The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-18 00:00:00

frbirti ambition

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING.
QUARTER TO SLY O'CLOCK.
CHESTER CUP.

8 to 1 agst Pagan
15 to 1 agst Pharaoh
17 to 1 agst Cattonite
18 to 1 agst Sir Robert
25 to 1 agst Red Deer
25 to 1 agst Tacita.
' 25 to 1 agst The Prior
30 to 1 agst Celeste

DERBY.
to 1 agst Rattan—taken
7 to 1 agst Ugly Buck—taken
16 to 1 agst Orlando
20 to 1 agst Leander
20 to 1 agst Cockamaroo
27 to 1 agst Running Rein
40 to 1 agst Loadstone
40 to 1 agst King of the Gipsies
40 to 1 agst Grey Momus colt—taken

the costs of ejecting the "gallant, gay Lothario ;" who
might then take up his residence at Madame Lodon's
establishment, uninterrupted by the necessity of tak-
ing his turn in residence, as one of the canons
of Peterborough, and undistracted by the duties
of the cure of souls at Barnack. There is really
something appalling in the way in which the
,Bishop
of Peterborough explained what he could unques-
tionably do, under the circumstances of this pain-
ful case. He could procure from the Archbishop
a permission for him to be non-resident ! That
which would be refused to a poor rector, except for a
limited period, and then only under circumstances of
extreme necessity, might be obtained for an habitual
profligate, as the most ready way of getting rid of
him,
and of his scandal ! A curate, to whom he
would have to pay less than a tithe of his income,
would do all the duty; the rector might then vary,
at pleasure, the scenes and the subjects of his guilty
amours. The revenues of the Church which he had
disgraced, and of the ministers he had dishonoured,
will supply the means !

