The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 23, 1844.

for a fortnight his motion to call the attention of the
House to the operation of the treaty of commerce with
Turkey upon the commercial interests of this country.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said he should let his 'motion—
" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty.
representing to her Majesty the great importance to this
country of the trade with the empire of the Brazils,
and humbly praying her Majesty to adopt such measures
as may appear best calculated to maintain and improve
the commercial relations between the United Kingdom
and the Brazils"—stand over to this day fortnight.
Mr. WALLACE likewise postponed his motion for a
Select Committee to inquire into the administration of
the criminal law ill Scotland, in so far as relates to the
prevention of crime, the reclaiming of offenders, and
the efficiency of punishments under the present system.
IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT.

Mr. HUME moved for a return of the number of per-
sons in prison for debt in the gaols of London, Middle-
sex, and Surrey, and the amount of the debts for which
they were confined, classed under_ sums of IL, 51., 101., and
501.—Ordered.

both sides. He, however, did not fail to cast an
imputation upon a gentleman, against whose character
he (Mr. M. O'Connell) never before-had heard anything
stated, he meant Mr. M'Grath, who had the fortune,
or the misfortune as the case might be, to be a Catholic.
The Attorney-General insinuated that this gentle-
man had been corruptly influenced by Mr. Ma-
honey, and that he had shown more favour to
the traversers than to the officers of the Crown.
Now, he believed, the practice was that the list should
remain in the office three weeks, during which all parties
should be entitled to a personal inspection. The attorney
for the traversers applied at the close of the revision for
permission to compare his list with the list of
the Recorder, in order to see whether his
books were correct. There was no great con-
cession in granting such a request. He was in.
Permed that the same permission would be given to the
attorney for the traversers had he applied for it. Per-
mission had been given to inspect four of the
parochial lists, and when the fifth was applied
for, it was stated that it was gone to the
Recorder. Up to that moment he believed no
corruption could be charged either against Mr.
M'Grath or the attorney for the traversers. The Right
Hon. Gentleman (the Attorney-General) said that on
the part of the Crown frequent application was made
for the book. This was never stated however on the trial,
though it ought to have been, if it were intended to
have made any statements at all. It ought then to have
been stated that the traversers had enjoyed an advantage
which was denied to the Crown. As it was, they had
only the bare statement of the Attorney. General.
From the 3(1 of January the Sheriff had twelve clear
days in which to make out his list. Now, if the Attorney-
General was ' so anxious to obtain a copy of the
jury list, he had it in his power to do
so. Immediately on the return of the Recorder
an application was made to him on the part of the
traversers for copies of the jury list. The Recorder said
it was not in his power to grant it, but recommended
an application to the Sheriff. This application was made;
but the Sheriff refused to grant it without the consent
of the Crown, but that consent was withheld. The only
time the list could be of advantage, it was refused.
When an application was made to the Recorder to have
the names that were omitted placed upon the list,
he replied that the power for that purpose
was only possessed by the Crown. The letter
announcing the circumstances was written by Mr.
M'Grath, the clerk of the Crown, both the attor-
ney for the traversers, and the attorney for the Crown.
The Hon. and Learned Attorney-General for Ireland
had in vain attempted to fasten a charge, or rather to
throw out an imputation, of corruption against Mr.
M'Grath. No imputation whatever had ever be-
fore been heard of against this gentleman ; and he
(Mr. M. O'Connell) did not think it would have been
so in that House but for the opportunity which
was offered to the Attorney-General of throwing some-
thing out against a Roman Catholic. He (Mr. M. O'Con-
nell) was not going into the proceedings at the
trial—he should not condescend to say anything
of the conduct either of the Counsel or the Judges.
Those matters had been a good deal discussed
already, and they would be a good deal more discussed
yet, and a light probably, thrown upon them, which
-heretofore had not been done. The Attorney-General
had at last obtained what he had so anxiously toiled
for—his verdict, but a verdict of a very question-
able character.—(Hear, hear.) But the Learned
Attorney-General himself admitted that the right of ap-
peal existed ; and most assuredly the exercise of that
right would be claimed.—(Hear, hear.) But of what
value was the verdict to them now they had got it?
Amongst the six millions of people who had been charged
with being present at these monster meetings, was there
one individual who had been deterred—was there one
individual who would be deterred—from seeking the re-
peal of the union by these legal proceedings ?—(Hear.)
The National Association was still in existence—the Re-
peal rent still flowed in. The amount collected for the
last week was 500 L; for the week before that 600/.; for
each week in the fortnight previous to that 5001.; and
for the week before this period it was over 900 L He
had promised the House not to detain it,
and he would keep Ids promise. His only
object had been to I' expose some of the
fallacies in the ingenious, but not very candid, speech of
the Hon. and Learned Attorney-General. He had only
one word to add before he sat down. Let the conse-
quences be what they might to the traversers, they
could not affect the cause or progress of
Repeal. They had not succeeded by force of
trial, and they would not succeed by force in hushing
the demand for a repeal of the union—they had not de-
layed its advent for one moment, and they would not do
so, let them seek by whatever means they liked to do so.
Mr. Sergeant MURPHY rose to explain. He said
he understood that, during his absence, the Right Hon.
the Attorney-General for Ireland had made allusion to
certain observations which had fallen from him (Mr.
Sergeant. Murphy). He could only say that no one could
rejoice more sincerely than he did, that in what he had
stated he had been mistaken.—(Hear.) He had taken
his information from the public papers, and upon that
authority he had fearlessly spoken. He could only,add
that he thought the Right Hon. the Attorney-General
might congratulate himself upon the mistake that
had occurred, for it enabled him to prove himself a most
able and accomplished debater in that House.
Mr. GREGORY said the Hon. Member for Edin-
burgh had made use of the expression that Ireland was
always combustible, although not always on fire.
He could have wished that the Hon. Gentleman had re-
flected upon that sentiment, for he (Mr. Gregson)'had
never heard a speech in that House which was more
calculated to effect that combustion of which the Hon.
