The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-24 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 24, 1850.

would consider these points, and give an early deci-
sion on them.

OUTRAGE AND ROBBERY.
The Huddersfield Chronicle says—" We regret to
have to state that a circumstance occurred in this town
on Thursday, calculated to throw the family of a
respectable inhabitant into the deepest degree of
distress. From what we can learn, a re-
spectable merchant of this town, whose name
we withhold under the painful circumstances,
has for some years had to lament a derangement
of mind in one of his daughters, who was for a con-
siderable period the inmate of an asylum. Latterly,
however, signs of amendment in her mental organiza-
tion had manifested themselves, and she has been
consequently kept at home, and suffered occasionally
to walk abroad in the neighbourhood of her father's
residence. Oa Thursday -afternoon, a little before
three o'clock, she left home for that purpose, taking
with her a child four years old. She in the first
instance called at the house of some female rela-
tives, but these being out she extended her walk, and
by some means or other she came into contact
with a navvy,' who gives the name of John Ormrod,
and who represents himself as coming from Holmes
Chapel, in Lancashire. It would seem that the
fellow was a perfect stranger to the young lady.
Tbey were observed to proceed down Greenhead-
lane together, having first called at the Bee Hive
beer-house, at the top of West Parade, where
the fellow called for a pint of beer, and inquired,
Have you a side room ?' Being informed in the
negative, the beer was partaken of by both out of the
pint pot, and they then went away together in the
direction above indicated. While in this house the
female was not heard to speak but once, and that only
faintly and inaudibly; but on their departure, the
inmates (to whom the young lady was unknown)
remarked op the strangeness of so fine a dressed
lady being in the company of so shabby a fellow. On
reaching the end of Gledholt-lane, a secluded spot,
the ruffian enticed the young female into a small
wood, at the bottom of Gledholt-bank, and there
accomplished his purpose. During the whole time
the little child was with them, and while in the wood
its cries attracted the attention of a passer-by. This
person also saw Ormrod subsequently take a gold
watch and chain from the female, stripping them
from her neck, and putting the chain round his own.
He then put his hand in her pocket and took some-
thing out. All this, however, was done without any
resistance being offered ; and as the parties proceeded
to leave the ground in company, the watcher, while
much surprised at these shameless proceedings, came
to the conclusion that the female was a frail mortal,
and that the parties knew each other. As they came
on to the road they were also seen by a constable,
who spoke to Ormrod, and asked about the gold
chain hanging over his waistcoat front. Not know-
ing the transaction, the officer did not then take the
fellow into custody. Both proceeded onwards as
far as the Crown Tavern, in this town, when
Ormrod left her, and the young lady turned up the
New North-road. The constable, who had followed
them to the town, then went up to the female and
accosted her, and asked her where her gold watch was,
land was informed, in reply, that the man had taken it
to mend, but that he (the officer) was not to tell her
father. The constable then made no further inquiry,
but went home to prepare for his night duty. On the
return home of the poor creature it was soon seen,
from her appearance, that something unusual had
happened. She was, however, silent to all inquiries,
or gave answers of which nothing could be made.
It was clear, however, that her valuables were gone,
and about seven in the evening, information of such
facts as could be hastily collected together were
communicated to the Huddersfield police., and in
less than half an hour the villain was in custody.
Before he was apprehended, Mr. Thomas, the
superintendent of police, had obtained posses.
sion of the gold watch and chain, which had been
sold to Mr. Hadfield, a pawnbroker, in Castlegate,
for 11. lOs. The two, when new, cost 261. It is
only right to say that the pawnbroker states that he
believed they were not gold, and the appear-
ance of the watch, without glass, and with scratched
face and ordinary-looking hands, would favour such
a supposition. From the pawnbroker Ormrod had
purchased a suit of fustian clothing—a portion of his
other dress being blue woollen. On his person,
when apprehended, which took place in the old
Post-office-yard, in a few minutes afterward!,
were found a purse, which belonged to the poor un-
fortunate female, and also her handkerchief. In the
purse were 19i. in money. In the course of Friday
morning the ruffian brutally boasted of what he had
done, and averred that it was only a bit of courting.' "

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
BRISTOL, Mar 23.
STOCK ExCHAXGIt.—The market still continues in the
same state. and the only variation we have to notice to-day
is Great Western, Quarters, which closed at 133 A.
LIVERPOOL. MAY 21.
Szocx EXCHANCos.—Prices were improved to-day, but the
amount of business done WRS very limited. The transactions
were as follow: London and North-Western, 103—
Ditto, New Quarters, 36—Lancashire and Yorkshire, Consul.
Fifths, 934 ( West Riding Union), Si. Gs. Rd.—
Midland, 34,4 c.— Ditto, Halves, 27/. lb. dis.—North
Staffurdshire, 10!„1 c. dig.—Great Southern and Western, 31%.
BIRMINGHAM, MAY 23.
STOCK EXCHANOE.—Our share market. taking its tone, as
it generally does, from the London Exchange, was inani-
mate to-day, bat prices generally were maintained. There
is Lttle probability of much business being done in the Bir-
mingham and Oxford Junction and the Birmingham, Wol-
verhampton, and Dudley lines until the directors of the Great
Western have more clearly defined the course they intend to
adopt after having obtained their 3,500,0001. Great interest
is attached to this matter in these districts, and the intention
of the directors looked for as of great importance. Their de-
cision, if able to carry it out, will materially affect the prices
of shares in the Stour Valley and other local lines of railway.
YORK, MAY 22.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The transactions to-day were as fol-
low:—Great Northern, 634—North British, 7'%—York,
Newcastle, and Berwick (Newcastle Extension), hq,—York
and North Midland, 161,4.
GLASGOW, MAT 22.
Srocic ExcnAwoz.—The transactions to-day were as fol-
low :—Dunbliine, Doune, and Callandar, 20s.—Scottish
Central, 131 A.

