The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-22 00:00:00

THE, SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVE-NliNiG, -FEBRUARY 222zi

GRAND WEEKLY
ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE

MEETING

AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE

ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION OF MR. O'CONNELL

The usual weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League was
held last evening, at Covent-garden Theatre, and never, since
first the League commenced holding these metropolitan gather-
ings, do we remember any meeting which could be at all com-
pared with the meeting of last night, either for the
members congregated together or for theenthusiasm exhibited.
As early as five o'clock in the afternoon Bow-street and hart-
street, were crowded to excess, and as soon as the doors were
opened the rush was terrific—boxes; pit, gallery, orchestra, and
stage were crammed to suffocation within five minutes after
the doors were opened, while the crowd in the street did not
seem in the least iirainishea. It was •inown that
Mr. O'Crmuell would visit the meeting . thiring the
course of the evening, and in spite of the -unfavourable
state of the weather (the bight was cold and rainy),
the streets leading to the theatre continued to be crowded,
notwithstanding the announcement by plaeard that the theatre
was full, and that no one could be admitted.• The -majority of
the persons who thus waited to show their respect for, and sym-
pathy with, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, were evidently,
from their appearance, a respectable class in society, and nothing
could exceed the propriety and peaceableness of their conduct.•
Shortly before seven o'clock, James Harmer, Esq. (the late
Alderman), entered the theatre, and took his seat at the table.
He was loudly cheered by the audience.. James Pattison,
Esq., M. P. for the City of London, next made his appear-
ance, and was greeted with repeated rounds of applause. Dr.
Bowring, M.P., General Sir .De Lacy Evans, Colonel Peron-
net Thompson, IL Cobden, Esq., M.P., J. Bright,"Esq.,
11. P., and W. J. Fox, Esq., followed Mr. Pattison, and
wore all loudly applauded.
There were also present—Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P.,
Han. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P., John O'Connell, Esq.,
M.P., William Ord, Esq., M.P., Sir David Roche, Bart.,
M.P., Lord Charles Fitzroy, M.P., W. Williams, Esq., M.P.,
Edmund Burke Roche, Esq., M.P., Lord Duncannon, Edward
Ellice, Esq., jun., M.P., Hon. E. P. Bouverie, Joseph
flume, Esq., M.P., W. D. Christie, Esq., M.P., T. Milner
Gibson, Esq., M.P., Sharman Crawford, Esq., M.P., Edward
Horsman, Esq., M.P., Sir Valentine Blake, Bart.,
Thomas Wakley, Esq., M.P., John Evansi Esq., John
Travers, Esq., C. T. Crowley, Esq., Sampayo, Esq., Rev.
Dr. Jenkyn, Christopher Temple, Esq., Q. C., D. C. Moylau,
Esq., Summers Harford, Esq., J. Wynn, Esq., the Very Rev.
Dr. Magee, Dr. Sheridan, Dr. Edwin Lawkester, Chas. Cross,
Esq.,G. Barrett, Esq. ( Southampton ),Wy nne Ellis, Esq.:M. P.,
C. F. Tagart, Esq., W. A. Maybury, Esq., R. J. Hampton,
Esq., Henry Fenner, Esq., William Edgar, Esq., W. H.
Hobhouse, Esq., George Crawford Heath, Esq., Capt. Ridout,
C. J. Spurrier, Esq., Dr. Nugent, John M'Leod, Esq.,
J. Cox, Esq., William Joseph Amherst, Esq., Wm. Thomson,
Esq., P. H. Le Breton, Esq., Robert Hope, Esq., George
Vaughan, Esq., Alexander Bell, Esq., M. Chauvet (Paris),
Samuel Coleby, Esq., George Ridout, Esq., Samuel Ch.rke,
Esq., John Hunter, Esq., John Bickers, Esq , Martin
Thackeray, Dr. Blandford, Punchard, Esq., W. Drew,
Esq., Henry Askworth, Esq. (Bolton), William Evans, Esq.
(Manchester), Thomas Harbottle, Esq. (Manchester), W. J.
Scott, Esq. (Manchester), C. 0. Boyse, Esq., Henry Jervis,
Esq. (Exeter), Thomas Latimer, Esq. (Wheathampstead),
R. Bothwell, Esq., W. Thornborrow, Esq., E. T. Granger,
Gaural Bayard (United States), James Harmer, Esq.,
William Loaf, Esq., and Robert Carrick, Esq. (Carlisle).
G. WILSON, Esq , Chairman of the League, took the Chair
at seven o'clock, amidst loud cheers.

