The Sun.
London, England, 1850-12-18 00:00:00

lERICAN NEWS.

OPENING OF THE UNITED
STATES CONGRESS.

PRESIDENT' MESSAGE.

ARRIVAL OF THE NIAGARA.

LIVERPOOL, DEC. 17.
After an exceedingly stormy passage, the Royal
Mail Steam-ship Niagara, Captain Stone, from New
York direct, entered the Mersey shortly after nine
o'clock this morning, with 52 passengers, specie and
freight to the amount of 260,000 dollars, and the
usual mails.
The Niagara at ten minutes past four P.M. passed
the United States Mail Steamer Arctic, forty miles
east of New York, on the 4th, and the Asia on the
following night, at :even P.M., 290 miles east of the
same city. Yesterday, the Niagara, twenty miles
east of Tuscar, spoke the Chimera, of Liverpool,
dismasted ; offered to take off the crew, but they
rr fused.

The most important portion of the news relates to
the opening of Congress, which took place on the 2d
Inst. A quorum having been formed, both Houses
organized, and a joint committee was appointed to
wait upon President Fillmore to inform him that they
were ready to receive any communication which he
had to make to them. The committee returned in a
short time, and reported that the President would
communicate with both Houses without delay, and in
a few minutes afterwards the regular annual Message
was received and read.

The following is a copy of
THE MESSAGE.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
Being suddenly called, in the midst of the last session
of Congress, by a painful dispensation of Divine Provi-
dence, to the responsible station which I now hold, I
contented myself with such communications to the Le-

gislature as the exigency of tho moment seemed to re-
quire. The country was shrouded in mourning for the
loss of its venerated chief magistrate, and all hearts were
penetrated with grief. Neither the time nor the occasion
appeared to require or to justify, on my part, any gene-
ral expression of political opinions, or any announce-
ment of the principles which would govern me in the
discharge of the duties to the performance of which I
had been so unexpectedly called. I trust, therefore,
that it may not be deemed inappropriate if I avail my-
self of this opportunity of the re-assembling of Congress
to make known my sentiments, in a general manner, in
regard to the policy which ought to be pursued by the
Government, both in its intercourse with foreign nations
and in its management and administration of internal
affairs.

Nations, like individuals in a state of nature, are equal
and independent, possessing certain rights, and owing
certain duties to each other, arising from their necessary
and unavoidable relations; which rights and duties there
is no common human authority to protect and enforce.
Still they are rights and duties, binding in morals, in
conscience, and in honour, although there is no tribunal
to which an injured party can appeal but the disin-
terested judgment of mankind and ultimately the arbi-
tration of the sword. _

Among the acknowledged rights of nations is that,
which each possesses, of establishing that form of go-
vernment which it may deem most conducive to the
happiness and prosperity of its own citizens; of chang-
ing that form, as circumstances may require; and of
managing its internal affairs according to its own will.
The people of the United States claim this right for
themselves, and they readily concede it to others. Hence
it becomes au imperative duty not to interfere in the
government or internal policy of other nations; and,
although we may sympathise with the unfortunate or
oppressed everywhere in their struggles for freedom, our
principles forbid us from taking any part in such foreign
contests. We make no wars to promote or to prevent
successions to thrones—to maintain any theory of a
balance of power, or to suppress the actual government
which any country chooses to establish for itself. We
instigate no revolution, nor suffer any military expedi-
tions to be fitted out in the United States to invade ter-
ritory or provinces of a friendly nation. The great law
of morality ought to have a national, as well as a per-
sonal and individual application. We should act towards
other nations as we wish them to act towards us; and
justice and conscience should form the rule of conduct
between governments, instead of mere power, self-in-
terest, or the desire of aggrandisement. To maintain a
strict neutrality in foreign wars, to cultivate friendly re-
lations, to reciprocate every noble and generous act, and
to perform punctually and scrupulously every treaty oh-
ligation,—these are the duties which ,we owe to other
states, and by the performance of which we best entitle
ourselves to like treatment from them; or if that, in any
case, be refused, we can enforce our own rights with jus-
tice and a clear conscience.

