The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-15 00:00:00

NATIONAL REFORM

distinguished for his unswerving integrity in the House of
Commons—(Loud cheers)—and whose re- election to a seat
in Parliament is an important gain to the small band who
are seeking the removal of financial and political abuses.
(Hear, hear.) if it is not in my power to point to any
remarkable feature of the present times, indicating a strong
national impulse on the question of Parliamentary reform, I
think I am justified in saying that there is a growing percep •
tion of the glaring and insufferable evils of cur representa-
tive system. It would not be difficult to assign reasons for
the absence of that general and deep feeling on this subject,
which, whenever manifested, will compel the Legislature to
yield to the wishes of the people. Be assured that though
gradually and apparently very slowly, yet surely, and what
we ought to rejoice in, safely too, the work of reform is ad-
vancing. It is not in our power to force events, or to take
them out of their natural order, but as certainly as our cause
is a just one, the time is not distant when the people of this
kingdom will demand with an irresistible voice, aided by
the circumstances of the period, a sweeping modification of
the present mode of electing those who are entrusted with
the destinies of this empire.—( Lond cheers.) There are many,
I believe, who in their ignorance imagine that our objects
are revolutionary and unconstitutional, and on that account
stand aloof from us as persons whose designs are dangerous.
Nothing can be a greater misconception than this. -
( Ilear, hear.) A more constitutional object than that
which we are peacefully pursuing was never proposed to the
country.—(Hear, hear.) We are asking for nothing but
that which the Constitution has solemnly guaranteed to the
people of England—(Hear, hear.) We demand just and
equal representation—(Hear)--and so long as that is denied,
though we are in theory living under a government of
Queen, Lords, and Commons, we are in fact, and in reality,
under the government of an oligarchy.--(Hear, hear.) Does
the Constitution say that the people shall elect the House of
Commons ? No one will deny that the Constitution says the
people shall.—(Hear, hear.) Do the people in reality elect
the House of Commons ?—(No, no.) Who that knows any-
thing of our system will say they do ? - (Hear.) Has
every man a vote ?—(No.) No, only one in seven.—
( Hear, hear.) Is every man who has a vote a tree agent?
—(No, no.) I believe you may, with truth, say "No"—I
believe not one in seven is a free agent. Do those who are
free control the elections 7—(No ; certainly not.) No; the
scale is invariably turned by the timid, the slavish, and the
corrupt. In nine out of ten of all the constituencies in the
kingdom the balance of power is in the hands of those
who are influenced by impure and improper motives.
(Hear, hear.) Amongst your boroughs you have a
hundred that are as completely nomination boroughs as any
that were placed in Schedule Aof the Reform Bill. With a
few noble exceptions, such as the boroughs in the midst
of which we are now assembled, the rest are assailable by
bribery and corruption, or are under the influence of parti-
cular men or particular bodies of men.—(Hear, hear.) Where
then is the freedom and purity of election over which the
Constitution watches with such a jealous eye, and for the pre-
servation of which so many provisions have been made? If
nomination, bribery, corruption, and intimidation are rife in
the boroughs, what shall we say of the counties? Are they,
or are they not, in a state of abject subjection to a landed
oligarchy ? I will not except the very largest of them, for
the fact has long been notorious that the great division of
Yorkshire, for which Mr. Cobden now sits, was only wrested
from the dominion of landlordism by the purchase of freeholds
in the county by the men of Leeds, of Bradford, and of Man-
chester.—(Cheers.) The same is equally true of the next
largest constituency—the southern division of Lancashire.—
(Herne hear.) If such be the state of things in these
counties, where trade and commerce have their principal
seats, what must it be in those which are purely agricul-
tural, where the wealth and labour of the district both centre
in the land, and the proprietors are, in consequence, the only
influential class? Whether, then, you look to the boroughs
or to the counties, the system is equally bad.—(Hear,
hear.) Under' this system is the House of Commons
elected; and what is the House of Commons? It is
that branch of the government of this country which de-
cides every question affecting the interests of the whole em-
pire. It is by the votes of that House, be they adverse or
the contrary, that men ascend to power and are displaced
from power. - (Hear, hear.) It is that House that levies
taxes on, and makes laws for, thirty millions of persons
(Cheers.) It is that House which votes every farthing of
money spent for state purposes. It is that House which, by
controlling the supplies, virtually decides the question of
peace and war—(Hear, hear)—and standing armies and
floa'iog navies.—(Hear, hear.)—lt is that House that passes
the measures which, in their evil or their good effects,
reach the smith at his anvil, the weaver at his loom, the
merchant on the Exchange, and the peasant at the plough.
—(Loud cheers.) The greatest question, then, this nation
can discuss is undoubtedly that question which is brought
before us to-day, the character, constitution, and acts of the
House of Commons.—( Hear, hear.) The Constitution has
secured the Throne to the Queen and her descendants. The
Constitution has secured to the Peers, as a priviledged order,
seats in an upper chamber, but has denied to them the power
of Originating a money Bill, or increasing by a fraction a tax
imposed by the Commons. To the people the Constitution
has given the right of electing those who are the arbiters of
their fate - (Hear, hear) - having power over their property,
their liberties, and their lives.- (Cheers.) The right of the
Sovereign to her throne, her dignities, and her prerogatives,
the right of the Peers to their privileges and their bites, and
the right of the people to elect the House of Commons- stand
upon the same foundation. The Monarch enjoys her
rights; the Peers are in possession of theirs; but the people
are without the power of electing their representatives.—
(Hear, hear.) That right we are seeking to restore
(Hear)—and in doing so, we say that we are vindicating the
Constitution, and seeking to preserve inviolate the fam of
government under which we live.—(Loud cheers.) Are the
changes by which we propose to bring about this object of a
nature to excite alarm? We think not.—(Hear. hear.)