The SECRETARY read the minutes of the proceedings of
the last meeting, which, on the motion of Mr. Cobden, se-
conded by Mr. Bright, were confirmed.
The CHAIRMAN then proceeded to address the meeting as
follows ;—I have seen many great meetings of the National
Anti-Corn-law League both here and in the Free-Trade Hall
in Manchester, the only two places in the kingdom which
are sufficiently large to accommodate even a small portion of
our friends, but I never before saw any meeting which
equalled in number, in respectability, and in intelligence that
which is assembled here this evening.—(Loud cheers.) This
is as it should be.—(Cheers.) We are here for no
party object—(Cheers)—for no political ohject—( Loud
cheers)—and we seek no party triumph—(Loud cheers)
and we desire to accomplish no party victory.—(Cheers.) We
desire to secure the union and eo-operation of men of every
shade of political opinion on behalf of this movement, the
greatest that has ever enlisted the sympathies of the people of
this country. It is right that we should meet in such numbers
if it were only for the purpose of contrasting our meetings with
the small meetings which the monopolists are holding in the
agricultural districts—(Cheers)--and in some holes and
corners in London. —( Cheers.) I could tell you much about those
meetings. We know much more of the nature of those meet-
ings than you could possibly collect front the reports in the
monopolist journals. I could tell you of meetings of two
hundred, held in little smoky rooms, whieh when full
could not possibly accommodate fifty—(Cheers)—of eloquent
speeches which have never been spoken, although they have
been reported—(Cheers)—of resolutions, which have been
passed without ever having been proposed—(Cheers)—and of
subscriptions put down, which have never been promised and
will never be paid.—(Cheers and laughter.) At one of these
meetings a Noble Earl, whose station would induce us to ex-
pect from him at least an equal amount of good breeding with
that which was exhibited by the members of the League—a
Noble Earl at one of these meetings is reported to have de-
signated the Anti-Corn-law League as one of the most bloody,
revolutionary, and unconstitutional associations,. that had.
ever disgraced the country.—(Name, name.) You ask for
his name—it is the Earl of Winchilsea.—( Cries of " Oh,
oh," laughter, groans, and hisses.) I will state, for the in
formation of the Noble Earl, that the League is not unconstitu-
tional.—(
Cheers.) It is not opposed in the slightest degree to
the Constitution of the country.—( Cheers.) We admire the
provisions made by that Constitution in order to procure for
the country the services of such pre-eminent individuals as th
Noble Earl, by securing to them a seat in the higher Howe
of the Legislature.—( Loud laughter.) We repudiate the term
bloody.—(Clfeers.) It belongs pot to us. --(Cheers.) We
seek for an alteration in the corn-laws by peaceable and consti-
tutional means alone.—(Cheers.) The corn-laws were im-
posed amidst the sacrifice of human life--(Cheers)—and they
will be repealed amidst the rejoicings of millions of our fellow-
countrymen, who are watching the struggle in which we are
engaged with an interest superior even to that which we our-
selves feel.—(Loud cheers.) It would be unbecoming in me
to waste your time by making any lengthened address to you.
I will, therefore, at once proceed to the business of the even-
ing, and call upon James Wilson, Esq., of London, to address
you. —( Cheers.)
Mr. JAMES WILSON then came forward, and said
that he thought all present would be ready to allow that
if ever any individual had stood in need of the
thoseindul-
goneneeoeccoufpying
the whom
tio
situhae was
whabicoh he uttodiadddthreasts,niigt
night,—
(Cheers.) He had to address an audience labouring;
under peculiar excitement, derived perhaps front the
expected visit of the illustrious man—(lmmense cheer-
ing)—whom he hoped soon to see amongst them—
(Continued cheering)—as a witness of their determina-
tion to support those doctrines which were held not by the
manufacturing and commercial body only, but by a consi-
derable portion of the agricultural body also. They
were assembled for the purpose of discussing questions
of great national importance—to consider whether a
nation, with a population which was increasing at the
rate of 1,000 a-day, which was equal to 365,000 a-year,
should be restricted in its food and in its trade.—
(Cheers.) He besought them, therefore, to subdue
somewhat of their enthusiasm, as he was desirous
that the present occasion should be made, one, not
only of interest, but of instruction.—(Cheers.) The
Chairman had told them most properly that they were ,
met for no party purpose—they were met to promote a
cause in which all were generally and equally interested.
—(Cheers.) They were met to advocate freedom of
industry and of intellect as applied to the industrial pur-
suits of the country.—(Here Mr. Wakley entered the
theatre, and was much cheered.) They were met to dis-
cuss whether it was better for the interests of the country
—whether the efforts of her sons could be best brought
out by competition, or by protection—delusive protection.
He called the principle of protection delusive, for it was
impossible for an Act of Parliament to add wealth to
any one class, without abstracting it from some other
class.—(Cheers.) All that these Acts of Parliament,
imposing protective duties, could do, was to rob one por-
tion of the community in order to protect another. He
had attentively watched the proceedings at the late
agricultural meetings, and ho had not seen a single
argument put forward to prove that the corn-laws
were not injurious to the country—(Cheers)—and as
elucidating that part of the subject, he would allude to
an argument which had recently been made use of by a
Noble Lord at a meeting in Scotland, who had endea-
voured to prove that, as the corn laws had been made
more stringent, commerce and manufactures had in-
creased in prosperity, by showing that since 1815 the
exports of the country had regularly increased.—
(Hear, hear.) That Noble Lord had stated that
in the year 1815, the value of the exports amounted to
only forty-two millions, and that they had gone on gra-
dually increasing., until now they amounted to 100 mil-
lions annually. Now that Noble Lord had either for-
gotten or had never been aware of the fact, that goods
entered for exportation at the Custom-house
were declared according to their official value, and
also according to their real value. Now,
the difference between the official and the real
value was this : the official value of goods
was calculated upon a certain fixed rule, which had been
in existence for 50 years, and consequently it gave
what would have been the value of the goods 50 years
ago, while the real value represented the actual value of
the goods at the present moment. Now, it so happened
that in the year 1815 the official value of the goods
exported amounted to forty-two millions, while the real
value of those goods was fifty-one millions. On the
other hand, in the year 1842 the official value
of the goods exported amounted to 100 millions, while
the real or declared value, which amounted to 51 mil-
lions in 1815, amounted to only 47 millions in 1842.
(Cheers.) Now from this it appeared that while more
than double the quantity of manufactured goods ex ported
in 1815 had been exported in 1842, yet the value of
those manufactures, and that labour of which those
manufactures had been produced, had been reduced
in value by one half, since 1815. Did he
complain of that ? No I He should say that it
ought to be considered as one of the proudest boasts of
this country that she was enabled, by her intellect and
by her industry, and by competition, so to reduce the
cast of goods as to be able to secure to herself the mar •