had hoped as a matter of principle that
a little additional notice would have been given to
the holders of the stock. The Bill would not receive
the Royal assent:until Tuesday' and the time for giving
notice would expire on Saturday. This would ope-
rate as no practical grievance, he admitted, because
it would not be for the interest of any of the holders
to give the notice, but still he thought that on princi-
ple a longer period should have been allowed. He
cordially supported the measure.
The Earl of RIPON was glad to find that the
Noble Lords objections were confined to the de-
tails of the measure, with regard to the notice of the
transaction, it had been a limited one ; he admitted
that it might have been advisable to have given
a more extended notice bat when they dealt
with large questions it was important that
the transaction should be closed at as early a period
as possible, and as no essential injury to the parties
interested could ensue he must confess that
'as a matter of principle he did not feel
that the Government were called upon to
give longer notice. His Noble Friend had
alluded to the guarantee. He did not object to the
principle, that it was in general inconvenient for a
Government to tie itself up in this manner for a series
of years ; but it must be granted, that in this case the
holders of the stock were entitled to some bonus. They
had received no bonus by any increase to their capital,
and when it was considered that there were 81,000
holders of this stoek, whose income did not exceed
101. a year, as they had no bonus in their capital, it
seemed but fair and reasonable that theyshouldhavesuch
a bonus as that which was granted to them by this mea-
sure. In respect to what his Noble Friend (Lord Monteagle)
had said touching the diminution of the change of the
public debt, that statement was, no doubt, an accurate
one, and afforded a strong proof of the high cha-
racter and credit of this country. In the
year 1829 he had himself called the atten-
tion of their Lordships' House to that subject. Between
the year 1815, when that charge was at its highest, and
the year he had just referred to, the diminution of this
charge had not been less than 4,000,0001., representing
a capital of 120,000,0001. Since that period other
reductions had taken place; and, making allowance for
the 20,000,0001. required to carry into effect the measure
for the abolition of slavery, the reduction in the charge
for the funded and unfunded debt was considerably more
than 4,000,0001. annually. This showed most clearly
and satisfactorily, that while they scrupulously respected
good faith, they were enabled from time to time, to get
rid of some portion of their debt.
Lord MONTEAGLE wished to add one word to
what had fallen from him, and give his raced of praise
to that part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's plan
which went to equalise the payments of the dividends. This
was not called for out of doors, nor had it any necessary
connexion with the plan itself ; but having regard to
the currency, and the engagements of the country, he
looked upon it as a measure fraught with the highest
advantage to all classes of the country.
The two Bills for the reduction of the two classes of
Three-and a-Half per Centum Annuities were then
read a second time.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
STANDARD.—The debate on Lord Ashley's
Bill will be resumed to-night. Whatever the re-
sult of the present discussion, we regard the im-
mediate result as comparatively indifferent, because
the question of the fate of the ten hours' restric-
tion is merely a matter of time—earlier or later
the restriction will be adopted. Nine years ago
we said of the clauses respecting the illegitimate chil-
dren in the New Poor-law, and of the univer-
sal application of the workhouse test, that
they must be given up ; and we have lived to see
them both abandoned. With equal certainty do we
predict that the ten hours' restriction must be adopted
sooner or later, and we found our prediction upon
the same grounds—the total absence of sound argument
in favour of prolonged labour, and the repugnance
of the universal feeling to such cruelty. The
present' Parliament may give this cruelty a little
longer lease, but that is all ; it may make, as in the
case of the cruel clauses of the New Poor-law, a
temporary addition to the sum of human misery ; but
the addition can be but temporary, and finite. The
sentence has gone forth—the tyranny of prolonged
labour is doomed. Cant—the cant of political eco-
nomy—which so long protected it, is dead and gone,
and the arguments which it has been attempted to substi-
tute for cant give way to the gentlest breath of reason.
Mr. Bright says that an abridgement of the hours of
labour will reduce wages, and that it will also raise
prices. How can it do both? We believe, indeed,
that it will do both, but in a very different sense
from what Mr. Bright threatens ; we believe that it will
reduce daily wages and greatly augment annual
wages, by giving constant employment in-
stead of monthly gushes to be followed by
half-yearly gluts; we believe that it will
raise prices, by restoring the character in the
market of British fabrics—for paste, starch, gypsum,
and devil's dust, will not be the resources of a
steady trade, such as a short time Bill must ne-
cessarily enforce ; and so confident are we in
this respect, that we believe that nothing but a
short time Bill can save the manufacturers of
this country from early destruction ; but we shall
not go further until we hear, what we have
not yet heard, a plausible argument against
Lord Ashley's motion. By the way, we
omitted to notice on Saturday the finest thing
that has occurred in Parliament for many years—
Quaker Bright's attack upon Lord Ashley, and
Lord Ashley's reply. Nature seems to have
moulded the two men, in form as well as in mind,
to represent the extremes of the species ; within
a species no contrast was ever so strikingly complete.
The Quaker accused the nobleman of having acted with
generosity and courtesy towards a wretch who had
proved himself unworthy of credit; and then, upon
the evidence of this his rotten witness, he made
a charge of subornation. Lord Ashley was compelled
to plead guilty to the charge of generosity and cour-