We advocate the extension of the franchise to all adult
male occupiers of a bona fide dwelling, whether it be a whole
or a part of a house.—( eluch cheering.) To ensure the
country against imposition, we say let the occupier be regis-
gistered fur twelve months on the parish books.— (Hear,
hear.) Again we say let the voter have the security of the
ballot. Let the 'sacred trust he is called to discharge be
protected from outrage by the secrecy of the vote.—(Hear,
hear.) Let him have the opportunity of voting independ-
ently by having the opportunity of voting in such a way as
that the fact of the person for whom he voted shall be known
only to himself.—(Cheers.) Is our third proposition a
startling one ? Are triennial Parliaments an invasion of the
Constitution ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, one of the violations of
the Constitution which has been most denounced in this
country is that committed by the Parliament which passed
the Septennial Act.—(Cheers.) Had we proposed annual
Parliaments, we should but have been going back to the
system which prevailed fur ages. We think, however, that
a three years' reckon'ng, under the other arrangereents we
advocate, with the irfluence of the general public opinion
in the meantime, as well as the vigilant oversight of a large
constituency, may be frequent enough to keep representa-
tives tolerably honest.—( Hear, hear.) One of the most im-
portant alterations we propose is that of the equalization of
the number of the constituencies.—(Hear.) At present the
contrast between the larger and the smaller constituencies is
ridiculous and monstrous. Your gross number of electors is
one million, but a clear majority of the House of Commons is
returned by 141,000, or one-seventh of the whole number.
The consequence is, that a few men sit for constituencies of
great magnitude, and vote according to the general feeling of
the nation as expressed by those constituencies, while hun-
dreds of others sit for places in which there is nothing like
free election known, and have the power of outvoting by five
to one the only real representatives of the people.—(Cheers.)
Es it not preposterous that while the twelve largest county
constituencies in the kingdom, numbering 163,000 voters,
send only 21 men to the House of Commons, 227 other cone
stituencies, numbering only 141,000, should send 339
(Loud cheers.) Is it not equally preposterous that Thetford,
with 210 voters, should send two members, while the West
Riding, with 36,750, and the ToWer Hamlets, with
21,000, should send only two each? - (Renewed cheers.)
Is not the fact almost incredible, that if you place all the
constituencies in the kingdom in order, beginning with the
smallest, and descending to the largest, you will have to
take 275 constituencies sending 412 men to Parliament in
order to make up the number of electors who send 26
men for the twelve largest borough and county constituen-
encies e—(Hear, heir.) We propose, then, to equalise the
numbers, not with absolute arithmetical precision, which
would be impracticable, but as far as known and well-
defined boundaries would allow of it, and thus to make
every Member amenable to a large and independent elec-
toral body • a body that, on account of its numbers,
should be equally beyond the reach of corruption and of
dictation.—(Loud cheers.) Such are the objects we seek,
and such the changes through which we seek them.—(Hear,
hear.) We exist as a society for the purpose of making
these objects and these proposed changes known to the
country at large, and of organising into one mass all who
approve of our principles and of our plans for carrying
them out. - (Loud cheers.) While advocating a measure
of legislative justice to the entire people of this
country and Ireland, we are in favour of, and do our utmost
to promote, every measure of a practical nature tending to
enlarge the constituency of the kingdom, to the extent of a
single individual, or to improve the character and alter for
the better the representation of a single place —( Hear, hoar.)
We look upon all such practical proceedings as having a
twofold importance, being of value as positive improvements,
and tending to show the earnestness of the people in the
cause of retotm.—(Cheere.) In our labours thus far we have
been generously aided by the citizens of London, to whom
we are indebted for by far the largest part of the funds placed
at our disposal.—(Hear, hear.) l'asoee lends- have been
applied with the strictest regard to economy, and have been
made the means of extending information, and organising
societies more less throughout Great Britain.—(Cheers)
We again appeal to the well-known liberality of our
friends in the metropolis.—(Cies of "Hear, Lear.") We
do so with confidence, convinced that, to the best of our
ability, Eve have hitherto been faithful stewai de, and have
adhered.. inflexibly to the principles en which we first
sought their assistance.— (Loud cheers.) In conclusion, let
inc exhort those I have the honour to address, and all to
'wh(ini-my humble words may come, to renew their exertions
in the cause of Parliamentary reform.- ( Hear, hear.) I
ieave.esuleavoured io show its necessity, its accordance with
tho vOnstitution -under which we live, and the reasonab,eness
ana filet), of the measures by ivhich we seek to bring it
al tit. As an-asseciation we shall, I trust, act up to all the
profeisions we have put forth—( Hear, hear) and continue
forthe fUture to obtain what we have already to a large '
(Cheers).- and,
ex-
tent seetired:--the confidence of the people
strengtheLectin numbers and in influence, advancei in our
work till a purified legislation, a free peopla ant a justf ad-
ministration of Government are the_ ht.sppy results o our
national effort. ( Much cheering.) It iscnow my duty to
call on one of the most able and earnest re °raters among us,
Mr. Serie (Hear, hear)—to move the first resolution, stud it
is a matter of pride and gratification to me that we have that
earnest and able friend of popular rights among us to-day.
Mr. J. T. SLIME proposed the first resolution, which was
as follows:
" That on a deliberate review of the proceedings during
the late session of Parliament, this meeting feels called upon
to express its strong diseatisfaction with many of the votes
of the public money—votes iihoge her unwarranted, either
by the reason assigned to justify them, or by the financial
condition of the country : that, connecting these votes with
the neglect of the numerous petitions of the people for Par-
liamentary and other reforms at home; the disregard of the
general and just complaints of our fel:ow-subjects in the co-
lonies abroad ; the continuance of heavy and oppressive
taxation, and the maintenance of overgrown and unnecessary
establishments, this meeting is deeply impressed with the ne-
cessity of a radical reform of the Commons House of Parlia-
liament, for the purpose of giving to the people a couttitu-
tional control over the proceedings of that assembly, and
consequently over the taxation and expenditure of the coun-
try."
He said, whatever risk there might be of his failing to inte-
rest the snorting, he had no fear as to the success of the
cause itself. lie was surrounded by those who seught, by
the aid of such persons as he addressed, to obtain that which
hitherto the House of Commons had denied. to hen lie saw
such men as those who had claimed universal education
for the people- (Loud cheers) -and in the people's home,
had been beaten by the bigotry of the fees; when he saw
others whose constant advocacy of all reforms had been met
in the name of the people by that which the people hated and
abominated (Hear, hear)-when lie remembered that the
extension of the suffrage had been refused by tin s 3 who
called themselves their organs, and who sat in Parliament
by no other authority on earth than that of being sup-
, pscti tt) be their ortivo-119 vould not Out feel heir

ASSOCIATION.