BUILDINGS OF THE NATIVES OF SIBERIA. - lii
those waste regions, the convict colonies of Russia, the snowy
wildernesses of Siberia, man, under the paternal sway of the
Christian Czar, is as degraded and debased as under the des-
potism of Whang tee Fou, or any other imperial savage
that ever sat on his proper seat, a throne. The Bashkirs
that dwell in the wild deserts south of Yehaterinburgh, in
Siberia, live half the year in portable tents, which they bear
about from place to place, and during the other half inhabit
small snug wooden huts. There is nothing peculiar in their
construction. They are just such structures as might be sup-
posed to be erected by instinct, by men having plenty of
timber at hand, in want of houses, and without knowledge of
the rules of art, even in its simplest rudiments. The Sosno-
vian yurts are square in shape, and built of heavy logs
planed and laid one upon the other, with others from wall to
wall forming the roof. Against each wall large quantities of
earth are piled. The entrance is always on the south side,
and only half the height of a man. Facing the east is a
small square opening left between the logs for a window, and
closed by a block of ice a foot thick, propped from without by
a pole thrust into the ground. A supply of such heavy
flakes of ice lies before each habitation. The fire on the
earth thaws the interior surface of the ice-window, rendering
it as smooth as a mirror. The outside is rough, yet a light,
whiter and clearer, penetrates through this window, than
those glazed by fish or dried fish-skins, which are commonly
used. When one block is melted another supplies its place.
As we penetrate still deeper in the interior of these remote
and little known countries, we find the people dwelling in
moveable habitations, composed of a tall peaked frame of
wood, covered with layers of reindeer skins, laid in the
manner of slates or tiles, with the edge of one overlapping
the other, and so on, from the top to the ground. At the
bottom the snow is thrown up and beaten hard all round this
singular dwelling, while, at the summit, a small opening is
left for the exit of smoke. The Yakuts inhabit one descrip-
tion of houses in winter, and another totally distinct in sum-
mer. The dwellings for the cold season are low clumsy huts,
plastered thickly with cow. dung and earth. The doors are
heavily curtained with coarse hairy hides, and the win tows
glazed with ice. The whole, covered with snow, is suffi-
ciently warm and comfortable. The summer habitations are
composed of lofty conical frames, formed of slight poles, 20
feet high, woven together with broad bands of a beautiful
shining yellow bark, which is perfectly flexible. Each strip
of this singular and useful material is sown to the next with
a strong horsehair thread. Seen from a distance these dwel-
lings appear like tall yellow bee-hives, embroidered in varie-
gated lines. There are innumerable little variations in the
structure of the dwellings among these wild and strange
tribes of men, but they are generally alike in the main pecu-
liarities.—Builder.

eln t contract,
ertryaeestt,fdoary
by Messrs. 50, Ooogs. Lemon,
al lons of
rum
11Y:11 vas ta
MILE TUNNEL THROUGH THE ALPS.
Hart,fhoThe
Er andts Government
SEVEN-MILE
TI u .
The following details are gathered from Dr. Granville'e
paper,
as promised. To give at once some idea of the boldness of
Chev. Mons' undertaking, we may, in the first place, state
that in its progress the tunnel must pass under some of the
most elevated crests of Mont Cenis—one, in particular, where
there will be 4,850 feet of mountain, capped with eternal
glacier's, over head, at the middle of the tunnel, eo that not
only wi.tl the workmen and machinery in construction, and
the passe sugers and trains in transit, be buried to that depth
in the he. art of the mountain, but all idea of shafts, either to
facilitate excavation, or to promote ventilation, must be out
of the question. The breath of life itself must be respired
from either extremity, with artificial aid, in shape of cur-
rents of fresh air transmitted, and of foul air withdrawn, by
mechanicsd apparatus ever at work, at least during excava-
tion, whicis is also itself to be effected by machinery of a new
and simple nature, worked by water power of mountain
streams whereby the trains are also to be run through the
tunnel, which ascends, from the northern or Savoy side, at
Modane, all the way to its exit at Bardonneche, with a gra-
dient equal to 19 in 1,000. The machine, once presented to
the rock, pr ojects into it simultaneously four horizontal series
of sixteen scalpels, working backwards and forwards, by
means of a: )rings cased in, and put in motion by the same
water powl :r. While these are at work, one vertical series
on each aid e works simultaneously up and down, so that to-
gether the) - cut out four blocks, or rather insulate four blocks
on all side, , except on the rock behind, from which they are
afterwards detached by hand. It has been already ascer-
tained that each of the two machines, at the opposite ends of
litlnhielflotuburenyniee3l2,fre;t The
wide
iliexcabvyate to the extent of 22 feet a day, and
it is estimated that the whole excavation will be completed
gallery
fee
tt to
ibgeh,
and perforatedthsobnyc e thecut machines
through,
the bore wi'd be enlarged by ordinary means to 25 feet in
Twhidethestainmdr 11te9dfec
eotstinofhtehigisht,graenadt at
udnonuebl lies loinnelyolf
378i0415,914a2idf..
(552,1971; ) It is to be immediately commenced at the
north PI atuce,e-Bui/der.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 23.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY BILL
This Bill was set down for a third reading this day, but
Mr. T. EGERTON moved that the third reading be
postponed until Monday next, in order to give the House
an opportunity of considering a clause in the Bill which
had been unanimously agreed to by one of its own Com-
mittees,

