The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-21 00:00:00

ever more absurd or more irrational than any such appre-
hension, for the danger consists in not repealing the
union.—(Cheers.) Property is not safe, and I will go ,
the length of saying that it ought not to be so while the
present system of things continue. How can there be
prosperity in the country—how can there be security to
property, as long as six millions of money, which ought
to be expended in raising wages and creating a competi-
tion for labour, are drained out of the country for the
purpose of enriching and aggrandising other lands ?
They who have no inheritance nor patrimony but the
vigour of their frame, would, if the union was repealed
to-morrow, have six millions of money competing for
their labour, and wages would then be secured to them
such as would essentially promote their comfort and
happiness. And if conscience be secure, as it would be
in case of repeal, and if property would also be secure,
as it would be, what possible excuse can there be for
any man who professes to have the interests of his coun-
try at heart keeping aloof from our movement ? We are
desirous that the lead in this movement should be
taken by such men as you, Sir (Mr. O'Brien), by the
ancient gentry and lauded proprietors of the country,
and also by mercantile men eminent for their standing
and wealth. I tell the men of property who now keep
aloof from us, that they are wrong in doing so, and I
forewarn them that opportunities of which they will net
avail themselves may not be again presented. The judg-
ment of the House of Lords directed that I, in common
with the other State prisoners, should b restored to all
that we lost by the original judgment which was reversed,
bit was there ever heard anytning more preposterous
than that ? They take away three months of my life,
and then they gravely tell me that that period of time
shall be restored to my existence.—(Hear, hear.) In
the year 1752, Lord Chesterfield brought in an Act for
changing what is called "the old style," and it was
done by striking eleven days from the old calendar, as
originally framed. Thus it was that the almanac was
set right, but the indignation of seine parties knew no
bounds, and Lord Chesterfield was near being put to
death by the London mob, who ran after him in the
streets, exclaiming "My Lord, my Lord, give us back
the eleven days of our life."—(Loud laughter.) Now, I
do not say to the English Government, give me back my
three months, but I say, give me compensation for it,
and I call upon every man in Ireland who loves justice
to rally with me against that Government. They
unhesitatingly charged the Queen's subjects, aye, the
representatives of the people, for I have the honour of
being colleague to my friend, whose admirable speech
interested you so much to-night.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
to come back; we have obtained the triumph, and we can
afford to be good humoured. I forgi% e them the three
momths as well as the eleven days.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear," and a laugh.) I have stated the evils which the ,1
union has entailed—l have given a short sketch, rather
a bird's-eye view, of the necessary falvantagss that
would result to Ireland from the six millions of absentee
rents being spent amongst the people.—(Hear, hear.)
It may be said that to the Protestant portion of the
community the patronage of the Establishment would
be a ducat lost in the first place. I do not know
any class of men who are worse paid than a great
number of the Protestant clergymen. Ido not know
any set of men who are obliged to practise more rigid
economy than they are.—(Hear, hear.) I think they
would be better paid by a voluntary principle than they
are at present. But, at all events, my principle is, that
whoever prays with the clergyman should pay the
clergyman, and nobody else.—(Hear, hear.) But if that
patronage be lost, I ask the inhabitants of Ireland
whether an immense accession of patronage will not be
obtained in many of the public offices ? Why, the
Custom-house is filled with Englishmen and Scotch-
men. You hear the broad accents of the Scotch, the
chirping flippancy of the English note, but you hear no
Irish note.—(Hear, hear.) Every situation is filled
by Scotchmen or Englishmen, with very few and
paltry exceptions ; and if there be a question of ba-
lance of patronage, if we had the union repealed I think
we would not have any functionary but an Irishman.
Well, but what are we to do ? Agitate, agitate, agitate.
—(Cheers.) After one victory we are to be more de-
termined ; no time is to be lost ; every man's duty, day
and night, is to consider how he can forward the cause
of repeal.—(llear.) Ireland cannot tolerate the con-
tinuance of the union, and it is only those who have in-
fluence over the people that are able to auswcr for it,
that separation shall not come in their time ; but that
separation may—will come, as the period arrives when
death has annihilated the authority of some and lessened
that of others.—(Hear, hear.) This is, therefore, the
time for the anti-repealers who give into the federal prin-
ciple to come forward. In 1825 the British Minister
might have conceded emancipation as a matter of grace
and favour ; such a concession would have b-en received
with thankfulness, as a begger receives alms, with per-
fect gratitude. Such a concession might have annihi-
lated popular organisation in Ireland, and the Ministry
would have had an experiment to make at all events for
a considerable period how they could work out the union
without disgusting the people of Ireland ; but the oppor-
tunity passed by ; it was allowed to escape, and we
forced emancipation in 1829. Our plans are developed
in the Repeal Association. All we want is to arouse the
patriotism of Ireland. Is it not a country worth strug-
gling for ? If a foreign foe were to invade the land, is
it not a country worth fighting for?—(Cheers.) If the
Queen and the constitution required it, is it not a coun-
try worth dying for ?—(Cheers.) Oh ! my spirit arises,
and walks abroad in more than usual serenity, whets I
contemplate such an assembly as this collected here to-
night—when so many goodly beings are gathered round
the festive board ; and I ask, is not that a specimen that
your people deserve to be free ?---(Cheers.) When 1
cast my eyes there (pointing to the ladies' gallery), and
behold those fairy, sylph- like forms, transcending, in the
charms of their youth and loveliness, all that the most
glowing imagination of poetry or romance could picture
to itself—l ask, are their husbands, their sons, their
brothers, their fathers, to be slaves? Oh, but there are
some amongst the Irish who think the English are better
able to govern them than they are to govern
themselves—who think there is some superiority
in the English. I wish some of those youths
who think that were present, and I would ask them in
that presence (pointing to the ladies), whether they
would consent to acknowledge Englishmen their
superiors ?—(Cheers and laughter.) But the. ques-
tion I asked to-night, included as it is in the
narrower circle of this room, partook in some respects
perhaps of ludicrousness, though not intended ; but
applied to the entire nation it must find an echo—an an-
swer in every Irish heart, for that heart is not Irish that
will not pin in the cry of liberty to Ireland.—(Cheers.)