The firbt aggregate meting of the present season of
,e:,nembors cv.d friends of the shove-usmed associa-

don was held 3 esterday, in the great hall of the London
Tavern, which was crowded to excess on the occasion.
The President, Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., took
the chair, and amongst the more prominent of the gen-
tlemen on the platform were-Lord Dudley C. Stuart.
M P., Joseph Hume, Esq„ M.P., Colonel Thompson,
M.P., John Williams, E,ce , M.P., the Treasurer;
Arthur Anderson, Esq.. M.P., W. J. Fox, Esq ,
M.P., Feargus O'Connor, Esq., M.P., George Thomp-
son, E q, M.P., Jarnes Harmer, Esq., H. Tindall
Atkinson, Esq., Thomas James Serle, Esq., Henry
Lloyd Morgan, Esq.,
R. Hartley Kennedy, Esq., John
Houghton. Esq., J,
A. Nicholay, Esq, J. S. Tho-
burne, Esq., R. Woollaston, Esq., W. M. McChristie,
Esq , Robert Southee, Esq., John B. Eisdell, Esq ,
Frederick Clarke, Esq , W. N. Coupland, Esq ,
Harry W. Brooks, Esq., Ditchburn, Rut ,
Henry Vincent, Esq, W. S. Burton, Eici , David Par-
ker, Esq., T. Gregory Foster, Esq., Win. Carpenter,
El., Wm. Allem, Esq., D. M'Donnell, Esq., John Gros-
smith, Esq., J. A. Lyon, Esq., Robert Le Blond,
Esq., John Matson, Esq., W. Passmore Edwards,
E.q,, Alfred Walker, Esq., Edmund Clemson, Esq.
Benjamin Glover, Esq, of Bury, Lancashire; G. Smith,
E.g., Rev. Robert Ainslie, T. K. Pritchard, Esq.,
Robe:t Espie,
Esq., W. A. H. Howes, Esq., T.
Healey, Esq, E.
Gosbell, Esq., Jelin Thwaites,
Esq , Thomas Dick, Esq., John March, Esq ,
S. T. Smith, Eel!, James Bethgate, Esq.,
Wm. Peppercorn, E-q., Thomas Rhoads, Esq., Edward
Lane, E q., Frederick Farraud, Esq, C. Woolterton,
Esq., Hoary Tebbe, Esq , and W. C. Brown, Esq., of
Uxbridge; J. V. Smith, Esq., J. G. Rhoads,
Esq, Robert Smith, Esq.,
Broughton, Esq., of
Hounslow; John Yates, E:q., Samuel P. Ward, Esq,
Peter Rodgers, Esq , Henry Moore, Esq., George Web-
ster, Esq, W. W. Whitmore, Esq., Wm. Howard, Esq.,
Wm. Thorold Wood, Eq., W. B. Whitman, Eye, John
Laffern, Esq., F. Beata, Esq., John Rolfe, Esq.,
Thomas Bailey, Be Beaton, B. Seward, 3. P. Griffin,
James Murray, Frederick Hudson, W. Shute, R. Smith,
G. Waterhouse, Fred. Sexton, Joseph Smith, Uxbridg7;
Fred. A sprey, B. Jones, J. Shrubb,Uxbridge; W. Doines,
J. Watts, C. B. Worsnopp, G. N. Blanchard, John
Nlottram, John Manning, John Brooker, Jub White-
house, Gill, Wigg, Tyre'', T. Webber, W. Bunbridge,
Ingham, R. Lloyd, J. H. Pickford, James Hall, G.
Weller, Edward Miles, W. Wakefield, G. E. Boggis,
Ledger, Goddard, Whilipot, E. J. Sjuthwell, T. E.
James Terry, N. Bowriog, H. Kemp, George Beacon,
James Hinge, M. Barnes, J. Blackey, J. D. Skillett, &c.
The PRESIDENT, in opening the proceedings, said-Ladies
and gentlemen, this is an aggregate meeting of the mem-
bers and friends of the National Parliamentary and
Financial Reform Association, convened for the purpose of
advancing and promoting the objects and interests of that
association by every honest and just means in our power. I
rejoice exceedingly to see so influential, a gathering of those
members and friends assembled before me, and I heartily
and fervently rejoice to see assembled here so many of the
able, earnest, and incorruptible advocates of popular rights,
men whose presence among us may be looked upon as a gua-
rantee for the honesty and sincerity of our objects, and, as I
believe, for the success of cur cause.- (Hear.) lam sure
it is the earnest wish of every person present that those
long-tried and consistent friends of popular liberty may live
to see the happy result of their consistent and extraordinary
exertions, which I believe to be not far distant.-(Bear.)
Ladies and gentlemen, I have received several letters from
various zealous friends of the cause, Members of Parlia-
ment, whom you will all regret not to see here present to-
day, but who are necessarily absent in various parts of the
provinces recruiting their health after their labours in the
House of Commons. I have amongst them letters from
Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Sir William City, Mr. W.
Williams, Mr. Pete, Mr. C. Lushington, Mr. Willcox, Mr.
Alcock, Sir B. Hall, and Mr. Scholefield. It will not, 1
think, be considered necessary that I should read these letters :
it will be sufficient to say that they all express entire
sympathy and co-operation with the association and its
objects, and that the writers of them, though not personally
present, are altogether with us in spirit- (Cheers)-and I
may add, from my
more earnest and sincere in their desire to promote the
own personal knowledge, that none are
cause we all have at heart than the llou. Members
whose names I have mentioned.-(Hear, hear.) But whilst
I regret the absence of these gentlemen, I rejoice that we
have present amongst us that veteran friend of ours, whom
I may well designate as the Nestor of reform, Joseph Hume.
