The Sun.
London, England, 1868-08-19 00:00:00

THE IRISHMAN.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
We recommend anyone who desires to exercise his
brains on both sides of a question to compare an

Irish Fenian paper with au Irish Orange paper, and
if he does not drop the Irish study in mystification,
he must have wonderful powers of perception. The
contempt of an Irish Orangeman for an Irish Rib-
bonman must be seen to be understood. It ex-

ceeds the contempt of a " mean white" for a negro,
and partakes of the same cause, a belief in the su-
periority of race. An Orange paper. discusses
Irish legislation in a spirit of great bitterness to

England, accuses her of sacrificing the Irish Pro-
testant, England's only true friend, to conciliate the

Papist, an enemy as irreconcileable as contempt-
ible. Glancing over the columns of a paper like
the Irishman, the last number of which is now

before us, we see a train of thought so to

ally different, aspirations, hopes and fears

sympathies, prejudice; ends and aims, all so
opposite, as to be, the exact reverse of the Orange
journal. The first thing that strikes us is that the

- . -
paper is well written,in a literary point of view,
anct!'titis we believe to be characteristic of Irish
`paperS,.as it is a maticrnal gift to write flaently.

Tfie-neict.is.thiit it • has biit one idea --Fenianisni ;

up with the green flag -and down with the Union

Jack ; up with the shamrock and down with the

rose. Extract that—and a page of advertisements
only remains. Of course the United States is the
country to which the Irishman turns, and so gene-
rally, that take out its American Fenian news, and
but half the paper is left. The Fenians have a way
of putting things which bothers the man in search
of truth, although " Hn." from New York speaks
of the treacherous discourse of Madame Rumour as
abhorrent to his truth-loving inkstand. Touching
the invasion of Canada, the correspondent is sorely
puzzled, but inclines to the opinion that he will yet
be compelled to pronounce " every single prominent
member of the O'Neill wing' of the Fenians a disgrace

to poor Ireland and a libel on humanity." So

strong were the grounds from which he derived his
information that the invasion of Canada would
positively take place this summer, and so unlikely
did it now appear, that " Hu." evidently found it
difficult, without stigmatizing his brethren, to ac-
count for his positive assertions. But he has not
yet given up all hope, and the mysterious congress
of Fenian Senators at Buffalo is an illuminating
ray. The Irishman, en voyageur, writing from New
York, July 25, is evidently bored by the Presiden-
tial campaign. We learn from him that ➢lr. Blair
is of Irish descent, and holds the maxim that "right"

