The Sun.
London, England, 1850-04-20 00:00:00

rica? By the want of forethought. Let not a similar
blunder he again committed. Let the Noble Lord learn
experience from the past. Let this country not again
commence a series of events which must finally end in
separation. We did so with respect to the thirteen
great colonies of America, which had now become inde-
pendeat states.—(Hear, hear.) The question before the
House was, whether they would have two chambers or
not. The Government proposition was a single cham-
ber, one. third of which were nominees of the Crown.
Another proposition was two chambers, one of them
being elective; and then there was the proposition of the
lion. Baronet to have both the chambers elective. In
ipch a case as this he thought they might well permit their
deliberations to be guided by the reasoning and the ex-
ample of the great founders of the American Republic.
By them there were two elective chambers established.
They thus established a principle of government, the
want of which was even now felt in Canada. And now,
in proposing a chamber, two-thirds chosen by popular
election, and one-third by the Home Government, they
established an element of quarrels. Why, he asked
them, not try an Experiment with their colonies which
bad been found not to fail in the United States. begin-
ning at Ohio and ending with California? By such
means they had established a Republican Government
which took its place amongst. the nations of the earth.
Let them not act as as if they believed Englishmen
incapable or unworthy of institutions which they, as
freemen, ought to demand. But then it was said,
these colonists were ignorant. He denied it. They
had acted as enlightened Englishmen in refusing
to receive a contaminated population from this country,
and in so doing they showed the dignity of their own
ca'ute and the purity of their minds. The English Go-
vernment never had made a colony ; the English people
had done so in spite of Parliament, and in despite of
Downing-street. (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
smiled, but this was no smiling matter. The United
States showed what Englishmen could do when they
were free from their official trammels. Let them com-
pare Canada with the adjoining portions of the United
States. In the latter there was a great and a contented
people; and in the other a faineant, discontented, " an-
nexation" people. Let them not have any doubt or
hesitation as to Englishmen being able to govern them-
selves. Let them, be said, lay down a good principle,
and then leave it to their countrymen to prove that they
were of the same blood with themselves.—(Hear.)
Mr. M'CULLAGII said that, notwithstanding the able
speech of the Hoe. and Learned Gentleman, he was as
3et unaware whether he intended to vote with the Hon.
Baronet or not. Those Hon. Gentlemen who were so
much afraid of now applying to Van Diemen's Land the
principle which they had acquiesced in when it was pro-
posed to apply it to New South Wales in the last Parlia-
ment, seemed to have forgotten altogether that then was
the time to have been indignant at, and to have
knocked on the head this proposition for a single
chamber. The Bill which embodied that proposition
was, however, passed without a single division or protest
against it; and in the House of Lords nobody said any-
thing with reference to it but the Duke of Buccleuch,
on the second reading, and his Noble Friend Lord
Montengle, who expressed his satisfaction at the mea-
sure. The experience we had had with regard to
America pointed to this simple rule in legisla-
tion—that if we desired that the colonists should
be animated with the spirit of the country from
which they sprang, they should seek to infuse into them
the habit of finding remedies for their own wants, and
adopting institutions for their own necessities. Hon.
Gentlemen were assembled in a free senate, because their
forefathers had gradually and slowly made the institu-
tions of this country what they now were; and they
would never have been made otherwise. And we could
only hope that those who were to be the image of our
institutions would enjoy the same happy fate and pros-
perity—if et e put upon them the duty—he would not call
it the burden—of performing for themselves gradually,
and as they progressed, that which was the most impor-
tant task that any free community could undertake.
Lord J. MANNERS—The Noble Lord at the head of
the Government had told the House that so great was the
ignorance of the Government teed this House with re-
gard to the feelings, wishes, and position of the colonists
for whom they were about to legislate, that they could
not fairly and properly take upon themselves to say
whether one or two chambers were better
too the Australian colonies or not. If the Noble
Lord was sound in his reasoning they would thus
be debarred not only from deliberating upon the pro-
priety cf having one or two chambers, but from deli-
berating upon this Bill at all.—(Hear, hear.) When the
Noble Lord said that two chambers could not be legiti-
mately settled by this House, he would allow him (Lord
J. Miners) to ask by what process of reasoning he bad
arrived at the conclusion that the House, in the absence
of that necessary information, could take upon itself to
say that a federative assembly of all those Australian
states ought to be called into existence? True, he read
a paper to show that some manifestation of feeling had
taken place in one of the colonies against the proposi-
tion, not of the Hon, Member for Southwark (Sir W.
Moleswoi th), but of the Hon. Member for Midhurat.
But if a newspaper report, which had not been seen by
Hon. Members, was to be taken as evidence, he (Lord J.
Manners) asked the Noble Lord if the paper then lying
by his side might not be taken as equally good evidence
that the proposition contained in the Bill was distasteful
to the population for whom he was about to legislate?
So far as he could gather the feeling was unani-
mously against a federative assembly. Why, then, were
they to be debarred from considering the question of two
chambers, whilst they were competent to legislate not
only with their ignorance, but with their knowledge of
the opinion of the colonists upon the subject of a federa-
tive assembly? They were called upon to lay deeply and
broadly the foundation of a colonial constitution, which
should afford a shelter to law and to religion. He should
have thought that all experience, all analogy, and all
traditional feeling would point to a second chamber as
the more preferable form of a legislative body. But
the Hon. Gentleman dived into the recesses of Armen-
can history, and brought to the notice of the House
two circumstances, which, however, had been satisfacto-
rily disposed of by the Hon. Gentleman who sat near him.
The Hon. Member referred to Virginia; but what was
the burden of his story ? Why that Virginia, after
some years, found the anomaly and confusion created by
the system so great that the system broke down under
the burden—and with a candour that did him credit, the
Hon. Member also admitted that every one of the Ame-
rican states, as soon as they had the opportunity, upset
the very system he now called on the House to adopt for
the colonies.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member spoke
of the single chamber of France. What was the spectacle
the capital of that country presented? Why, tl at
the very existence of civil society depended on the
struggle fora single seat in this single chamber between a
licentious novel- writer and an heroic tradesman.—(Elear,
hear.) He thought there was no need to refer to the ex-
perience of the past—the experience of common sense
would suffice to tell them that a double chamber was the

