The Sun.
London, England, 1868-07-07 00:00:00

REMARKS.

Since 3 esterday a diminution in barometrical pressure has taker.
place in the north and west of the British Isles, whilst on the south
coast and over Franco the mercury has risen somewhat. Readings are
very uniform. This change has been accompanied by an increase of a
few deigees in temperature at almost all of our stations—amounting
to 10 dells. at Scarborough. The winds have generally backed to the
westward, and in some places as far as to S.W. They, however, con-
tinue light, and are rather variable. The weather is fine, but a little
cloudy, and some rain is reported from Aberdeen.

The division list of members who voted on Mr. Bouverie'a
amendment for continuing the jurisdiction of electio4
inquiries with the House of Commons, instead of trans!
ferring it to jusiges, is a curious study, and not a little
puzzling. It is difficult to extract any principle which
governed hon. members in voting aye or no. Party
politics had certainly nothing to do with their
decision. For instance, first in the list of
ayes—i.e., of those who voted with the Govern-
ment—is Mr. Adam, an ex-Liberal whip. He is
followed in immediate succession by four other Liberals.
On the other hand, a large number of Conservatives voted
with the Noes, including Mr. T. Baring, Sir H. Edwards,
Mr. Henley, Sir Massey Lopes, and his brother, Mr. H.
Lopes. If we apply the test of the constituencies we seem
at first to get an explanation. For instance, while
the representatives for pure constituencies like
Liskeard, Plymouth, Southwark, Westminster, and
the majority of the counties (where, of course, bribery
is not common), voted for the clause, Sir Edmund Lacon,
M.P. for doomed Yarmouth, Mr. Seymour, M.P. for
doomed Totnes, Mr. Goldsmid, M.P. for doomed Honiton,
and Mr. Cave, M.P. for corrupt Barnstaple, voted against
it. But even this test will not stand a rigid exami-
nation. Sir William Brett, who knows something
about political banquets at Helston ; Lord Willianr.
Hay, who has found one Parliament's tenure of
Taunton quite sufficient; Mr. Melly, who has spetn
a small fortune at Stoke•upon-Trent ; Mr. Mitchell and
Mr. Hodgson, who represent that most corrupt borough,
Bridport ; and Mr. Kinglake and Mr. Vanderbyl, who
have the misfortune to represent Bridgwater, noted for its
auri sacra fames, are all for holding local inquiries, such as
would have proclaimed on the housetop practices which at
present are now only whispered in the ear. Another
source of perplexity is the diverse voting of members who
represent the same constituency in the same political in-
terest. It is natural, of course, that Mr. Coleridge and
Lord Courtenay should find themselves in opposite
lobbies ; and, we presume, not unnatural that Mr. Wyld
(who exercises his independence by voting against his
party when they are right and voting with them only
when they are wrong) should be in the left lobby and the
Hon. Leveson Gower in the right. But why did Messrs.
Cowen and lleadlam, Lord Eliot and Mr. Montague
Chambers, Mr. Fawcett and Mr. James White pair off
into opposite lobbies ? What, too, made Mr. Gladstone
pene vote with the Noes and Mr. Gladstone fill with the
Ayes ? Do our readers give it up? So do we.
The second division, on Mr. Ayrton's amendment (which
was carried by 136 votes to 71), whose effect was that,
instead of nominating two judges to be specially set apart
for this duty, one judge should be added to each of the
common law courts, and election petitions should be
tried indiscriminately by the general body of judges ac-
cording to a settled rota, exhibits almost equal confusion
of parties. A good many members who voted in the first
division took no part in the second, and vice rersd. The
lawyers, as a rule, seem to have followed Mr. Ayrton, not
unnaturally seeing that if his proposition were carried out
it would cause considerable promotion in the ranks of
long robe and curly wig.
Considering that the defeat of the Government took
place at a rather late hour last night, Ministers have been
creditably prompt in considering their position and
deciding upon the steps which they Nv II now take. The
Solicitor-General (Sir William Brett) has given notice of
the following clause, which, it will be seen, gives up the
idea of entruAing the trial of election petitions to the
judges, and adopts the present machinery, by which
special commissioners are appointed, who hold inquiries
on the spot.

"If upon a petition to the House of Commons, pre-
sented within twenty-one days after the return to the
Clerk of the Crown in Chancery, of a member to serve
in Parliament for any borough or county, or within
fourteen days after the meeting of Parliament, and
signed by any two or more electors of suely- borough
or county, and alleging that corrupt practice
have extensively prevailed at the then last election
for such borough or county, or that there is reason
to believe that corrupt practices have there so prevailed,
an address be presented by both Houses of Parliament,
praying that such allegation may be inquired into, the
Crown may appoint commissioners to inquire into the
same, and if such commissioners in such case be appointed,
they shall inquire in the sane manner and with the same
powers and subject to all the provisions of the statute of
the 15th and 16th of victoria. chap. 57."