Member had spoken, than the speech of the Hon. Gentle-
man himself.—(Cheers.) That speech was a mere re-
suscitation of all the bitter wrongs under which Ireland
had ever suffered. These wrongs had now passed away,
and therefore no good could result from any attempt to
call back the recollection of them.—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Gentleman who had just sat down had commented upon
the conduct of the Irish Attorney-General in alluding to
Mr. M'Grath. He (Mr. Gregory) did not believe that
his Hon. and Learned Friend meant to attach any stigma
to the name of Mr. M'Grath. His Hon. and Learned
Friend (Mr. Shaw) had also repudiated any such inten-
tion. What those Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had
said was, that a strong impression existed in Dublin that
blame was not to be attached to the law officers of the
Crown, but to those persons who had obtained access to
the office of Mr. M'Grath. Allusion had been made in
the course of this debate to the state of the elective
franchise in Ireland. It had been stated that the re-
restriction of the franchise in Ireland was owing to an
unwillingness on the part of the landlords to grant
leases. This was not the case. The reason was an un-
willingness on the part of the Irish peasants to register
themselves, on account of the power that might be
brought against them in the exercise of that franchise
by the Irish priesthood. The Noble Lord, the Mem-
ber for London, in alluding to the state of the Irish
franchise, had stated, on the authority of Mr. O'Connell,
that the registered electors of Yorkshire were equld in
number to the registered electors of all the counties in
Ireland. Now he had not supposed that in the eyes of
the Noble Lord population was the only basis of repre-
sentation. If it were the only basis, why did they not
propose to alter the constituencies of England.—(Hear,
hear.) Why should Tamworth with its 300 electors
have the same weight and influence in that House as
Birmingham, with its 5,000, or Manchester with its
6,ooo.—(llear, hear.) Why did he not adopt the
Chartist proposition, and divide England at once into
20,000 districts ?—(Hear, hear.) He would remind the
House of the words of the Noble Lord the Member for
Sunderland, who said that if they increased the franchise
in Ireland they would only be putting weapons in the
hands of those who were the friends of Ireland. In his
(Mr. Gregory's) opinion by increasing the constituences
of Ireland they would be putting weapons not into the
hands of those who were the friends of Ireland, but of
those who had established and were continuing agitation
in that country.—(Hear, hear.) With respect. to. the
Established Church, another monster grievance—
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition) he was
happy to say that had received two assurances
in that House which convinced him that that Establish-
ment was not destined to be overthrown. He referred
to the assurances of the Noble Lord the Secretary for
the Colonies, and of the Right Hon. Baronet, declaring
that it was their intention to abide by that institution.
—(Cheers. He believed that were this question left to
the exclusive legislation of Hon. Members opposite
they would find considerable difficulty in settling it. He
could not but refer to the statement, that the Catholic
religion had been stigmatised as false and idolatrous.
He begged to say, in reference to that subject, that
having been entrusted with a petition, containing lan-
guage of that description, and having forwarded it to the
Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, for presentation, he received. a few
days afterwards, a letter from the Right Hon. Baronet,
stating that he did not consider it his duty to pre-
sent her Majesty with an address which breathed
sentiments so disrespectful to 'a large portion of her
subjects.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.)
It had been stated that the present Government in Ire-
land was a government by the sword. If it were so,
let the blame rest with those to whom this state of things
was attributed. The idea of repeal was not a mere ab-
stract love of having a Parliament on College-green.
It was no vague speculation of a band of enthusiasts ;
but it was the focus in which centered all the wrongs
and grievances of Ireland. It was the murmur of the
Catholic priests against the Established Church, which
they were determined to overthrow. It was the com-
plaint of the poor man, who was driven to that extremity
that any change was hailed as an advantage to him.
They might rest assured that the agitation would con-
tinue, and the House might depend on it that the priests
and agitators of that country would continue to demand
from them what they could not conscientiously grant,
and what would be indignantly refused by the Protest-
ants and Dissenters of England.
Mr. BELLEW said he considered that in the late
State trials the Roman Catholics of Ireland had been
most unfairly treated, and also that the traversers had
been unfairly dealt with. He considered that the Irish
franchise was most unsatisfactory. It should be founded,
he thought, upon some test of rating or valuation, which
would place it quite out of the power of either of the
two great parties into which the country was divided.
He certainly could not speak very flatteringly of the
course pursued by the Noble Lord who had brought in
the Irish Registration Bill, or say that it was likely to
increase the respect in which the character of a states-
man should be held. There was one thing he felt bound
to acknowledge, that he considered the administration of
justice at present, was superior to that of the period
during which the Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir R.
in 1831. The appointment of stipen-
diary magistrates had conferred incalculable benefits
upon Ireland, and he eared not whether they were ap-
pointed was in power d
by a Whig or a Tory Administration, for they
were far better than the unpaid magistrates, no matter
what might be their politics, inasmuch as they were
obliged to render an account of their conduct to a supe-
rior tiibung, He ccoginib as a catholic gentleman,

would,sarthat he was not under many obligations for
the eOurte,y shown by the Noble Lord, the Secretary
for the Colonies, when he was alluding to the
oath presented to be taken by Roman Catholics.
The Government might depend that the agitation for
the repeal of the union would never cease until some
alteration was made with respect to the Established
Church in Ireland. They ought to endeavour to make
such an arrangement as would give satisfaction to the
three great denominations in Ireland. Until this was
accomplished agitation in Ireland would continue. Every
one seemed to agree that some alteration in the Pro-
testant Establishment in Ireland was necessary, and yet
no attempt was made to effect an alteration. He was
glad that the Landlord and Tenant Commission had been
appointed, because he felt' that it would turn public
attention to the subject. He believed that the Commis-
sion had been appointed by the Right Hon. Baronet the
First Lord of the Treasury in good faith, with the inten-
tion of improving the relations between landlord and
tenant. The present system. was fraught with the most
frightful evils. Most of those evils were attributed to
the landlords; 'but this wasnot just, for he knew that
there were many landlords who would. improve their
estates if they possessed the means. At the same time
he knew that there were many landlords who did possess
the moans, but who did not possess the will. He thought
the relation of landlord and tenant and the Church
question were the two most important questions with re-
spect to Ireland that the Government could turn their
attention to.