Mr. MANGLES opposed the postponement of the
third reading on the ground that the application was un
reasonable and irregular.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL supported the motion
for postponement, thinking it was but fair that the House
should have an opportunity, of considering the clause in
question, which opportunity they would not have if the
Bill passed the third reading at once. He must say the
hasty way in which the third reading was sought
to be carried through the House was discreditable to the
London and North-Western Railway Company, and
savoured very much of sharp practiee, the promoters
having given notice of the third reading one minute
before six o'clock, the hour when the Private Bill Office
closed, on the day of the adjournment of the House.
After some further discussion in which Mr. A. Dun-
combo, Mr. Wilson Patten, and Mr. Glyn took part,
Mr. MANGLES withdrew his opposition, and the
motion for postponing the third reading until Monday
next was agreed to.

PRIVATE BILLS.
The following private Billi were read 'a third time
and passed:—

South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway
(Amendment of Acts, Deviation at Doncaster. &c.)
South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole Railway
(Amendment (Acts, Deviation to Worsborough, &c.)
The following private Bills, as amended, were con-
sidered:—

Dumfries and Alaxwelltown Waterworks.
Gorbals Gravitation Water Company.
Newcastle•upon-Tyne Improvement, Amendment o
Acts, and New Streets.
New North Road.
Swansea Municipal Corporation.
ne Navigation.

PETITIONS.
Several petitions were presented against Sunday
labour in the Post-office.
Mr. G. DUNCAN presented a petition from a place
in the Isle of Arran against the Marriage Affinity Bill.
Mr. *NEILL presented a petition from Inverary to
the same effect.
Mr. ELLIOT presented a petition from factory ope-
ratives in Ped3les against the Ten Hours Bill.
Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from
Bradford in favour of the Bill for secular education.
Mr. MITCHELL presented a petition from the
Bloomsbury Savings Bank against the Savings Bank Bill.
Sir J. TItOLLOPE presented a petition from Lincoln
in favour of protection to agriculture.
Lord NAAS presented a petition from Queen's
county in Ireland against the national system of edu-
cation in Ireland.
Mr. BOUVERIE presented a petition from Kilmar-
nock against tho Marriage Bill.
Mr. GROGAN presented a similar petition from
Dublin.

Mr. HUDSON presented a petition from the Mayor
and Corporation of Sunderland against any alteration
in the present system of revising the burgess list.
COMMISSIONS OF INQUIRY.
Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that to-morrow hr
should move for a report of the number of commission:
of inquiry issued since the year 1830, together with the
expense of each.
MILITARY KNIGHTS OF WINDSOR.