kets of the world, and give employment to her own
people..2—(Cheers.) Now how could she give employ-
' 'tent to her own people, except by increasing her
manufactures ?—(Loud cheering.) It should he re-
collected that not a single additional pair of
hands had been employed in agriculture. It was in
manufactures alone that the increased population could
be employed.—(Cheers.) At another meeting which
had been held last week, an agriculturist had said that
he 'could see no reason for their complaining of the
-corn'-laws, because at the present time corn was not
higher in price than it had been at the commencement
of the present century. But it should be recollected
that while the price of corn had continued the sane,
the price of manufactured goods had been lowered one
half. Then let them inquire what became of the fund
produced by -this difference between the relative value
of agricultural and 'manufacturing produce. Was the
state of tise labourer improved? Certainly not. His
wages at that time were 125., 165., or 18s. a week. They
were now Bs.; 95., or perhaps -10 s. Were the farmers more
prosperous than they had been ? On the contrary,
they were ruined: It they found that the farmers were
ruined, and the' wages of labourers lessened, what had
become-of the residue ?—(Cheers.) Why, it simply re-
solved itself into rent.—(Cheers.) It was obvious,
therefore, that the landlord possessed two pro-eminent
vantages ; in the first place it was increasing his rent ;
and in the second place he was profiting by the dimin-
ished price of all the commodities which he had to pur-
chase.—(Cheers.) The labouring population were un-
der two disadvantages ; their 'wages were diminished,
while the agriculturist claimed to-fix for theni the price
'of the necessaries of life.—(Cheers.) What he con-
.-tended for was, that if agriculture were exposed to the
same principle as manufactures-7if it
:were exposed
to fair and open competitionthey. would see
the same improvement taking place in. agriculture
which had already taken place in manufactures.—
'(Cheers.) He contended that without free competition
they could never have that improvement in agriculture
which they had a right to expect ; and it was only by
adopting theprinciple Of free exchange and open compe-
' tition that they could over hope for a complete deve
lopment of the resources of that country.—(Cheers.)
It was most fallacious to contend that an increased
import of food would not be attended by an increased
export of manufactured articles, the product of the indus-,
ty of the people. What would they be the better, It
was asked, for importing their food, if they could not'
sell their labour ? Governments of other countries, it
had been said, had met us with hostile tariffs, and such
would continue to. be 'the case, even were the importa-
tion 'of food from other countries permitted. Now he
contended that it was impossible for us to deal with any
country without that country dealing with us.
Here the speaker was interrupted for some minutes
by the shouts of the people without, announcing the ap-
proach of Mr. O'Connell. The cheering, which lasted
some minutes, was distinctly heard within the theatre.
The audience caught the enthusiasm, and commenced
cheering, when
The CHAIRMAN came forward and said—l have to
announce that Mr. O'Connell will be here a little before
eight o'clock.
Mr. J. WILSON then continued his address. They
were told that if they did import food from
foreign countries, those countries would not take their
produce in return. Now, the facts which had occurred
during the last five years completely disproved this as-
sertion. We had relaxed many of the heavy duties
which had previously been imposed on French produce,
while France had continued to maintain the most
stringent tariff with regard to the produce of England.
We had greatly modified our tariff with regard to
French goods. We had lowered the duties on silks, we
had permitted the importation of raw silk, duty free,
we had placed the wines of France on the same footinc,
as the wines of Portugal, and yet, in spite of the hostile
tariff of France, our exports to that country had in-
creased daring the last twelve years from half—
a-million annually to five millions, while our exports
to all the rest of the world had diminished.