best for all purposes. He did not hear the principle openly
repudiated by her Majesty's Government. The Noble
Lord, however, took care not to indicate a preference for
a single chamber. But this was to be expected from
those who aspired to tread in the footsteps of Pitt and
Fox. He would detain the House for a short time by
referring to an expression of opinion by Mr. Fox in
1791, when the Quebec Bill was debated. The opinion
of that statesman was to the effect that it was indispen-
sably necessary to make aristocracy a branch of the Ca-
nadian constitution, and for that purpose there ought to
be a legislative assembly established to correspond to
hereditary peers in the British Parliament. Govern-
ment did not openly repudiate this opinion—they simply
passed by it.—(Hear.) The papers on the table of the
House showed unmistakably what were the opinions of
the governors of the colonies. The Noble Lord had told

the (louse that the opinion of the Legislative Council Oi
South Australia was of little worth, as the members
were nominees of the Crown. If that was a valid ground
for placing no value on an opinion, what would be
the worth of an assembly to be constituted under
the Bill of the Noble Lord?—(Hear, hear.) Was it not
clear, from all that had transpired as connected with
the subject of colonization of late years, that Government
could not do too much to create enterprise in that di-
rection? How could a combined movement be secured
unless by holding out inducements for respectable par-
ties to go out to the colonies? If you desired to see men
and women of gentle blood and high breeding lei to
take a part in the colonial enterprise of the day, it could
only be effected by holding out a new home, in which
they would find the refinements, the courtesies, and, may
be, these honours which in their own country they
would not be debarred from?—(Hear.) It was partly
on that ground he was anxious for a second chamber,
net that he thought it would be wise at once to create
an hereditary chamber, such as the Legislative Council
of South Australia recommended, but became, by laying
the foundation deeply and broadly, they might rely on
it feelings would spring up which would in time enable
the colonists to carry out sound constitutional prin-
ciples to their full development. This was one cf his
main reasons for supporting the amendment of the Hon.
Baronet. He might quote numegous dispatches which
had been recently received in support of his views, but
he would not do so, as they doubtless were familiar to
the House. Those dispatches, however, must have due
weight with those who wished to do justice to the colo-
nies.—(Hear, hear.) He was anxious the House should
decide in favour of a double chamber, because of his
conviction that, by including as much of the aristocratic
element in the government ot the colony as was advisable,
we should see the benefits of it in after time. Whatever
might be the decision of that House, he should have
the satisfaction ot knowing he had done his duty, and he
would now venture to ask the House to support the pro-
position of the Hon. Baronet, feeling convinced that as
we valued and benefited by the institutions we derived
from our forefathers, so it was right South Australia

should also enjoy the benefit of similar institutions.
Mr. KEOGH said many of his fellow countrymen felt
a great interest in these colonies, and this induced him

:o address the House. The Hon. Baronet had stated

that it was right and proper Englishmen should have
labs made by a majority of their representatives ; this
he concurred in—but then the Hon. Baronet's amend-

meet was totally at variance with that principle. Those
who supported this amendment did so on the ground
that coloLics should be allowed to govern themselves,
and to model their own constitution. But which party,
he asked, carried out those principles best—they only
who supported a single chamber, with a power to change
a constitution according to circumstances, or they who
wished to have two chambers without such an import-
ant power ? The Governor of Sydney in his dispatches
called attention to a numerously. signed petition, the prayer
of which was to hope her Majesty would not sanction
any alteration in their constitution without first con-
sulting the colonistp. But had the colonists been con-
sulted on this subject. lie asserted they had net, and
he would undertake to prove that the colonists were in
favour of a single chamber. At the various public meet-
ings, the speakers were generally in favour of a single
chamber, on the ground that at the present time proper
materials for a second climber did not exist in the colony.
He was not contending for the superiority of a single
over a double chamber. Lie did not mean to aay that at

