The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-16 00:00:00

rioting at Barcelona. The young men liable to it
had insulted the alcaldes who presided at the opera-
tion and the Captain-General himself. The garrison
had remained an entire night under arms, and several
of the rioters had been arrested.

We hare received the Paris papers of Friday and
Saturday. They contain, however, but little intel-
ligence.
The Globe of Friday, the Ministerial journal, has
the following in relation to the visit of Louis
PHILIPPE to this country :—" All uncertainty has
ceased as to the visit of the KING to England. It
will take place in the first fortnight of October, his
MAJESTY returning at Windsor the Queen of ENG-
LAND'S visit at Eu. The KING will be accompanied
by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister
of Marine."
The following article from the same paper on -the
subject of the affairs of Morocco is important, inas-
much as all that appears in the Globe may be re-
garded as semi-official:—
"Several journals have inferred from the intention of
sending three brigs of war to the coast of Morocco, that
the Prince de Joinville has received counter-orders, and
that his expedition had not terminated. These journals
have come to an erroneous conclusion on an undoubted
fact. The Prince de Joinville is expected speedily at
Toulon, and the large ships whiCh form part of his
squadron, viz., the Suffren, Jemmapes, Triton, and Belle
Poule, will return to port. The expedition, therefore,
is at an end, and the ships of the squadron having
exhausted their ammunition, it would be useless
to keep them any longer on the coast of Morocco. The
state of the war with Morocco requires, besides, that
French commerce in the Mediterranean should be effi-
ciently protected against corsairs or pirates. Seven
vessels of war, four steamers, and three brigs, which
formed part of the squadron of the Prince de Joinville,
are to be employed as cruisers. It is solely for the pur-
pose of rendering this force more efficacious, and in
order that every point of the coast may be observed and
watched, that three brigs more are to be added. The
campaign against Morocco has, therefore, ended, and
all Europe knows how brilliantly. The Opposition
journals pretend that our double expedition, by land
and sea, has amounted to nothing ; we are persuaded
that the Moors think differently. It is not astonishing
that we should act towards a barbarous people differently
from the course that we should adopt with a civilised
nation. None but persons who do not reflect and weigh
circumstances can be astonished at this difference. A
civilised nation would soon comprehend the importance
of a war with France, and would not have exposed
itself to it. The obstinacy of the Emperor Muley
Abderrhaman must have been very profound for
him to have resisted the influence of Eng-
land, which has exhausted all its means of per-
suasion to induce him to listen to the propositions of
peace which were made to him. It is true that the
French press may have contributed to this result. The
National two days ago said that the Kabyles and the
Moors, Abd-el-Kader and Abderrhaman, know what is
passing, and is said in France, and that they have a
correct report made to them of what appears in the
journals. Now, if the French Opposition press were
edited by Moors and Kabyles it could not contain more
insults to France and her Government. The Courrier
Franfais, the National, the Siecle, the Constitutionnel,
the Reforme, the Quaid/cane, the France, and the Gazette
de France, say every day that the French Government
is composed of cowards, who bend the knee to foreign
Powers. When Marshal Bugeaud was approaching the
frontier of Morocco, these journals said that he would
not dare to cross it, as England had prohibited his doing
so. When the Prince de Joinville approached Tangiers
they said he would not dare to fire a gun against its
walls, because England would not permit it. The read-
ing of the Opposition journals,itherefore, must have made
the Moors very tranquil. They might well suppose that
these journals, being published in Paris, knew what was
passing in France ; and as all the journals, with the ex-
ception of two or tree Conservative organs, swore that
neither our army nor our navy would dare to attack
Morocco, England being opposed to it, the Emperor
might very well despise our menaces. It may be per-
mitted, however at the present moment, to hope that the
Moors have changed their way of thinking, and that the
French Opposition journals have lost their credit in
Morocco. It is therefore natural that after having re-
moved the delusion in which the Moors had been kept,
we should renew our negotiations with them. The Moors
are ignorant, but they are not stupid. They may not be
able to comprehend what they have not seen, but they can
appreciate what they have experienced. The lesson has
been a severe one, although the Paris journalists, who
have received neither shells, nor balls, nor bullets, pre-
tend that it was nothing. We have reason to believe
that negotiations have been resumed with Morocco, and
it does not appear to us rash to express a hope that they
will end in the acceptance by the Emperor of Morocco of
the four conditions laid down by France. We may,
however, admit two hypotheses as equally possible,
although not equally probable—namely, that the negotia-
tions will end in peace, or that they will not. If the Em-
peror of Morocco be so obstinate as not to comply with the
demands of France, she will only consult her right and
her dignity. A great and combined expedition will
again attack the empire of Morocco, by sea and land,
in the next spring ; a squadron will ravage Larache
Mazaghan, and the other ports of Morocco, and an
army will take possession of Fez and Mequinez, the two
capitals of the empire—one containing the Government,
the other the treasure. We may' hope that after such
a display of vigour, and after having seen his armies
vanquished and dispersed, for the Emperor would cer-
tainly defend his capitals, the idea of peace, a just and
necessary peace, would at last enter the heads of the
Moors. But, as may well be supposed, such an expedi
tion could not take place in a country like Morocco
without great sacrifices of men and money. It is well
to remember that all conquerors who wished to have a
footing there were repulsed, and that some of them were
killed. Besides, a country without roads or canals pre-
sents excessive difficulties to an invading army. It
would, therefore, be an act of folly not to endeavour
to render an expedition to Morocco unnecessary, by ob-
taininr.peace by diplomatic means. To continue our
aggression, even if the season permitted it, would
be to exhibit a thorough carelessness about the
blood of our soldiers and the finances of our
country. An invasion may become a necessary mea-
sure, and France has determined beforehand to have
recourse to it, but, as she has only peace in view, it is
the duty of those who govern her to let her obtain that
object by means more in conformity with her true inte-
rests. This question of Morocco would now be finished if
it had arisen between two civilised nations; theignorance
in which the Moors are, as to the power of European
societies, bas alone prolonged it. The Spanish journals
have twice announced that the difference between the
Governments of Madrid and Morocco had been settled :
we cannot say if the second account is more exact than
the first. However, it is supposed that the Emperor
will grant, if he has not already done so, the just satis-
faction which Spain demands, because it is in his power
to do so; whereas it cannot entirely depend on him to
force Abd-el-Kader to peace, and to keep him on the
borders of the Atlantic. It is, therefore, an absurdity in
the Opposition journals to pretend that Spain is more
respected by Morocco than France. Morocco may feel
apprehensions of Europe, but her fanaticism prevents
her feeling respect for any one."
The Journal des Debats of Saturday confirms the
statements in the Globe of the preceding day as to the
future intentions of France With regard to Morocco :
" The Duke of Glucksberg and M. de Nyon, with full
powers from the King's Government, have," says the
Debats, "by this time presented themselves at Tangiers,
to offer to the Emperor of Morocco another opportunity
of saving his empire from inevitable destruction. The
Government of France shows itself as moderate as before
her victories. The conditions to be offered to the Em-
peror of Morocco are, it is said,exactly
n d the
same as
and of Mogadore, The s
those proposed before the battle of Isly,
bombardment of Tangiersae
bf soarme
the
French Government had assuredly a right to increase its
demands. It might have made the Emperor of Morocco
pay the expenses of the severe lesson which has been
given him ; but the French Government have not
wished to do so. France is sufficiently rich to pay for
her glory. Her army and her navy have shown, not
only to the Emperor of Morocco but to all Europe, of
what they are capable. The bombardment of Mogadore
has sufficiently replied to the imputations of which the
attack on Tangiers had been the object. The lesson
will be of advantage to the whole world, and France
cannot regret the cost of it, which, after all, is but a
secondary consideration."