Then, on the other hand, let them look at the Brazils ;
we had with that country a most favourable treaty of
commerce—a one-sided treaty, in fact—and yet while our
exports to France had increased, in spite of the hostile
tariff, our extorts to Brazil had diminished, notwith-
standing the favourable treaty. Our exports to Brazil
had diminished one-half ; and why ? Because we re-
fused to take the produce of Brazil in exchange—that
produce being the article next to corn the mist necessary
to the comfort of the labouring classes—he meant sugar.
The supply of sugar was the same now that it was in
1811, while our population had increased. While the im-
portation of tea had increased by twenty-two millions of
pounds annually, while the importation of coffee had in-
creased by twenty-four millions of pounds annually, the
supply of sugar was the same as it had been in 1811. It
was singular enough that the merchants of London and
Liverpool, the persons who upheld the sugar monopoly,
should at this moment be petitioning the Parlia-
ment to reduce the duties upon tea—(Hear, hear)—
in order to increase the consumption of it. Did they
wish the people to drink their tea without sugar, or did
they suppose the ingenuity of the ladies was to have no
end ?—(Cheers.) Their ingenuity had already been
sufficiently taxed ; and he would advise the gentlemen
of Mincing-lane and Liverpool, before they petitioned
the Government to reduce the duty on tea, to pass a re-
solution thatit would heals° expedient to adopt measures
to secure an additional supply of sugar.—(Cheers.)

It was necessary for two purposes,—to procure for us a
supply of sugar—to our manufacturing industry, the
largest and the best market in the world. The excuse
made by the Government for the exclusion of sugar was
singular. That party which, during fifty years, while the
whole philanthropy of the corn-growers was engaged in
efforts to shake of the shackles of the slave, had uniformly
opposed those eftbrts—(Cheers)—that party, at length,
when anti-slavery could be made the excuse for mono-
poly, raised the anti-slavery cry.—(Cheers.) He did not
contend that any man was precluded from changing his
opinion.(Cheers.) He had looked over the re-
cords of the House of Commons, and had found

that the present Premier of the country had uni-
formly recorded his vote in favour of slavery.—(Cheers.)
If the Right Hon. Baronet chose to change his opinion,
he (Mr. Wilson) could have no objection ; but when
those changes became so frequent, he could not con-
sider the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman as enti-
tled to be considered of, much value.—(Cheers.) When
he considered this subject he could not but feel disgusted
at the delusive hypocrisy which had been practised on
it. But, after all, we did purchase the Brazil sugar.
We had sent out 114 ships to Brazils last year; 21 of
them had returned with cargoes to this country; the
others had taken cargoes of cheap sugar and cheap coffee
to foreign countries. English ships, loaded with cheap
Brazilian sugar and cheap Brazilian coffee had arrived
at Trieste, at Antwerp, at St. Petersburgh, and other
neutral markets, thus supplying cheap produce to the
labourers of those countries who were to come into
competition with our own. If it was a sin to buy
the sugar of the Brazils, it was equally a sin
to supply them with the means of selling it. It was
equally a sin to refine it, to bring it to London and Li-
verpool and Bristol, to keep it there in bond, and to re-
export it to other parts of the world. But coffee was
equally a product of slavery, and yet they had reduced
the duty on coffee by the tariff. They had also reduced
the duty on copper ore; that was also a product of
slavery, and nothing could exceed the cruelties which
were practised in Cuba on the slaves employed in the
copper mines.

At this moment Mr. O'Connell entered the theatre,
and never did the walls of Covent-garden re-echo to
such an enthusiastic cheering as that which greeted the
lion, and Learned Gentleman the instant he made his
appearance. The whole house rose en masse, and,
amidst the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, commenced
cheering. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, who
looked exceedingly well, came forward and bowed re-
peatedly. After the lapse, perhaps, of five minutes, he
took his seat. The cheering, however, continued as enthu-
siastically as ever from every part of the house. Nearly
a quarter of an hour had elapsed, and still the cheering
continued, when, at length—
The CHAIRMAN then announced that, on the conclu •
sion of Mr. Wilson's speech, Mr. O'Connell would
address them.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. WILSON then continued.—He would detain them
only a few moments longer. He would only impress on
them the huge importance of the subject they were that
night met to discuss.--(Hear, hear.) lie only wished to
crave their attention once more to the efforts that were
making to introduce these great principles into the
legislation of this country. -Unfortunately for
this country, they had hitherto found that its
trading and commercial interests had not been al
together agreeable to the bulk of those to
whom the legislation of this country was entrusted.
In many other countries the pursuit of commerce was
considered an honourable calling ; in other countries,
not only princes and rulers, but nobles, fostered trade,
commerce, and manufactures ; here, and perhaps it was
lucky for them that it was so, trade and commerce had
been left to foster themselves.--(Hear, hear.) Had
trade and commerce been agreeable to the Legislature,
it would have been difficult to have found among 658
men, any who would have supported any Prime Mi-
nister in any proposition so absurd as that relative to
the Brazilian trade, which they had just con-
sidered.—(Hear, hear.) It would be difficult to conceive
that so many men should have been elected to Parlia-
ment as the fittest for it, who could have supported
such a proposition. He should not be able to find a
better illustration of the position he had stated, than
by tracing the history of a pound of that little, pure,
white plant, which was held by the owners of land in
this country in such contempt, from its growth to its
final destination. Though it was nurtured and plucked
by the - hands of slaves—a circumstance he
was sure every individual present would as much
regret as the Right Hon. Premier himself—yet the uses
to which it was turned were not the less on that ac-
count a series of benefits to the great human family.
When they considered in the first instance the magnifi-
cent navy employed in conveying it across the ocean ;
next the "merchant princes" engaged in disposing of it
here ' • then the number of persons it employed in its
manufacture, casting comfort around the hearths of
millions, till again converted into rags, and again into
paper, they must confess its importance. That paper
again stamped by the hand of intellect with the cha-
racters of religion and civilisation, was again by the aid
of ships and commerce diffused over the whole world.
The CHAIRMAN said, before the lion. and Learned
Member for Cork addressed the meeting, they would
permit him to say that the appearance of that Hon.
Gentleman among them was by no means a new feature
on the platform of the Anti- Corn-law League.—(Cheers.)
They had never held an aggregate meeting of the League
at Manchester at which Mr. O'Connell was not present.
—(Cheers.) They had occasion to thank him for the
consistent support he gave in the house of Commons to
Mr. Villiers' motion every session that it was brought
forward ; and they had further to thank him, because,
whilst he occupied the first municipal chair of Dublin—
(Cheers)—a deputation from the Auti-Corn-Law League,
M r consisting of . Bright, Mr. George Thompson—who
he was glad to see was then iwesent—(Loud cheers)—