Colonel SALWEY gave notice that on going into Com-
mittee of Supply, he should move that the sum to be voted
for the maintenance of the Millitary Knights of Windsor
be refused.
RECALL OF THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
On the motion for going into Committee of Supply,
Lord PALMERSTON rose, and said he felt, in COB-
sequence of what had passed on a former occasion in that
House, with regard especially to an answer which he had
felt it his duty to make to a question put to
him by his Right Honourable Friend the Member
for Manchester, it was due to himself and the
House to make some explanation.—(Cheers.) His Righ:
Hon. Friend on Thursday last asked him, if he rightly
remembered his question, whether there was a perfectly
good understanding then existing between the
Government of France and her Majesty's Goverment
in regard to the affairs of Greece.—(Hear, hear.)
He stated, as far as he could recollect, that the French
Ambassador had left London the day before—that he had
been charged by her Majesty's Government with expla-
nations to the French Government—that the chief ob-
ject of his going was to give the explanation himself
in person, and that he also hoped nothing would
arise out of the matter to disturb the friendly relations
which existed between the two Governments.—(Hear,
hear.) Now about that time there was read in the
French Chamber, by General Lahitte, a letter recalling
—no, that was not the proper term to apply to it—
ordering the French Ambassador's return.—(Hear, hear.)
It was thought by many persons, in and out of the House.
'hat there was some inconsistency between that letter
and his answer, with regard to the transaction itself—
it was thought, indeed, that he was endeavouring tc
suppress something that the House and the public
had a right to expect from him.—(Loud cries
of " Hear, hear.") Now what passed in regard to
the circumstances was this: A difference of opinion had
arisen between the Government of France and the Go-
vernment of her Majesty as to the affairs of Greece,
and the previous few days' proceedings which her
Majesty's Government had taken in relation to that dis-
pute—in fact, the difference of opinion arose out of
the manner in which the affair had been terminated be-
tween England and Greece.—(Hear, hear.) On the
Saturday previous to this was the first opportunity he
had had of receiving the dispatch from Greece and com-
municating it to the French Ambassador. On the
Monday morning the French Ambassador came to
him for the purpose of entering into a discussion of
the dispatch, but, in consequence of his being summoned
that day to give evidence before a Committee of the
House, he requested him to come the next morning.—
( Hear, hear.) The French Ambassador did come the next
morning, on the Tuesday, and they went at Brea'
length into the dispatch which had been received
from Athens, which was read to him, and
he explained to the French Ambassador the
views of her Majesty's Government on the
subject, and told him that her Majesty's Government
did not think the course they had adopted ought justly
to give any ground of offence to France.—(Hear, hear.)
The conversation was long, and the French Ambassador
left him at rather a late hour, stating that he would return
the next day. At twelve o'clock on the Wednesday he
accordingly came again, and in the course of the con-
versation which then ensued the French Ambassador
read the letter which he had just received from
General De Lahitte.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
That letter expressed the conditions on which the French
Ambassador was to return to France. The French Am-
bassador said " to-morrow the papers will be presented
to the Assembly, and to-morrow there may be a discus-
sion in that Assembly, and it is my duty to be at Paris
before the Chambers meet in ' order to afford
any explanations they might wish to hear
from him." He (Lord Palmerston) said he
concurred in the course the French Ambassador meant
to pursue. The next morning he
(Lord Palmerston)
begged M. Drouyn de l'Huys would communicate to his
Government the substance of the explanations he had
given him, and he furnished that gentleman with certain
of Mr. Wyse's dispatches to lay before his Government,
having previously marked certain passages which he
deemed important. So stood things on the Thursday,
House.
whe
In h
nhe (Lordse
first Palm place,ersto
Palmerston) was questioned in this
he could not have ex•
petted in the ordinary course of things that the letter of
General Lahitte would be read to the. Assembly—
(Cheers) even before the Assembly was in
pos-
session of the documents connected with the trans-
actions to which his letter related. It certainly
never entered into his (Lord Palmerston's) mind,
that such a course of proceeding would be in
any case adopted ; but he was also justified
in thinking that the explanations he had furnished would,
iftheydid
felt, at all events tend greatly to modify
not remove any dissatisfaction the French
Government
their feelings and lead to fresh explanations. Now, at
the very moment, he (Lord Palmerston) was giving his
answer, the French Minister must have been assigning to
the French Assembly reasons for the return of M.
Foreign
Drouyn de I'Huys.
Now, he would ask any man
in that House who had any lust appreciation of the
eienni interestssgteur iyi oftn
of
that
a t
House,
et ,
s ean t d
whether o f
indiscretion he ph position s ist ihoiofnu ol
hed not have
f a Fei
b
had n
Mpro-
claimed to the House the contents of that letter when
he bad hoped the misunderstanding had ceased?—
(Loud cheers.) lie would give a further justifica-
tion of the course which he took ; it was dictated
by an earnest desire to avoid and soften if possi-
ble anything like angry feelings on the part of
the French Government, which mast seriously prejudice
the character of the relations of the two Governments.
Now, the letter itself required that he should make some
observations, because that letter charged her Majesty's
Government, and especially him (Lord Palmerston),
as the organ of that Government, with having
broken faith with the Government of France, inasmuch
as it asserted that, contrary to the negotiations of Baron
Gros, as controlled by the acts: of Mr. Wyse, coercive
measures were resume]. The papers already in the
hands of many lion. Members showed that the functions
of Baron Gros were not suspended by any act of Mr.
Wyse, but by the act of Baron Gros himself ;
and that Mr. Wyse, so far from giving instruc-
tions to suspend him, had expressed a strong
desire that he should be continued. He (Lord
Palmerston) thought the papers would show that even
after Baron Gros had communicated to Mr. Wyse that
his functions were suspended, and his mission for the
moment was put an end to, Mr. Wyse, so far from taking
advantage of the earliest opportunity to have recourse
to coercive measures, made a proposition t Baron Gros,
which, if it had been accepted, would have satisfied
those claims, the principle of which were not in
dispute, and have ief% untouched, or subject to further
discussion, any particular points on which differences of
opinion bad arisen. Baron Gros's request to Mr. Wysa
was—" Refer to your Government instructions as to the
point of diference which has taken place; retain in
your possession the vessels which you have in posses-
Dion; but abstain from taking any more." After the