__ _

---Mi.LIDDELL rose to express his regret at what
had fallen from the Hon. Member for Northampton-
shire (Mr. S. O'Brien) the other night, with respect to
the conduct of the Noble Marquis who was the late Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. He was sorry to recal to the
Hon. Gentleman's recollection the words which he had
used. The Hon. Gentleman, in the course of his ob-
servations, had said that the Noble Marquis during his
administration in Ireland had made theatrical and osten-
tatious displays. He (Mr. Liddell) was prepared to ad-
mit that in the progress of the Noble Marquis through
the country, at the time the prisoners were liberated
without the intervention of judge or jury, he did show
some indiscretion. He (Mr. Liddell), however, knew
that, the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had never
been filled with more becoming dignity, or with more
satisfaction to the Irish people, than it was by the Noble
Marquis.—(Cheers.) He might say that the duties of
the office had been performed with dignity without
ostentation, or with affability without affectation. The
private charities of the Noble Marquis and his Lady
were only limited by the opportunities afforded for their
exhibition. Many were the persons in the far west
of Ireland who had felt the beneficial effects of the
Noble Marquis's kindness.—(Cheers.) Thousands
of those whom the Noble Marquis had found in slavery,
but left in freedom, were ready to bless the name of the
Marquis of Normanby.—(Cheers.) With respect to
his appointments, they had given general satisfaction.
Those appointments were always most carefully con-
sidered by the Noble Marquis, and were always disposed
of with the greatest propriety. He (Mr. Liddell) felt
bound to say thus much in vindication of the Noble Mar-
quis, for he was unwilling that his defence should en-
tirely rest with gentlemen on the other side of the House.
" Absentem qui rodit amicum ;
Qui non defendit, alio culpante ; solutes
Qui captat risus hominum, famamque dicacis
Fingere qui non visa potest ; commissa tacere
Qui nequit; hie niger est; hunc tu, Romane, caveto."
With respect to the question before the House, he would
merely say, that any accusation that had been brought
by Hon., Gentlemen on the other side of the House had
been fully met, and he was happy to say that the Go-
vernment had received as full a vindication as they could
desire •, and he had to congratulate them on their
triumph in argument, as be had no doubt he should also
have to congratulate them on the result of the division.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN could assure the Hon.
Gentleman that, in the remarks he had made, he
had meant nothing discourteous to the late Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland. He could assure the Hon. Gentle-
man, that he had never intended for a moment to cast
the slightest reflection upon the private eharacter of that
Noble Lord. What he had said was, and he still ad-
hered to the opinion, that, in letting out the prisoners
in Ireland, the Noble Marquis had proceeded in a thea-
trical manner, as though he wished to make an effect.
Mr. HUME thought that the administration of the
Noble Marquis in Ireland had given perfect satisfac-
tion to all parties, and he was sure that in saying that
he should be borne out by the whole people of Ireland.
He wished he could say the same thing of those by
whom he had been succeeded. With respect to the de-
fence set up by the Irish Attorney-General last night,
he must say that he had utterly failed in convincing him
(Mr. Hume) that the course which he had adopted was
free from blame. Mr. O'Connell had a right to demand
that the jury panel should be quashed. It was no excuse
to say that if it had been so quashed, all other causes to
be tried during the year would have been affected. Was
Mr. O'Connell to be punished because an error had
been committed which would affect other trials? He (Mr.
Hume) considered that the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man had utterly failed in his explanation. He did not
wish to revive the recollection of past grievances—what
he more particularly wished to allude to were the present.
It might be said that he was not an Irishman. He looked
upon the people of' that country as his fellow-subjects.
Ireland was a part of the British empire, and a most im-
portant part. He had always opposed separa-
tion, because he considered that if the union
was fairly carried out, Ireland must be benefited by it.
The poor country was invariably the better by being
connected with the rich one. What advantages Scot-
land had gained by the union I Incalculable advantages ;
and if Ireland had been treated on the same principle as
Scotland she would be now happy and flourishing.—
(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then quoted from
the speech of King George the Third at the opening of
Parliament, in the year 1800, in which his Majesty
most cordially congratulated the House on the ad-
vancement of that measure, and said that nothing could
be so well calculated to increase the prosperity of the
empire, and his Majesty's speech led the Irish people to
expect that they would from the time of the union be
participators in all the institutions, rights, privileges,
and advantages of -this country.--(Hear, hear.) Mr.
Pitt said that the Irish people should partake in
every solid benefit and every eminent advantage
that could result from so important a union.--(Hear.)
The Hon. Member for Dubliu said, that Hon. Members
on that side of the House were always talking about the
grievances of Ireland, and that even if the Protestant
Church Establishment were destroyed in that country
there would be still complaints of grievances. He (Mr.
Hume) considered that the Irish people not only had a
right to complain, but that they ought to complain until
every grievance was redressed. The majority of the
people of Scotland had the Church of their religion.
The people of England had the Church of theirs,
but the Irish people were obliged to support the Church
of the minority. It was urged that the Protestant
Church had. been guarranteed by the union, but why
should a Church be supported, however guaranteed,
which did not bring peace among mankind ? It was im-
possible that the Irish people could be satisfied with the
Church as it stood. It was astonishing when Hon.
Gentlemen opposite found the documents from which
they quoted—they always seemed to suspect docu-
ments read - upon that side of the House,
but he would now quote from the census of
1834. According to that census, the population of Ire-
land was as follows:—Roman Catholics, 6,427,000 ;
Protestant Episcopaliaas, 752,000 ; Presbyterians,
642,000 ; Protestant Dissenters of all other classes,
121,000. The Established Church in Ireland derived
from the public money, 806,000/. ; the Presbyterians,
35,0001. ; whilst the Roman Catholic Church derived
only 8,9281., the miserable grant to Maynooth, which
was many years opposed.—(Hear, hear.) It was said
this was a party question ; he (Mr. Hume) had never
treated it so. lie had been always of the party that ad-
vocated those rights for Ireland to which she was en-
titled, but had opposed the Whigs in 1834, when they
brought forward measures of coercion. Let the Go-
vernment treat Ireland properly—let them legislate for
her in the same manner and on the same principles as
for Scotland, and there would be no agitation. The fact
was, the Tories who refused Ireland its rights, were the
agitators, and, the Premier, as the head of that party,
was the prime agitator—(A laugh)—but let them be
once more respected, do justice to Ireland, and
the occupation of Othello was gone for ever.
The first measure which he thought ought to be adopted
by the Government would be the withdrawal of a Lord-
Lieutenant from Ireland, and have the business of the
country transacted in the same manner as the Scotch
affairs were, in London. In 1823 and 1830 he had
brought a motion to that effect before the House, when a
long discussion ensued and 115 Members voted in
favour of the measure. Let not Ireland be governed in
the same way as Canada, but let her enjoy the same
constitution and right, and be able to avail herself
of the same talent in the administratien of her affairs as
England had. For his part he would much sooner trust
to a Secretary of State in England than to any Lord-
Lieutenant, for it was the nature of man to abuse that
which he was delegated to exercise at a distance from
the fountain head. Ireland had had at the union its
own boards of customs and other revenue offices, but
they were all swept away now, and what was the use
of a Lord-Lieutenant ? He knew that many of the
peers would bitterly oppose this.—(A laugh.) In 1834,
when Mr. O'Connell brought forward a motion for a
Select Committee to inquire into repeal of the union,
and its probable effects if carried, he was met by Mr.