The article, however, concludes by confessing that
very little hope should be entertained that the pro-
position so renewed will be excepted, and that, should
this anticipation of failure be realised, France will be
compelled in the ensuing spring to recommence hosti-
lities on such a scale as will insure to her complete

success.
On this subject
the Constitutionnel of Saturday
says—

" France is on the point of opening fresh nego-
ations with Morocco. We have not heard that the Em-
peror Abderrahman had made any overture:, for if he
had Government would have hastened to announce that
fact. If the intelligence be correct, we are going to offer
anew the terms which have been already rejected, and
to demand the dispersion of the troops, the chastisement
of a few subaltern agents, and the expulsion of Abd-el-
litider or his removal to some point on the Atlantic coast.
The execution of at least one of these articles would now
be impracticable or ridiculous—we mean the chastise-
ment of the aggressors. The son of the Emperor him-
self is of the number ; it was he who led the Moorish
army against us at the battle of Isly, and it cannot be
expected that a father will strike his own son. Any
promise he could make to disgrace him would not be
serious, and the sacrifice of a few obscure chiefs would
not be a satisfaction worthy of France. As respects
Abd-el-Kader, we shall ask, Will the Emperor promise
to expel or restrain him, and could he execute such pro •
se, in realityselely
pretairtirei veedd
bya t
tthhee
bctoemezerns cee -f
oneeirsneGt ?e' ofv
edrWi
effimec ue
nt."
The Constibitionnel, after contending that the tem-
porising system pursued by the Cabinet has afforded
Ann. EE-KADER time to usurp in Morocco a power
paramount to that of the EMPEROR, that it had
guaranteed to that Prince a sort of impunity by
publicly pledging itself not to occupy any point of
his dominions; I),Y not declaring the entire coast in a
state of blockade, thus enabling him still to carry on
a profitable trade, adds—
" Such is the embarrassing situation in which we hays