tesy (they who know the Noble Lord best know that
he is overwhelmed with such sins), but showed that
he had never suborned the informer or used his
evidence. Thus the account stands—Quaker Bright
is innocent of generosity or courtesy, but he know-
ingly uses the testimony of a corrupt witness. Of
generosity and courtesy to an unworthy person Lord
Ashley stands convicted; but of using, or intending
to use, the fellow's testimony, the Noble Lord is as
guiltless as the reader of these lines.
GLOBE.—The Standard doubts whether any
existing law, ecclesiastical or civil, will reach the
case, the recent self-exposure of which has conferred
unenviable notoriety on the Rev. Herbert Marsh.
We should have expected that this would have ex-
cited unqualified regret in a journal which pro-
fesses superior zeal for the stability and efficiency
of flag National Church—results which depend, to a
very. considerable extent, on the reputation of its
clergy in the estimation of the laity. This, however,
is not the case. Our Contemporary remarks :—" We
regret that the Church cannot be relieved of the nil..
worthy Rector of Barnack ; but we own that our re-
gret is somewhat alleviated by the consideration that
the escape of that unworthy person spares the Bishop of
Peterborough a fine of 1,0001., and it might be 2,000/."
That the Church cannot be relieved of the unworthy
Rector of Barnack, is a subj ect of regret. But how much
more deep would he the sorrow, because so much
more would be the calamity, if the Church Discipline
Act took a wider range, and instead of limiting the in-
terference of the Bishop to offences committed within
two years, extended his episcopal powers over licen-
tious and profligate conduct in clergymen, belonging
to his diocese, to four or five years ! This would be
truly afflictive to the Bishops, and entitle them to
commiseration from all who love and venerate the
order ! We are not convinced by the reasoning
of our Contemporary of the fact which he
labours to establish that the pecuniary cost to
the Bishop, in prosecuting, and thus condignly,
punishing, a flagrantly immoral clergyman,
would be a more serious infliction on the Pre-
late's purse, than to permit such a scandal to con-
tinu' fastened on the Church itself. The sons of
Tai " made themselves vile." Their father—invested,
es High Priest, with the power of putting the pro-
fligates out of the priesthood, which they had pol-
luted and disgraced—suffered himself to be influenced
. by parental affection, and merely expostulated,
when the strong arm of authority ought to have
arrested them, and punished their debaucheries.
Need the consequences be told ? It is bad enough
that the son of a Bishop, who was therefore placed
in possession of one of the richest benefices in the
kingdom, the patronage of which pertained to the see
of Peterborough, which his father held, with the addi-
tion of a canonry in his father's Cathedral church,
should thus debase himself and disgrace his order.
Elevated as he was in ecclesiastical station, and
enriched with worldly wealth, we say it is bad
enough for it to be made public, that de-
plorable depravity has been the habitual course
of a Church dignitary's life. But that his es-
cape from punishment should be regarded rather
as matter for congratulation than regret, and this
solely on such considerations as those stated by the
Standard, is not merely matter of surprise, but—
aside from all party distinctions—we unfeignedly
say, of surprise and sorrow. While the matter re-
mained concealed, the' offence was limited in its
results to the individual. To his own conscience,
and to the
_solemn responsibilities of another state
• of being, the guilty individual was alone ac-
countable. But when proclaimed abroad, as
his,onconduct has been, the Church to which lie
b.
.s 1 gs becomes subjected to the obloquy of
offences against morality ; and, if she fail
to roll away the reproach, and to wash her hands
from the iniquity by thrusting the offenders from
her altars, the effect of such connivance, indifference,
or even inability, by defect in her laws, to reach a
case so fraught with scandal, cannot fail to be most
injurious e 6 her character, if not perilous to her safety
as a national institution. Ths Standard asks—" is
it politic thus to impose a penalty upon the Bishop's
vigilance, and to make it thus his in-
terest to connive at the offences of those
whom he is appointed to superintend?" We think
the penalties arises out of the responsibilities which
every Bishop assumes when invested with the episco-
ptte. If he be not vigilant, but dilatory in the dis-
charge of his duties—if instead of enforcing the disci-
pline of the Church against any immoral clergyman
whose delinquencies may be brought before him, he be
" thankful" for any loophole of escape from the impera-
tive obligation, and claim credit for having evinced a
" backwardness" to interfere—if, in fact, from any
merely personal considerations, he " connive at the
serseees of those whom he is appointed to superin-
tend"—we think he becomes "a partaker of their
evil deeds." A Bishop's want of vigilance will give
a tacit encouragement to vice. He will thus not
only draw down upon his own head a fearful
weight of punishment; he will expose the Church,
of which he is required to be a light and a
defence, to the dangers which result from
laxity of morals and impurity of life in those who
are appointed to the office of the ministry within her
•• pale. Talk of the hardship of exposing a Bishop,
with a revenue of several thousands a year, and a
large extent of patronage, to the " penalty" of an
occasional pecuniary outlay, in the shape of costs, fbr
prosecuting and punishing a grossly immoral clergy-
man ! Wilt the Standard ascertain the " penalty"
to which a Bishop exposes himself for screening such
a clergyman from punishment? Besides, if a Bishop
present an individual who is utterly unfit for his
()Tice, ought there not to be a " penalty " for having
done so ? As the rectory of Barnack is a preferment
in the Bishop's gift, if the Bishop's predecessor, by
virtue of his right, presented an unfit person to the
living; his successor ought to be content with having
the presentation for the penalty" of getting rid of the
nuisance. A half-year's stipend would more tbazi cover