Spriog Rice (now Lord Montettgle) with an amendment
expressive of the intention of the House to main-
tain ' the union, but at the same time to redress
the grievances of Ireland. He (Mr. Hume)
would ask had those grievances been redressed ?
On the 2d of February a petition was presented from a
meeting in Dublin, demanding an equality of civil and
'I-elisions rights, but that petition had been unheeded. If
he (Mr. Hume) had his will, he should apply the Church
property to the education of the people, and allow every
paid his own doe-
rota.
tor
ep
aY6 lid i swoaws rt.
gcal er
rr
syomn
ean s
bas ;
he
eroops in the same
manner as Algeria was by the French army; and he
Was sorry to see so great a similarity between the two
countries. What they should do with the present in-
cumbents would be to put them upon the Consolidated
Fund .during their lives, and at once place the Church
property in the hands of Government, to be applied to
the education of the people. This should be done at
once. The -next step should be to reduce the military
forces, send the navy into dock, and apply the amount
of a million and a half saved in these departments to the
diffusion of education. Thus would they do away with
the evil effects of a military occupation of Ireland.
Everything which had been done in that country by the
present Government had been attended with mischief.
(At this moment Sir Robert Peel entered the House,
and the Hon. Member for Montrose said, pointing to the
Right Hon. Baronet) and all those mischiefs could be
rightly. attributed to the Right Hon. Baronet who had
just came in, and who was responsible for the acts of the
Government, for if he were not responsible who was ?
(Hear.) He (Mr. Hume) had hoped better things from
• the Right Km Baronet lONA 119 Brat wok ofic©, but

all those hopes had been disappointed, and there was no
likelihood of anything better being realised while that
Right Hon. Gentleman was surrounded by the same party.
An Hon. Gentleman opposite had said that the people of
Ireland were glad of the presence of the soldiery, be-
cause each soldier spent ss. a day there—that put him in
mind of an old song, the burden of which was "He
spends half-a-crown out of sixpence a day."—(Laughter.)
But, allowing the Hon. Gentleman's statement to be
true, did not that money, which, from the number of
troops in Ireland, amounted to upwards of a million and
a half sterling, come out of the pockets of the people of
England ? There had been no reduction of the military
or naval force in Ireland.—(Hear, hear, from Sir R. PeeL)
Some said this was only an Irish question, but that he
denied, for enormous-'expense was entailed upon the
people of. England by the system of misrule pursued
towards Ireland. The Right Hon. Baronet said he
did not hold Ireland by military occupation, but by the
administration of the laws- in. the trial by jury. Was
the proper way .to support trial by jury to pour
20,000 troops into the country ? When Ireland was
under the Government of Lord Normanby, although he
was thwarted in his good intentions, he did much good, and
was deeply and gratefully appreciated by the Irish
people. It was on that ground he deplored the situa-
tion the Government placed itself in. If they gave Ire-
land fair constitutional privileges they might withdraw
their troops to-morrow. He wished that the Noble
Lord had made his motion a direct vote of censure on
the Government. At all events he looked on it in that
light, and as such he should vote for it. He did not
intend to move an amendment that should place the
motion in that respect out of all doubt.—(Sir Robert
Peel—lt is not too late.—(Laughter.) No, he should
not move such an amendment as at that
late hour he did not wish to play Marplot.—(Laughter.)
But he wishe3 this side of the House were more unani-
mous with regard to Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He wished
the Noble mover of the resolution had told them what
he was prepared to do. Would he settle the question of
the Church ? Would he extend the suffrage ? But, on
that point, they were not to have "finality," even on
the other side.—(Hear, hear.) Would he give the
people of Ireland a fair share of every civil
privilege ? If he was not prepared to do all this,
a change of men would be of no use. It was a change
of policy they wanted, not a change of men. He wanted
to see the union really effected, for till this moment it
had only been a union of party not of the people. He
believed the Right Hon. Baronet was not present during
the remarks which he made on his Government, and he
would therefore repeat them. He had said that it was
unjust to the people of England, unjust to the people of
Ireland, and unwise with regard to the whole nation.
He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would bear those
remarks in mind, and reflect en them, when he laid his
head upon the pillow.—(Laughter.)
Mr. G. A. HAMILTON said it was desirable that
the Landlord and Tenant Commission should make its
Report as soon as possible. But the House should bear
in mind the great labour attending such an inquiry,
when they heard that one half of the farms in Ireland
were under five acres in extent ; that five out of six
farms were under 15 acres, that half of the families
among the rural population were living in the lowest
state of destitution in cabins, not having more
than one room ; that 68 per cent. of the far-
mers were without capital,. knowledge, or land.
Such were the statements of the census of 1841. Now,
he believed the great advantage resulting from the
Commission, would be the effect which the evidence
taken before it would have on public opinion. It was
equally obvious that, to have that effect, evidence must
be extensively taken, and the Report deliberately con-
sidered. He could assure the House, that the Commis-
sioners were determined to probe matters to the bottom,
and to make known to her Majesty the state of things
in Ireland. The Hon. Member for Belfast, and some
other Hon. Members, had intimated that the Commission
was too much of a landlord Commission, but he could
assure the House that the Commissioners were
most anxious to receive evidence from the class 1
of tenants ; and they had also taken steps to
procure local evidence taken on the spot. The
lion. Member for Roscommon had said that a good deal
of excitement had been caused by this Commission, and
that it would disappoint public expectation. But that
excitement did not originate with the Commissioners.
They had adopted every means of putting before the
public the real objects of inquiry, and had taken every
measure to prevent the supposition that they were em-
powered to settle disputes between parties. He then
proceeded to notice the conduct of the Government, with
respect to the repeal agitation. With regard to the de-
lay in putting down the excitement, he had heard
the explanation of the Government with very great satis-
faction. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of
State, had given a conclusive explanation of that delay,
and he thought that the conduct of the Government with
respect to that agitation was marked with great forbear
ante, resolution, wisdom, and firmness. He believed
that all the Protestants in Ireland, and those of the Ro-
man Catholics most worthy of consideration, were
forced Repealers, or utterly opposed to it. The
excitement of last year was a forced excitement,
and not the result of a deep discontent. Even in
case of war, he should be under no apprehension
for the loyalty of his countrymen, who would be still
able to preserve Ireland for 'the Queen, and would be
able to resist all the efforts of foreign or domestic foes.