some future time a double chamber might not be expe-
dient, tut he advocaeed a single chamber, because t
sentiments of the colonists on that point had been FO un-
eqnivocally expressed. The last (list aech from Gover-
nor Young stared one reins:rite ble feet which
direntitled the resolutions cf the Eeecutive Council
t) any weight weatever. The fourth paragraph
in ti e dispatch would fully bear cut thet asecrtien.
Governor Denison's, ()pinion had been too much
relied on—for, in 1848, he had given an opinion
which was adverse to the opinion he gave in 1849. The
Hon. Member for Southwaik considered that the proviso
requiring the signification of her Majesty's pleasure to
any enactment was conclusive in favour of his views.
But the people of the colony did not so regard it, for he
found in the Adelaide Times of the lit c f October, 1849
—a paper IN hich was opposed to Government, and which
demanded the most extensive powers for the people—he
found in that organ of the public opinion of the colony a
statement, after mentioning that the Bill, besides giving
the power of amending the represeetation, provided for
making any other amendment that experience could
suggest; that it the Bill were carried out they
should be quite content with it, notwithstanding
the stipulation that those amendments, in order to
their becoming valid, should be submitted to her
Majesty's pie asure and to Parliament. Was it
then open to the Hon. Member for Southwark to say
that the clause was powerless to give the colonists what
they desired ? The object of the Bill was not toes-
tablish a permanent single chamber instead of a double
one. On the contrary, it empowered the colonists to
establish two chambers if they choose ; and though
the Hon. Gentleman had contended that if the Bill were
assed a double chamber would never be established, he
must take the liberty of thinking otherwise should the
colonists see fit to make the change. He saw nothing
to prevent their bringing the force of the public opinion
of the colonists to bear upon their representatives so as
to effect that alteration whenever they choose. lie
cautioned the House against adopting any suggestion
coming from the Colonial Reform Aesociation, not one
of whose members concurred in opinion upon any one sub-
ject but that of colonial reform, and even on the nature of
that reform they were not agreed, for the Hon. Member
fur Midhurst (Mr. Walpole) proposed that one of
the two chambers should consist of members nominated
by the Crown. The Hen. Member for Southwark pro-
posed two elective chambers, while the Hon. Member
for Stefferdshire (Mr. Adderley) had some other pre-
jeet ; besides, notwithstanding the assertion of the Hon.
and Learned Member for Sheffield (Mr. Roebuck), he
contended that the House had not sufficient information
to enable them to decide upon a question of such impor-
tance as the adoption of a double chamber.
Mr. DISRAELI understood they were in Commit-
tee on the sixth clause 'of the Bill, and that the
point in discussion was, whether in the projected con-
stitution for the Anstreliau colonies there should be
one or two chambers. That, he apprehended,
was the subject for consideration, and there -
fore, though the Hunourab!e Gentleman who had just
spoken had told them that that was not the question
only, but that in the Bill there were powers which the
colonists might avail themselves of to hare a second
house if they thought it necessary, he (Mr. Disraeli)
apprehended that those were considei ations which ought
not to affect their vote that night.—(!tear, hear.) The
consideration of the sixth clause really involved the
question whether they were that night to decide it this
new colonial constitution should' possess one or two
chambers, nor were the elements of the composition of
either one chamber or the other at all at issue at that
moment. Those were considerations which were apart
from the sixth clause, he thought; and not only that it
was quite as well that the question should be divested of
those other considerations, but that she question in itself
was sufficiently grave. He hardly knew any one
more difficult to decide upon, or any occasion on
which the responsibility of a vote should be felt
more sensibly by a Member of that House. The
question, however, was not new to the House. Of
late years it had been necessarily brought before the
consideration of every Member. He thought it was not
four years ago since there had been a change of govern-
ment, and a new government was founded upon e ther
principles—one of which was colonial reform. In a
question so extremely difficult as the construction of a
political constitution for distant colonies, gentlemen na-
turally looked with great expectation and respect to the
existing government of the day to be their " guides, phi-
losophers, and friends."— (Hear.) The Government
were not loug in existence when they gave to the Rouge
an inkhnb of the policy which they thought ought. to
be pursued with respect to the question now under con-
sideration. A constitution for a distant colony being
contiguous to that the constitution for which was now
under discussion, was presented to the House, and they
had an opportunity of taking the opinion of the Govern-
ment, especially those members of it who were known as
colonial reformers, upon the subject ; and on that first
subject of a constitution for a distant colony, three years
and a half ago, the Government were ofopinion that there
should be two chambers. Some time afterwards another
project of a colonial constitution—a constitution,
indeed, for one of those very colonies—a colony of still
greater importaece than any he had adverted to, and
after still more mature reflection, after having been in
office some little time, and after having profited by their
former experience and previous experiments, the Go-
vernment again produced a project of constitution which
again included this plan of two chambers.—(Hear.) Su
far, then, the Government, during their still somewhat
brief career, had offered to the House renewed instance s
of their approbation of the principle. But a great
change occurred after that latter instance in the policy
of the Government. In their projects the Government
had not been fortunate; both of them had been rejected
by the populations to whose necessities they had
been addressed, and a very considerable change took
place in the manner in which the Government pre.
pared their future operations. And he was rather
surprised the House had not dwelt more in detail,
and with more interest, upon this very remarkable
character, almost unprecedented in recent Parliamentary
history, of the mode of proceeding adopted with respect
to those very communities. There suddenly was a de-
legation of the duties of the Secretary of State for the
Colonies to the Committee of the Privy Council—a very
remarkable circumstance, because, atter a Government
distinguished by the liberality of its me mbers, and re-
markable for the very great reputation of the individual
who presided over the colonies—had taken office—after
great promises they had held out to the country of the
great salutary changes in our colonial system, it was very
remarkable that the Secretary of State for the Colonial
Department should announce that he was incapable of
forming an opinion upon all those subjects which were
considered as the very subjects, the ability to form an
opinion on which formed the qualification of a man to be
Secretary of State for the Colonies.—(Hear, hear.) They
were told that those were subjects of great difficulty
viz., that the construction of the system and the settle-
ment of the principles on which emigration should be
conducted, according to which the waste lands should be
sold, and on which the political constitution of the colo-
nies should be settled—that those were subjects of such
extreme difficulty that the Secretary of State found it
necessary to delegate the performance of his duties, and
the decision of those important points to a Committee
of the Privy Council. He would have thought, that if
Sseovsuerbejiegcnts_inif.
a man was not capable of incurring the responsibility
Council as to the 'decision
otof as a member of the Ca-
binet,aadd advising
nowg'ila was hingoo t prepared on his own responsibility to
deeide on the matter of colonial government, when points
so very important, and which had been so long discussed,
and which had so occupied the attention of all statesmen
connected with the colonies, as the sale of waste lands,
the conduct of emigration, and the principles on
which political constitutions were to be offered to the
colonies—he should have said that such a man was
the last person who should have been ambitious of
being Secretary of State fur the Colonies.—(Hear.)
The Noble Lord said "Hear." He was glad he
had condescended to attend to his observations. The
Noble Lord was a great constitutional scholar, and per-
haps he would explain that difficulty. Well, then, the
performance of the duties of Secretary of State for the
Colonies was delegated to the Committee of the Privy
Council. It was they who were to decide on the sub-
ject. They knew who the members of that council
were, for they bad their signatures to a document.
One of them was the nobleman who now filled the
office of Lord Chief Justice of England. lie believed
all felt that the manner in which that Noble and
Learned Lord would discharge the arduous duties of
that high office would make him go down t
posterity with a reputation as eminent as that of any
of his predecessors.—(Hear, hear.) Lord Campbell
was then Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and
for that Noble and Learned Lord he had very great re-
spect, but be wanted to know why should not the Secre-
tary of State for the Colonies be responsible for the per-
formance of his duties in that capacity, and not the
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; the second mem-
ber of the Committee e f Privy Council was the Right
Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade
(Mr. Leboucheie). He had no doubt that the Right
Hon. Gentleman had every qualification to be Colonial
Minister—he had very greatly distinguished himself as
Under-Secretary for the. Colonies—but, if he was to be
Colonial Minister, he (Mr. D.) preferred he should be
responsible for the administration of the colonies, and
not another person, who bore the title of the office
and left to him the performance of its func-
tions. But the House bad every security in Lord
Campbell and the President of the Board of
Trade—for these two members of the Committee of
Privy Council were Members of Parliament. They
could, in the House of Lords or the House of Commons,
hold them responsible for the advice which they gave to
the Sovereign, however much they might disapprove of
the system on which their advice on such subjects had
been solicited. But there was a third member of the
Committee of Privy Council on whom the fulfilment of
the duties pertaining to the office of Colonial Secretary
was devolved—a gentleman who bore the name of Sir
Edward Ryan. He was not a Member of the House of
Commons, he was not in the House of Lords. How,
then, v as the responsibility of the Minister in the person
of Sir Edward Ryan to be secured? If he wanted to ,
know where that gentleman was, to secure his response
bility, ho must send for the red book, and,
if he lived in a hotel, the responsibility of the
Minister in his person was not to be fixed. Yet it was
upon his advice that the Ministers who, for a very cote-
sidereble period, had announced to the House their ad-

hesion to the principle of two chambers, had b( en
drawing up systems of legiilature according to that
principle., passing them in that House, and sending them
out to the colonies—it was upon the advice of that gen-
tleman, and of the Committee of Privy Council, of which
he was a member, and to whom the fulfilment of the du-
ties of St cretary of State for the Colonies had beta del( -
gatcd, in consequence of that funotonary's previous
failure and pure incapacity to fulfil the duties of his
office—that Ministers now suddenly called on them to
adopt this new project of a single chamber. Let him
first call the attention .of the House to the most im-

portant document of all in their possession upon that
subject, the one which they had last received, laid which