must be "might," which means that the might o
America is to be exerted to assert the rights of Irish
naturalized citizens against the insolence of any power
that may presume to claim their allegiance. Adams
was a " hound" that dared not " beg it," and " the Irish
remain aliens and beggars still, sending up petitions
and deputations day alter day, to the rogues in the
capital, to the money-changers in the temple, who
reject their petitions from day to day. Mark that,
my brothers, the German is now an American citi-
zen full and perfect ; and (oh ! Heaven) the Irish,
who built up this Republican empire, are only aliens
still. Yet nothing can be done without these Irish
—credulous fools as they are. Men tell me they
have the might to secure their right, if they would
only exert it ; yet, poor fools, all they want is simple
equality. Bah ! they die for the Democrats ; and
I think the Democratic party right in their main
principles ; but I am told that the Democratic
Governor chosen for Jersey yesterday is a notorious
' Know-nothing.'"
Such " hounds " as Charles Francis Adams sup-
pose that the great Republic was built up by their
progenitors and by themselves, nearly all of English
descent. Richard O'Gorman is described as worth-
less and ungrateful, because he has grown wealthy,
and once enjoyed being feted by Mr.:Justice Keogh
in Dublin. The object of the present Congress is, ac-
cording to the writer, " to destroy the Southern claim
of Free-trade, and to enrich themselves by prohibiting
taxes against foreign products, and taxes which
make the New England produce poor and paltry as
they are, fetch the most startling prices in the mar-
ket. Here in New York you cannot get an article
of clothing worth wearing except at a price of five-
fold what the same thing would cost in Dublin."
All Americans the writer has talked with, " look
upon foreign war as the only means of staving off
an impending American trouble." It is not a little
amusing to note how Irishmen balance one trouble
by another trouble. The way to get rid of the
consequences of one war is to rush into another
war, and the evils of a heavy taxation may be neu-
tralised by a general bankruptcy. A military sup-
porter of Grant's urged the correspondent " to rally
the Irish around the General and the Republicans,
and we will have war with England on the Alabama
question in a year." But the correspondent was
too old a bird to be caught with this chaff—a De-
mocrat having jast said the same thing. A young
Irish policeman had been shot by a brutal drunkard,
and the writer naively shows the difference between
shooting a policeman in New York and in Dub-
lin. Mr. Holland, who considers it the business of
the ruling American party to put Irish citizens
in a fair way to invade Canada or Ireland, or Eng-
land, or any other place, after abusing them for
their infamous ingratitude, turns with hope to the
Fenian pic-nic, and ends his letter with the follow-
ing postscript :—" Yet there may be something
bigger in this Canada row than either you or I
count on. Look out for trouble." In the " Topics
of the Week," we are informed that Mr. Gladstone
rushed to Liverpool to meet the great American
rebel Davis, and we must institute an inquiry into
the right hon. gentleman's conduct. Of course, an
Irish paper could not be an Irish paper without
" Omens of the war tempest," "Sullen subterranean
rumbles," " distant mutterings and lowering clouds,"
" irruption of wild winds, stormy hurricanes, thun-
der, and the fatal flash of the red-forked lightning."
Thus the leading article opens, and our hair begins
to stand on end. The Irishman suggests, in an-
other article, " Grab 'em," as the proper title for
the new duke who has earned it by signing
" a thousand warrants for consigning Irishmen to a
durance as bad as that of the Neapolitan prisoners."
The editor knows of no act which could " more
emphatically mark us (the Irish) as a conquered
nation than the sealing of the patent for services
such as the new duke has rendered to our masters." A
foreigner affecting to despise Irishmen is soon taught
he is iu a dangerous groove, yet Irishmen howl

aloud that they are a conquered, an enslaved and
degraded people. With pity the world often awards
contempt ; but an Irishman insists upon hav-
ing all he can get from his woes, and all the respect
the most virtuous, brave, strong, and intellectual
people can claim. " The egg-shell fleet" is crumpled
up with great glee. It is of course the British
ironclads, and it is this ignoring of facts, and
travelling into a fool's paradise, which lead
Irishmen so often into mischief. Can the editor
suppose that England does not know how to build
ships? Is he not aware that she could launch two
vessels for every one of equal tonnage the world
combined could float, and put the most powerful
armaments yet invented and constructed on board
England has two enormous advantages, which make
her the most dangerous of Powers. The first is an
almost unlimited wealth and credit ; the second is,
the greatest mechanical facilities anywhere to be
found, perhaps equalling those of all other nations
put together. The debate in Congress is next dis-
cussed on the question of naturalized citizens.
Senator Conness is, of course, held up as an
example, and his words given in reply to
Sumner, who had spoken of war, to show how little
effect it had in toning him down. We should
think not, for it is the avowed purpose of his sec-
tion to involve America in war with England, on
behalf of the Fenian party in Ireland. The ques-
tion which " hounds" like Charles Francis Adams,
for instance, have to consider is what is the Ame-
rican interest involved. The Irish claim to number
six millions naturalized and native-born citizens of
Irish descent. Allowing this, although we dispute
first that the descendants of the Irish are Irish, and
next that all the Irish are of one mind—there are
six millions against thirty, and when they claim to
sacrifice the interest of the vast majority for their
Own, the assumption is simply monstrous. Now
they do this with an ill-concealed threat, and they
.b