reaction of Baron Gros had been suspended
kir. Wyse sail,' if the Greek Government
ould seed him (Mr. Wyse) a sum which
he thouet was the just amount of compensation
hie for the losses of Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifico,—if the
';'creek Government would send 180,000 drachmas, and
would accompany that with a letter, stating that that
ium was iu full satisfaction of all the claims mentioned
in his (Mr. Wyse's) note of the 17th January, with
:he exception of M. Pacifieo's losses resulting from the
lestruction of his documents, be would then—what ?
Put the country in state quo ? No. He (Mr. Wyse)
would immediately release all the Greek mer-
ehantmen, and give freedom to the commerce of Greece.
That would have been a very just arrangement for the
Greek Government. By that arrangement the terms of
the letter of apology for the insult offered to the British,
and also the arrangement for the settlement of
Pacifico's other claims, would have been left to bo settled
at a future time. Baron Gros replied to Mr. Wyse
that he was no longer the official mediator, but that he
would recommend the adoption of those terms in his
private capacity. That was on the 24th, and on the
morning of the next day Baron Gros informed Mr.
Wyse, by a private letter, that it was probable that the
British Minister would before evening receive that sum
,f money and the desired letter. On this understanding
Hr. Wyse had suspended the resumption of coercive
,neasures, and it was not until five o'clock on the same
day, when the money and the letter had not arrived,
'hat he again gave orders for the resumption of
coercive measures. They were therefore justi-
fied in saying that it was certainly not
Wr. Wyse who put an end to the mission of
Baron Gros, or that he had refused to allow coercive
measures to be suspended. Mr. Wyse considered that
Baron Gros had voluntarily withdrawn himself from his
mission. And he (Lord Palmerston) thought that the
French Government were entirely mistaken in supposing
Oust there was any departure from the clear understand-
Ins: that it rested with Baron Gros, and not with Mr.
Wyse, to put an end to his functions as mediator. As
o the second question, giving credit to Mr. Wyse for
having judged right in his opinion that Baron Gros had
withdrawn himself from the mission—and be (Lord
Palmerston,) certainly thought he was right—as to the
,econd question, whether the point upon which they
differed was one in which it was right for Mr. Wyse to
refer to his own Goverment for further instructions,
and in the mean time to allow matters to remain in statu
7uo, it was clearly understood that although the English
Government accepted the good offices of France, it was
fsr the purpose, and with the hope, of obtaining that
;atisfaction which it had already began to smiles-
your t) obtain, and it was at the same time clearly
inderstood that this Government could consent
to abandon any one of its claims. And that there was
lo misunderstanding on this point was perfectly plain
from the dispatches of M. Drouyn de I'lluys which were
already published, he supposed, from authentic sources.
fu these dispatches M. Drouyn do I'Huvs clearly laid
down what he understood to bethe limits of the media-
ion of Baron Gros. He was not to enter into any
negotiations which at all touched upon the principle of
he demands of this Government, nor to enter
,uto the sums which had been fixed as a satisfactory
mmpensation to be obtained. The good offices of Baron
Gros were not to be employed on fixing the amount of
'hese sums in any case unless they were not expressly
lilted by this Government. The principle of our de-
mand was contained in six articles transmitted to the
French Government, in which were advanced the claims
for compensation for certain lonians who had been
ill-treated at the hands of the Greeks; and also for
the claims of Mr. Finlay and Pacifico. On the 16th of
February Mr. Drouyn de l'Huys wrote to say that the
question to be settled was one which would not at all
infringe upon the principle of the British claims. In a
dispatch of the 22d of the same month he again ex-
pressly repudiated anything that would seem
to be a negation of the claims of the British
Government; and he there remarked that it only
remained to Ise settled what ishould be the amount of the
ndemnity to be granted to Pacifico and Finlay. On the
22d of March he also repeated the same, and laid down
what he understood to be the extent of Mr. Wyse's powers
It was distinctly understood by that dispatch, that the
Portuguese claim should be a separate question, and
should remain to be afterwards settled. There appeared,
however, to be some misunderstanding at Athens on the
subject, and on the Bth April M. D'Lhuys wrote another
letter to General Lahitte, in which he explained to the
French Government that if any difference of opinion
should arise between Baron Gros and Mr. Wyse as to
the compromise which the negotiator proposed relative
to the only points they had to examine, then, and only
then, would Mr. Wyse and Admiral Parker have
to consult with their own Governments. Some doubt
it appeared, then arose between Baron Gros and Mr.
Wyse, and the former intimated that he would with-
draw from the negotiation. The question then came to
this—did the matter upon which this doubt or difference
of opinion arose, form one of the points which the nego-
tiator had to settle, or not? He thought he (Lord Pal-
merston) had clearly shown by the extracts he had
referred to that it was clearly understood between the
two Governments that the only points which the nego-
tiator would have to examine were those having refer-
ence to the amount to be given to Mr. Finlay and M.
Pacifico. Now it seemed that the negotiation broke off
not on those points, but on the question whether the Greek
Government was or was not to make an engagement
with the view of not only examining into the losses of
N. Pacifico, but of agreeing to pay him the amount of
my loss which it might be proved he had sus-
:sined by the instructions of his Government.
Baron Gros had not only agreed on the 16th
to the engagement, but had actually consented
that there should be a deposit of 150,000 drachmas, as
ecurity for the fulfilment of the negotiation. The only
difference of opinion between him aid Mr. Wyse, on
that occasion, was that Baron Gros contended that
the deposit should be held jointly by Greece and
England, while Mr. Wyse, on the contrary, con-
tended that the security should he deposited
io the Bank of England, or, if Baron Gros preferred it,
:n the Bank of France, Baron. Gros, however, consented
to take the matter into further consideration, but he
afterwards altered his opinion, and said he was not sa-
tisfied that the claims of Pacifico were deserving of any
serious consideration. Mr. Wyse showed his instruc-
tions to Baron Gros, and said he could not deviate from
them, but Baron Gros appeared to have acted on an er-
roneous impression produced by a dispatch of M. Drouyn
de I'Huys, and a difference of opinion having arisen
between the two negotiators, the negotiation was nee
cerdingly broken off. Baron Gros had originally
proposed that the ships, with their cargoes, should be
restored in the same condition as when captured.
Baron Gros having withdrawn his proposal, Mr. Wyse
withdrew his ; but Mr. Wyse having learnt in
the meantime that the Greek Government was
collecting a statement of its losses through Portu-
heal, with the view of setting them off against
e claims that were made upon Greece, he thought
it right at once to discountenance any such demand.—
(Cheers.) Throughout the whole negotiation Mr. Wyse
had Insisted upon the principle being admitted that M.
Pacifico had a claim upon the Greek Government, but
he had never disputed the right of Greece to an inquiry
into the validity of the amount claimed. It,
However, had mattered not to her Majesty's
Government what the amount was, whether it was 1/.,
t(nhos
oeHtoft
eppedepba
doprr
break
explicitly,
ookeett
10/., or 20/.; but were it ever so small her Majesty's
Government felt it to be a point of principle to
From the very first it was established as a point
s
drgec
ovuntemioraywst
justly liable, and that principle throughout the whole
negotiation was never disputed nor departed from.—
(Hear,
nns est
occurrence
.ae
_st e
which
iliegenerally,cahre,
hi
e whichiva r
r. a)nv
rd
wyHhas
He
calculated to suspend the friendly relations
ay
which had hitherto subsisted between France and
aih preo.l e
He
thtemheha
aest
had
negotiations.—(Hear,
vi that
the were
Greek
ekma
Government
He ar ,
wa hear.)
England must be a source of deep and painful regret to
her Majesty's Government.—(Cheers) He hoped he
bad said nothing—he was sure it was not his wish or in-
tention to do so—that was at all calculated either to in-
crease the misunderstanding or to throw any obstacles
in the way of its speedy settlement.—(Cheers.) He
was not without hope that when this question
came to be calmly, dispassionately, and clearly investi-
gated by the French Government, it would at once see
that there was not the slightest ground for its seeking
to interrupt its communication with a friendly power like
England, and he therefore could not resist the hope that
the discussion now going on between the two Governments
might tend to a result satisfactory to both sides.—
(Cheers.) He had already stated that -he should bo
sorry to say anything that could stand in the way of a
speedy settlement of this question, and he had only to add
a hope that it would not be agitated in that House until
it was known how the discussion going on between the two
Governments would terminate, but, however, should it be
necessary now to speak upon the subject, he should
hope that no Hon. Member would say anything or ex-
press himself in a manner that was at all calculated to
affect the feelings of France or its Government.
It was the anxious desire of her Majesty's Government
to cultivate the most friendly relations with France--
it was quite immaterial to them who were the
men who composed the Government of France
They did business with the Government as it