(THIS EVENING.).

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
The Bishop of BANGOR presented several peti-
tions against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and
Bangor.

IRELAND.
The Earl of FITZWILLIAM said, he thad to pre-
sent to their Lordships a petition signed by the Chair-
man on behalf of what he understood to have been a
very large meeting of the inhabitants of
Glasgow, praying their Lordships to take
into their consideration the points to which
they alluded in in the course of that petition.
They founded their right of addressing their
Lordships on the state of that country, which they said
exhibited a great number of features indicative of the
bad policy which had been pursued with respect to that
country. They urged that that policy was
calculated to excite the utmost contempted for
the existing laws and institutions and a grow-
ing hatred of all connection with Great Britain.
They concluded the petition with one remarkable pro-
position on which he would say a few words. They
stated that one principal grievance of which Ireland com-
plained was the Established Church, which was not only
intolerant and exclusive in spirit and character, but op-
posed to the conviction of a great body of the people,
that it was used as a tool of political fac-
tion, and subversive of general tranquillity. That such
an establishment (and this was the important part of
their proportion) did not admit of being amended, and
that it must to obtain the pacification of Ireland be
wholly abolished. Now, his opinion of this section of
the petition was entirely different from that of
the petitioners ; he was by no means of
opinion that the Chnrch of England ought to be abo-
lished in Ireland, on the contrary, he thought the
Church of England in Ireland ought to be made more
efficient fur the only true purposes for which
it might exist. He believed that England and
the English Legislature had been guilty of
a great crime in depriving the great mass of the people
of Ireland of the means of spiritual instruction and
worship. It had been a great crime in the English
Legislature, that they had proscribed the Catholic
priesthood, and deprived them of the means of properly
celebrating religious service in that country.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 18, 1844,

