The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-18 00:00:00

SUMMER CIRCUITS FOR. 1850
_ .

----- -
July 10; Chelmsford, Monday, July 15; Lewes, Monday,i
July 22 ; Maidstone, Monday, July 29 ; Guildford,
Monday, August 5.
NORTH WALES AND CHESTER.—Judge, Mr. Baron
Rolfe.—Newtown, Tue,day, July 16; Dolgelly, Friday,
July 19; Caernarvon, Tuesday, July 23; Beaumaris,
Thursday, July 25; Ruthin, Monday, July 29; Mold,
Friday, August 1; Chester and City, Monday, August 5.
SOUTH WALES AND CHESTER.—Judge, Mr. Baron
Parke. who will join Mr. Baron Rolte, at Chester.—
Cardiff, Tuesday, July 9; Carmarthen, Saturday, July
13; Haverfordw,st and Town, Friday, July 19; Cardi-
gan, Tuesday, July 23; Brecon, Friday, July 26; Prea-
teign, Wednesday, July 31; Chester and City, Monday,
August 5.
VACATION JtatoE.—Mr. Justice Maule will remain in
town as the vacation judge.

ABETTORS OF SUNDAY FANATICISM.
In viewing the present Sunday agitation we have
really more patience with the fanatics than with those
who are giving them a negative support. The for-
mer have a sort of rough unenlightened sincerity in
their constitution—the latter are moral cowards, who
follow the

" Video meliora proboque—deteriora sequor,"
in the belief that the hold exertions of more honest
men will save them from the consequences of their
dishonest compliances. The late vote in Parliament,
with other symptoms, may possibly give them timely
warning that they are in error; but should any pre-
posterous measures be actually carried, it will at least
be some little grain of satisfaction that these men will
suffer for their selfish ldxity.
In Edinburgh one of the Sunday deliveries of
letters has been stopped ; and this, to the majority of
the inhabitants, is equivalent to the stoppage of both,
as it was the oniy delivery which brought many
applicants. It includes the whole Saturday's corre-
spondence from London and other places in the
south, together with the afternoon newspapers.
Saturday, towards the conclusion of the day, when
the week's business and anxiety are over, is precisely
the time when people are disposed to write friendly or
domestic letters ; but the Londoner has now lost his
inducement to address his friend or relative in Edin-
burgh, because the letter will not reach him in the
quiet of a Sunday afternoon, but will be nsixed up
with the bustle of re-begun business on Monday
morning.
Now, this "reform," which we do not think at all
creditable to its authors, has not been conceded in
conformity with the wishes of a majority, or even a
decent minority, of the people of Edinburgh. A
few individuals, it is true, may have made
themselves conspicuous by proclaiming in the
market-place that they never "sent for their letters on
the Sabbath," though sometimes they might re-
quest a friend to ask for them along with his
own. But instead of the privilege being generally
abjured, the current complaint was against the enor-
mous crowd which attended the Sunday afternoon
delivery. Yet unhappily, in the late thundering out-
cries against any, even the most moderate, post-office
arid railway accommodation on Sunday, the people
who use and wish to coetinue the use of such facili-
ties remained silent, or rather encouraged than op-
posed the movement. There was but one voice raised
to tell how the country really felt, and that was the
voice of our gallant, honest, and able contemporary,
the Scotsman.

market was 284 bolls; wheat at lts Od to 20s 9d per 1411.

barley, 14s 6d to ISB Od ; oats, 133 9d to 16s Ud; beans, 13s tid
to 14s 3d per boll ; oatmeal, Os to Os per load.
HAWICK, Julia 13.—Wheat, new, 271 to 293 Od; barley,
new, 15. to 163 Od ; ditto old, 008 to 00. ; potato oats,
003 Od to 00s Od ; common oats, 12. to 15s Od ; peas,' 20s d
to 22s Od; beans, 201 Od to 22s Od per boll of six imperial
bushels.

In Scotland, as elsewhere, the Sabbatarians are a
minority ; but they are loud, boisterous, unscrupulous,
and malignant. Moral cowards are afraid of such a
party, just as timid gentlemen slink away alarmed from
the boisterous blacklegs at a fair,and well-dressed indivi-
duals circuitously avoid the streets where they are liable
to he pelted with mud. But the timid class will find it in
the end to their cost if they desert the arena where help
is wanted for the preservation of urder and honesty.
The time is come when they must speak out and de •
fend themselves, or they will he swept before the
general torrent of fanaticism. We know that many
of them will be less able to put up with this, than
the men who have boldly and honestly avowed their
opinions on the proper line of Sunday duties and
relaxations. Many of them are possibly restrained
by a sort of guilty consciousness that they are not
over •clean. Their own social and religious practice
may not be well adapted for scrutiny, and they may
consider silence, or a little open applause of the
fanatics, to be their safest policy. It would be
no unmeet punishment for such persons to
be subject to domiciliary visitations, exacted
attendance at church, and other stringent rules of old
Puritanism. But in the mean time it is a lamentable
evil, and a great discouragement of all moral and re-
ligious honesty, that they should allow their large
number to be counted off on the side of their spiritual
tyrants—not voting themselves, but putting as it were
their proxies into such hands.
We shall not cease to repeat our warnings on this
subject. The time has now come when honest, mo-
derate, religious men ought to feel bound to take
their position, and say what they really bold to
be the true principle, with reference to the character
of the population among whom they live, applicable
to the observance of the first day of the week. It
is a matter on which there must be a right and a
wrong. If sensible men do not resolve upon their
own course, they must in the mean time he hurried
on by that of the extreme fanatics. But the latter
movement will not long remain without an antago-
nist, and, we may depend on it, one of an irreli•
gious, unsocial, demorali.ing tendency. The reac-
tive influence of the old Puritanical Sabbatarianism
drove Archbishop Williams to have Midsummer
Night's Dream performed in his palace on Sunday,
that he might show his scorn of the innovators, who
were actually charged by the High Church party
with an attempt covertly to undermine Christianity
and introduce Judaism.

Bitawrcic, Jerma 13.—Wheat, 365 lid ; barley, 208 64d ;
oats, 185 4d ; rye,' 00s Od ; beans, 008 Od ; peas, 00s Od
average per imperial quarter.