EVEN ING,

had been the basis of the whole policy of the Govern-
ment—namely, the report of those Right Hon. Lords of
the Uonsmittee of Council, that report being dated the
Ist or April, 1849. Perhaps the Noble Lord would tell
him that there was nothing unconstitutional in submit-
ting a great public question to the consideration of the
Privy Council of Trade and Plantations. But it should
be remembered that the Lords of that Council were
limbers of Parliament. In the present instance the
vice of the old sy stain of governing, this country by couu-
callers, with selectee the people were not acquainted, had
been adopted and revived by her Majesty's present Mi-
nisters. Now, let the House hear what had been the lan-
guage employed by the Committee of Privy Council on
that very question of a single or a double chamber.—
(The Hon. Gentleman here read an extract from the repot t
of the Committee to the effect that it was in their opinion
desirable that the political institutions of the British
colonies should be brought into the nearest possible
analogy to the constitution of the United Kingdom;
and that the general practice had been to grant double
chambers to our colonies; but they added that circum-
stances of a peculiar character had reluctantly c‘eupell
them to recommend a departure from that practice in
the present instance, and the appointment of only a
single house of legislation.) Now it appeared that the
only reason which had induced the Committee to offer
that advice was the state of public feeling in New
South Wales upon the subject TLe Honourable and
amed Gentleman the Member for Athlone (Mr.
Keogh) had triumphantly appealed to a great public
meeting held at Sydney, in which the idea of a
second chamber had been universally condemned.
But be (Mr. Disraeli) wished to know what sort
of a second chamber it was that had been so denounced.
—(Hear, hear.) He wanted to know whether it had
been put to the inhabitants of Sydney or to the colonists
of New South Wales generally that the second chamber
was to be the chamber indicated by the Hon. Baronet
the Member for Southwark.—(licar, hear.) Un-
doubtedly if the inhabitants of Sydney were asked whe-
ther or not they were in favour of the establishment of a
second chamber choke full of the nominees of the Go-
vernment, he should not be surprised if they were to re-
ject the offer with derision and indignation. He bad said
that the duties of the Secretary of State had been dele-
gated to the Committee of the Privy Council; and the
Noble Lord had appeared to doubt the accuracy of that
statement.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that neither the question of
emigration nor the question of the waste lands had been
reserved for that Committee.
Mr. DISRAELI said he found that among the mat-
ters referred to, upon which the Committee had offered
their opinions, were the division of the colonies, the es-
tablishment of municipal councils, the levying of district
rates, the management of waste lands, the details of the
civil list, the duties on customs, and the appropriation of
the revenue derived from the sale cf land. With all
these questions he found that the Committee had dealt,
notwithstanding the statement of the Noble Lord that
some, at least, e f those questions had not been submitted
for their consideration. The Committee in the course
of their report alleged that until the commencement of
the nineteenth century the almost uniform usage had
been to establish local legislatures consisting t 1 three
estates—a government nominated by the Sovereign, a
council nominated by the Sovereeign, and an assembly
elected by the people. Now, he had never before heard
that her Majesty was one of the estates of the realm.
He had always understood that the three estates
of the realm consisted of certain classes of subjects
invested with political privileges. There were
three estates of the realm in England— the
estate of the Lords spiritual, the estate of the Lords
temporal, and the estate of the Commons; but to ray that
the Queen was an estate of the realm was to say that she
formed a class of her own subjects. Yet those were the
Gentlemen to decide on the question of a single or a
double chamber.—(Hear.) Nor was that a mere slip of
the pen, for he found that in another and a most impor-
tant portion of the document the same statement was re-
peated. Those Gentlemen, therefore, who were drawing
up constitutions to be sent out to the Antipodes were ab-
solutely quite ignorant of what was an estste of the
realm, and classed the governor of a colony as such an
estate.—(llear.) He found that within a very brief
period her Majesty's Ministers had been advocates of a
double chamber in two cases in which they must have
pondered long over the measures which they had intro-
duced—measures which at great risk and trouble
they had sent on the longest and the most fruitless
voyages that had ever awaited any legislative enter-
prise. In the middle of the period of four eventful years,
during which her Majesty's present advisers had been in
office, they Lund the Secretary of State for the Colonies
—that hot colonial re former, whether from a too sensitive
feeling of his failures, or the upbraiding remonstrances
of his colleagues—they found him abdicating his
functions and appointing a Committee to fulfil his duties;
and the result of the labours of the Committee was to
produce a change of opinion on the part of her Majesty's
Government on the vital principle which the House was
then discussing. Now, it appeared to him that the House
might safely come to the conclusion that her Majesty's
Ministers were not the best and most infallible guides
whom they could follow on that subject. What did the
Government mean to do? Did they mean to lay it down
as a principle of their conduct that they should act
exactly in accordance with the general feeling of the
present inhabitants of the colony? One would almost
infer that from some of the speeches they had heard
upon the subject—from the eagerness with which the
Noble Lord had referred to that heaven-seat journal
which happened to have fallen into his hands, one
would suppose that ra public meeting at a coffee-