lack that threat by an illegal organization, which
means more War to Americans than to English-
men. Indeed, it is plainly announced, and has on
two occasions been attempted, that the attack is
against the Americans who reside on the left bank
of the St. Lawrence, and it is openly stated in
American papers that there is a conspiracy on foot
to force General Grant into the unpopular position
of repression, with a view of injuring his chances of

the Presidential election ! Irishmen must remem-
ber that American interests cannot be sacrificed to
the achievement of foreign objects ; and already the
symptoms are transpiring of the rise of the Know-
Nothing party to meet an organization in truth hos-

tile to American interest, by another organization. •
And what is the object for which the Irish in America
strive? If Irish Reform—they take the means to
defeat it; for who can doubt that, in case of war,
England would rale there by the strong arm, in
spite of any combination ; while the progress of the
Reform now in operation would be at once inter-
rupted. There is nothing more certain than that
the English are earnestly anxious to conciliate Ire-
land and to obliterate every vestige of a wrong.
It is also apparent that Americans are growing
weary, and even alarmed, at the Fenian organiza-
tion, and that this will be unmistakeably shown
when the Presidential election ends. We hope that
in the interim this agitation will lessen, and that
the year will see its end in the Irish measures of a
Reformed Parliament, and in the election of a new
President.

THE UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD, THE
CREDIT MOBILIER, AND THE CREDI2
FON CIER.

(By George Francis Train.)

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
The following account of the Union Pacific Railroad
by George Francis Train, will be read with interest. That
line daily excites more and more attention not only in the
United States, but abroad. At home, while Americans are
proud of the enterprise, considering it to be ono of the
greatest of man's achievements, they dread the usual
corruption and jobbery which fasten on such magnificent
undertakings. Already a Pacific Railway ring has been
formed at. Washington, and it is asserted that the work
is scamped, as it is hurried along to secure the Govern-

_ .
ment subsidies, and to meet the expectations of
the nation that it may be opened on the next
Fourth of July, but such successful companies can-
not hope to escape jealousy and detraction. Even
the London Times now anticipates a quick turn in the tide
of travel, and alludes to the completion of this monster
enterprise as a main element in the success of the new
French Atlantic Telegraph Company, as the intercourse
with China and the countries of the extreme East will

wholly flow by this route. From the commencement the
An9lo-American Times has directed attention to this; and
although it will come upon many with surprise, and de-
range existing interests, those who keep their eyes open
ought not to be taken aback at the extraordinary change
in the direction of Eastofn travol on the eve of which we
now aro. Mr. Train's account is in reply to the following
remarks in our last week's issue.-1 En. A. A. 7'..1

[Trains now run over 700 miles of tho Union Pacific
Railway. The United States Commissioners have have
examined and accepted 1,680 miles, and it is expected that
900 will be finished before the year ends, as there are
20,000 mon at work on the line, and the whole will be
opened before the close of 1869. A case is reported in the
London papers, taken from an American journal, against
the directors. An affidavit, made in the Court of the
United States, accused them of jobbing away the laud
through the Credit Foncier of America, so as to depriv,
the stockholders of the benefit. It is asserted that these
directors sit also on the Board of the Credit Foncier, and
while they deprive the Union Pacific shareholders of the
bountiful gift Uncle sam has bestowed, they mop it all up
themselves through the Finance Company. Perhaps
George Francis Train can throw some light on this sub-
ject, and dissipate a scandal against the greatest corpora-
tion in the world.—Anglo-American Times.]
Four Courts, Marshalsea, Dublin,
Aug. 9, 1868.
How few in Europe, or even in America, are aware that
these Three Great Institutions were organized over my
table, in my house in Madison-avenue. In 1862 I loft Eng-
land for America, with the determination to checkmate
England for ripping up my tramways (because 1 fought
for the Union, keeping the flag flying over the London
American when I could little afford the money—Thurlow
Weed, George Peabody, and Charles Francis Adams all
refusing to assist, although Mr. Seward sent me £2O
from his private purse), by building a railroad to China via
the Rocky Mountains, some day I will write its history
from original documents. Thomas C. Durant, a Wall-
street millionaire, who was arrested with me at Cork
while we were on our way to examine the tunnel at Mount
Cenis, was the man I selected for a base of operations.
The charter was $100,000,000 Bill of 1862 ; $16,000 a
mile. Ist section, $48,000 in mountains ; $32,000 3d sec-
tion; and $16,000 was the grant. The Bonds, Six per
Cent. Government, were $50,000,000, and the grant
amounted to $20,000,000 acres; $2,000,000 had to be sub-
scribed ; $200,000 paid up. .uurant and my friends
having $160,000 out of $200,000 got control, electing
General Dix, President. Cisco Turner and my father-in-
law, Geo. T. M. Davis, Bushnel, and General Dix were
appointed a committee to make a contract. That contract
was given to H. M. Hoxie, Durant's nominee; That
done, I put the first pick in the sand and broke
ground at Omaha, Dee. 20, 1863. Having got thus far I
bought the old Duff Green Charter, giving great prices—
known as the Pennsylvania Fiscal Agency—and elected
Thomas C. Durant president Singular enough, I happen
to have a copy of the original purchase with me, and as it
is now history, known to the world through the Anglo-
American Times for the first time, I hereby send it to you.
(Don't forget that I am in a British Bastille for a debt paid
by this same Durant four years ago to a partner of the
Ebbw Vale Company in the Atlantic and Great Western
Railway, while I am reciting this strange story.)
A HISTORICAL DOCUMENT, PUBLISHED TO-DAY FOR THE
FIRST TIME.