COAL MARKE'
Bate's West Hartley 133 Od
Chester Main 123 9d
Davison'sWeetHartley 14s Od'
East Adairs Main lls Od'
Holywell
North Percy Hartley l3s Od
Urd's Redheugh
RavenswortlfsW.Hart 14s Od
cantield Moor
Townley
Walker's Primrose
West Hartley
West Wylam
Wylam
Wall's End, &c.

Brown's Gas . l is Odd
Gibson
Hedley
Northumberland
Riddell
Walker
Eden Main
deli
Ships at ir

.3.-YESTIRDAY.
Belmont
Braddyll
Hetton
'Haswell l6s 3d
Lambton
Creswell
Richmund.. ...... 13s 6d
Scarborough l4s Od
Russell's Hetton ...... 15s 6d
Stewart's
Whitwell
Caradoc . .
,South Kelloe 145 Od
;West Kelloe .........
I Whitworth l2s Od
iAdelaide Tees
Seymour Tees
Tees
Cowpen Hartley
Bartley
Nixon's Merthyr and
Cardiff .... 20s 0
Sidney's Hartley
narks% 223.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

Already there are symptons of some such mis•
chievous antagonism in this country ; but, in the
mean time, let not those who countenance and en-
courage the fanatics flatter themselves with the notion
of securing their gratitude and support. What sort
Of gratitude and support has Mr. Rowland Hill
been enjoying? The more he yields, the more will
they charge him with black and wicked designs,
which, by the blessing of the Deity, they have frus-
trated. 'llese men are the mouthpieces of the Al-
mighty. They dictate his will. They are the saints
who are to inherit the earth and rule all things. Is
it for them, forsooth, to express gratitude to poor
human self-seekers, reluctantly giving way on one or
tvco points where they should humbly obey in all
things. Preposterous ! It would have been as rea-
onable to have expected the Emperor of China to
extend gratitude and support to Commissioner Elliot
fa v giving up tho opium stores.—Examirer.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 17.
The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutes before
Four o'clock.

PRIV ATE BILLS.

The Lords' amendmeuts to the following private Bills
were considered and agreed to:—

Childwall Waterworks.

London and Blackwell Railway.
Waterford and Limerick Railway.
The following Bills were road a third time and
passed :
Borough of Salford Waterworks and Improvement.
Great Central Gas Consumers' Company (No. 2).

Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway.
The following Bills, as amended, were considered:—
Merionethshire Turnpike Roads.
Reading Union Waterworks.
BRIGSTOCKE'S (OR PLAYER'S) ESTATE BILL,
This Bill was read a second time.
PETITIONS.

Lord CHARLES MANNERS presented a petition
from the Acton Rugby Savings Bank against certain
clauses in the Savings Banks Bill.
Colonel REID presented a petition from the trustees
of the Now Windsor Savings Bank against the Savings
Bank Bill.

Mr. JOHN GEORGE SMYTHE presented a peti-
tion from the solicitors of York in favour of the pro-
position for separating the judicial and political tune-
tuns of the Lord Chancellor.

Mr. FARRER preheated a petition from Stockton-
upon-Tees against the proposed alterations in the Post-
office.

Mr. F. O'CONNOR presented a petition from the
factory operatives of Smithy-Holme in favour of a Ten
Hours Bill.

Sir JOHN YARDE BULLER presented a petition
from Hampste id (as was understood) against the Par-
liamentary Oaths Bill.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS presented a petition from the
vicar and churchwardens of Billington, in the East Riding
of York, to the same effect.

Mr. WYLD presented a petition from coal miners in
Ayrshire praying for a better system of ventilation i❑
mines; also a petition from the congregation Ebenezer
Chapel, St. Pancras, against the Metropolitan Interments
Bill.

On Saturday the Judges appointed to hold the ensu-
iug Summer Assizes throughout England and Wales
signed the precepts,
and finally appointed the days for
holding such assizes. Some of the circuits have ahead
been notified, but we are now enabled ts) give a complete
list of them as f Jiows:—
MIDLAND.—Judge-, -
the Lord Chid Justice Sir
Thomas Wilde and Nfr. Baron Platt—Oakiihianmeo,lSnat,mi
tn day, July 13; Northap. n' a
city, Wednesday, July 17; Nottingham
ng.
hamdaayn;d town, Tues-
day, July 23; Derby, Thursday,
coventr
July2s; Lpicestec
and borough, Tuesday, July 30
3. On this
August 2; Warwick, Saturday, August
circuit it is proper to mention that In the place of
Mr. Lowndes, who held the appointment of clerk of the
assize fur half a century, Lord Campbell, who went the
last circuit on his elevation as Chief Justice of the
Queen's Bench, has in the most handsome manner, to
the satisfaction of the members of the circuit, appointed
Mr. Collisou (who acted as deputy for twenty-five years),
clerk of the 'assize, relideted vacant by the demise of
ML r. Lowndes.
Orrotto.—JudgectW-lerampbell and Mr. Justice
Williams.—Abingdoe;, Wednesday, July 10; Oxford,
Saturday, July 13; Worcester and City, Wednesday,
July 17; Stafford, Saturday, July 20; Shrewsbury, Sa-
turday, July 27; Hereford; Wednesday, July 31; Mon-
mouth, Saturday, August 3; Gloucester and City,
Wednesday, August 7.
NORTHERN.—Judges, Mr. Justice Virig,httnan and Mr.
Justice Creswell.—York and City, Wednesday, July 10;
Durham, Wednesday, July 24; Newcastle and Town,
Monday, July 29; Carlisle, Thursday, August 1; Ap-
pleby, Monday, August 5 ; Lancaster, Wednesday, August 7.; Liverpool, Saturday, August 10,
WEsTEa.u.—Judges, Mr. Justice Coleridge and Mr.
Justice Talfourd—lleviz??, Wednesday, July 10; Win-
chester, Saturday, July 13; Dorchester, Friday, July
19; Bodmin, Thursday, July 25; Exeter and City,
Wednesday„Thly 31; Wells, Wednesday, August 73
Bristol, Tuesday, August 13.
NORFOLK.—Judges, Baron Alderson and Mr.
Justice Patteson.
—AYiesburY, Saturday. July 13 ; Bed-
ford, Tuesday, July 16 ; Huntingdon, Thursday, July
18; Cambridge, Saturday, July
20; Norwich and City,
Saturday, July 27; Ipswich, Friday, August 2.
HuME: —Judges, The Lord Chief Baron (Sir F.
rellock) and Mr. Justice Eric.—liertlord, Wednesday, \

Mr. LOCKE KING presented a petition from Barnes,
in Surrey, to the same i,ffct:
Mr. AIASTERMAN presented a petition from inha-
bitants of the city of London against the Parliamentary
Oaths Bill.