He rejoiced that the Government had resorted to the
ordinary powers of the law, and had not asked for any
unconstitutional powers. He hoped they would still
continue that policy, and if they did so, and with it
adopted measures of improvement, the agitation would
soon subside, and Ireland would cease to be the battle-
field of parties in that House. With respect to the
Church of Ireland, the speech of the Noble Lord the Se-
cretary for the Colonies would be highly satisfactory to the
Protestants of Ireland. He contended it was the duty
of every Christian State to maintain a religious estab-
lishment. He should not inquire on what grounds the
Protestant religion had been selected as the religion of
this State. It was sufficient for him that it was so ; and
it was their duty to bring within the reach of the peo-
ple the great truths which that religion contained. He
did not believe that the Catholics of Ire-
land felt any practical grievances in that the religion
of the State was recognised and supported as such.
If that principle was recognised, the maintenance of a
religion could not be based on the proportion of the
numbers professing. it. But this principle must be ap-
plied within reasonable limits. He was prepared to
show that the Church in Ireland was not a rich Church.
The average income of the benefited clergy in Ireland
was not above 2161. The number of benefices in Ireland
was 1,400, and if the Protestant . population was
divided among them, it would give an average
congregation of 600 each ; and was the amount
he had stated too much for an educated and
active clergy ? Regarding England as a great empire,
greater than any that flit across the page of history, he
thought she had been raised to power for some higher
purpose than the promotion of transient interest. He
believed she was the depository of the highest and best
principles ; she had maintained, and would continue to
maintain them •, if she did not, she, like other empires,
would-sink back to her original insignificance.
Mr. CALEB POWELL said, with respect to the,con-
duct of the State prosecutions, they had excited distrust
throughout all Ireland. The proceedings had placed
the Protestants in the most invidious position. They
had been made the means of convicting the most popu-
lar man that had ever lived in Ireland, or, perhaps, in
any other country. So far from the prosecution putting
down the agitation, it would perpetuate it. He should
support the m ,tion.
Sir H. DOUGLAS, after some observations which
were inaudible, said he believed that Ireland had, in
many respects as regarded trade, manufactures, and
taxation, been treated with great liberality and gene •
rosity. The income-tax afforded an instance of this de-
scription. It was inconsistent to delay any longer the
putting down of agitation for the repeal of the union by
the strong arm of the law. lie had before stated that
he respected and loved Ireland; notwithstanding that,
he must declare that the great master curse of Ireland
was agitation. He thought the Government did not
move soon enough; but he gave them full credit for act-
ing vigorously and effectually at what they considered
the proper time.—(Hear, hear.) He had heard attri-
buted to them in that House fiendish intentions,
as evinced in their delaying the proclamation.
He believed that their conduct was merciful,
because their preparations were irresistible.—(Hear,
hear.) The great, pressing, evils :of Ireland were, in his
judgment, physical and social ; and impartial measures
would remove them. Men must be reclaimed from that
physical and social condition in which the Irish were,
before they would be capable of exercising political pri-
vileges. He agreed with the Noble Lord the Member
for Lincoln, that they should direct their chief attention
to the raising the condition of the Irish population by
commerce, the arts, mechanics, the learned professions,
and other means of social advancement. The struggle
which was now going forward was intended to restore
to power a party who had never done any good for
Ireland, and who were incapable of doing any. He
was prepared to concede everything which could be
granted to the Roman Catholics consistent with safety
to the Established Church and the Constitution. Not-
withstanding all the clamour that was raised for a repeal
of the union, it was nevertheless certain that the Irish
minority in the Imperial Parliament had more power to
work out their views than men of the same stamp would
have in an Irish Parliament. lie repeated now what be
said last year, that agitation should be put down before
any remedy was proposed for the grievances of Ireland,
and he now contended that the best course for a Con-
servative Government to adopt was on the cessation of
the agitation to apply itself affectionately and in earnest
to remove all those subjects of complaint which
formed the real grievances of Ireland. Ho scouted
the idea that the people of Ireland would ever aid a
foreign foe. Whatever the differences might be that
existed at home, the landing of a foreign foe would at
once put an end to them : and, in proof of this, he need
only remind the House of the opposition the Irish offered
to the French on their attempting to land in that country
previous to the rebellion of 1798. There was only one
speech more to which he wished to refer before he sat
down. It was not the speech of the Noble Lord (J ohn
Russell), who introduced the motion, injudicious as it
was, nor yet the still more injudicious one of the Noble
Lord the Member for Sunderland (Howick), but that de-
livered by the Hon. Member for Roscommon (The
Otonor Don). He called upon the inhabitants of the
three kingdoms to look so upon each other as to make
but one empire. Anything more beautiful, anything
more proper, could not be suggested ; and if that speech
should assist in uniting the people in that brotherly
charity which ought to be the distinguishing feature of
this great empire, then, indeed, should he consider that
the Noble Lord's motion had done a degree of good he
could not otherwise hope from it.

Mr. SHEIL then rose, and addressed the House u
follows :—Sir, I did not rise last night at the conclusion
of the speech of the"hight Hon. and Learned Gentleman
the Attorney-General for Ireland, for two reasons,-.-the
first is that the speech of the Right HO. itUti Pg 4.494

Gentleman did not terminate till nearly midnight, and I
despaired of rivetting the attention of the House at so
late an hour ; the next, that I was anxious he should
afford me the opportunity of looking into the case
he referred to, and in which I was engaged fifteen
years ago, as the details of that case were obliterated
from my memory, and I wished to look into the report
of it, on purpose to vindicate myself in regard to the
serious charge which has been brought against me.—
(Hear, hear.) I applied at the conclusion of his address
to the Right Hon. Gentleman for that book, and he, with
great courtesy, at once lent it to me. The House must,
last evening, have been under the impression, from the
expressions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the
individual referred to had been tried by a packed
jury (Hear, hear.) That word packed was used,
and as I was one of the counsel engaged in the prose-
cution that word must have been meant to apply to me.