Yes, it is a delightful task—l envy the men that are
younger than me, because they hare more time to serve
Ireland—(A laugh)—feeling what a precious treasure
that is which the man possesses whose soul is devoted
to the benefit of his native land.—(Cheers.) Can there
be a higher, a more ennobling emotion ? Can there be
anything calculated to produce more self-exaltation ?
Can there be anything more deserving of the approba-
tion of others than the love of country—the love of
fatherland—the love of old Ireland ? What treasure in
life—what pleasure in existence—what satisfaction can
there be, equal to contending for one's native land ?
Where is the pleasure to equal it—where is the delight
to be compared with it ? Oh, I pity that base and gro-
velling slave that does not devote all the throbbing of his
heart and emotions of his soul to obtain the liberty of his
native land.—(Cheers.) The Irish are a noble people—
generous, temperate, and religious, with the finest climate
on the face of the earth. Oh, the demons of darkness shall
not stalk alone through the land—the tyrants of con-
science and man shall not hare this country to themselves,
The pecple of Ireland are entitled to their native land ;
and depriving no man of his property, liberty, or rights,
but increasing every man's comfort, Ireland shall be a
nation.—(Cheers.) Yes, the day is coming—it is not
distant—when the Irish shall have Ireland.—(Tremen-
dous cheering.) The late victory is but an omen, a
proof of the success that is to come; and I implore of
all who hear me to spread abroad the likelihood of that
success.—(Hear, hear.) We have the representatives of
the nation—not only the chief magistrates of all the
great towns of Ireland surrounding me, but I am sur-
rounded by many of the foremost friends of liberty and
freedom—l am surrounded by the genuine representa-
tives of the people, for the esteemed hierarchy of Ireland
have sent their holy prelates here.—(Cheers.) Protes-
tant patriotism fills the chair.—(Great cheering.) This
is a glorious day for Ireland. Let us then rally—let us
proclaim throughout Ireland—and each of you will pro-
claim it in your respective districts—that the time is
come when we should be doubly energetic—when there
is a perfect prospect of success to encourage us—and
when, if despair exists, we should be only doubly active
to counteract it.—(Cheers.) This is the period to call
upon Irishmen to rally round me, to be strictly peace-
able, loyal, tranquil, but determined.—(Cheers.) Active
and energetic, submissive to the law, but full of love
of country.—(Hear.) Ireland, beloved Ireland, you
shall be a nation again.—(Cheers.) Christians of every
denomination shall, under the angel wing of mutual
benevolence, meet together and transact their worldly
business without religious animosity—leave their differ-
ences in religion to be settled by piety, charity, and good-
will, and join together for the peace and happiness of
fatherland.—(Cheers.) Oh; is there not distinct evi-
dence presented to English statesmen that their policy
to this country is not prudent nor safe to continue ? It
was prophesied that it would not continue. At the time
prophesied the union was carried, Lord Grey that the
Irish people would find out the insult' and insist upon
retribution.—(Cheers.) We have found it ort, and
ore
here engaged in demanding an honest retribution.
(Cheers.) Repealers of every class,whether federalist
or not, I call upon you to rally round me—the ddaylreis
come—the hour is arrived—rally with me fo
Ire-
land and repeal. Mr. O'Connell resumed his seat amidst
greet cheering.
Mr. John O'Connell, Dr. Gray, Mr. Steele, and other
traversers, responded to the compliments paid to them
as fellow-prisoners of Mr.O'Connel I, the Rev. Dr. Cantwell,
Prelate, Mr. O'Hea, Dr. Macnaily, the Catholic Bishop
of Clogher, the celebrated guest, the Rev. Thomas Ma-
guire, Mr. Grattan, M.P., the Lord Mayor, Caleb
Powell, Esq., M.P., Mr. Staunton, and Lord Ffrench,
subsequently addressed the assembly, which broke up
about twelve o'clock.

INSTRUCTIONS FOR REPEAL WARDENS.
The following document has been just issued by the
Burgh-quay Executive
"To insure the legislative independence of Ireland,
but one thing is necessary—the legal, peaceable, and
complete organization of her people.
" The organization of the people is confided to the
repeal wardens. From the repeal wardens of Ireland
must came-.triumph or defeat in the present struggle. If
they will 41scharge the duties of their high office, Ireland
will again rank, tiVAong the nations. But if they neglect
them-1f they prate; deficient in zeal, in activity, in per-
severingpatnotisto—lreland must continue to be, what
she now.ts, a *retched pauperised province.
" Repeal wartiens of Ireland, if you have the will, you
have the Pevreir;_io make your country a nation—shame,
e,,upon ionr_if through your apathy or neglect she
continues a prtitince I
•;;I:4lWilwiettens of Ireland, tJa9 destinies of your long-
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