house would be sufficient to determine the course
which the Goverument would pursue upon that ques-
tion. He (Mr. Dist cell) wished it to be understood that
he was not recommending any course in total defiance
of the feelings of the people of the colony. He thought
those feelings should be consulted, and that the affairs
of so distant a settlement should be approached in a
conciliatory spirit. But he could not coincide in the
opinion that they ought to decide that question solely in
reletence to the feelings of the colonists at the present
moment, even if they could ascertain what those feelings
were. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Dunda:k
(Mr. M'Cullagh) said that in dealing with that
question, they ought not to anticipate the future. But
in his (Mr. Disraeli's) opinion, if they were ever to
anticipate the future it was when they were
legislating for a colony.—(Hear, hear). For his
part, he should give his vote in favour of the prin-
ciple of anticipation ; he should give his vote in favour
of the principle of two chambers ; and he wished to
guard himself against being supposed to commit him-
self to the support of any certain form of second cham-
ber. lie wished to avoid any unnecessary elements of
controversy upon that occasion. He was in favour of a
second chamber, because he thought that, under all cir-
cumstances, it gave stability to a state. He denied that
a second chamber was hostile to popular liberty. It
might be hostile to popular passions, and yet be the best
security for popular liberty. He looked upon it as a re-
presentation of the conservative principle in its purest
elements. He believed that its tendency would be to
secure society in the colony, to improve it, and to save
it from the gusts of popular passion and caprice. He
felt assured that if the question was properly put to
the communities of Australia, whether they would have
two chambers— provided always the second chamber was
not to be filled with. Government nominees—their deci-
sion would be universal and unanimous in favour of such
an arrangement. He felt persuaded that when the de-
bates in that House upon the subject should have be-
come known, and when the public in the colony should
have become enlightened upon the point, the Noble
Lord would find it impossible to carry his measure into
operation, however he might pass it through that
House. The Noble Lord might not, however,
care for that, and ti e present would not be
the first constitution returned into his hands.
But he wished the Noble Lord to profit by experience,
and to prosper for the future in his legislative enter-
prises. He should have thought that after what Lai
occurred during the last three or four years the Noble
Lord would not have come to the House upon that
occasion without having a clear conception upon this
point—were the inhabitants of those colonies clearly,
aware of what was meant by two chambers? The in-
habitants of Sydney were mistaken if they supposed
that those who advocated a second chamber were advo-
cating a second chamber composed merely of Govern-
ment nominees. That was not the feeling of the House
of Commons or of the country upon the subject.—
(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Dundalk had told them that it was better to support the
Government Bill than to legislate on mere theory. But
was the opinion of the Governor of Van Diemen's Land
a mere theory? Was the opinion of the Governor
of South Australia a mere theory? Was the opinion
of the Governor of New South Wales itself a mere theory?
It was the duty of the Government when they came
forward with a new project of that description, which
they recommended upon an assumed acquaintance with
the state of public opinion in these colonies—it was their
duty to make sure that they had become accurately ac-
quainted with that opinion. It appeared to him, from all
that he had heard or read upon that subject, that the
Government were not well informed with respect to it.
Nay, more, the Secretary of State had told them a few
hours before that he was lamentably ignorant upon the
subject. But why should they legislate under such ig-
norance? What he ventured to recommend the Noble
Lord to do, was to inform himself better upon that im-
portant topic, and until he should have obtained that in-
formation, to delay his legislation.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HAWES said he felt it absolutely necessary to
notice a few of the statements which had fallen from the
Hon. Gentleman who had just addressed the House. The
lion. Gentleman had alluded to the Committee of the
Privy Council appointed to consider various colonial
questions, and had contended that the Secretary of State,
by consenting to that appointment, had altogether aban-
doned his responsibility. But there was no complaint
which he (Mr. 'levees) had heard more frequently put
foratard in that House and elsewhere than that the Se-
cretary of State had hitherto monopolised our colonial
government ; and he could not therefore understand
the objection of the Honourable Gentleman to the
appointment of the Committee which had inquired into
the policy which it was at present advisable to pursue
towards cur colonies. Let it be remembered that
the Secretary for the Colonies had cnly consulted the
Committee for their advice, and that he held himself re-
sponsible for any course which he might afterwards
pursue upon the subject. But how had that Committee
been constituted ? The Hon. Gentleman had himself
bore testimony to the eminent ability of Lord Campbell,
one member of the Committee ; then there was Sir F.
hyan, a Privy Councillor, and formerly Chief Justice of
Bengal ; and there was also Sir G. Sevens, who had
long been distinguished at the Colonial-office for his
knowledge and ability. The lion. Gentleman had also
said that it was in consequence of the report of the
Committee that the Government had abandoned
the Principle of two chambers. Again, the
Honourable Member was mistaken. In 1842 Lord
Stauley introduced a Bill, constituting a single chamber,
which went through both Houses without a division, and
even without an observation, except ono of congratula-