—(Cheers.) It was said at all events distinctly that I
had exercised the prerogative of the Crown entrusted
to me on that occasion by the sanction of the law officers
of the Crown, for the purpose of placing upon the jury
twelve men the most opposed in religion to the person
about to be perk upon his trial. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man stated that he was present on that occasion. He was
present. He was one of the regular prosecutors in the
case, and I think he will do justice to me when I say,
that my conduct on that occasion was not the subject of
censure either from the law officers of the Crown, who
superintended my conduct, or of the advisers of the pri-
soner.—(Hear.) I say that no cognisance was taken
by the Crown, and that as the prisoner did not complain,
nor his counsel, there is no ground for reproof of my
conduct.—(Cheers.) On that occasion the course
which I took, the prisoner being charged
with murder, was this. The Crown had 20
challenges—acting for the Crown, I had the right to
set aside twenty persons without assigning any cause,
and he (the prisoner) exercised his right, his undoubted
right of setting aside also.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I was
anxious to have a mixed jury.—(Loud cheers.) I was
anxious to carry into effect the principles which have
uniformly guided me in this House, in Courts of Law,
everywhere, and on every occasion, of religious tolerance
and perfect impartiality. (Loud cheers.) Finding
that Roman Catholics were challenged by the pri-
soner, in the pursuance of my duty I challenged
a sufficient number of Protestants. The result was,
that there were seven Catholics and five Protestants
called, and afterwards another was added by consent of
both parties.—(Cheers.) The truth is, there had been
an agreement before between both parties that the jury
should be composed of six of each religious persuasion.
In page 690 of the Report of the Trial, which, by the
courtesy of the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, I
hold in my hand, is the address which, on that ocersion,
I male to the jury, and I am sure the House will excuse
me if, in my desire to lay this matter fairly before it, I
read one or two extracts from it of a somewhat lengthy
character.—(hear, hear.) The report is, I admit, most
faithfully drawn up. It was drawn up at the time of
the trial by Mr. Brewster, of the Leinster Circuit, and
who is at present the law adviser to the Castle.—(The
Right lion. and Learned Gentleman here read a long
quotation from the address, which called strongly upon the
jury to give the prisoner the benefit of every doubt which
li might arise in their minds as to his guilt.) I now ask,
when I consented to another juror, and when I ad-
dressed the jury in such language as this, whether it is
not enough to prove that whilst I was anxious to do my
duty on the one hand, I was anxious on the other not to
bear unfairly on the prisoner, but to give to him eve, y
chance of proving his innocence ?—(Cheers.) But I
trust the House will permit me to read another extract,
to satisfy it that I am not actuated by any blood hound
instinct—(Cheers)—yes, blood•hound was the word—
against the person then upon his trial. (Loud
cheers.) The Right lion. and Learned Gentleman
(Mr. Smith) used the words, in describing my conduct
against a man tried for his life, and he put an emphasis
on the expression which did not escape the House; and
I did think that he wished to convey—l trust a most
involuntary but certainly a very egregious misapprehen-
sion of the conduct which on that occasion I adopted.
—(Cheers.) (The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman
read another very long passage of his speech on the occasion
alluded to, in which he implored the jury, if they be
lieved there was any misapprehension on the prisoner's
mind as to the word " Fire," instantly to acquit him.)
He proceeded—l think I have satisfied the House, and
even the Right Honourable and Learned Gentle-
man himself, that on the occasion he has so
triumphantly referred to, I did not avail myself of any
prerogative but what my position required me to do, and
that I did not evince any spirit which deserves cen-
sure from any man.—(Loud cheers.) I have thus ex-
plained the reasons for my conduct, and the result. If
ho (the Irish Attorney-General) had followed the
example which on that occasion I gave—if he, in the
constitution of the jury in the recent trials in Dublin,
had all,wed five Roman Catholics and seven Protestants
—(Loud cheers)—had he allowed two Roman
Catholics—nay, even one to remain, I think he
would not only have followed a more merci-
ful, but, I think, he would have followed
a much more judicious course.—(Great cheering.) That
he might have done so I think I shall be able to show
in the course of the observations which I feel it my duty
to make, and that without violating any rule of pro-
priety, or exceeding
j the bounds of fair discussion.—
(Hear, hear.) The jury that sat in Dublin was com-
posed of twelve Protestants; but the House had not yet
been apprised that eight of that jury had invariably
voted against Mr. O'Connell on the several elections
when he was a candidate for that city.—(Loud cheers.)
No doubt they had a perfect right to vote against him,
and he blamed them not for it; but when he found them
on the jury he could not help stating the fact to the House.
But, in fact, there is a double charge ; first, the exclu•
sion of every Roman Catholic ; and next, the introduc-
tion of eight persons who, if they were not personal op-
ponents of, were politically hostile to, Mr. O'Connell.
Allusion had been made to Mr. Thompson, a wine-mer-
chant, and some doubt had been entertained with regard
to the fact of his having seconded a resolution in the
Corporation on the subject of repeal. The resolution,
after a certain preamble, was this :—" We are deter-
mined to support and maintain by every means in our
power the legislative union between Great Britain and
Ireland." There was another gentleman, of still more
marked politics than Mr. Thompson, and he seconded
the resolution. I find in Saunders' .News Letter
of the 14th of February, 1840, that a great meeting
of Protestants had been convened by the Lord
Mayor, at which a resolution was come to for the pur-
pose of petitioning the Imperial Parliament. This meet-
ing was held in the King's Rooms. Mr. Jones at that
meeting said, " Whilst the great agitator, the disgrace
and scourge of Ireland, is now endeavouring to secure
Papal ascendancy, I call upon you, by every considera-
tion of character and of religion, to stand by our prin-
ciples. Let our motto continue to be, as it always has
been, ' Protestant ascendancy in Church and State, and
no surrender ;'" and then followed loud and long conti-
nued cheering, with shouts of " No surrender."—
(Cheers.) Then the High Sheriff, Mr. Falkner, who was
on the late jury, proposed the third resolution, the effect
of which was, that they had heard with deep alarm that a
Bill had been introduced into Parliament relating to the
Municipal Corporations of Ireland, by which it was
proposed to transfer the franchise to other hands than
those to which it justly belonged. That gentleman on
another occasion, when he was a candidate for the office
of sheriff, made a speech, which was reported on the
13th of April. 1839, in Saunders' Letter, and in the
Evening Mail of the same day. In that speech he said,
" Protestant ascendancy must be upheld, and I shall
always be ready to give the charter toast as cordially
and as emphatically as it has ever been given." Mr.