-(Loud and repeated cheers.) lam happy to say you
will have the pleasure of hearing that Hon. Gentleman
and several other equally earnest friends of the cause of the
people address you to-day.- (Hear, hear.) On behalf of the
council of the National Association, I have to say that they
have deemed it expedient to convene the present meeting in
the city of London for the following among other reasons.
They thought it would furnish a fitting opportunity for
a review of the late session of Parliament, from the pro-
ceedings of which, it little can be gathered in the way of
encouragement, something may be learnt to guide the people
in their future rfforts to advance their own cause.-( Hear,
hear.) The council were also desirous of making known the
changes which, since the general conference held in March
last, have been made in the constitution of the association,
with the view of bringing it as far as possible into harmony
with the objects and principles of the association, and of car-
rying out the o iginal wish of its founders, namely, a cordial
un on for a common end of the various classes of the com-
munity, without respect to property.-(Hear, hear.) Fi-
nally, the council having it in contemplation to hold a series
of meetings in the province, considered it an appropriate
prelude to hold a meeting like the present one in the metro-
polis.- (Hear.) The only lesson which, as it seems to me,
we can extract from the proceedings of the late Parliamen-
tary session is this, that if the people would gain an exten-
sion of their political rights, they must win it through
their own exertions.-(Hear, hear.) Various measures,
affecting more or less the great question of the franchise,
were brought before the House of Commons during our late
sitting. What has been their fate? They have all, without.
exception, been fruitless, save the Government measure for
Ireland. Our veteran leader, Mr. Hume, made his annual
motion, embodying the principles which form the basis of our
present movement. His case was complete, his arguments
were unanswerable. He had truth and justice on his side,
counties
Surrey
who tool:
pay ur pe
rents
but he lost his motion.-(Shame.) The Hon. Member for
East g tenants
o h inlt
ther
acnaguisnegof h
between
occupying ulpoti n
and
who are nevertheless as much disfranchised as if they were
lunatics, felons, or aliens. He showed the monstrous injus-
tice of excluding from the exercise of political power this
class of our fellow-subjects - a class as respectable, as intelli-
gent, and as eligible in all respects for the discharge of every
civil duty and political right as any body of persons in the
kingdom.- (Hear.) But though Mr. Locke King had rea-
son and fact to support him he was defeated.-(Cries of
" Shame.") , The people's charter was brought forward by
the Hon. Member for Nottingham-(Cheers)-who was al-
lowed to occupy the attention of the House for seventeen
minutes, when :the claims of millions of the working classes
were summarily disposed of by the Parliamentary process of
what is technically called a " count out."-(Renewee cries
of " Shame.") The lion. Member for the Tower Hamlets
(Sir W. Clay) introduced, for the second or third time, a
Bill to relieve what are called compound householders from
some of the vexatious impediments now thrown in the way
of their getting upon the register; but the Government ma-
naged, by the arrangement of the vote-paper, to prevent its
proceeding beyond the second reading, and, with a host of
other Bills in various stages, it has gone into winter quar-
ters.- (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Do not, however, sup-
pose that the House of Commons came together and deli-
berated and voted and did nothing-much was done by that
Honourable House, though there may be a difference of opi-
nion respecting the value and patriotism of its mea-
sures. It voted 12,0001. a year to the son of the late Duke
of Cambridge- (A burst of indignation`,-in addition to his
private fortune and his pay and allowances as an officer of
high rank in , the British arms'- - (Groans and hisses, and
mks of " Shame.") It voted money for the building of
stables at Markorough House, because it may Le seine day
the residence of a Prince now nine yeers of age.-(More
expressions of disapprobation.) It voted 14,70 1. to com-
plete the hobse of the Ambassadorat Constan inople-(Groans
and hisses).- in addition to 12,0 W/. voted in 11'49, 12,0001
in 1848, 12,0001. in 1846, 13,000/. in 1845, 10,000/ in 18 4,
end 10,0(;0/. in 1843; making in all E3,70C/. for the mere
residence of cur ambassador to the court of the Sultan-add
14,000/. a year salary and other expenses for the same period
eight years, or 112,C00/0 aree you have a grand total of
195,700/. as the cost of our embassy at the Sublime Porte.-
(.shame ) From these smn
al yatermiasrl3;eoput
hakeather that the
not been inat-
people's representatives
their first dot .
y, eamel-,
y to watch
tentive to that which is t
of the people's money -(Ilea
r,hear.)
over the expenditure
Me• Huand *
me Cobden have ere
True it is that men like , tions of e Mr.
deavoured to force their ni)
about theheavyclasses d es!mposed upon them,
oun ly indifferent to such
but the Reuse has been
taken care that an infant Prince,
trash, and has . te
his siatees provided ingood •
shall have
tke the income 'of a continental
the son of a d tbassador in Turke
potentate, a,d an an:l
3-. a regal palace en
the banks of the Bosphorus.-(Renewed tk,. cries of " Shame.")
Ithink 3cu will edmit Chet the glance 1
But to be serious,
has been done
have taken at what done, , _ during the late session,
and what has not been
N.olentlS. sufficient to show you that
there has been no imPro n
q
in the mode of
either upon financial politicaljolre:2,.)
r That glance
in the House of
Commons.-(Near' that the workgance is enough too, I
think, to convince yon, has. to be done out of
i -aria that you are forbidden to look either
doors- (Cheers/ for to the House
to the Goverrnee., (Hear, hear.) If lam
then I *-
correct in this
supposition.din es of this may come at once to the
objects and proceeh nfe , ich association.-(Cheers.) I
have alluded to a c a le we
of this has been made in our con-
' stitution. 'rho councilbscribers t association formerly consisted
of those who were en
The our funds to the amount of
upwards.conference recommended a revi-
sionle/. and art cf the constitute
cf this 1 ion, and the council
to that recommendation, proceeded to
readily yielding to
i
abolish the -
money qualification, and to place
members of the council •
the election of
.in the hands of cli
subscribers to the association, without regard to the amounts
contributed - (Cheers)-providing at toe same time that
every
member of _ timesta general association (if resident
within a certain
.dinc
_e_ from the metropolis) should
be eligible for election.-(Hear, hear.) e The le eeent council
has been chosen upon these prineiplez-(Hear, hear)-and 1
pleasure to inform you thatthe '
have the
hailed
with great sat isfection , , and has beenattended with
the most gratifying results.-(Cheers.) (chee rs. ) During the last six
wont bs a series of meetings lave been held in the form of tea
partici, for the purpose of h r.nging together the officers of the
various local societies connected with the metropolitan bo-
roughsthe suburbs of
and
.'these meetings have
I , ' t restin London.