existed and was rec,,gnised by the country, and none
other did they negotiate or hold communication with.—
(Cheers.) In conclusion, therefore, he could not help
expressing a hope, that whatever the Govern-
ment of France might think of the real
matter at issue, at least it would, do her Ma-
jesty's Government the justice to admit that there
was no ground tc complain of a want of good intentions
on the part of her Majesty's Government towards them,
or any wish to withhold that respect which it was the
duty of her Majesty's Government always to extend to-
wards them.—(Cheers.)
Sir J. WALSH thought it right to remind the Noble
Lord that when he answered the question of the Right
Hon. Member for Minehester, he must have been in
possession of the contents of General Labitte's letter,
though it had not been officially communicated to him.

It w;s not his intention 'to f allow the Noble Lord in
his statements. No time had been given Members to
real the bulky documents just laid on the table of
the House. The great question at issue be-
tween the Noble Lords and the French Government was
whether Baron Gros's mission was at an end; or
whether instructions should ba received from Lon-
don and Paris? It was clear that Baron Gros
did net think the negotiation was at an end,
and there the British Government and the
Baron were at issue. It was clear that the French Go-
verntnont considered that the claims ought to bo sub-
mitt d to the discretion of their negotiator. It was
most desirable that good relations should be kept up, not
only with the French Government, but with other states
were the relations with this country were hanging on a
slender tie. The policy of the Noble Lord seemed to
be to sunder the tie of every country with England.
Ile had done so with shut* every atate in Europe, and