APRIL 2O, 1850.

tion. So much for the ground laid by the Hon. Gentle-
man fur the rejection of the Bill. But the Hon. Gentle-
man said the Government were ignorant—that Lord
Grey had avowed his ignorance—and that they had re-
commended two chambers previously. The Government
had certainly changed their opinion, but it was because
the colonists tied expressed their satisfaction with the
constitution of 1842, and prayed his Noble Friend at
ties head of the Cob nial-eifice not to alter it. Was
there any thing to he ashemed cf in that ? On the
contrary, there was much to be honoured. The Bill
stood on the broad principle that it was founded on a
knowledge of the opinions and feelings cf the colonists.
Would asy one pretend it was opposed to the wishes
of the Feaplu of New South Wales? It was, in fact, only
the existing constitution of that colony. That it was
not opposed to the wishes of the colonists of Victoria
was proved by the resolutions he (Mr. Hawes) held in
his hand, wherein the people of that colony prayed fur
a council composed of 18 elected members and 9 mem-
bers appointed by the Clown. It was opposed that
all four colonies should have constitutions comprehend-
ing two legislative bodies ; hut the answer to this was,
that New South Wales and Victoria were content with
the constitutions they had, and desired no change.
Were Van Diemen's Land and New South Wales satis-
fied? The people of those colonies had not expressed
their opinion on the subject of two chambers.
The Governor of Van Diemen's Land was certainly
opposed to a single chamber, but he said be hal no pre-
cise means of knowing the sentiments of the colonial
community, and then give his own opinion ; but if' any
decision could be arrived at from the usual channels of
information, it would appear that the colonists only de •
sired a single elective chamber, and not two bodies.
The Honourable Member for Sheffield said that it was
the duty of Parliament to frame the best constitution in
its power for the colonies ; but he (Mr. Hawes) empha-
tically denied that proposition. Ile stood on a broad
principle. if a constitution was to be framed, it
should be framed, in his opinion, in conformity with
the wishes of the colonists, and not in pursuance of
the views of any individual Member of that House.
That was the cause of the duration of the Ameri-
can Constitution—all of whom bad begun with a single
chamber, and established a second as a necessity of their
conformation, in the course of time. It would he the
same with the colony of New South Wales in due pro-
cess. With re fsrence to the objections raised on the
operation of the 35th clause, he (Mr. Hewes) would
clearly state that the policy of the Government, in con-
ferring power upon the colonists, was to permit them
honestly to exercise that power for the purpose of ame-
liorating their constitution. Hitherto the Crown had
been constantly opposed to the colonial constitutions,
but now powers of local self-government were conferred
on Australia, which were intended should be exercised.
Reference was made to Lord Grey's dispatch of 1847,
rl proposing two chambers for New South Wales, but the
course adopted by his Noble Friend was to
adopt that constitution which the colonists were
attached to, and give them the means of im-
proving it. Was that a policy to be condemned as
it had been by the Hon. Baronet and the Hon.
Member for Buckinghamshire? In framing a Bill such
as that under discussion, the colonies were obtaining
that. expansive form of government which was beat
adapted for their present state, as well as for their future
extension. If, however, the amendment proposed were
adopted, a delay would take place, which would cause
great discontent, and mateirially impede the application
of the measure on the colony. He (Mr. Hawes) there.
fore entreated the House to conciliate the colonists by
waiving its right to legislate fair them, and by deterrence
to their feelings and opinions to lay the foundation of a
work which they would look up to with pride and satis-
faction as the production of their own hands.—(hlear.)
Mr. DISRAELI explained. He bad omitted the
name of Sir J. Stephen, because be had not signed the
report of the Committee of the Privy Council. As to
Sir Edward Ryan, who the Hon. Gentleman said was a
chief justice, all he (Mr. Disraeli) could say was, that he
was sorry that two chief' justices should have to decide
upon the colonial policy of this country.
Mr. SCOTT then rose, amidst loud cries for a divi-
sion. He was understood, in the confusion, to say the
majority of the colonists had expressed themselves
against the plan of a single chamber, and in favour cf a
double chamber. Recent accounts showed that it was
condemned at a public meeting in Hobart Town, Van
Diemen's Land; while at two public meetings held at
Port Philip and Sydney, no resolution was come to on
the question, though the speeches wore all against it.
Silence gave consent. If there was one duty more
than another incumbent upon the governor of any of our
colonies, it was that he should particularly define such
a form of government as they ought to enjoy .—(Loud
cries of "Divide.")
Mr. MO WATT said the present Bill was brought
forward in such a fair spirit, and was really such a de-
sirable measure, that he wan unwilling to oppose it. The
Hon. Member for Athlone had dressed the Bill up in
such colours, that ho felt it to be his duty as a colonist
to say half a dozen words upon the subject. His prin-
cipal objection to the Bill was, that the colonists wore
nut permitted in future to legislate for themselves as he
thought they would wish. By the dispatch received from
Sir W. Denison it would appear that the colonists
under his goverment were so delighted with the
idea of a repeesentative government that they were not
in a fit position. to examine the measure now proposed—a
measure which he regretted to say gave the nomination
of one-third of the chamber to the Crown. For his part,
he thought that it was the duty of this country to le-
gislate for her colonies, to profit by her experience, and
to select such t. form f government as might be calcus
lated to work well. Ho would ask, could there be a
doubt enterteined of the decision to which the colonies
would come as to the question whether they were to
have two chambers or one chamber, with a third of it
nominated by 'the Government ?—(Hear, and cries of
" Divide.") He could not sit down without expressing
his regret thee. the Bill should have such a blot in it as
that to which he alluded.—(Loud cries of " Divide, di•
vide.")
Mr. BASS proceeded to address the House, amid loud
demands for a. division, but even the substance of what
he said could not be caught in the gallery.
Lord J. RUSSELL said it he did not think that some
Hon. Members, were not exactly aware of the immediate
question upon which they were going to divide, he
should not have again troubled the House. The Hon.
Baronet the Member for Southwark proposed to leave
out the words " of persons proposed by the Crown and
elected by the people," and to substitute other words in
their place. But the Hon. Baronet, in pressing his
views with respect to the two chambers, did not state
whether or -not the two chambers were to be elective.
Both the Mon. Baronet amid the Hon. Member for
Buckinghamshire had avoided that question; and, in-
deed, the litter had said that he would not bind himself
to the two chambers to be so appointed. He thought
it etas of importance that the House should not
come to a decision to throw aside the plan of the Go-
vernment without seeing what they proposed in its place.
—(Hear.) If they were to have two elective chambers
without any
.persons appointed by the Crown, he would
ask them were they sure that two chambers so composed
would not be the echo of one another?—(hear.) Such
would be the case if the House adopted the propo-
sition of the Honourable Baronet. He would ask them
then to corts!:der what danger they might not incur if
they attempted to frame that Constitution in a different
manner for that colony than they proposed framing
constitutions for otter colonies. The Bill they now
proposed W 8.3 in conformity with one which had been
introduced by Lord Stanley in the year 1842. It had
been laid before Parliament last year, had been sent to
the Australian colonies, and from them no voice
of dissent Lad proceeded. If that were so, if the
colonists we re pleased after examining its details, that,
at least, was a proof that the measure would not be
badly recers ed in the colonies. The persons in this
country eon fleeted with the colonial interests implicated
in the Bill, had asked tho House to pass it.—(Hear.)
The Honourable Gentleman who spoke last but one
had said deem was no power to alter the constitution
subsequently. What he proposed was, that they should
adopt a known principle of government before they at-
tempted to -form what was a new constitution altogether.
The colonists would be likely to receive it with glad-
ness now, but the only alternative of the acceptance of the
proposition before the House would be to delay the
measure fee' another year, and that would be a great in-
jury, end would be felt with great dismay in the colo-
nies. He trusted the Bill would be received with the
view of advancing the interests of the colonies, and no-
thing else. --(Hear, and cries of " Divide.")
Sir W. HOLES WORTH, in reply, said his proposi-
tion embre.ced four distinct alterations in the clause.
The first of them, upon which they would then divide,
was upon the omission of certain words. The principle
for which he contended was that of the American states,
and the question was whether they would adopt a spstem
which had been only eight years in operation in Aus-
tralia, in' preference to that which had been found to
work so well, after an experience of many years, in the
United States.—(Cries of "Divide, divide.")
The galleries were then cleared, when there:appeared—
For the amendment 150
Against it ... 218
Majority against the amendment —6B
Mr. ANSTEY then propssed the omission of certain
words in the clause, with the view of placing the
carrying out of the Bill in the hands of the Governor,
instead of the Legislative Council, but did not press it to
a division.