Hinde said, " What charter toast do you mean ?" and
Mr. Falkner said, " Need you ask me ? I mean the
glorious and immortal memory of William the Third."
Now I say, ought not that man to have been struck
off the jury ? I think, if the House will con-
sider all the facts of this case when they
look at the variety of circumstances which con-
cur in throwing light upon it—they will come
to the conclusion that the jury were not qua-
lified to give a verdict in the case. I think that
Mr. O'Connell should have begun his speech in ad-
dressing the jury in the words of the unfortunate Louis.
"I look for judges, but I beholdnone but accusers here.*
—(Cheers.) My opinion is, that if a verdict was
legitimately obtained in this case—if the law of conspi-
racy was not strained—if by fair means and through a
proper jury, you obtained a victory over the leader of a
Catholic people, then you the Attorney-General for
Ireland, the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
and the Secretary for the Colonies may legitimately
indulge in the exultation which your speeches
have exhibited. But if, on the other hand, the victory
was not fairly obtained—if you adhered to the forms of
justice, but in fact violated it—if a plot—no, he would
say, if a project had been concocted in the Home-office,
by which an ostensible connivance was to be shown
with respect to monster meetings, seditious harangues,
and inflammatory newspaper publications, for a period
of nine months, all led by a political antagonist;—and„
it' foully or fortuitously—for whether foully or for-
tuitously the result must be just the same—a consider-
able portion of the jury list was suppressed,
and the defendants were deprived of the benefit
of the Act of Parliament which was introduced
by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her
Majesty's Government in this country, for he has the
merit of introducing it into this country, and upon
which Mr. Justice Perrin, one of the judges of the
Court of Queen's Bench, in the trial at bar, delivered
his opinion—if a sectarian jury were empanelled, for the
purpose of trying a man who was accounted as their libe-
rator by the Irish Catholic people, I say that so far from
its being a cause of exultation, I think the victory you
have obtained will ultimately be as detrimental to the
victors as it is now fatal to the vanquished.—(Cheers.)
It may leave a deep feeling of animosity, and will be
followed by retribution, slow indeed, but fearful. I
shall now advert to the form of the Privy Council, be- j
cause the Noble Lord the Secretary ter Ireland adverted
in this House, at the commencement of the debate, when
I was unable to attend, being confined in Ireland by in-
disposition—the Noble Lord adverted to an observation
made by me in the Court of Queen's Bench. lle said—
but he was mistaken in what he did say—he said that I
represented it as an insult to the Catholics of Ireland,
that M r. Blake and Chief Baron Brady were not summoned
to the Privy Council. What I said was that the uniform
usage in Ireland, until this occasion, was to summon every
member of the Privy Council; but upon this occasion
that rule was for the first time departed from, and that
Mr. Blake, a Roman Catholic, was excluded on that oc-
casion, although he shad been summoned before to the
Privy Council. Mr. Blake was appointed to the digni-
fied office of Chief Remembrances of Ireland under a
Tory Government—appointed by Lord Wellesley, the
great Conservative statesman—and Mr. Blake never
took part in the violent proceedings by which Ireland
was agitated. After he was at a meeting at
Charlemont-house—after, and not before, you ex-
cluded him from the Privy Council.—(Cheers.)
The fact of his being in the habit of attending the Privy

Council shows that he was not a violent politiciallet
no man ever attended the Privy Council in Dublin 11
was inveterately hostile to the existing Governmente,
stated that it was to be regretted—l said no more ta7
0t"
this—l said that it was to be regretted that on that
.oi
casion you had departed from the rule--whiell You
have admitted you did—and that on that occasion Z'to
excluded Roman Catholics who were not suppost.
be .exceedingly hostile to you. And I further atldeut
Isa
and I hope I made the observation without any, Pertldn,
disrespect, for I did not intend it—that the Right
Gentleman the Recorder for Dublin, by whom the jury Po:
was to be revised, and it was an untoward circurnstatnt,
had been summoned to the Privy Council, from Ivni`i
Roman Catholics were excluded.—(Cheers.) I dle
think I have misrepresented the statement of the 14°
Lord. Ido not think that I have mistated the facts aek•
May I venture to say this—l think that if 31r. 131%
had been upon the Privy Council, he would have
gested to you, on the Friday when you met, the lAA
priety of immediately drawing up the proclamation, sll2lry
posting it up, at once, thereby avoiding that fearft!lcon
Mr' ,
zard which, through the instrumentality of °it is
nell, you have just cause to rejoice did not resn.
pd,
misfortune. The observation of my Right Hon. Fr!' st
the Member for Edinburgh, I think, is entitled to re..
weight. The Clontarf meeting was announced for Tor
weeks. You waited until the Friday before the Stu' co
upon which the meeting would be held, and then)hioa
summoned the Privy Council. You came to der'beee
and you drew a proclamation which might have her
contained in two lines. I have the proclamstien
and I am sure that it did not require any pee iliac
ditatiun, for it does not exhibit any great del the
(Laughter.) This proclamation was got up an'4;sst!
peculiar care of the Noble Lord. I certainly shouldrans
that it is a matter of some surprise, that you lore'
meet on the Friday—when you determined on the yoli
clamation, and not put it up immediately.
waited until Saturday afternoon, when he
tire could not have been conveyed to t'cloe'
merous multitude who were to assemble st
tarf multitudes, however, which were Pre';',e of
from coming to a scene which might have been °4"{tioa
contest and bloodshed, but for the pacific interr- jot,
of Mr. O'Connell, who proved to you on that oceasio
what he had said over and over again, that he sold
to
obey the law, and that if they sent a siugle constable
the meetings that would induce him to obey that
not refrain from expressing my wonder that atte'aject
proclamation had been i-sued—that after von' object
had been obtained, that of the prevention of Aterest
meetings—l cannot but wonder that you aid ",,°,l 101
there. I do not see what further purpose Y,--Aste'
to attain, for the meetings of the Repeal if you
ciation were held in comparative obscurity. `top
succeeded in your object in suppressing these Ineelicula
why did you institute these prosecutions? 't for
rather ask you, why did ou not prosecute-4° 55a
conspiracy, but for holding unlawful assemblae'estfor 6
tor seditious language—for seditious publications '
period of nine months before?—(Cheers.) Ihean Pr°eusi "'
l
mation stated that at several meetings se"
of a seditious and inflammatory nature hacliwea-die'
dressed to persons there assembled, calculated °rods
tended to excite discontent and disaffection in the tetall'
of her Majesty's subjects, and to bring into e°°f the
and hatred the Government and institutions °e pre;
country, &c. Now, does not the question at erni'cioloYe",
sent itself, that if that seditious language Wit,'Ae;'ll
for so long a period as nine monthe, why u,'",,,dr°see,_".-
stop it before?—(Cheers.) Why did you noi, r- °ov
such articles as this which I hold in my hand, r;Litiet
so far back as the Ist of April, 1843? YOU raz tn3e,ei-
proceeded by criminal information or by '" eof
You might have proceeded for the publican ,s
poem in the Nation newspaper, which her gaies,;)tc bee
torney-General, in addressing the jury, declare,' oleo
poem of a seditious character. The poem we Ge"'
the " Memory of the Dead," and the R'gbt 00"'iu tike
'timer, the Attorney-General, real it to theerle'd
most emphatic and solemn manner. I -

poem:—
Who fears to speak of Ninety-Eight?
