the proposition of
AI. Craton to put an end to the exile of the members of
the two branches of the Bourbon family. Last year a
similar proposition was brought forward and proved un-
successful. We hope it may be the same this year, U 3
nothing has changed either in the dangers which menace
society, nor in the necessity of union, which can alone
conjure them away, nor in the force of public opinion,
which is more powerful to put an end to laws of proscrip-
tion than all the intrigues of parties. Had the law of exile
pressing on the Emperor's family been revoked when
two of its members took their places on the benches of
the National Assembly on May 4, 1848—when MM.
de Lamartine, Climent Thomas, Cavaignac, and Mar-
rest, took such trouble, in May, 1848, to prevent the
Assembly from admitting the validity of the election of
Louis Napoleon in the Yonne, would a law of proscrip-
tion, more or less, have given to the triumph of the
elected of the people, or taken away from it, any
strength? All these truths were said by us last year in
opposing the propsition presented by a too illustrious
mountaineer, a near relative of the head of the state.
We repeat them now, not to induce the Assembly to re-
ject the proposition, for we have no doubt concerning
its vote, but to adjure it to distrust the snare which is
set for it."

We find the following in the Constitutionnel rela-
tive to the affair of the Commissary of Police of the
Assembly :
" The question relative to the special Commissary of
Police attached to the Legislative Assembly has just
been brought to an amicable solution by the President of
the Assembly and the Minister of the Interior. There
is nothing but what is perfectly regular in the arrange-
ment come to. The intervention of a Bill in the affair
would, on the contrary, have been a clang-row encrosch-
ment of the legislative on the domain of the executive
power. The Chamber, very probably, would not
have allowed itself to have been led into such
a dangerous path. If we are well informed, the
following is the arrangement by which all conflict will
be avoided :—The President or the bureau cf the Cham•
ber will choose the special commissary charged to wat( h
over the safety of the Assembly, from among the com-
missaries of the city of Paris. The functionary selected
by the bureau will be appointed by the Government. It
the city, which pays tt►e salary of this commissary,
should refuse the grant destined for that salary, the
Assembly will provide it from its private budget. This
special commissary cannot be dismissed without the
mutual agreement of the Government and the President
of the Assembly to that effect. The different proposi-
tions successively presented by the questors have been
withdrawn."

The same journal has the following, relative to the
plot of the Rue des Saussaies :

" The affair of the pretended conspiracy of the Rue
des Saussaies has ended, as we have always anticipated
it would, in the Chambre du Conseil dismissing the
question as without foundation. This decision is
founded-1. On the inspection of the place, which was
exidently too small to have held the 26 conspirators
spoken of by Allais; 2. On all the evidence of the wit-
nesses, which perfectly establishes that the fact de-
nounced had no reality; 3. On the tardy avowals of the
informer himself, which proved to the judges in a motet
conclusive manner that the pretended conspiracy was
nothing more than a sad and ridiculous invention. All
that now remains of the affair are the proceedings or-
dered to be instituted against Allais for calumnious de-
nunciation."

Notwithstanding the statement of the Constitution-
nel, many of the journals (the Siiele, for example) do
not consiCer the decision of the Chambre du. Conseil
satisfactory, as it has decided after a secret inquiry,
and no one knows upon what grounds. The pretended
" avowals" are denied by Arlan.
Considerable uneasiness prevailed amongst the
speculators at the Bourse to-day, and the price (•f
public securities declined. The Five per Cents.
opened at 91f. 40c., rose to 91f. 60c., fell subse-
quently to 91f. 10c., and closed at 91f. 15c.; the
Three per Cents. closed at 56f. 35c. Orleans Rail-
road Shares, 7901. ; Rouen, 600 F. ; Havre, 237 f.
50c.; Great Northern, 450 f. ; Avignon, 182 f. 50c ;
Vierzon, 370 f.; Paris and Strasburg, 333 f. 75c.;
Tours and Nantes, 2401.
BGSINESS DON}; IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TdE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Nov. 28.
Anglo-Italian (late Italian and Austrian), 2'4—Bou-
logne and Amiens, B—Central of France (Orleans and
Vierzon), 14T8—East Indian, 9%—Great Indian Peninsula,
I.—Paris and Rouen, 23:A—Paris and Strasburg, B%e__
Rouen and Havre, 91A.

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. r•• lt ° *Dii; e,71. ' 'No. 41. • X°S '..4W:L. •4.7rtn4:;,' '4l', 4