bean increaeng 3in e - g. (Hear, hear.) I believe they
have already rendered much service to the cause, and pro-
mise to constitute a wens of intercourse and a bond of union
asemong the Reformers of London and its vicinity.- (Hear,
hear.) I cannot omit,eo the
as a gratifying proof of the
progress of our principles, recent election for the borough
of Lambeth, which resulted in the chrdce by the independent
and judical electors of that colatitumos, of a goutleniau love

ceedingly desirable it was that their representatives should established hierarchy sent the Government to oppose; an
meet them face to face, and ask them, " Are you content to many of the leading members of sects who weremore anxious
be dominated over by those who oppose us, or will you give for sectarianism than religion, sent their Members to op-
us your strength and your assent that we may go forth and pose; and what wonder it, under this combination, the ma-
tight this battle for you, knowing that in the end we must jority was far larger than was usually found an similar occa-
succeed by the right of our reason, and by the might of lions?-(Hear.) But the very fact that such were the opposers
Sour power?"- (Cheers.) It would not be difficult even for of the measure streninhened his determination to persevere,
such a mere spectator as himself to add some instances to not, indeed, precisely in the same form; for, as Lord John
the list which the Chairman had laid before them of the Russell thought he, bad given the Committee of the Privy
monstrous dealing of those who ought to have protected Council too much power, he would not try to make hi* Lord-
their pockets. Arnaturally happened in such cases, two or ship a tyrant against his,will ; but now that lie had more
three of the most striking items of waste had escaped fully than before developed his policy with regard to educe-
Sir Joshua Walmsley's memory. Why, what a palace had Lion, he (Mr. Fox) would take him at his word, andwould
the Members of the House of Commons been building for include no such provision in any future measure. But as to
themselves to sit in-a palace in which, after all, they could the question itself, if health and strength were continued to
not hear one another.- (Great laughter.) What a toy I him, he would again try to obtain for the people the. exer-
What a mere geegaw of oligarchy, unfit for all business-like cise of the right to have education uncontrolled by priests or
proceedings.-(Hear, hear.) Many present must remember governments-(Loud cheers) -paid for by self-imposed local
the old venerable Houses of Lords and Commons-venerable taxation, directed by voluntarily chosen local management,
for the great acts which had taken place in them ; and how free from all class preponderance, and presenting to all classes
must they deplore that fatal fire which, while it destroyed a system of instruction which, whilst it would not be too
those grandest of the country's monuments, led to the setting good fur the poorest, would be quite good enough for the
up in its place of something which rather resembled a scene wealthiest.--(Loud cheers.) To revert to the more imme-
in a play-house than a business-like structure.-(Hear, diate topics of the day, if there were any omission in the
hear, laughter, and cheers.) Again, what had been done catalogue which had been furnished of the Offences of the last
towards reducing that list of admirals whom they kept to session, it was in the case of the Australian Constitution Bill.
live on shore-(Laughter) -to grow grey in peace without Amongst the other limitations there was one presenting the
ever seeing the water ?- (Renewed laughter.) Vhat bad Representative Assembly from touching the salaries of the
been done to improve the administration of the navy, which Queen's appointed, nor could they touch the endowments of
built by the score iron steam-ships, a section of which, when the Episcopal Church, of the Roman Catholics, of the Bap-
put up before a battery, although a foot of gutta percha, or tists, or of the Wesleyane, which were thus saddled upon the
cork, or India rubber, might be employed to back them colonists as a permanent burden, whatever might be their
up, would not stand firing in a friendly spirit ?- will expressed through their representatives. What was that
(Laughter.) What had been done towards regulating but bribing a class of men with the people's money to sub-
the public, as every one should strive to regulate his pri- serve the interests of the Crown? How could that be just
vate, expenditure ? What had been dune to place towards the excluded parties? How did it operate towardi
the power of their own pockets in their own hands ? the community at large ? It was imposing an obstacle
He came now to the question of the franchise. What was to religious freedom, and therefore to civil liberty, upon
done last session in the case of the Irish Reform Bill? The the existing colonists and their descendants. Whatever
question lay between giving a vote to those who had 8e houses may have been the errors of the last session, they
and those who had 154 houses. For a time the House of Com- must not imagine, whilst demonstrating the necessities of
mons stood by the 81. franchise. Bat the oligarchical party Parliamentary reform, that they were undertaking a light or
in that House ' thanked God there was a House of Lords.'' a brief work. They had to contend with enormous difficul-
--(Laughter.) The measure for extending the franchise- ties. They did not possess -a power like that of the Anti-
a measure which concerned them, because it concerned the Corn-law League, to furnish them with the means and the
worst governed part of the empire-(Applause)-that mea- machinery for carrying on their labours. They had to con-
sure went to the House of Lords; and, at the dictation of tend with the prejudices of that great political body who
the Peers, the House of Commons, at a late period of the thought they were born to give laws to this country, and
session, accepted a IS/. instead of the Si. franchise for the who would not abandon the power which belonged to them.
people of Ireland. This for the regeneration of a portion of They had to contend against the via inertia of those timid
the empire which they saw perishing piecemeal before their persons who persisted in saying, "Let well alone," "Be
eyes, the inhabitants of which had been perishing by hun- quiet," " This is not the time to interfere."-(Hear,: hear.)