anti Mr. Moore, went to Dublin for the purpose of
holding an anti-corn-law meeting; and that meeting
heink held, Mr. O'Connell, then the Lord Mayor of
Dablin, presided over it.—(Cheers.) He begged, in the
name of the League, to thank him for his consistent
sapport of the principles Of free-trade, and had now the
pleasure of introducing him to them.—(Cheers.)
Mr. O'CONNELL, M.P., came forward. His appear-
ance at the table was the signal for a burst of enthusiasm
w•e never saw approached, much less equalled. The

whole audience rose, and, standing, continued to cheer

for several minutes. Haring at last obtained silence he
said—lt was my intention when I came here to-night
to have made a very eloquent speech, but I find that
that part of the oratory belongs to another. I there-
fore begin my speech by presenting to the League,
from a friend of mine who wishes to subscribe him-
self " A lover of justice"—one hundred pounds.—(lm•
mense cheering, again and again renewed.) There is
sterling eloquence in that, and if you only get nine
hundred and ninety-nine others to do the same, there is
your hundred thousand pounds at once.—(Loud cheers.)
With giving the money I am afraid my oratory ceases.
—(Cheers and laughter.) For how is any human
tongue to give utterance to the sentiments of gratitude
and thankfulness with which my heart and soul are
filled at the present moment ?-(Loud cheers.) It is
said that my native Irish abounds 'will endearing
phrases that best express
.the sentiment of
gratitude, but it would be impossible for the
language even of the most seraphic affection to
detail or describe the pride—the exultation and pride—
with which I witness my reception here to-night.—
(Cheers ) It is a generous thing, and therefore yoU
have done it.—(Cheers.) If I have ever felt proud in
my life I feel truly proud of such' a reception.
There are circumstances at the present period, which,
without alluding further to them, I may say enhance my
gratifieation.—(Great cheering.) I have come here
resolved strictly to observe that neutrality in
politics which belongs to this struggle.—(Hear.)
`But I may be perthitted to say, because it relates to the
corn-laws, that the Duke of Buckingham and the Duke
of Richmond have begun to suspect that they may be
conspirators too.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Noble
Dukes, have been to consult a sort of " white witch" in
the Templet Mr. Platt, they call him, saying—" Good
Sir, pray tell us, are we conspirators or not ?"
(Laughter and cheers.) "No," says Mr. Platt, "you
are not."—(Laughter.) And I will tell you why they
are not ; they are not conspirators, because conspirators
always have a leaning to the popular party, and
they are protection men.—(Hear, hear.) " No,"
says Mr. Platt, "you are not conspirators."—(Laughter.)
I would not advise them to try that question on the
other side of the Channel.—(Great cheering and
laughter.) Yes ; lam truly delighted with the recep-
tion I have met with—
" My bosom's lord sits lightly on his throne"—

and my heart exults at seeing such sympathy manifested
between the English and the Irish. I have told you
that I am delighted with your generosity towards
me ; and if there be one natural quality which
excels the manly generosity of Englishmen, it
is to be found only in Irish gratitude.—(Great cheer-
ing.) I compare the depth of one to the noble manli-
ness of the other. Your highly respected Chairman
has been good enough to introduce me to you by a short
reference, and he did me but justice in saying that I
have been the perpetual friend of the Anti-Corn-law
League. I am a friend to it, not from preju-
dice or mere predilection—but from a thorough
and conscientious conviction that it is for the good