In our dome,tio policy .the constitution will be my
guide, and in questions of doubt I shall look for its in-
terpretation to the judicial decisions of that tribunal
which was established to expound it, and to the usage of
the Government, sanctioned by the acquiescence of the
country. I regard all the provisions as rgaaily binding
In all its parts it is the will of the people, expressed in
the most solid forms, and the constituted authorities are
but agents to carry that will into effect. Every power
whish it has granted is to bo exercised for the public

good ; but no pretence of utility, no honest conviction
even of what might be expedient, can justify the as-
sumption of any power not granted. The powers
conferred upon the Government, and their distribution
to the several departments, are as clearly expressed in
that sacred instrument as the imperfection of human
language will allow ; and I deem it my first duty not to
question its wisdom, add to its provisions, evade its re-
quirements, or nullity its commands.
Upon 3 ou, fellow-citizens, es the representatives of
the States and the people, is wisely devolved the legis-
lative power. I shall comply with my duty in laying
before you, from time to time, any information calcu-
lated to enable you to discharge your high and respon-
sible trust for the benefit of our common constituents.
My opinions will be frankly expressed upon the lead-
ing subjects of legislation; and if, which Ido not anti-
cipate, pass
theme tuwnecolinesutisteustieofnlCae,
encroachment on the just powers of other departments,
ieh any
should Act
should
appear
to
or with provisions hastily adopted and likely to produce
consequences injurious and unforeseen, I should not
shrink from the duty of returning it to you with my
reasons for your further consideration. Beyond the due
performance of these constitutional obligations, both my
respect for the Legislature and my sense of propriety
will restrain me from any attempt to control or influence
your proceedings. With you is the power, the honour,
the responsibility of the legislation of the country.
The Government of the United States is a limited
Government. It is confined to the exercise of powers
expressly granted, and such others as may be necessary
for carrying those powers into effect; and it is at all
times an especial duty to guard against any infringe-
merit on the just rights of the States. Over the objects
and subjects entrusted to Congress its legislative autho-
rity is supreme. But here that authority ceases, and
every citizen who truly loves the constitution, and
desires the continuance of its existence and its blessings,
will resolutely and firmly resia any interference in those
domestic affairs, which the constitution has clearly and
uncquivocslly left to the exclusive authority of the states.
And every such citizen will also deprecate useless irrita-
tion among the several members of the union, and all
reproach and crimieation tending to alienate one portion
of the country from another. Tie bsauty of our system
of government consists, 'and its safety and durability
must consist, in avoiding mutual collisions and encroach-
ments, and in the regular separate action of all, while
each is revolving in its own distinct orbit.
The constitution has made it the duty of the Presi-
dent to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
In a government like ours, in which all laws are passed
by a majority of the representatives of the people, and
these representatives are chosen for such short periods
that any injurious or obnoxious law can very soon be re-
pealed, it would appear unlikely that any great numbers
should be found ready to resist the execution of the
laws. But it must be borne in mind that the country is
extensive; that there may be local interests or prejudices
rendering a law odious to one part which is not so in
another, and that the thoughtless and inconsiderate, mis-
led by their passions or imaginations, may be induced
madly to resist such laws as they disapprove. Such per-
sons should re collect that without law there can be no
re al practical liberty; that, when law is trampled under
foot, tyranny rises, whether it appears in the form of a
military despotism or of popular violence. The law is
the only sure protection cf the weak, and only efficient
restraint upon the strong. When impartially and faith-
fully admiuisterad none is beneath its protection, and
none above its control. Yuu, gentlemen, and the coun-

try may he assured that, to the utmost of my ability-,
and to the extent of the power vested in me, I shall at
all times, and in all places, take care that the laws be
faithfully executed. In the discharge of this duty,
solemnly imposed upon me by the Constitution, and by
my oath of (Mice, I shall shrink from no responsibility,
and shall endeavour to meet events as they may arise with
firmness, its well as with prudence and discretion.
The appointing power is one of the most delicate with
which the Executive is invested. I regard it as a sacred
trust, to be exercised with the sole view of advancing
the prosperity and happiness of the people. It shall be
my effort t) elevate the standard of official employment,
by selecting for places of importance individuals fitted
for the posts to which they are assigned, by their known
integrity, talent, and virtues. In so extensive a coun-
try, with so great a population, and where few persons
appointed to office can be known to the appointing
power, mistakes will some times unavoidably happen,
and unfortucate appointments be made, notwithstanding
the greatest care. In such case, the power of removal
may be properly exercised; and neglect of duty, or
malfeasance in office, will be no more tolerated in indi-
viduals appointed by myself, than in those appointed
by others.