dreds and thousands, and which would be a warning to pos- He wondered when the time would come, if it had not now
terity how much might be done by bad Government to arrived. A stormy period was not the time-a time whet
crush and extirpate a people, and to turn what ought to be the people might be all wrecked together. A calm and
the strength and might of an empire into its canker and peaceful period was not the time - because the outcry would
weakness.-(Cheers.) Something was also attempted for then be, why interrupt the agreeable stillness and quietude
the colonies. But if ever the play of Hamlet had the part of that prevails amongst us? A time of prosperity was not
Hamlet out, it was in the measure of reform recently pro- the time, because it would be said that the people had money
ferred to the colonies. The Ministry put forward clearly in their purses, and were therefore disinclined for
and constantly the argument that if the colonists did not political agitation. A time of adversity was not the time,
like the measure, they themselves might change it. because the more prosperouiportion of the nation would
But when the measure went up to the Lords what did be occupied in relieving the distresses of the poorer classes.
they do? They struck oat the very power of change A time of Whig deficiency was not the time. A time
by which the measure had been recommended; and of a Whig surplus-that very rare event-was not the
when the Bill came down again to the House of Commons, proper period, because the argument would be, "We are
Lord John Russell accepted it with the heart and life cut out, going on so prosperously, that it would not be advisable to
and in that shape was it passed as a measure of reform for take any steps to interrupt such a state of things."-
the colonies. He had thus endeavoured to open the bill of eCheers.) Now it would not be difficult to turn this argu-
indictment, knowing that it would be supported by those ment the other way and say- If it be a stormy time, exert
who were taking advantage of the tide which was setting in yourselves to allay the storm ; if a time of calm, avail your-
in favour of the cause of freedom. He had been reading selves of the opportunity of setting about those repairs which
with great interest that description of Lamartine - (Cheers) events had rendered necessary. if a time of Whig deficiency,
-in which he contrasted the appearance of England, it was a time to see whether they could get men into office
as he beheld it in li2o, with its appearances in 1830 and who would make both ends meet. If a Whig surplus ex-
-1850. He wished he could entirely agree with the writer. isted, it was a good time, because it would show how well
-(Hear, hear.) Would that they could all feel that they the people had paid their taxes, and therefore deserved some
had done something beyond driving poverty and squalor consideration.- (Cheers.) In short, as it was argued on one
out of sight, and whitening, if he might so express himself, side that it was always a wrong time to do right, he would
the sepulchre of the poor. - (Hear, hear.) Something, in- say it was never the right time to persist in wrong.- (Hear,
deed, they had done. They were looking into the condition hear.) To go back to the argument he was pursuing with
of the very humblest; they were maintaining rights the regard to the difficulties against which they had to contend,
assertion of which in the times referred to would have he must remind them that they had to struggle with the
been called, and punished as, little less than treason.- corruption, the servility, the debasement of tco many of our
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But there were stern truths yet constituencies.- (Hear.) He meant the smaller constituen-
to be considered, and he believed that in the next ses- cies of this country. He remembered the time whea it was
sion they would be considered, and that the means of ap- thought that boroughmongering had been abolished,
plying them would soon be discovered. Was it possible but those who indulged in such a supposition
that after the franchise had been attached to every 121. had been proved to have been mistaken.
house in Ireland, something of the same kind could he The Reform Act came into operation, and a new set con-
refused to England ?-(Cheers.) Were not the people of stituencies was created by that Act.,. Such was the manner
England confessedly richer and happier, and, as property in which these constituencies were disposed of, that in his
was always supposed to include a certain degree of intelli- opinion it would have lseen better had they been sold by
gence- (Laughter) -wiser than the people of the sister auction, or in a pen market at Smithfield, than that people
country? Let it not be supposed that this was his own ar- should part with their liberty-not for a mess of potage, but
gument :he was dealing with their opponents on their own a glass of gin -(Rear, hear.) Many, indeed, were the diffi-
principles, and he maintained that on those principles more culties they had to contend with, but the greatest of all-
must be conceded. And, then, would they stop in England ? ant which cause nearer home than any of the others - was
Fled they no hearts, no feelings, no sympathies, in reference the want of union and hearty co-operation amongst them-
to the mighty events which were passing arousal them, and selves. Some of them were too often disposed to fly off at
which, as the papers of that morning informed them, were, in a tangent. They were all agreed that reforms wers neces-
one place at least, coming to a crisis? Had they no feeling sarv, but they differed as to the means ofaccomplishieg them.
for that noble little constitutional state the tLetorate of Some desired one thing and some another. Others wanted
Hesse Cassel? Was it nothing for the cause of liberty, their spoils before the battle, instead of waiting, as they
wherever liberty was spoken of; that the cause of tyranny should, for the natural result of their. labours. In the re-
seemed, as it were, to be grasped by one foul house, which formers had been united, they might have been sure of the
sent its Ilayrieu to dragoon Hungary, and, with the brother attainment of their object in a short time. Ho could not
of that very Haynau, appealed to the army to put down all help remarking that during the speech of the Chairman
freedom and all right, in Hesse Cassel?- (Cheers.) Was it there were many points which called forth a marked expres-
nothing that these men were the bastard offshoots of that sion of feeling on the part of those present. He was free to
house which in our American war sent its white slaves to put confess that the views advocated by this association did not
down freedom across the Atlantic, and the head of which, embody the great abstract principle of religions liberty, but at
having recently got together its army by conscription, wrote the same time the steps they were taking must be considered
to its general to complain that there had not been blood- a most important advance in the march of public rights.
shed enough, perhaps because the general had not had And those who considered annual Parliaments preferable to
enough for killing ? Was it nothing that there was yet triennial Parliaments would learn from the efforts of this as-
this plague-spot in the politics of Europe? that there societion that the only way in which they could effectually
still remained an abomination which the whole world benefit the country was by carrying out those great social
would soon be ready to fight against? Was it nothing improvements which were the objects of all re-
that they saw Europe banding itself on two sides- formation. By advocating these improvements they
on the one side freedom, civilization and advancement; would adapt the only means by which they could
on the other, Nicholas of Russia, holding Germany with its advance this great and good work.-(Hear, ;hear.)
chains, and by that Italy, and by that defying England, and He did not belong to those who anticipated that in achiey-
resisting that advance, that spirit of progress, that manhood, ing Parliamentary reform they should realise 'Utopia,
and that wish for self-government which were prevalent in that they should entirely destroy poverty or crime, or that
the present day? He verily believed that all these things they should create universal integrity, intelligence, and.