of the people. I was elected to the present Parliament
by two-counties in Ireland, containing 1,100,000 inhabi-
tants—the counties of Meath and Cork. I represent in
Parliament 750,000 of an agricultural population. Now
I had no means of purchasing their votes—l had no
power of intimidating them—l had no landlord interest
to overawe their consciences. My election cost me not
a shilling ; and yet 1,100,000 people returned me to
Parliament.—(Cheers.) They all knew my senti-
men:s with respect to the corn-laws. They
all knew I was the determined enemy of the
heavy tax on the bread of the people.—(Loud
cheers.) Knowing I have not only announced such to
be my opinion, but that I have given my reasons for it
so often, so convinced are all these people of the truth
of that opinion that this has been the result. They have
not attempted to hold a single corn-law meeting in
Ireland.—(Cheers.) Yes, they did attempt one meet-

_ ..
ing, and they were defeated.—(Cheers.) Lord Mount-
cashel was there, poor gentleman—he was there, and
really he made out a most piteous case of it. He said

"We, the nobility, owe debts—we owe moneys—we have
mortgages on our estates—we:owe family charges." Well,
one of the crowd said, " Why don't you pay them ?"
(Cheers and laughter.) What was his answer ? Why,
" No, I thank you"—(Great laughter)—" I will not pay

them, but the working-classes of Englishmen shall:
will maintain protection, and get a higher price for my
corn. lam disposed to be a good landlord, it I could
afford it ; but as I ewe money I must keep up my rents,
and sell my corn where it must be bought at my own
price ; and by the high price thus extorted from the
working-classes, I'll pay my debts—when I choose."
There was only one proposition in his speech perfectly
certain—that he ;soukd extort the highest price for his
corn ; the other, the payment of his debts, remained
what the scholars call a paulo post futurum—a thing
that might happen at some time or other.—(Cheers and

laughter.) But, no later than yesterday, out comes the
Duke of Northumberland, and he says, in a proclamation
—(Laughter)—to his tenants, you must get up leagues

in favour of the corn-laws; for, says he, those exceed-
ingly conspiring wretches of the Anti-Corn-law League
tell you that if the corn-laws are abolished, you
will have cheap bread. Don't believe a word that they
say. Now, I don't believe him—(Cheers and laughter)—
and more, I think I can prove that he don't believe him-
self.—(Cheers and laughter.) And would it not be a
mighty pretty thing to see a Noble Duke put upon the
table, and obliged to say he did not believe a word of
what he said himself ?—(Cheers.) And I will show you
he does not. He wants protection for corn—what is the
meaning of that ? Protection means the addition of 6d.
to the price of every loaf—that is the Irish of it.—
(Cheers and laughter.) If he had not protection for
the loaf that sells at ls., it might be bought
for 6d.—(Loud cheers.) Protection, then, is the
English for sixpence.—(Great laughter, and cheers.)
But it is worse than this—it is the English for an ex-
torted sixpence. The real meaning of protection there-
fore is rubbery.—(Great cheers.) It is a robbery by
the rich of the poor, for what signifies the quantity of
loaves that may be consumed in the Duke of Northum-
berland's establishment ; to be sure he pays the addi-
tional sixpence ; but not a thousandth part of the Duke
of Northumberland's expenditure consists of bread.
But the working man with a family of children, or the
widow, pay nine-tenths of their means for bread. They
pay tenpence for every sixpence expended by him; and
he pockets the difference.—(Hear, hear.) But then he is
one of the mighty aristocracy of the land. He is
an exceeding great man—one whose shadow scarcely
dares to follow him.—(Laughter and cheers.) But there
might come another Leaguer—a man of a League for
making bread dear—another protection man—another
robbery man, and he says, " Oh, don't make bread
cheap—that would be horrible. It would causo less em-

pluyment, and that would cause less wages." Well, let
us see how that is? If we had bread cheap we would
get it cheaper by getting corn from foreign countries,
where it is grown at a less rate. That corn cannot