have been devoted to Roman Catholic schools, hi-
stitutions, or charities. The number of meetings in
each year, for the last five years, held by the Commis-
sioners; also, the names of the Commissioners present at
each meeting. The total number of Commissioners, their
names and occupations. Return of all communica-
tions between the Commissioners and the Rev. Mr.
Birmingham, of Ballysaxe ; also his answer to the
same respecting a legacy left to endow a school at
said place. Copy of that part of the will of the per- •
son.who left said legacy, as far as relates to said be-
quest. Amount of all costs incurred in all case since
1830. Names and particulars of cases, when pro-
ceedings commenced, what progress made, and when
terminated. Amount of the principal moneys in dis-
pute, and costs deducted in each case.—Ordered.
VICTORIA PARK.
In answer to a question from Sir W. CLAY as to
the progress made in the arrapgements for the forma-
tion of the Victoria Park,
The Earl of LINCOLN said that the whole of
the ground intended to be included in the park was
not yet in the possession of the Government. The
site of the park would occupy 262 acres : of these
179 were in the hands of the Commissioners of
Woods and Forests, and the remaining 83, which
belonged ;to six proprietors, remained unpurchased,
because the Commissioners were of opinion that
the price demanded was an extravagant one. The
usual steps, however, would be taken to ascer-
tain the value by a jury. They did not think it ad,
visable to commence the formation of the park till
the entire of the land was in their hands. It would
be in their possession before autumn, when the neces-
sary steps would be taken.
In reply to a question from Sir V. BLAKE, who
was quite inaudible in the gallery,
Sir J. GRAHAM regretted that the Hon.
Baronet had not given him some notice of the ques-
tion. He understood the document which the Hon.
Baronet had read to have reference to that portion of
the poor-law which caused the removal of poor
Irish who had made settlements in parishes in

Everybody must admit that if they limited to ten hours
the labour of women and children, they must also limit
to ten hours the labour of the men. He did not think
there was any difference of opinion upon this point.
He was sure the Noble Lord had the most humane feel-
ing in endeavouring to restrict the hours of labour in
factories to ten hours. Would it not, however, be well
to look to the arguments of the labourers themselves ?
They stated that limiting the hours of labour would tend
,to increase wages, that they would get more wages for
less toil. He admitted that no person would suffer
much if they were in the state they were in at the close
of the war in 1641, when they had no foreign competi-
tors, but it was different when they had to compete
with the whole civilised world. When they con-
sidered the short period in which a manufacturing
interest might be raised, and when it might be
raised in any country to which they chose to give such a
premium as the diminution of the manufacturing ca-
pital of the country, he was inclined to agree in opinion
with those who said that they run a very great risk
The amount of cotton manufactured at the close of the
year by this country was 60.000 lbs, ; the amount ma;
nufactured by France, in 1840, was 130,000,000 lbs
The manufacturers who were examined in 1833 and
1834 held different opinions with regard to the limita-
tion of labour. 1 hey stand that the immediate
effeect would be a rise •in puice. Mr. Ash-
worth was examined, and stated that the rise
in price would add to the profit of the foreign manu-
facturer, but not to that of the home one. It was in
vain to suppose that if they limited the hours
of labour, foreign countries would follow their ex-
ample. They had abolished slavery and the
slave trade, and yet the country that had the
freest institutions in the world had retained both. So
it would be in the present instance, if they lessened the
number of hours of labour for the manufacturers. Foreign
countries would be the only parties that would benefit by it.
The large number of 343,000 ersons supported
by manuthctures in Lancashire alone, showed what
a source of employment was opened there for the
agricultural population. It appeared from the reports
of the Poor-law Commissioners, that in one year
the number of those who migrated into the district
under the superintendence of one of the Commissioners
amounted to 10,0000. That was in the year 1825.
'lt was said that if they put down the
present system there would be much less vice.
He thought that in a much larger preportion
there would be less virtue. It must be so if they di-
minished the number of those who were raised
above the necessity of supporting themselves by daily
labour, if by introducing distress among the various
manufacturing counties, they diminished the number of
those who lived in affluence, and supported a number of
domestics. Holt would they maintain their superiority,
if they altered their system ? They had New Zealand,
Western and Southern Australia, making fresh demands
upon them. How were their commercial greatness
and the vast expenditure which these distant possessions
occasioned to be sustained, except by maintaining a ma-
nufacturidg prosperity. The declared value of their
exports of woven fabrics amounted in 1840 to upwards
of 21,000,000/. sterling. Was it not by theemployment which
this afforded that they were enabled to support their large
popnlation, and to bear the burden of the public taxes.
If they discouraged manufactures, other countries
would adopt means to attain their super-eminence in
the civilized world. If they lost their compara-
tive greatness how would their neighbours treat ?
If France, in the course of thirty years, could mul-
tiply six or seven fold the amount of the
exported fabrics, would they not be bearded in their
own ports by the superior navy of that country ?
Contracts had been- entered into and leases had been
taken, and the Government ought to take care that the
steps they took would not place the persons who had en-
tered into these contracts and leases in a disadvantageous
position. He (Mr. W.) had his eyes fully open to the
alternative to which the Noble Lord (Howick) had said
they would ultimately be reduced, of not merely having
a Ten Hours' Bill, but in every manufacturing town and
district local boards of trade to make arrangements be-
tween masters and men.