GERMANY.
The Rolni.iche Zeitung has it telegra.,,-,shic dispatch
of the following bulletin, dated Berlin, June 15th
Kijesty the King has passed a night of perfect
tranquil slier. The healing of the wound is almost
thoroughly effected. His Majesty has bean pleased to
command that henceforward no further communications
relative to the state of his Majest}'s health shall be
published. " VON MANTEUFFEL."

Captain BERKELEY presented a petition from the
Chamber of Commerce at Gloucester in favour of the
MPrcantilP Marine Bill.

Mr. FELLOWES presented petitions from Bradford
and Bury, in Lancashire, against the Jews Bill.
Lord HARRY VANE presented a petition from the
Mayor and Corporation of St9ckton-upon-Tees, under
their corporate seal, praying for the continued trans-
mission of letters by the mails on Sundays.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL presented several pe-
titions in tavour of the Marriage Bill.
Sir J. W ALSEI presented a petition from tenant
farmers complaining of agricultural distress, and praying
for some remedial measures.

Sir B. HALL presented petitions from the St. Pancras
and the Camden-town Savings Banks against certain
clauses in the Government Savings Bank Bill.
THE NATIONAL LAND SOCIETY.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR wished to ask the Secretary of
State for the Home Department whether, in consequence
of the late decision of the Queen's Bench, which did not
allow the National Land Society to be registered, the
Government would feel disposed to offer every facility
to the doing justice to the 70,000 shareholders who had
invested their all in this company.
Sir G. GREY avid that Government would not throw
the &lightest obstacle in the way of any steps which
the Hon. Gentleman might take for this purpose. If it
were a legislative remedy which the Hon. Gentleman
meant apply, he must reserve the opinion of the
Government until the Bill was before the House.
REMOVAL OF SMITHFIELD-MARKET.
Mr. FITZROY asked Lord John Russell whether, in
consequence of the report of the Commission appointed
to make inquiries relating to Smithfield-market, he was
prepared during the present session of Parliament to
propose any measure for removing the market for the
sale of live cattle from that locality?
Lord J. RUSSELL replied that the Government had
agreed on removing Smithfield-market—(Cheers)—but
he was not prepared, without further consideration, to
state whether he would be enabled to bring in a Bill on
the subject this session,
In reply to another question from Mr. FITZROY,
Lord J. RUSSELL said on Friday next he would state
whether the Government would be enabled to introduce
a Bill this session.--(Hear.)
CLERKS OF ASSIZE.
Mr. BOUVERIE iuquired whether any intimation
had been conveyed to the judges having the appointments
to the Clerkships of Assize of the North Wales and
Midland Circuits, that the fees of those officers form
a branch of the inquiry before a Committee of that House,
anti that the persons appointed to those clerkships must
take them subject to any alterations or regulations of
Parliament affecting the same.

Lord J. RUSSELL thought it would Le very objec-
tionable for the Government to interfere with respect to
appointments in the hands of the judges ; be was of
opinion, however, that the remuneration of these ap-
pointments should be subject to the opinion of the Cotn-
mittee to which the Hon. Member referred.
MERCANTILE MARINE BILL AND MERCHANT

! :
r; A • i • '4 • 4
.14
.4 " el .1-.. ,:), ~ g
el l, e!, ' --•
4 :71 •c) A A' ''''
1 _
Colchester 49 5101 ? 20 15 570
i Harwich
Leigh
675 _ 32! 33
Maldon 642 103 ! 29 4011008
HADDINGTON, JUNK 14.—The following are the prices of
grain at our market tn..d..., •

grnVT-7-----at .IZrnMejtutoN-Edaly4;----T
......
433 as . Wheat.
o 5 ad 2,...,,85183ar1e01ydd.
222.512
36 dd
32895 e a.: nl
0: Bean,,
TSFehircisortndd .........
36s :53
in ..151:rk9etd 17s Od 283 Od
Total quantity 0i
~
io
n: 43:34638: q, 1
the
orr 3
ss
.a.. ,:c
It
1411:9277:stsgsi0000nolildadds
Do. Barley
Do. do.
Oats
Do. Beans do.
KIaKALDY, Jings 15...... Th do. 62 qrs., 44 sold
up to this date:— ° 110
Wheat. Barley. ()ate.
Fir5t......... 423 Od 22z Od 21a 61 Beans. Peas.'
Second...... 403 Od 203 6d 21s
Third ......353 Od 173 Od 17, 61 --53 Od ......
„ a Od
Oatmeal, Der bag of 2801bs imperial, 263 oPtuo 0‘ Od
' GLasaow, JUNK 12.—Provisions—Cheese, 37s t: W.
d
per cwt ; retail, 5d to 6d per lb. Skim milk, 20; Od to 40111°4
cwt. Country fresh butter, 9id to Od per lb. Irish p6w_
dered, in lumps, Eid to Od; country powdered, wholesale, 8d
to 81jd. Country eggs, 8d per dozen ; carried hen ditto, 418 d
per .20, or 6d per dozen. Hens, 3s 6d per pair; Dacks,
2s 6d.
PERTH, JUNE 14.—Wheat, 36s Od to 41s Od; barley, 184
Od to •.:03 Od ; oats, 16s to 19s • peas and beans, 22s Od to 25s
per quarter. Oatmeal, per sack, 22; to 245.
KiLso, JUNE 14.—Wheat, old, Os to Os ; ditto, new, 26s
to 30s Od ; barley, new, 153 Od to 17s Od ; ditto old, Os to Os ;
potato oats, 00s to 00s ; ditto new, 14s to 16; Od ; common
oats OA to 001 Od ; ditto new, 13; to 14; 6d ; peas, Os Od
to Os Od ; beans, Os to Os per boll of six imperial bushels.
STIRLING, Jutin 14.—Wheat, foreign, 20s to 235; ditto,
home, Os to Os; ditto ditto new, 19s Od to 22s Od; barley, per
boll of 6 bushels, Os Od to Os Od; ditto new, 15s Gd to 16s Cd.
Oats, common, Os Od to Os Od ' • ditto new, 10; Od to 12s 6d;
ditto, Flemish, Os Od to 03 Od; ditto ditto new, Os Od; malt,
distillers, 32s Od to 34s ; ditto brewers, 34s Od to 35s ; beans
per boll, Os Od to Os Od ; ditto new, I Is 9d to 14s Od ; pease 13s
to 00s od; sour, new per sack, 31s Od to 33s Od; ditto common
ditto, 18s ad to 20s Od; oatmeal, per load, Os Od to Os Od ;
ditto new 27s Od to 29s Od ; ditto per peck of 7lbs, 80 to 9d ;
hfraeysFhApejbxutioßttnxe, Or,iz 3.
pery 01b5,1.7d to 9d; eggs per dozen, 7d to 9d;
—The supply of grain in this day's