Mr. WYLD, who arose amidst loud cries of "Ad-
journ," said he did not rise for the purpose of moving
the amendment of which he had given notice, but to
ask the Government whether it was their intention to

make any peculiar provision for the convicts inVan
Diemen's Land, because a very material point would
arise upon that subject, as he held the existence of free
insticutlons and the continuation of transportation in-
compatible.

Mr. HAWES said the Bill contained no provisions
relative to the government of convicts.
Mr. PLEL wished to know why ..the number of the
Legislative Council in Van Diemen's Land was restricted
to twenty-four, when no limitation was place) on the
number of the Members in New South Wales and West-
een Australia.

Mr. _HAWES could assign no particular reason for
6.Eing the number at twenty-four, but it mu.t he re-
tr.e:nnered that in New South Wales the Legislative
Coma 11l was a representative body, while in Van
Die❑ len's Luid it was a Crown legislature.
M r. ANSTEY then proposed the emission of the
pro• ;ision which edm4ted the nominees of the Crown to

..........._ ..
sets is in the, legislature with the members elected by the
pe. ,l'ile.

- -
The Committee divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment ... ... 27
Against it ... ... 159
Majority ... --132
Clause 6, as a needed, was then agreed to, and
The CHAIRMAN r, ported progress and obtained
f leave to sit again.
MERCANTILE MARINE BILL.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said he wished to withdraw
this Bill in order to bring in an amended one. He

should not fail to name an early day for the seed;
reading. He moved, therefore, tha*, the order be
charged —Agreed to. tern
The' erchant Seamen's Fund Bill, which stood
second r. ading, was postponed.
MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL.
stod
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that this Bill, whichov
for a se ,e,nd reading, related to an alteration of the tw°lo
nage of vessels, as it at present existed. It e
founded on the reeommendatiou of the tongCotece
f lust session, and had been circulated araest,
the clafses connected with the mercantile Wel to
He believed that serious objections were entertained.ol
the Bill in its present form, and that it would "...„
be right to press its adoption in the present sessioce.o
(lle,a, hear.) The subject, which was one of gra'
difficulty, would be considered between this and the 13.„0,
session; and if he should then hold his present situatt"A
he thought, from the communications he bad receive;
that he should be able to submit a measure on the sad
jkct. He begged therefore to move that the Bill be le'
a second time that day six monthf.—Motion agteeit,sl)'s
The other orders were disposed of, and the
adjourned at One o'clock.

LA W IN TELLIGEN CB.
BAIL COURT, April 19.
' (Sittings at Nisi Prius, fore Mr. Justice CoeeeeDa
aad
a Common Jury.)
DAVIS V. DICKINSON.
[ This was an action on a warranty, the declarsldlo,ll.
, alleging that the plaintiff had purchased a cow oftheold
fendant, which was warranted to be with calf, and w-do t
calve in six wet ks, to which allegation the defes iLue
had pleaded that at the time of the sale she was lg
calf, but she afterwards miscarried in consequence of
over-driving the
of the plaintiff,
Mr. James, Q.C., with whom was Mr. Untbank, Wpb
peered for the plaintiff ; and Mr. Sergeant Sheet w.
' whom was Mr. Pearson, appeared for the defendant'
Mr. JAMES stated the case. The plaintiff ehss a °ditto
chant carrying on business in the City, and the defeshoot
a cattle-dealer, frequenting the various fairs throng".,ol
the country. In November last the plaintiff 7.4
anxious to procure a cow which would SuPorol,
his family with milk during the winter, and it,
tle refore, necessary that the cow which he then ,P to
chased should be in so interesting a situation a9tbet
admit of her " calving down" in six weeks froo3
to,
time. Accordingly he instructed Mr. Hillinsdale, ~
tired cattle dealer and agriculturist, to go over to Kinitgit,
ton fair, and see if he could secure such a cow- A.O;
Hillinsdale did so accordingly, and finding the defellesle
in rossession of a large herd of cattle, he selected 03
cow in question, for which the defendant wanted
guineas. Mr. Hillinsdale, however, would only giveioe,
and ultimately the bargain was struck at that Pr.„*
the defendant warranting that the cow was in calf, ";,1
would calve down in six weeks. The, c„"e
was driven that day from Kingston to 131°;,-t;
and the following day to the plaintiff's Per'„nel
residence at Camberwell, where she was o'co".
to be exceedingly friskey, in fact, a complete fene
breaker, and exhibiting symptoms which indicated efo
thing but being in " a situation that cows should be w
to,
love bulls." An infallible test was then iesortv. .b
which satisfied Mr. Billinsdale that she was not Wtr
calf, and ultimately she was returned to the defendittiot
with an intimation that he must refund the money Is
had been paid for her. This he refused to do, tb°ld
b
11y
he offered to exchange her for another, and eeen.,lP-.tee
the matter ceded iu the present action at law, 311, be
course of which it was anticipated that there would
a good deal of hard swearing, as generally 110PPe
in settling disputes about quadrupeds. and
Mr. Hillinsdale was called to prove_the purchase
the wart ant.
red
Cross-examined by Mr. Sergeant SHEE—She apPeii-be
to be with calf, but the best judges were liable t .9
mistaken. Not being with calf, her value /4"
scarcely 51.
fed
John Chapman, the gardener of the plaintiff, Pr°- f
that he received the cow at Camberwell on the 14th of
November. She was put into a paddock, foe
she was exceedingly restive, breaking 'e-cl
and getting in amongst the other cows. This indtleo
him to believe that she was not with eta, to
at his recommendation the test already referred
was put in practice, and the result proved that she rr,
not iu calf, and she was therefore returned to the Mien
who offered to refund the 0/. or exchange her foris";
other, but Mr. Davis demanded more. The defenal,
denied having warranted her in coarse terms, and
though the cow was left with him he never waited Or
the plaintiff or moved further in the affair. to
Cross-examined—When the cow was taken heck
the defendant he said he selected her out as being Who
calf because she would run with the bull. When 0
was returned she appeared to be the same size as °be
he received her two months before.
tied
Re-examined—The cow could not have miscarried
without his observing it. She was about two years °
ld
this spring.
This was the case.
Mr. Sergeant SIIEE pointed out to they jury that tberlif
was an histus in the history of the cow from the dal ;),,
the sale and the day of her return. The man who (139'
her to Brixton was not here, and as he should prove fir°il:
she was in calf at the time of the sale, it would be 4
the jury to determine whether or no she had not sliPi t
her calf through over driving before she reached bs
destination at Champion-hill, Camberwell.
A nephew of the defendant, named Bradshaw, Ww:
then called, who stated that Hillinsdale, when he Pt;
chased the cow, examined her very minutely. She 0-0
at the time very full of milk, and there could be2l,:a
doubt that when she was sold she was in calf. The
me; est trifle would make a cow miscarry. Eating 01
thing eff the Ledge, such as a piece of yew, would do ir,„
Cross examined—A cow that miscarries shows 11
afterbirth for two or three days, and if this cow ha
slipped her calf on the way home, it must have bee`"
visible to any one familiar with cattle.
Mr. James Smith, a cattle-dealer, was at Kings
fair when this cow was sold. Previous to the sale
examined her, and found she was in calf. The defend'
asked too much for her, and he did not buy.
Cross-examined—The reason he hit upon this poll:
cular heifer was that it was his fancy, and fepcy
iL
great way sometimes. The defendant asked him
for her.
This was the defendant's case.
Mr. JAMES was about to reply, but, • 11
The jury said they had made up their minds to ma
for the plaintiff.
A verdict was accordingly entered for the plaintiff,
damages 91.