were drawing to a crisis. He believed that long before this generosity. No ;he was quite aware that whatever ad-
time next year events would happen on which they would vantages the people might gather from the establishment
heertily congratulate each other.-(Cheers.) The senti- of the principles of this association, there would still be
ments which he had expressed would find an echo abroad, much servility of spirit, and many individuals would be
and would aid other nations in fighting the battle of free- found who would study their own class interests rather than
dom. He could inform them, from personal information, promote those of the community at large. There would
that from one end of Europe to the other they were thought still be a craving after the benefits of monopoly and a de-
more and more of every day in consequence of their sym- sire to derive large profits from the earnings of the industrious.
pathies for the cause of liberty.-(Cheers.) As the clouds There were many desirable objects which might not be at-
which had for a time obscured public opinion in this country tained by the association ; but he would tell them what
cleared away, those who were themselves sighing for liberty would be done by this important and influential body. The
would not only help them, but almost bend the knee before success of the movement would give the people a sense of
them as its patrons and examples; and he was the more oneness in their government; they would feel that they
happy in being present at a meeting to secure their own were indeed represented,
resltrnotned,y. In what sit
and hadthatthpeoyion di
ad voice
thoiceey winntohe
rights and privileges, because he believed they would even- legislation of theirs
tually have a world to lead which would be well worthy of stand? The peerage, the numb, the army, the navy, the
their leading.-(Loud cheers.) landowners and shipowners, the law, and, in short, era classes
Mr. W. J. Fox, M.P., seconded the resolution. He said were represented in Parliament but the one great class that
that did he need a summary argument to demonstrate the absorbed and comprehended all the rest-and of which they
necessity for a reform in Parliament, he would appeal to the were only part and parcel, viz., the people,-were they re-
c snclusion of the admirable speech just delivered, and to the presented ?-(Loud cheers, and cries of " No, no.") The mere
reception of that speech- (Cheers)-he would appeal to sea- recognition of the fact showed that a very large number of
timents not relating merely to the tax upon windows, or on persons were of the same mind and purpose, and that by
incomes; but alike sound, ju.t, noble, and responded to in a working together in heartfelt sympathy with those wise made
manner perfectly harmonious with the spirit in which they the laws, they would gain a stimulus to exertion which must
were uttered, and having done that, he would ask what do great-and incalculable good.-(Hear, hear.) A great
would be the reception given to similar sentiments in that deal was said in regard to the effect which the operations of
place which they were associated to purify?-(Cheers.) reform would produce upon land; and upon this point be
Would like sentiments ,be received there with kindred en- maintained, that so long as the landed aristocracy possessed
thusiasm?-(Cries of " No.") He was putting no hypothe- the influence arising from a system of feudalism, they ought
tical case. There was near him a Noble Lord who was ever not to enjoy the benefits of trade and commerce. He could
foremost in the chivalry of freedom-and neither Pole, nor not but think that under a fairly-organized Government,
Hungarian, nor any of the oppressed to the world's end,while land would be as free in the market as any other article of
struggling for their rights,• would want an organ while he commerce, and that the poorest might aspire to have some
was in the House of Commons—and let him state the little spot which he could call his own, and which he might
difference between the reception of such sentiments there look forward to as his private heritage. One of the great
and in the House of Commons.- (Cheers.) He would nut principles to be accomplished in the attainment of national
follow the chairman and the preceding speaker_ in their reform was the promotion of education, and in °relent° effect
analysis of the Acts of last session. He had several this purpose it would be necessary that many of Our taxes
reasons for not doing so. He was not a reformer on account should be removed, and above all that worst of taxes which
of what passed last year.- (Laughter.) It was somewhere obstructed the pure light of heaven-he alluded to the tax
about half a century since political truth and principle first on knowledge.-(Hear, hear.) He might go on with a list
dawned upon his mind. He was a reformer when to be so of the various objects which they ought to seek to accom-
was a stigma and an opprobrium, when such meetings as that plish throughehis association, but he would leave economics
would have been put down by the strong arm of the law, and to him (Mr. Hume) who was about to address them. Before
when it would have been at the peril of any individual he concluded, however, he would repeat that the great end
to take that part which might now be taken, not only which he had long been endeavouring to attain was the
with safety, but with abundant co-operation and with well- establishment of a people's House of Commons. Be could
merited honour. He was a reformer five-and-twenty years not throw into this great cause-to which his life bad been
ago, when Lord John Russell said there were a million men and would continue to be devoted-the same amount of
in this country who were worthy to exercise the franchise, spirit and energy which he had manifested in earlier years;
but who, nevertheless; did not possess it. If such were the but he was glad to see before him so many proofs 'that the
fact then, what must be the case now ?- (Hear, hear, and principle of reform had not received the advocacy of the
cheers.) Yet there were now less than a million votes in present, but of the rising generation, and that the latter
the country.- (Hear, hear.) Ile was a reformer when the would come forward and encourage their successars by the
Reform Act was passed; he was a reformer when the Whigs e ree of their own example. He felt that he could not more
played arid lost the game of reform, when they were appropriately conclude his observations upon this occasion
brought to a dead lock, when the King refused to create than by quoting the lines addressed by a noble poet of this
Peers though they were out of office, and when the country to ancient Greece:-
people helped them to fulfil pledges which of themselves " Freedom's battle once begun,
they were utterly unable to redeem. He was a reformer Bequeatli'd by bleeding sire to son,
when the working classes cf this country, with a magnani- Though baffled oft is ever wun."
tufty which did them eternal honour, and which should ho The Hon. Gentleman sat down amid the inosterithusiastio
held in undying reinemberece, supported the Reform Bill cheers.