he was now attempting it with France. The course he
had pursued with respect to Greece hal placed Rag-
land in a most unenviable position.—(Hear, bear.)
He believed at present that the. affairs of this country
with France were not serioux, but h warned the Noble
Lord of the effects of the course he was pur,uing.
Lord MAHON d..precat,d the great delay that had
taken place in the delivery and production os the docu-
ments that were so important to the discussion of the
question. He thought time ought to be givtn to consider
the documents before the question was fully discussed.
Mr. SMYTHE believed that the Noble Lord W 33
in error in stating that M. Gros had given up
the negotiation, and read a letter of Monsieur
Gros's in order to support that assertion. lie agreed
with the Noble Lord that the time had
not arrived properly to discuss this question, but he
thought that the time had arrived when some course
should be pursued to prevent the interruptions
that were threatened of the good feelings be-
tween this country and France.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord had taken every opportunity to endea-
vour to accomplish the severance of this country with
France, The course that had been pursued by the
Noble Lord in the whole of the present transaction
had shown a pedantry unworthy of a great
nation, and a jealousy and insult to France that was
totally uncalled for. The Noble Lord had insulted
France by entering into a convention on the 18th April,
which he was obliged to repudiate and reject on the 10th
May. And why was be oblige dto repudiate and reject
it? because on the 27th April, by the aid of the levia-
than fleet of Great Britain, he at last harpooned his
miserable minnow—the infinitessimal monarchy of
Greece.—(Laughter.) What wonder, then, that an
ardent and susceptible people like the French, in the
presence of such an outrage, from such a great power to
so feeble a state—what wonder that a fiery and suscep-
tible people in the presence of so long a series of evil
offices from the minister of July, 1840—what wonder
that they should have arisen as one man, represented
by seven-eighths of the Chamber representing universal
suffrage, to applaud the recall of their Amba-sador. He
had seen it stated that the recall was not sympathised in
by the higher authorities of France. But this much he
would venture to say, that the prince or governor, who-
ever lecicnight be, who was at the head of affairs in France,
would have a very good chance of sleeping at Vincennes
if he had not exhibited that sympathy.—(Hear, hear.)
It was stated that one-fourth of the Assembly did
not entertain the same feeling of indignation to-
wards the conduct of the Noble Lord which was
felt by the larger portion of that body. Now he
(Mr. S.) was reeling a work the other day,
written by the most able leader, and most elo-
quent champion of the democratic party in France—
Ledru Rollin, in which he spoke of England and its
foreign policy as a worn-out vulture in its isolated eyrie;
and he said there was no treaty into ehich this country
bad ever entered which had not been violatsd, and that
the sea is not more full of ruin and wreck than the
history of English diplomacy is of trickery and deceit.
It appeared to him (Mr. S.) dirt there were only two
solutions to this question, which would be satisfactory to
the House. One, perhaps, it would almost be too absurd
to name—the retirement of the Noble Lord—(Laughter.)
Solar as the balance of power was concerned, no man
could doubt that Groat Britain was a necessary party in
the present condition of the world; that in the present
state of Great Britain the Whigs were necessarily the
Government, and that the Noble Lord was necessary to
the Whig Government.—(Laughter.) It was, therefore,
impossible to come to that solution. But there was
another solution, and he would venture to implore the
Noble Lord to give effect to that solution, by which he
would confer a great benefit on Greece, show due cour-
tesy to France, and do justice to England, whose honour
was in this matter so solemnly engaged.—(Hear.)
Mr. HENRY I)RUMMOND—I am of opinion that
the statement made by the Noble Secretary for Foreign
Affairs on a former evening, which has nut been inter-
preted by some persons as it ought to have been, has
now been satisfactorily explained.—(Hear.) It further
appears to me that the Noble Lord did nothing but his
duty in making that statement in the terms which he
used. There is, however, much truth in the old saying,
that when a man is determined either to marry or to
fight, it is very difficult to prevent him.—(A laugh.) I
wish I did not see such a pugnacious spirit—such a des-
perate desire to fight, on the part of her Majesty's
Ministers.—(Hear.) It is true that many cases may
arise in which it would be impossible to put up altoge-
ther with an insult from a weaker power; but I remem-
ber perfectly well the great Mr. Grattan observing, upon
some occasion—l think it was when Sir F. Burdett was
committed to the Tower—" Every one sides with the
weaker party. You may sometimes see a little
deformed dwarf kicking the shins of a great giant
of a fellow, and when the giant, very properly,
boxes his ears, all the bystanders sympathise with
the dwarf by calling out Well done, little one.' "
(Laughter and cheers.) lam willing to admit, though
only for the sake of*argument, that it was necessary for
the British Government to send a fleet to exact a sum
of money from Greece; but the moment a great power
like France offered its mediation in the matter, Minis-
ters would have beat consulted true policy and real dig-
nity by at once surrendering up the whole question, and
putting it entirely out of their own hands.—(Loud
cheers.) They ought to have given France a carte
Llanche to deal with the matter as she pleased.—
(Cheering renewed.) It unfortunately happens that the
documents which have been placed upon the table of the
House contained evidence allowing it to be the general
opinion of foreign powers that the English Government
have instigated every rebellion that has occurred
throughout Europe.—(Cheers.) It is also the opinion
of the rebels themselves, who complain that England
fomented their mischievous proceedings et first, and
left them in the lurch at last. The result is that now
we have not a single friend in any part of Europe.
It must be admitted that the Noble Lord the Si cretary
for Foreign Affairs is nut particularly nice as to giving
offence to foreign Governments. Only that morning, on
reading some papers lately presented so the Howe, rela-
tive to the renewal of terms of amity bete een this coun-
try and Spain, I observed that the Noble Lord had inge-
niously contrived to rub the old sore.—(Elear, hear, and
leughter.) The Noble Lord prokseed an anxiety to be
upon terms of peace and amity with the Spanish Go-
vernment, and yet be went out k f his way to parade be-
fore that Government in the most offensive and insulting
manner a name which he knew was odicus to it.—(Loud
cries of " Hear.") Now, suppose two private gentlemen
had had a quarrel about one of their servants, and
agreed to make peace with each other, would not
every feeling of delicacy and honour prevent the name of
the servant from being introduced into their coliferunce?
—(Cheers.) It is desirable the House should clearly
understand that it is not upon Ministers they are called
upon to pronounce judgment in these matters. It is
the honour of the Crown which is at stake—it is a
question of peace or war.—(Hear, hear.) If the House of
Commons do not decidedly say by a large majority that
they will have peace with France—cost what it may
post. (Cries of "Oh!" from the benches usually oc-
cupied by the Financial Reformers and friends of peace.)
Oh (continued the Hon. Member, turning to them), I
am not a member of the Peace Society.—(Great cheering
and laughter.) I ate not one of those who say that there
should be no war, but I have a great contempt for the
pot valour which would rush into a war without counting
the coet—(flear, hear)—and would then come back here
whining and crying out for diminished armaments, to be
followed again by complaints of crippled commerce and
starved manufactures.—(Hear, hear.) Let us under-
stand what we are about. We are going to war, not
with France alone, but with Austria and Russia secretly
backing her, and we must look very sharp if, after the
dispatches which have been received this day, America
is not found behind them.—(Cheers.)
Colonel DUNNE next addressed the House, but the
buzs of conversation made him almost inaudible. He
was understood to say that he was willing to preserve
peace at any price save the sacrifice of national honour,
which compelled us to protect the persons and property
of all her Majesty's subjects:
Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I would recommend the House
not to ratify, with too assenting a cheer, the position of
the Noble Lord the Member for Hertford, that we
should not presume to give an opinion upon any foreign
transactions in this House, until the papers are laid be-
fore us. I remember last year, or the year before, with
respect to certain transactions in Italy, that considerable