England to Ireland, where they had no settlement,
and complaining of such a state of things. All he
could inform the Hon. Baronet on the subject at pre-
sent was, that it would be taken into conside.ation
under the proposed New Poor-law Bill.
Sir WALTER JAMES asked the Hon. Baronet
whether he had taken pains to authenticate the state-
ment which he had read to the House.
Sir V. BLAKE said he had received his informa-
tion from a gentleman of the greatest respectability,
whom he had known for several years.
FACTORIES BILL—COMMITTEE—AD-
JOURNED DEBATE.

On the motion that the Order of the Day for going
into Committee upon this Bill be read,
Lord HOWICK presented two petitions from
places in Yorkshire (as we understood) against the
Bill.
The Order of the Day having been then read,
The House went into Committee; Mr. GREEN in
the Chair.
On Lord ASHLEY'S amendment being read,
Mr. WARBURTON said the question was one
which involved the interests of the whole of the
manufacturing interests. It had been stated to de-
putations which had waited upon the Government
that they intended to adhere to the printed Bill in
its main provisions, that Bill having been cir-
culated for a long time through the whole of
the manufacturing districts ; and the deputations
quitted the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham),
with a firm belief that the Government meant firmly
to resist the application for a ten hours Bill. He
trusted that the Government would strictly adhere to
the assurance that this was not to be an open ques-
tion. Not that he considered the Government Bill
objectionable, for it violated to a certain degree
the principles which he advocated ; but of two
evils he was prepared to accept the last.
In addressing himself to this question he certainly
felt considerable difficulty. He hardly knew how to
deal with the arguments of the Noble Lord who had
introduced the amendment. If he were to address to
the conclusion to what his arguments tend, it involved
no less than suspending the whole of the labour per-
formed by women and children in this country. If
on the contrary, he were to addres himself' merely to
the verbal amendment, that was a question which
they might argue upon its own merits ; but he did
not see how he was to avoid addressing himself as
well to the Noble Lord's premises as to his conclusions,
—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, in a considerable
part of his speech, inferred the greater security of
the labour of the manufacturing classes from the
greater productiveness of that labour. Now, it
was unquestionable that the labour of the operative
classes had been of late years in a marvellous degree
productive, but they were not to infer, the severity
of labour to which the improvement of machinery
had been applied, from increased productiveness
Upon that ground they might argue that the labour of
a man who was a slave, or one who followed the plough,
was more severe than the one who scratched the ground.
There eould be no doubt that the closeness of rooms
and the exhalations that took place in factories was
most detrimental to health ; but it must be
remembered that inconveniences, dangers, and difficulties
were incidental to all sorts of arts and manufactures,
It was not, however, upon this they were to arrive at any
conclusion. There could be no doubt that serious physical
consequences had arisen to young females and children
in factories, but
it must be recollected that they wou d
be subject to similar inconveniences in other walks
life.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord more particularly
alluded to the opinion on this subject of medical men
taken in 1839, that might be all very well, but
if he would refer to the opinion given by the
medical actuary upon the evidence collected in 1835.
He alluded to Dr. Mitchell, he would find a very dif-
ferent statement made. That Learned Gentleman
stated that he saw no grounds for warranting the sup-
position that factory labour in any material degree dif-
fered from its eflects on human frame to any other kind
of labour, &c., facts that all the investigations that had
taken place showed that alike the laudatory and condem-
natory assertions that had been made were alike unfounded.
Among other allegations of the Noble Lord was one,
amongst others, that the health of the females was most
l so beoetne met et
medicalby
seriously injured by this species of employment ; hut
tue testimony of Dr.
gentlemen, mem-
bers of the Commission of 1833-34. Evidence
wns given before that Committee that the allegation was
this
stehhealld s
and h
,
altogether without foundation. They really must not
take it for granted, that the condition of the
persons employed in fectories was so desperate
as the Noble Lord would have them to
believe. They had agents employed by the
Government, Commissioners of the Poor-law and Sub-
Commissioners, making inquiries most deeply and
anxiously into all these matters. Under such advice
and agency, at a period beginning with the year 1833,
great exertions were officially made to induce the sur-
' plus agricultural population, for whom work could
not be found in their own districts to migrate to where
the demand for labour was greater and the remuneration
for it far higher. These Commissioners, in their first
Report, stated the rate of wages in the manu-
facturing districts for a family including three
or four members, as at least double what a
family of the same description could earn in the
agricultural counties. Well, a migration took place, in
the first year he had referred to, to a very considerable
extent. Dr. Kay, had described in his- report the
result of such emigration both to the parishes
from which it took place, and to the emigrants and their
families, as of the most happy and beneficial character.
The same they went on for a series of three or four
years till the year 1837, which had been marked
as the commencement of that stagnation of
trade and bitter distress of which the House and
the country had had but too strong evidence.
The Hon. Gentleman then referred to a statement made
by Sir H. Vering, which showed that the condition of
the manufacturing labourers were far better than that
of the agricultural labourers. Some of the latter,
who went to Wolverhampton and other places,
obtained three times more
wages than they
did at home ; and their improved condition
induced others to follow their example. The Hon. Gen-
, tleman referred to a statement made by the Hon. Mem-
ber for Durham, which showed that the average weekly
earnings of families who emigrated under the superin-
dence of the Poor-law Commissioners themselves, were
395. 4d. in 1836 ; 345. id. in the following year, and 395.
4id. in the year after. These fats proved that the
condition of the manufacturing labourer war flu
better than that of the agricultural labourers.
The Noble Lord opposite had referred to the moral con-
dition of the manufacturing classes. Now he (Mr. War-
burton) thought that, considering how those people were
congregated together, the state of morality among them
was not inferior to other classes similarly situated ; and
he thought if the same inquiry and same tests were ap-
plied to the higher classes as were in the case of the
manufacturing classes, they would not find the for-
mer so vastly superior in a moral point of view.
Now the improvidence and extravagance attributed in
this case was not by any means peculiar to those who
congregated in factories ; they extended equally to the
handloom weavers. The Rev. Mr. Brian, speaking of
the Spitalfields weavers, observed that from the domestic
habits of the people, and from their manufactures being
carried on entirely in their own homes, it might
be expected that they would present a perfect
example to other classes ; but, on the contrary, from
the variable nature of the demand, depending, as it
did, on finetustions in the state of commerce, and in the
caprices of fashion, the greatest improvidence and extra-
vagant) prevailed among the iuhab. 'tants of the
coats.. in that part of London in which silk
manutteture was carried on. Let them not suppose,
thorAore, that extravagance and profligacy belonged
exclusively to factories. The Report respecting the
hand-loom weavers spoke of the insalubrity of the
dwellings in the parish of St. John's.. If they
were to deal with this evil at all, they
must deal with it universally—it would be
necssary to lay the axe to the root of the tree.
Were they prepared, upon such premises as those ad-
vanced by the Noble Lord, to arrive at the same conclu;
sion as the Noble Lord ? Were they prepared,
upon such arguments, to agree to a monification
of the rules and regulations respecting labour,
which now prevailed in this country ? From
the arguments which had been advanced by the
Noble Lord, he (Mr. Warburton) was not prepared to
agree to this. Nobody could dispute what the result of
the exaendment of the Noble Lord if carried would ber

(LEFT SPEAKING.)