Agreement between George Francis Train, Oliver W.
Barnes, Charles M. Hall, to wit-Ist, Five thousand
dollars ($5,000) cash, on transfer of stock in the
Pennsylvania Fiscal Agency, held by Barnes and
Hall ; 2d, Fifteen thousand dollars in full paid
stock, with the option to either Barnes or 11th
to exchange the whole or any part of the full paid
stock for shares on which an instalment of ten dollars per
share shall be marked paid to an equal amount within 12
months. The $15,000 of full paid stock to be issued upon
the reorganization of the Board of Directors.
3d. Barnes and Hall aro to pay Mr. French, of New
York, his commission out of the above $15,000 of stock.
4th. Barnes and Hall agree to assist in getting the
name changed at the expense of Train and his associates.
sth. The present directors to resign upon the reorgani-
zation of the company upon request being made by the
said Train.
Witness our hands this second day of March, A.D. 1864.
(Signed) CHAS. M. HALL.
OLIVER W. BARNES.
GEO. FRANCIS TRAIN.
I then went to Harrisburg, and at an expense of ssoe
got the Pennsylvania Fiscal Agency changed to the Credit
Mobilier of America. My next move was to raise the
capital ; and I have the original letters of W. IL Macy,
W. 11. Gunn, W. T. Glidden, T. M. S. Williams, Oakes.
Ames, and others, who subscribed the first $1,600,000 in
16 shares of $lOO,OOO each.
This letter is now for the first time submitted to the
subscribers to the Central, and is also historical.
Boston, Dec. 1, 1864.

Geo. F. Train, Esq., New York,
Dear Sir,—Yours received. I find Williams has

no desire to be a director, and, besides, ho agrees with you
that in his present relations ho ought not to be. I called
to see you yesterday evening, and not finding you in, made
known the object of my visit to Mr. Durant. Please say
to him that ray Woad QvAly-911w944 414 the 1-64th, and

perhaps the 1-32 d, the latter if his friend will join him in
it. They aro both good men and true, have been with us
i❑ the Towa Road from the start, and of course well known
to Oakes, Ames, and Lombard. Mr. W. will return you
the contract to-morrow, with check for $25,000.—Yours
truly, W. T. GLIDDEN.

Now then for your question. Those shares and this
Credit Mobilier was the contract for building the Union
Pacific Railroad—that is to say, the Credit Mobilier and the
Union Pacific Railroad—are ono and the same thing, the
shareholders of the ono covering the other. Hence it is no-
body's business how the land is disposed of, providing tho
road is first-class and the interest is paid on the bonds.