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING,
_JUNE is, 1.850

Bill, which related to the abolition of the Vietereyulty it-
self, would not bo prepared to agree to the principle ot
the second object of the Bill, commencing at clause 11
This Bill would transter di power, which the Act o
Union had coefet ree on the Irish Privy Council, to th-
hands of the Home Secretary. He -aeticipsted that
when this Bill came into Committee they woule
have a long debate, well contested on all sides.
Every Member of that House, unless he was
prepared to consign every species of power to that
devouring monster, centralization, must record his vote
against this Bill. Every species or influence of every
conceivable kind was to be transferred to the hands of a
secretary in England ; whether it were in matters
relating to the public health, in the managemete
of the constabulary force, everthing was tt
pass through the hands of this official. Nu
thing was more important than a good system of
prison discipline in a country. Now in Ireland the
prisons were under the management of the Lord- Lieute-
nant, who had the power to snake bye laws for
their government, as well as to provide for the
religious instruction of the inmates ; and this im
portant prerogative was to be placed at th.
unfettered discretion of a Secretary of State in this
country.—(Hear.) But that was not all he had to
complain ot; the Secretary of State might stop
all the foreign commerce of Ireland by e-ta-
blishing quarantine regulations at every pert. ,
Passing from the health and prisons departmewo •ae
found that this Bill gave power to the English secretaryr)
of State to change the places at which assiz .s ape qua
sessions should be held ;and the police force, which was
met-
little inferior to a standing army, titan. in
or numbers, was now placed at tho `sole disposal of one
ki:iveuastenant in council, to be placed
taken by thiti Bill from the
Minister. The appointment, its training
too, of the Commissioners
ouaftiotnhootf
olradn.d
.the hands of a Secretary sitting in London; thus
o.of
vasi
n
giving a single official power over the whole scheme of
Irish taxation. Every Official too was removable at
pleasure from the highest to the lowest, and
then the whole machinery of Irish local govern-
ment was placed in the hands of a London official.
He agreed that the Viceroyalty was an idle pageant.
His Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Sheffield
thought the L. in Ireland;
would be substituted by
municipal action lreland; but every one acquainted
with municipal institutions in Ireland knew how
weak their action was. Every step which the
Bill took was in a wrong direction. Ile took
occasion to guard himself from its being sup-
posed that ho participated in the objections to this Bill
which were drawn from the condiOon of Dublin. This
was not the'cause of Dublln alone but of all Ireland
He quite approved of Sae abolition of the vain pageantry
of a Viceroy in Ireland; but for what purpose? To
replace him by a reality, a something with more real
power, and more accessible to the people of Ireland ?
But, on the contrary, they were pursuing still further that
pernicious system of centralization, and for that reason
he should give his vote against the Bill.
Sir H. PEEL—Sir, ccnsidering that this Bill is
brought forward by her Majesty's Government, and
that the undoubted object of it is to promote the good
government of Ireland, it is entitled on these accounts
to at least the most respectful consideration of this
House. I consider the main question to be, will the
arrangement proposed by the Bill conduce to tho good
and satisfactory government of Ireland ? All other con-
siderations are, I apprehend, subordinate to that. The
withdrawal of the Lord-Lieutenant from Ireland may or
may not affect acme local and partial interests, but
still, if the result of the measure shall be to promote the
end of good government in Ireland, all other considera-
tions of partial and local injury are, in my opinion, to
bo regarded as subordinate.—(Hear.) I wish I could
see with the same confidence with which some gentle.
men see the unequivocal advantages of this Bill ; but I
own that, while upon the whole I am perfectly willing to
consent that the experiment should be made, I am
bound, in giving that conseat, to say that I do so with
much hesitation and doubt as to the advantages which,
in the estimation of many gentlemen, are likely to re
suit from it.—(Hear.) Of this I am confident, that it
you are o have local authorities who, without the
responsibility of the Lord-Lieutenant, will assume the
executive functions of government, Ireland will derive
no advantage whatever from the measure.—(Hear, hear.)
I am quite aware of the difficulties which men, even of
high character and gloat acquirements, have in admi-
nistering the government of Ireland; but these difficul-
ties are not, I apprehend, so much felt on account either
of their personal qualities or on account of the constitu-
tion of the office of Lord-Lieutenant itself, as on account
of difficulties inherent in the state of society in Ireland
—(Hear, hear)—which difficulties will, to a very consi-
derable extent, continue to operate, even if this office is
removed.—(Hear.) I fear that there are some difficul-
ties inherent in the constitution as regards this matter.
When there was a local Parliament in Ireland the rela-
tion of the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant was
a natural and constitutional relation. The Chief Secre-
tary was then iu immediate connexion with the Lord-
Lieutenant. He stood in a subordinate capacity, all he
did emanated from the authority of the Lord-Lieute-
nant, and his relation to bins corresponded in all mate-
rial respects to the relation in which a Minister of State
ordinarily stands with reference to the Crown.—(Hear.)
When you abolished the local Legislature, and trans.
ferred the Secretary's Parliamentary functions to this
side of the water, you altered materially the relations
between the two parties. You put the office of Secretary
aside from that of the Lord-Lieutenant; you made him
a Minister responsible for the administration of justice
in Ireland,—a Minister necessarily possessing great