Lived with tennultuons.
though it would not enfranchise themselves, because it was e Mr. Hume then. rose, andwas received
this day order
enjoyed in the progress of freedom. And 11e felt that those who .applause. Ile said he had attended .ere in
the advantages which that Bill conferred were under to meet the various deputations from the delerenu branches
the must solemn obligations to do all that in them lay to of this acsociation, and to witness, if pssible, hole far they
procure for the working classes the power to exercise the were determined and sincere in the course they had adopted.
franchise. He was a reformer, too, when the Whigs, instead His lion. Friend who had preceded him had state I that he
of making the Reform Bill an instrument to effect progres- had been for twenty years engaged in promoting reforms,
sive reforms in all departments of the State, carefully turned and he (Mr. Hume) might observe that his experit nce went
ori the steam of reform, as it afraid of being too powerful for much further back than the period from which than distin-
good, begauto aim at conciliating the enemies of improvement, 'guislitcl gentleman had dated his career. lie Wait enabled
and originatedthat trimming policy which had at lengthmade to give them an account of the progress which retorm had
them riot a party in the country, but only a family clique in niade during the last forty years, but a briet statement
office-(Hear, heal )-preventing, as it were, would be sufficient efor the purpose. There had been no
that efet°an ond-ii; p fight which might otherwise have been reform during the period he load stated in which he had not
triumphantly waged,with the avowed enemies of all improve- taken a part, and he could assure them that wheu Parlia-
ment.- (Laud cheers.) Ile should be a reformer were the mental.)• reforms were begun; the difficulties of accomplishing
last session the most immaculate session recorded in the the ends in view were so great when compared with tbese
urinals of Parliament. - (Hear, hear.) If every measure which occurred at the present time, that every man ought
passed in that session had been one of the wisest and best, it tog; with confidetce that success will attend his efforts.
there had been nothing objectionable in any one vote, he Ile remembered the time when meetings such as the present
should still sr.y, " Let us have reform, for this reason, that woillef have been put ,down in Edinburgh ; and lie also
no nation is secure in its rights and interests, no nation re6olldcted nn attempt being made in London to prohibit an
developer its commercial,' intellectual, or Motel rower, un- asidetiage of the like nature. Bat the verdict of a jury hap-
less it be self-governed."- (Cheers.) It was nothing fur pile; icieveeted the continuance of that persecution. which
rulers to tell them that they would always govern them had Is-cerement unfehly begun. Ellice the period he alluded
wiselY and rightly; no nation could be in a proper or safe to, Lisiefteution had been constarr4 directed to the promo-
condition, while it lucked that self-government, that sense den of social and political refernts.--(llear, hear.) Why
of self-dependence, which was the germ of all national vigour, was it that they gave up their time to this association? It
the basis of all that was honourable in national character. was that they might afford to the humblest person in the
And, therefore, were there were such strong demonstrations laud the means of enjoying the privileges to which he was
of the utility of the measures passed, he would still say, °Do entitled. It was with, this view. that he had noticed the
not keep a great people, formed to present to the world an progress of reform in different parts of the world ; and he
example of mind and industry and progress. in a state of turd come to the conclusion that the British Constitution,
pupilage, but let them advance to the full exercise of the nits as shadowed cut by our ancestors, was the best that any
tional powere."-(Clotiers.) He bad no personal feeling as to civilised country could enjoy. If they suffered any wrongs,
the fate of any measure of his own. As to the Educational it was b,cause, they had not carried out the principles of
Bill e bids he had introduced-(Great cheering) -he thought the constitution. (Hear, hear.) He had been a decided re-
the fate of that measure conveyed two or three very instruc- former from the time, when, it he pronounced himself a.
tive lessons for the sake of which a temporary defeat might " radical reformer," he was hunted like a wild beast of the
well be put up with -(Cheers.) It showed that throughout field.-(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But he stood upon
the times of the working classes of this country there wus a independent ground, and he persisted in maintaining the
much stronger disposition to seek for knowledge than there opinions which he honestly felt,
through good report and
was in their superiors fo allow them to possess it.-(Cheers.) evil report, for be had ever found, during his political pr-
at also showed that there was somewhere a power constrain- perlence, that honestyis at all times the best policy.
lug the Government itself upon these matters.-(Hear, bear.) He bad been a reformer upon principle,. and he
Toe difference between the mode in which the Prime Minis- would continue to be so, as long as he
ebadenthe power of
llom. Gentleman
ter treated the measure on its introduction, and the mode in exerting himself fur the public co
which he treated it on the second reading plainly intimated who had spoken before him hadgalluddeld,:• lastioj
oefcopnool.mitiiccasl.
eeeNnoow:
that he had been taking counsel in the meantime, and he was he would tell them what his notionesent lie should doubtless be
afraid that he had gone forcouusel toe body which never had my, and as there were laelNi,
been friendly to education nor ever would.-(Hear.) He excused for taking
the
than the proper management of a
necessarytak eas
moreiesewporf the subject. Political eco-
( Mr. Fox) bad no notion of mitred counsellors-(Cheers) norny was nothing
-whether in promoting the profundities of science, or the family under a godetbsooefsetrie;eifen-wastderetearsmltagthiotnbeto
dissemination of the simplest elements f learcing. (Re- little from ruetiepis.osiness
of
the
house;
to carry the money to
newed cbeeii::g.) Another feature in the rejection of his to carry I
Bill was the combination of parties by which it; was
nmarket
ctteealuesstienurrbet toto buy-
provideh e
goodhet and
df
Efficient
e nmtu
servants-tot t at th e
effected. The majority against him was
itrNgaers • p
them properly, and not to encourage any idlers about the
than that which usually voted on such questions, for
_en.
payremises.-(llear, hear ) He might tallow Out this line of
composed of nearly all the priest-ridden of
_all. te
in Pargument in every instance where the economy of domestic
management gNtS:I,
cCeuoGlldl
Government
Nge, reaCri
nue (mbi
yaennatdp
Npyllte3eriesin-gtohutelhdterauspsrstitneeucesi
pi.
.He theirteo wpouopbupllo-iz lions.- (Laughter.) Those who so long held L. uropnto tehis
darkness, and who were now Winging now .
they would
oi af
NiNi d
Westminster, t 4 re rangedseo
sent
gbaiien
ember Si lin.
to oppose; e a r d hill at Iltes-i!Ae.
iotpe
chairsne nst he tw
clergymen Acta their NeMbera to onnose i the regular,
therefore, encourage all toeing reformers to advocate these

id