be imported now. If it could be imported, for every
pound's worth of corn imported a pound's worth of manu-
factured goods would be sent to pay for it, and those nations
who had not the means of taking our manufactured
goods, then would have the means of purchasing them.
Thus, instead of lessening wages, free-trade would in-
crease employment, and whenever you increase that,
it is as plain as that two and two make four, that it must
increase wages. The argument then totally fails. I
speak, as a representative of Ireland; if the corn-law is
of use anywhere it would be of use in Ireland, the agri-
cultural country—if it raised wages anywhere it would
raise them in Ireland, which is a purely agricultural
country. Are wages raised in Ireland ? Unhappily
you can get a man to work there for 4d. a-day.—(Hear,
hear, and shame.) He thinks him a beautiful
benefactor who pays 6d. a-day.—(Hear, hear.) He is
delighted if he gets Bd.—(Hear, hear.) There is a corn-
law for you. It is in full force in Ireland. It is doing
all that it can do for any country in Ireland ; and such
is the rate of wages, and what is worse, there is even
very little employment at that. Ireland, therefore, will
not throw any impediment in your way in this parti-
cular. 'With Ireland you will have no difficulty. You
have Ireland heart and soul at your side—(lmmense
cheering, the whole of the audience rising, and continu-
ing the applause for some time)—and. have I not
another example I can adduce to you at the
present moment ? We have present the Honourable
Member for Rochdale, Mr. Sharman Crawford, a very
considerable Irish landed proprietor, who, before he re-
presented an English borough, represented part of his
native country, and who was a thorough Anti-Corn-law
Leaguer long before he was in Parliament at all. You
have, therefore the good sense and the spirit of Ireland
with you, and it will feel no small share of my gratitude
when it hears how you have received me to-night.—
(Immense cheering.) The sound of that shout will not
die away within these walls—(Cheers)—it will sound
throughout this metropolis—it will be conveyed upon
the easterly wind to the coast of Ireland—(Cheers)—
it will be heard re-echoing along the sunny banks of the

Shannon, the Nore, and the :Stair ; they will respond to
your affectionate kindness, and all Ireland will declare
that the people of England shall not be starved by the
law of the aristocracy. I declare here that .I am overcome
with .a horror and loathing I am unable to, describe of
the injustice and iniquity of that aristocracy. Why, if
no corn-law were in existence, no Ministry would dare
bring forward a tax upon the people's bread. If, as was
done in some countries, they placed a man at the door of
every baker's shop to insist on one-third of the price
of every loaf as it came out, is there a man in
the country, who would endure a tax of such a kind ?
7-(" No, no," and cheers.) If the Minister said he
wanted it for his financial purposes—that he could not
maintain thelublic faith without it, .John Bull would
roar out an universal—No. Tax anything ,else, but
you shall not tax bread. Yet, by a swindling scheme of
protection, they ,do the very 'same thing. Not for the

good of the State, in_ which you would all participate—
not for protection against foreign enemies, or the pre-
servation of domestic peace—but for the benefit of one
particular class—the rest of the community
is taxed ; not for the benefit of the pnblic,
but to go into the, private pockets of private
individuals.—(Lopd cheers.) Why, really, it is too
bad that you should be called a sensible people if you
submit to it. Of course I mean you no disrespect, but
there is a thick-headedness about it I cannot understand.
—(Cheers and laughter.) Duke of Northumberland,
you are not my King, I owe you no allegiance—l will

pay you no tax.—(Cheers.) Duke of Richmond—to be

sure there haie been Richmonds before you, and you
may be connected with Royalty, but you are not King
yet—l owe you no allegiance ; I will pay you no tax.—
(Cheers.) Take you all, we owe you no allegiance ;
and against them we are bound to stand together,
peaceable in conduct, but strong in determination
—in tranquility—but • with firmness to tell them
we will not be cheated, we will not be robbed, we will
not •be hunabugged.—(Cheers and laughter.) Oh, I
should like to see one of these great Dukes 'levying his
tax in kind. I should like to see him going into one
of the lanes of one of our manufacturing towns, entering
the house 3f some poor and wretched fanaily, the father
of which, after his day's fatigue, is affecting not to have
an appetitt, in order to leave a few more mouthfuls of
bread for his children ; when the wretched mother,
while endeavouring to give nourishment to one babe,
leaves another screaming by her side for want of
food.—(Hear, hear.) I should like to see a Noble
Duke, hung round with his stars and garters, lay hold of
the biggest hunch of the loaf, levying his tax in that
manner. If he were so to levy it the tax would be in-
tolerable. Yet that is precisely what he does in another
shape. I should have expected better from the ancient
nobility of England. I should have expected something
higher than this from them—for they are not conspira-