power, and exercising that power sometimes without
communication with his chief, however desirous he might
be of doing so.—(Hear, hear.) You thus placed him in
a position in which it was very difficult for any man
with the very best intentions to carry on the public
business without the ride of occasional embarrassment.
—(Hear, hear.) I speak from experience as to the diffi-
culties that have resulted from the position in which the
Chief Secretary stands with regard to the Lord-Lieu-
tenant. At the same time, what may be the effect of
removing from Dublin the authority of a nobleman of
such high acquirements as the nobleman now adminis-
tering the functions of Lord-Lieutenant in Ireland, and
what encouragement it may give to the revival of local
agitation and to the struggles of party, I cannot pretend
to predict; but I certainly do not view without appre-
hension the risk that if you are to have a local Com-
mander-in-Chief, a local Lord Chancellor, a separate bar,
and altogether a separate administrasion of justice, the
removal of an authority like that of the Lord-Lieutenant
—acting independently, animated by a sincere desire to
promote the welfare of the people, free from all local
prejudices, and from all personal partialities—may be
attended with an injurious effect.—(Hear, hear.) You
have attempted to counteract and remedy the difficulty
that arises from this peculiar relation to the Lord-Lieu-
tenant, by giving to the Secretary for Ireland necessary
additional powers. You have occasionally found it neces-
sary, or considered it necessary, to give to the Chief Se-
cretary the authority of a Cabinet Minister.—(Hear.)
That I conceive to be a most clumsy device for remedy-
ing a difficulty inherent in the constitution.—(llear.).
It is a device not only disturbing the relations of a chief
to his subordinate, but ono positively inverting those re-
bition3,—(Heer.) When you ;ire to the Chief Secretary
ell the authority of a Cabinet Minister, and leave the
Lord-Licutenent without that authority, you encourage
the Chief Secretary still more to asserec for himself the
exercise of independent powers.— (Hear, hear.) On that
ground alone, then, from the difficulties that are expe-
rienced in maintaining the relations between these two
authorities—there being at the same time grave cejec-
tions to the remedy occasionally employed, that of con-
ferring the dignity of a Cabinet Minister on the Secre-
tary—it is, in short, from a reference to the difficulties
inherent in the constitution, and the employment of that
occasional remedy, that I am inclined favourably to re-
ceive the proposal for an alteration in these arrange-
ments.—(Hear, hear.) I am bound, also, to admit that
the increased facilities of communication between the
two countries gives increased means of conducting the
government of Irel ind without the intervention of a
Lord-Lieutenant; and probably no period could be bet-
ter selected than the present for making that experiment.
But, then, I must say that that which will bolt reconcile
me to the working of the experiment will be that you
have unity of system in the form of government which
you are to substitute.—(Hear, hear.) I did express
strong doubts—not in 1846, as the Hon. Member for
Portarlington (Colonel Dunne) stated the otherniucht—
but in 1844—1 then stated the apprehensions which I
felt as to the result of the appointment of a fourth Secre-
tary of State for the administration of Irish affairs;
and I am bound to say that those apprehensions have
continued till now.--(Hear.) The advantages compen-
sating for other risks and inconveniences are, in my ?pi-
nion, a system of unity—a system of unity of legislation,
so far as legislation can be uniform respecting two coun-
tries like England and Ireland, and unity in the way of
appointing one man to administer the whole affairs of
the Secretary of State.—(Hear.) IP you have two Se-
cretaries of State for exercising the same or nearly the
same duties, the question must arise, whether you are
not forfeiting a great part of the
.advantage you hope
to obtain from the extinction of the high office. of Lord-
Lieutenant.—(Hear, hear.) You are, in fact, by this
proposal, receding from the principle on which you
acted in 1816. In that year you found the advantage of
consolidating the two Exchequers, and you resolved
that the financial arrangements of the two countries
would be better carried on by abolishing entirely the
office of' Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer, and vesting
the whole functions of the office in the English Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. Every argument that could
apply to that case will be equally applicable to the ad-
ministration of justice and the exercise ot the executive
functions.—(Hear, hear.) If you are to have two Se-
cretaries of State I earnestly entreat you to consider
the reruns of such an arrangement as this—to put Wales
and Scotland ender one of them, and England and Ire-
land under the other.—(A laugh-) You laugh at the
idea of such an arrangement, but there is no reason why
you should laugh at a proposal of that kind any more
than at a proposal for one ' • g
gtvin Secretary to Ireland
and another Secretary for the rest of the kingdom.--
(Hear.) There might be good reason for separating
Scotland from England in this respect, for there a sepa-
rate system of law and administration exists; but I really
do think it would be a better arrangement to have Wales
and Scotland under one secretary, and England and Ire-
land under another, than to melte the distinction you
propose by this Bill.—(Hear, bear.) If you are to have
an officer residing in England, and occasionally perhaps
in Ireland, with all the authority of the Lord-Lieutenant,
then I must say I foresee more chances of difference of
opinion with regard to the administration of affairs in
Ireland than at present exist.—(Hear, hear.) If
the times be tranquil, and no danger of popular
commotion arise, then the Irish Secretary of State
may very easily administer the affairs of the G. overt?.
went, so far as the employment of the soldiery in
connexion with the civil power is concerned; but, sup-
pose there may be serious troubles in Scotland, and dis-
turbances also in England and Wales, and at the same