A disastrous accident occurred on the Manchester'
Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway at Gainsborough oa
day morning. The down mail-train leaving Gainsboroad,
at 8.25 A.M., had passed over the bridge on the Spital-r°,,e,
and about a quarter of an hour afterwards a fine
called the Sysyphus, constructed by Sharpe and Co. of 2470
chester, was shunting on the down line; when it had g.°Aters
the bridge by the length of the engine, the cast-iron gird to
snapped in the middle, and the head of the engine fell
„1:21
the road, the other end remaining connected by the coup e.
with the tender, which came to a dead pause on the '1:e0
The driver a. d stoker escaped without injury. Had it bo,
a passenger-train, the consequences would have been sw.
As there are points on each side of the bridge connect1fiB
4
both lines, the traffic during the day passed the bridge on
up-line without interruption. Great inconvenience Was co
perienced by the carts, &c., from the country on their v(,,,c,
to the market. All of them had to make their way round.y.
Morton or by Foxby-lane. The girders were cast At `..
foundry of Air. Farmer, and were amply tested under tite
perintendence of the engineers before the line was openemoi
Whether, after all, there was some defect in the casting,,_,r
the molecules of the iron had been disturbed in theirr,
tive cohesion by the variation of temperature, is not aseekA
tained with certainty. Cast-iron girders will, however, be
distrusted for the future, and public confidence will net
restored till the principle of safety be more correctly deter
mined in these bridges.—Lincoln Mercury.
THE JosiN R. Samny.—Several of the passenger;
by this unfortunate vessel have returned to Oswestry,
they declare that instead of the plundering of the ship
the wreckers, the crew, as soon as they set all hands to t.°
pumps, went below and broke into the boxes of the 1),A5:0
sengers and took everything they could catch hold of.
majority of the passengers set sail again from Liverpool °
Monday last, in the ship A. Z., to try their luck once 113°1.e.
—Hereford Journal.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]--The best Medicine for Co''l
plaints incidental to Females are Holloway's .
Talbot, of Mitcham, informs Professor Holloway that she cones
siders it her bounden duty to acknowledge the astonishing Pl"f
nefit she has derived from taking his pills. At the agv o
of
forty-five she began to sutler from a general derangernept•
the system, langour, swoollen legs, and other ailments incidla
to females; and notwithstanding the most careful attentiopi
the advice of eminent physicians, her weakness and debit"
continued to increase untilshe adopted another course, and icgis
Holloway's Pills, and this inestimable medicine has restore
her to a soundness of health and buoyancy of spirits which si t
Lad not enjoyed for some years.—Sold by all Druggists, asli $
Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand Loados.
H
NORTH STAFFOIiDsIRE RAILWAY.—The diP,,
te:
rences between this company and the London and Nottua
Western Company have at length been finally adjusted, al id
a satisfactory arrangement entered into under the sal!
both companies, by which all litigation is superseded, ithi
general adjustment of the traffic effected.

BIRTHS.
On the 10th inst., at the Forest-green House, Ockleif
Surrey, Mrs. R. G. Flarmer, of a son.
On the 11th inst., in Merrion-square, Dublin, the Wife of
J. Purchas, Esq., M.A., of Christ's College, Cambridge,
a son.
On the 13th inst., at Sharston, Northenden, Cheshire, Bill.
Josiah Roberts, of a son.
On the 14th inst., at Woodfield-house, near Hudders6eld'
Mrs. Bentley Shaw, of a daughter.
On the 16th inst., Mrs. F. Lawrence, Milten-on-Tharae*
of a daughter. fi•
At St. Alban's, on the 17th inst., the wife of the Rev.
Hall, of a son.

RABRIED.
On the 15th inst., John Wise Stevens Esq., of Tunbridge;
wells, to Mary Tenterden, the youngest surviving datighte
of T. Abbott, Esq., of Horsmonden, Kent.
On the 9th inst., at Anton's hill, Berwickshire, C1101,e:
Samuel Grey, Esq , second son of the late Hon. Sir Geor,.,'„,
Grey, tart., to Margaret Dysart, youngest daughter of to"
late General Sir Martin Hunter, G.C.M.G., G.C.H.

DIED.
On the 15th inst., at Tynemouth, aged 61, J. W. Willis!
son, Esq., of Whicharn.
On the 16th inst., at Beckenham, Kent, Mary, relict 0f
0. Powis, Esq., late of Grafton-street, Marine-parade, W.ig
ton, aged 86.
On the 16th inst., at Farnborough, Warwickshire, Franey*
fourth daughter of W. Hotbed], Esq., aged 39.
On the 16tir inst., at Stoke-next-Guildford, Kitty, relict 01
Mr. H. Webb, of Lambeth.
On the 17th inst., in Tavistock-square, Caroline Lawrence'
niece of Mr. Alderman and Sheriff Lawrence. r to
On the 17th inst., aged 59, Susanna-Andrews, the wi.e
T. Hibbert, Esq , of h.verton, near Liverpool.
At Croydon on the 17th iust , Elizabeth, relict of the let°
J. Bordwine,L,:q.

o
Lyndon: Printed and Published by MURDO yous -• ff
o. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, Na
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the eounti
Middle:l; Saturday, April 20, 1850.

1:11*