excitement was felt even in the House of Commons, and,
influenced by an equal delicacy, some slight discussion
only took place upon the most important transactions in

•
modern history. The House had made up their mind
that they would not enter into the subject until the
papers were laid before it. At the end of the session,
or, I believe, after the prorogation of Parliament, those
papers appeared in the shape of three folio volumes—
(Hear, hear)—and I will venture to say that if the Gen-
tlemen who have read those three volumes, digested their
contents, and made themselves masters of the subject.
would walk into the old lobby, they would form one of
the smallest minorities that ever went there.—(Hear,
hear.) Now, Sir, I congratulate the Government upon
the frankness with which to-day they have conde-
scended to enter into some explanation. I believe there
is no popular assembly in Europe that less willingly ob-
trudes itself upon discussions connected with our diplo-
matic relations than the House of Commons, and cer-
tainly I believe there never was a Government, even in
England, that has been treated more tenderly by the
House of Commons than her Majssty's present Minis-
ters.—(Hear. hear.) But, Sir, exaetly as that wise re-
serve prevails amongst us, I think we have a right to
ask and obtain any explanation from the Government of
the day, when it is necessary, with becoming frankness.
It is an understood condition and compact between both
sides—between the Government and the Opposition—on
these subjects, that, though unwilling to provoke discus
sions which might interfere with important negotiations,
yet when it is necessary that the House of Commons
should be made acquainted with these transactions there
should be evinced on the part of the Government a
frankness proprtionato to the reserve on this si,le of
the House. Now to-night wo have had a speec'a from
a member of the Government, personally and
peculiarly connected with the transaction of
these affairs, which has been considered a

very able and masterly, stateniPnt. I iiiteneii to it, but
for the life of me I cannot understand why is was not
made a week ago.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said
nothing to-night which he might not have said before
the House adjourned; and if the moral effects of the
statement of the Noble Lord will be as beneficial as some

....
parties contemplate, it is a matter to be regretted that a
week should have been lost in making a statement which
might have been made a week ago as well as at the pre-
sent moment, and which, according to the expectations
of lion. Gentlemen opposite, is calculated to remove all
those inconveniences which we foresee and lament.—
(Hear.) Ido not myself intend on the present occasion
—I see no necessity for it—to enter into any discussion
whatever upon what are called the affairs of Greece. I
may, however, observe, that though I think the Noble
Lord bee explained eatiefaeterily his answer 0 the veil.