time popular esietltteaiee in Ireetrl, wi l i. n J, be of the
slightest eilvaetaee to see one civil oilier wen bee to
emanunicate with the Commauder of Perees ie
aler efr slly t) euppseee the otitileee thso hitee
rise Cl—to have one marl tsentle to OM With the eat-
eencies ofevery pate cd the empire, then to have tee
:nee both respoheitfle for the mainteeuuce of the public
eeec-' aryl Isoldin e r.
may be, different and eonfl.cting
views on a matter of such importance rs ate leseeretion
ft the public peace through the e‘is‘plication of military
;orce?—(Hear, beer.? We see the Secretary of State
for the Home Department already overburdened with
'mit/seen, and my whole experience tends to show that
the conflict of co-equal authority will only add to his
difficulties. Now with respect to unity of legislation.
Ne all know that it le of the utmost advantage that
our Irish legislation should, as nearly as possible, con-
form in principle and in details with our legislation
'or England. It is easy to say that; but, when we
come to the practical application of the prin-
eiple, how many difficulties do we not find in the way?
--(Hear, hear.) Must the ono Secretary, before he
proceeds to legislate, hold frequent communications with
eis brother Secretary on those points that are to form
the groundwork of proceeding for that part of the king-
lom under his jurisdiction? If, on the other hand,
there is te be no such communication—if one is to legis•
late: rot Ireland and the other for the rest of the empire,
?without communication, then you undergo the risk of
causing such material differences as must disturb the
oarmony of the whole. I assume there will be com-
munication between the Secretaries; and I only say,
chat however pressing the amount of business might be,
I would rather be responsible for the whole of the
legislation of the country than for all the unsatisfactory
details which would be inevitable under such a system.
—(Hear, hear,) With respect to the administration
.f criminal justice in Ireland, if there be a separate
Secretary of State for that country what will be the
consequence? There will be communications carried
on by the judges and by the Attorney-
General and Solicitor-General with the Secretary of
State, and thus you will be keeping up a distinction in
the Irish administration of justice which it is your ob-
j'ct to avoid. Whereas, if there were but one Secretary
,f State for the united empire, who should be respon-
sible for the advice given to the Crown in respect to the
exercise of the prerogative of mercy for all parts of the
United Kingdom, my opinion is, that the burden it would
cast on the shoulders of that one Secretary would not
be more onerous than it is at present, while the satisfac-
tion it would give would be much greater, from the con-
s viction which the people of Ireland would teel that the
same principle in the administration of the law and in
the exercise of the prerogative of mercy was applied to
ell parts of the kingdom. I do not wish to deny the
pact as to the extent of the business which presses
upon the Ministers; and there is no effort I would
not make to relieve the Secretary of State for
the Home Department from many of the functions
which he now performs, in order to make him respon-
sible for the administration of the criminal law both in
England and in Ireland. For instance, it it be true that
the superintending the adminstration of the criminal
law be too heavy a duty for the Secretary of State to
perform, why not, if you are going to alter the consti-
tution of the office of Lord Chancellor, by appointing
two judges to discharge the duties which the Lord
Chancellor now performs—why not transfer the ad-
ministration of the details of criminal justice to those
new officers, in order that the Secretary of State might
be able to apply his undivided attention to legislation
for the united empire, and to the duties of tee executive
government? Depend upon it, if Sou make the change
proposed by this Bill, what you will want in Ireland
will be the moral influence of a man of the highest au-
thority. I consider that authority will be much higher
if it be exercised by the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, possessed of all the authority which
the Crown can confer upon him for the administration of
the whole connected effairs of the united empire. That au-
thority will be much greater than if you constitute a dis-
tinct Secretary of State for administering those separate
functions in one pare only of the United Kingdom. But
I do net at present understand how it is proposed that
the Secretary of State is to discharge his duties. Is he
co be resident in Ireland during that period of the year
when his Parliamentary duties may not require his pr 7
sence in England? and, if he be resident in Ireland, will
ne have full power, which a Secretary of State ought to
have in times of emergency, of acting, not only with
formal authority, but with a known, patent, and unques-
tioned authority, which free access to the Sovereign ne-
cessarily confers? Will he be enabled to suggest the
Queen's commands as the ground for those acts of au-
thority he may at any time exercise? But, if lie be re-
cident in Ireland, I don't see why the objection which
has been made to the applications that are frequently
forwarded by the magistrates of Ireland to the Lord-
Lieutenant for advice in the execution of their magiste-
rial duties, should not be equally applicable to the case
of the Secretary of State, to whom, no doubt, the magis-
trate would be as ready to apply for advice as to the
Lord-Lieutenant. If, however, the new Secretary of
State is to reside in this country, then I do not see why
you should not make the experiment you are now about
to make by calling upon the present Secretary of State
for the Home Department to perform these united
functions. I recollect, during the late war, that all the
functions, and the whole of the administration of colo-
nial and foreign affairs, were performed by one Secretary
of State. If the Right lion. Gentleman (Sir G. Grey)
would only say " I will undertake to perform the Irish
as well as the English affairs, only give me a proper
number of subordinates," my opinion is he would find
it perfectly practicable to accomplish the object desired.