tors—they are not combined together, for that crime is
punished only in the poor—than their meeting toge-
ther and determining that any one shall pay more
money than otherwise he should have to give
for food. I repeat it in the identical terms, for
I want to impress on every man the nature
of this plunder and robbery. I tell you, do not mind
their pretences, their assertions, that these laws increase
wages. Ireland is an instance of how they increase
wages. If I chose to open the books of political eco-
nomy, and to give the dates and calculations you have'
had before from others, I could show you that, when-
ever bread was cheap, wages were higher, and doubly
higher, because of the comparative value that money
bore to provisions, and, therefore, doubly useful to the
labourers themselves. Yes, and I dwell upon this, be-
cause it is as clear as the sun at noon-
day, that though you are opposed by ani-
mals with two legs, and apparently no head.,
as they certainly have no hearts—this must be put en
end to. Why, was not the Parliament itself packed
by these bread-taxers, who sent into the House two-
thirds of the whole body, by means of their Chandos
clause, and their purchase in the counties? Two sessions
ago, I heard both from one side of the House and the
other, that there never had been so much bribery in
Parliament as at the last election. Mr. Roebuck
affirmed it on one side, and Sir Robert Peel confirmed
it on the other. They disagreed on everything else, but
they concurred as to the enormity of the bribery.—
(Cheers.) Yet they are your models of virtue and piety—
men who are advocates of church establishments, who
are ready to fine the poor wretch who on the Sabbath
may not stray from the high road, if he were not going to
some place of worship, while they enjoy their own car-
riage-drives unscathed and free. Yes, these great examples
for the morality of the country, turn up the whites of
their eyes to Heaven at the enormity of ether men's ini-
quities, while they, at the same time, are putting their
hands into the pocket of the poor wretch to rob him of
the pence that would feed his family.—(Cheering.) It
is too bad. It ough to be proclaimed.—(Loud cheers.)
It is just wkat ought to be proclaimed throughout the
country. The good and the wise ought to congregate
to brand it with suspicion and distrust—aye, with dis-
gust. If these men will stand by the poor and humble,
may every blessing Heaven has in store be poured upon
them ; but if they make the poor man poorer—if they
make the wretched suffer more—if they make destitu-
tion augment and poverty increase by the means of this
,tax on human food, I say, shame upon them for prat._
tising such misconduct, and shame upon those who
do not lift up their voices, till the human voice
sounds like thunder, and affright the culprits, and set
the land and the people free !—(Great cheering.) Yes,
you are mustering well, and I am convinced that their
attempts to counteract the exertions of the League will
have the directly contrary effect. We are ready to
argue with them, for bring them once to reasoning, and
you have them surely defeated. We are ready to meet
them foot to foot, and point to point, in debate with
them; and the more they bring forward at these meet-
ings the greater chance is there that truth will spread-
The intellect of the farmer class can no longer be de-
luded. If they had the interest of that class at heart,
would they notmake leases, and enable them to live and
to feed their labourers, and to assist in any charitable
act in their neighbourhood? But no. They must overawe
everybody. Their name is Behemoth. They must swallow
all. You are engaged in a glorious struggle, and I am proud
to be allowed to take part in it.—(Cheers.) It is a de-
light to me to lend my talents, feeble as they are, and
the sound of my voice, which ought to be pretty nearly
worn out by this time ; but such as they are I lend
them heartily to your sacred cause.--(Cheers.) I may
venture to say for myself that I have been found upon the
side of liberty on every question which has been agi-
tated since I entered public life.—(Cheers.) I care not
of what creed, or caste, or colour, any human being is,
_ .

I claim for him the rights of a man—l claim
for him the privileges of a man—the suffraie
of a man, and the protection due to a man ; not the pro-
tection of robbery and spoliation, but protection against
every iniquity, however high its position.—(cheers.) I
come therefore, humble as I am, to cheer you on what-
ever be my own fate—whether it be a dungeon or even
the scaffold. (Here the vast assemblage—pit, boxes,
and galleries—rose, and the theatre rang again with
cries of "No, no, never," and when the excitement had.
somewhat abated, the cheers and epics of "Never.'"
burst forth anew and were continued, accompanied by
the waving of handkerchiefs from the ladies, for several
minutes, till hands and lungs at length became at rest
from exhaustion.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
proceeded. lam quite convinced, if it were left to your:
votes, how you would decide it. But whatever my fate,
it is no reason why the natural merriment of my temper
—(Here the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was inter-
rupted by an exclamation from the boxes, the purport
of which we were unable to catch. Mr. O'Connell re-
plied " I hope you're honest."—He then went on.) It
gratifies me that I am engaged in this struggle with you.
I know all the bearings of the question. I know all its
value. I know how its success would increase your
commerce, by giving you consumers that are unable to
buy from you—it would increase your comforts by
giving you employment on the one hand, and food
on the other.—(Hear, hear.) I know how it would take
down the iniquity of class-legislation.—(Hear, hear 4
For the great and weighty reason why class-legislation
exists to the prejudice of the poor and humble int
this country is this very corn-law. It is the ground of
all the evil, and stimulates its adherents to every iniquity.
They know the injustice of their position, and they
want to fence it round with all the formalities of the
law and the powers of the Legislature. But it won't do.
—(Cheers.) The public eyes are becoming open—the
pnblic mind is aroused. and England never willed and
willed in vain.—(Cheers.) She had the folly to go
extraordinary lengths formerly in working out her
will. She brought to the scaffold the head of a foolish
monarch. That was a foolish as well as a wicked thing,.
for it scared away the mild disposition of the law, an&
resulted in violence, which ended, as violence always does..
injuriously to freedom. That man's son outraged the'
rights and liberties of the people of England, but the
people of England got wiser, and did not cut off his
head, but they sent him abread.—(Hoar, hear.) It is a.
folly, therefore, to trespass upon the rights of English=-
men. Those violent remedies are no longer necessary ;
they are not suited to the times. But public, open com-
bination is necessary—the electricity of men's opinions-
-4 yes, that electricity of opinion shall spread through all
Scotland as well as England. The manufacturing
classes are already all arrayed, and the labourite classes
find that their interest is identified with the question..
The farmers understand the chicanery of the great pro-
prietors, and the great proprietors are making that kind
of bustling noise which rata make when the otack is.