if he would take upon himself the sole control over the
administration of criminal justice, and over the legisla-
tion on that branch et the government, he may depend
upon it he would not have a greater demand upon his
time than he would have if he were united with an Irish
colleague who would be constantly telling him, what all
Irish Members were ever telling us, that Englishmen
knew nothing about Ireland—(Much laughter)—that
no Englishman is at all fit to govern that
country. It is true, when Irishmen came over
here they heard Englishmen talk of certain
principles of justice and of equity, and so forth;
but still no Englishman could understand the mystery
of Irish society.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) This
Irish Secretary would no doubt be followed by many of
his Irish friends in this House, and the Right Honour-
able Gentleman would soon find the Irish Secretary,
co-ordinate and co-equal with himself, a very disagree-
able colleague, and one not likely to relieve him from
the burden of any portion of that business the discharge
of which was the cause of great anxiety and uneasiness
of mind to him on whom the responsibility of that de-
partment of the Executive Government devolved. I
therefore most honestly and earnestly advise the Right
Honourable Gentleman to take the administration of
those functions upon himself, even though he should
have another 10th of April to contend with. For it is
of importance that the same mind which has to
guard against any dangers that may threaten this
metropolis should be equally called upon to
take into consideration whether similar arrangements
would be necessary in the event of the city of Dub-
lin or any other part of the United Kingdom being in
danger of having its peace disturbed. A command of
time, and less of change, a unity of system, and a pros-
pect of inspiring confidence, besides the facilities for cone
dueling a joint administration of affairs, are in my opi-
nion idreetagee infinitely more likely to be enjoyed if
the functions of this department are exercised by one
Secretary of State than it' the duties should be performed
by two. I wish to destroy the impression which ap-
pears always to rest in the minds of Irish gentlemen,
that it is necessary for them constantly to refer to Go-
vernment for advice. I wish them also to see that the
proposal for transferring a portion of the authority now
held by the Lord-Lieutenant to the municipal corpora-
tions would not at all solve the difficulty. It may be
quite right, for aught I know, to transfer some of those
powers to the corporations, and considering that the
successful result of the exercise of the municipal autho-
rity in the city of Dublin has been so great—( Muck
laughter)—it may be the opinion of Honourable Gen-
ilernen that by increasing their powers we should
be increasing the benefits arising from their exer-
cise. Still I do not apprehend that any increased
powers given to the municipalities of Ireland would
solve the difficulty created by taking away the govern-
ment of the Lord-Lieutenant. Let the corporations
have additional powers, if it be necessary, but that is a
separate question altogether; and let it therefore stand
upon its own independent merits. Giving increased
authority to the municipalities will not assist either one
Secretary or two Secretaries in determining the princi-
ples of legislation, or aid them in conducting the ordi-
nary affairs of government. I do not, however, view
with complete freedom from uneasiness and anxiety the
change you are contemplating. I will not stop to con-
sider some questions which have been suggested in the
course of the debate, but this I will say, that if you
think the city of Dublin is likely to be injuriously af-
fected by the loss of the Lord-Lieutenant, I am of
opinion that we shall be bound to consider, equitably
and liberally, the claim which Dublin may have for
compensation. I do not mean a claim in the shape of
a grant, but a general claim, without pretending pre-
! eisely to say what pecuniary compensation it should be.
I do not entirely agree with the Noble Lord in the opi-
nion that all the sums which have hitherto been spent in
Dublin would henceforth return to the different localities
and be expended there. I am rather afraid that a single
Court with increased splendour—fur the splendour of the
British Court, splendid as it now is, would undoubti-dly
be increased, and would be adorned by Irish gentlemen
and Irish ladies—would have a tendency to increase ab-
aenteeism—(Hear, hear)—and that it would not be to
the counties of Ireland that the benefit would accrue,
but rather to England, by s concentration of society in
this country. However, I am prepared to incur that
risk, but that which I shall ask as a compensation for
the risk I am willing to incur is, that we shall so make
our arrangements for the legislation and government of
Ireland as shall insure as much uniformity and as much
unity as it is possible for legislation to effect —(Hear.)
Mr. ROCHE was greatly surprised and much pained
at the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was a
speech that would revive feelings for a repeal of the
union in breasts where those feelings were gradually
dying away. The Right Hon. Gentleman was of opinion
that the Bill did not go far enough, because it still
maintained in Ireland a separate bar and a separate
Lord Chancellor. He, however, derived one consolation
from the Right Hon. Baronet's speech. Though, if its
principle were carried out, it would be injurious to Ire-
land, still it was a speech altogether against this Bill.
He warned the Government against making a change
for the worse, and making that change at a wrong time.
They told them they were not self-dependent enough,
and then they brought in this Bill to make them depend
still more upon them. As far as he was concerned,
they might take away the Lord-Lieutenant altogether,
but do not take with him every valuable and useful in-
stitution they still had left in Ireland. But he did not
think the Government would succeed in carrying the
measure. The Ides of March were come, but they were
not passed. The Irish Members were few and weak in
that House, but they possessed the confidence of Ireland,

and were strong out, of cliors. The Bill wmfd be
do,ined. The ell of ti,tiotial redenip,ion ffn
idrth toznighti fir the p,•iple of Ireland that
ills WAS not a meri- a t ,opt to remove the L
hilt it w,:s a e..mbineil attempt to crit-,11 rl wi-
donal feelin-4 and it-Id,, pendent spiriA in !hat euuntr;'.
§ir R. PEEL explained that he had no detorc to in-
ierfere widi the Irish bar, the Attorney or Solicitor-
General, or the members of the Irish judicial hetich, and
any observations on that topic left the question quite
untouchet

Mr. NAPIER said he had to oppose the second read-
ing of this Bill, and that it was not wh bout much and
anxious consideration that he had arrived at the conclu-
sion that it was his duty to do so. Having formed the
opinion that this Bill ought not to pass, he felt bound to
state to the House the reasons which had influeeced him
to come to that conclusion, The Noble Lerd said there
ought to be one administration for the two Kingdoms.
lie concurred in that sentiment, and if this Bill effected
that object he would not oppose it, but it did no such
thing. Instead of establishing a single administration
for the two countries, on the contrary, it preserved a se-
parate administration, it they could not get rid of the
abuses that grew up under the present system without
dispensing with the Lord-Lieutenant, he would at once
yield that office. The Noble Lord said he would not inter-
fere with the judicial authorities, and he had no suspicion
that he would do so. Then they left the judges, the com-
mander of the forces, and a royal residence, so that they
left many separate institutions, notwith-tauding that
the object of this Bill was professed to effect a single
administration for both countries. The advantages
stated to be derived from this Bill were of two classes.
First, the facility of communication with the British
Cabinet, which was to be effected by the appointment of
a Secretary for Ireland. The great difficulty with re-
gard to Irish affairs was, to ascertain tee real state of
the fact in any controverted case. Now, was this likely
to be effected by an officer residing in London? They
could never have such means of arriving at the truth by
as officer in this country as by one upon the spot. Ano-
ther disadvantage which would arise from this Bill would
be, the conferences between the Executive and the law
officers of the Crown in Ireland, which alone would give
the necessary advice and information to guide them.
Before they adopted this Bill they ought to be assured
that Ireland was in possession of the local means of esta-
blishing a firm executive power in that country. Much
had been said of the party spirit that prevailed in Ire-
land, as if there was none in this country. For his
part, he should be sorry to see piety spirit destroyed.
It ,was the price they had to pay for free institu-
tions. What they should correct was the abuse of it.
It was said that by this Bill the executive secretary
would be brought more under Parliamentary control.
That object might be attained, but it was not quite
so clear that Parliament always understood the affairs
of Ireland, that they could implicitly rely upon its legis-
lation without the iutormation they could obtain from
parties in Ireland competent to afford it. What they
mainly required for Ireland was security for life and pro-
perty, which could only be effected by a firm and vigor-
ous executive. He would ask, was this a time to try
an experiment which would hold out speculative advan-
tages, and en ail certain evils. What was their physical
condition? Look at the depressed state of Dublin. The
metropolis was in a state of poverty gene-
rally. Look through the country generally. Were
net the gentry crushed? Had the people generally the
means of existence? Was this a time to try those ex-
periments?—(Hear, hear.) He had a heart for the feel
ings of others, and many of them might have feelings of
irritation and insult a: being dealt with in this way. He
implored them not to break up the executive system.
They should begin a new policy, and bring the people up
out of their low condition. Then they might carry out
what they caded the purity of their views. With regard
to the present Lord-Lieutenant, although he could not
concur in the whole of his policy, he had
found him kind, courteous, and conciliatory; and he
had never made a suggestion which was nut attended
to. He believed that Noble Lord capable, if supplied
with right policy and controlled by the instructions of
a right and capable Cabinet, of governing effectually
and well any country in the world.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. SAI)LEIR said they had heard three long
speeches that evening; but most of the objections urged
against the measure were objections of detail, rather
than against its principle. He was happy to say that
the opponents of the Bill in that House were few.—(No,
no.) He maintained that they were hut few compared
with the gross number of the Irish Members. He con-
tended that there were very powerful and convincing
arguments that might be urged in favour of the measure
proposed by the Noble Lord. For the last half a cen-
tury only two Irishmen had filled the office of Irish
Viceroy. A system was in progress by which the an-
cient nobility of Ireland was becoming gradually extinct.
Ni) Member of the Commons was qualified to fill that
office, which had been described as one of such im-
portance. He did not think the trade, and commerce,
and commercial prospects of a great metropolis like the
city of Dublin depended upon the continuance of such a
system as the Irish Viceregal Court. But, looking
upon the question in a Parliamentary point of view,
he would ask the representatives of Ireland
whether or not they were satisfied with the system
upon which the Cabinets of this country were
constructed? Did they think local wants and feelings
were represented in that system? Then, again, since
the union of the two countries, no Viceroy in Ireland
had the power to do mischief ; and now he had as little
power to do good. He had always opposed the Repeal
agitation, but he would never rest satisfied until he saw
the business of the United Kingdom conducted in such a
manner as to confer upon every portion of the empire
equal and impartial justice. IF the Ministry of the day
wanted a political agent in Ireland they might have one
at a has expense than that furnished by the viceregal
system of that country. Ever since the time of Spenser
it had been admitted as a great evil in the Government
of Ireland that the Viceroys should be so often changed.
They had seen magistrates advocating a repeal of the
union deprived of the commission of the peace by one
Lord-Lieutenant and re-instated by another.—(dear,
hear.) The lion. Member concluded by announcing his
intention of supporting the second reading of the present
Bill as the first step towards a largo and comprehensive
system of legislation for Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. MOORE confessed he had never heard a more
inconsequent speech than that of the Hon. Member who
spoke last. lie,had complained that Irishmen were nut
appointed to the office of Lord-Lieutenant, yet the
remedy he had promised was to make the office English
altogether. He confessed he had great difficulty in
coming to any conclusion upon the present important
question, but while he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman
the Member for Buckingham, that the time was inop-
portune for the introduction of such a measure, he had
heard no sufficient reasoa stated by the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government in favour of the proposed
measure. lie thought he might show fri m the histories
of former Lord-Lieutenants of Ireland strong arguments
in favour of the sontinuence of that office, instead of its
abolition. The only argument they had heard in favour
of the Bill was that put by the Hon. and Learned Mere-
ber for Sheffield; namely, the advantages which would
be derived from having an additional responsible Minis.
ter iu that House to answer and give them information
upon all Irish affairs. But the present Irish Govern-
ment representatives, he conceived, afforded every ne-
cessary satisfaction on the subject to Parliament. He
would ask them to consider hoe, far the asiministretion
of justice might be cheaper supposing there were scenes
of insubordination or insurrection. Were they to place
the Executive Government of the country under the
control of a Lord-Lieutenant to be immediately sent
over there, or in the hands of a military dictator, who
would receive his instructions from this country, and
whose mode of communication with the English Go-
vernment was liable to interruption. That was a portion
of the question which it behoved them to consider with
much seriousness, and it was one which, to his mind,
contained a vast responsibility.—(Hear.)
Lord NAAS said, looking back at the history of Ire-
land, believing that the Government of that country had
been eminently unsuccessful, and believing that the office
of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had been a chief fea-
ture in that bad system, he could not refuse to vote for
a Bill which proposed its abolition. He conceived the
system possessed all the evils of a colonial Government,
without its advantages. But although he would vote for
the abolition of the office, he would hold himself at per-
fect liberty to vote as he pleased on the mode by which
the Government proposed to institute another system in-
stead of that which existed. He regretted, however,
that the Minister, in introducing that measure had indi-
cated no intention of showing that a new policy would
be adopted towards Ireland. Lie should give his vote
for the Bill, simply because he regarded it as a means of
abolishing a bad mode of government in Ireland.
Sir G. GREY said that there were two questions then
under their consideration. The first was whether the
office of Lord-Lieutenant ought to bo continued, or
whether the time had arrived when it might be abolished
with advantage to Ireland and to the empire at large.
The other question was, by whom and in what manner
should the duties at present performed by the Lord-
Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary for Ireland be dis-
charged in case Parliament should consent to the aboli-
tion of the present system of governing that country.
Now, with respect to the first question, he entirely
agreed with the Noble Lord who had just addressed the
House, that the tendency of the existing system was to
treat Ireland as a province, and that the effect of the
measure then before them would be to secure to the in-
terests of Ireland a greater share of the consideration of
the united Government and of the united Parliament of
this country. The Hon. and Learned Member for the
University of Dublin had spoken of the measure
as one which would deprive Ireland of a valuable
boon; and the Honourable and Learned Member
had added, that such a change ought not to be
made in what •he described to be the present
most unfortunate and depressed condition of every
interest in that country. But it should not be forgotten
that it was under the present system of governing Ire-
land that she had been reduced to that unhappy post-
sition. The Hen. and Learned Gentleman seemed to
think that the L ned-Lieutenant possessed a great ad-
vantage in being able to communicate directly with all
these who were clearged with the administra'ion of
affairs in Ireland, or who felt interested in her welfare.
But he (Sir G. Grey) should remind the House and the
don. end Learned Gentleman, that the Lord-Lis ute-
tient must necessarily be indebted ter the great mass of
his information to the reports which he received from
parties with whom he could not come personally into
connection. The question they had then to consider
was this—was there any reason which should induce
them to continue a system which was necessarily expen-
sive, and which he believed was also inefficient and
between un-
necessary
the
which
sieTaodf
brought
triipcmautbyinn
within as easy reach of London as.Yorkehoit'ean
Irish many
other parts of this country? The presence t
attended with
cretary of State would, in his opinion,
cenonasbilteledratoblecoadaysuainttawge a
i
i Sceoel e,
at agruy,
so f
upon
e u
mea-
suresall 1J b
affecting Ireland, and ho would afterwards have
in his place in arlieent,
the opportunity of defending,