Who blushes at the name?
When cowards mock the patriots' fate,
Who hangs his head for shame ?
He's all a knave, or half a slave,
Who slights his country thus;
But a true man, like you, man,
_ Will fill your glass with us.
We drink the memory of the brave,
The faithful and the few—
Some lie far off beyond the wave,
Some sleep in Ireland, too ;
All—all are gone—but still lives on
The fame of those who died;
All true men, like you, men,
Remember them with pride.
Some on the shores of distant lands
Their weary hearts have laid,
And by the stranger's heedless hands
Their lonely graves were made;
But, though their clay be far away
Beyond the Atlantic foam—
In true men, like you, men, ad 1/2
Their spirit 's still at home. s 111! '0
The Attorney-General added, this poem °to,
order to excite the minds of the people, an-- 10 e•
a specimen of an entire volume of sedition! dioifeo
which was calculated to excite discontent o°or...it Wir
tion. If this be a true description of the Pc.*„ of cod
published on the Ist of April, and a serle-ed Wee 0
k:iositions of the same class had been publish •
• racy-Is gi;e?
for several months (Hear, hear)
had the tendency imputed to it by the Attoierell3l,l
ral, is it not a very natural question to ask, whYhed
proceedings taken against the man who publiingoeo
poem, and the more especially if it had the el. O,PS*IO
~
attributed to it by the Attorney-General ? for,
to it is this—you had predetermined to prosec'eetiln
conspiracy—you had connived at these g,
and at the publication of poems of t eat ".9
for you suffered these poems to Tied tb°,;,
after day in the newspapers. If you glubeill 0f,P03
meetings to be held, until, according to your e„...(i'°ol
ticulars, ninety-one of them had taken Plac„iekero,
cries of " Hear, hear")—you allowed those 11'.„. the
to proceed in their career—to run a race aln°Zthet.o.o
selver—until the editors competed with one go', did
exciting the popular passions. And what, th,einso P°9ot.
do ? You did not prosecute the author of t"e 05,rst
—you did not prosecute the man whose 11551;10, the
tached to some of those compositions. Oh, d Oa to
article, the " Duty of a Soldier," was publis-Ade
s fte
Nation newspaper ; the name of the writer rba ,e 4)
it—the writer was a priest in Waterford beoeP ye
John Power—(liear, hear, from the 31inisteri''coeatt st
—knit you never prosecuted him. To • this:3l,fesenh ha,
has escaped with perfect impunity—he e'whic pro
the trial—he saw the men tried for theoffenci,
~ter
e
himself had committed, and he returned t 0 f4' cla
l
perfectly safe and unmolested.—(Loud ceiestl; Ar.-,; cltee
hear" from the Opposition.) But you gave,' riot 'ffla a°
evidence against Daniel O'Connell, who 113" f it, 9/Itl}Bs
it—(Hear, hear)—who had no cognizance gflehe•
communication whatever with the writer. irci°"„ocl
article in evidence aga'nst him— (Rencwe„oiti°,bree
ment cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opp of ',a
you joined in the offence the editorsst 0'C°1941.,
newspapers—you gave in evidence again in °'
every article published in those newsp3P•ad ocl
Was this a legitimate proceeding ? (Vho 11°13't re:
" Hear, hear.") Were the observations io thAigir
Learnt-d Member for Worcester justifiable roeee°l
gard ? Has there been a precedent for such Pa of Ito 01
—(Hear, hear.) Has there been an instTe edit°,ifen
indicted tor conspiracy, and joined with ;papers:o%l
newspapers, and every article in those new gear, huid
in evidence against him?—(Loud cries of :pig Sh° 0109
You might tell me that mode of precce the
adopted if there is no other way of I°ocuted
editors ; but could not they have been Prilicatiolt!tote,
ordinary manner? Could not these rl" 1,, 0" up
been stopped ? Could not these charm e ciosscrito of
which sedition was disseminated, have he the bo•
Therefore we charge you with having--in, be, svit':,eoe)
the Attorney-General—with having stoou
in;; laid in wait to entrap these Inell•
oanive'yottf
If you did not encourage, at least )'°° whell lie
strangely at these proceedings ; and theo"o the ,
purpose was accomplished, you fell uPas,..—(Crileeel.ll
whom you had inclosed within your to neat
.0,
halo. tr-
" Hear, hear.") I now (said the ig to per
in a solemn and marked tone of voice) 07;1nd itne!ole.
action which the Attorney-General for Ire,lo the Po
mit me to say has been—l don't like to Luse t's
" wilful misrepresentation," but I wish to h 000
House the knowledge of a transaction I"..fkcole--
regarded as a most singular—most re Genera`
conspicuous omission
.by the Attornyem`-'O, lailoghee;
House heard that Right Hon. Gent, Boud 'hod t
speak of the conduct pursued against 31!.t.er; att"tievisit
He is a reporter—No, a shorthand-wri _ agea
Mr. Gurney's office, and I believe him to Dv i;elan'tifig,
gent t° nfee s'
of undoubted ability. He was se iiittast vass
the purpose of reporting the Mullagi,oo.hes
_.,„
The Attorney-General said that bit, t 0,70,40..
lected as an object ofpersecution, and tnu.';,ond tiftivvou'
placarded with denunciations of this 3.1 r.
more
in
~00):
so that even those Roman Catholics who e lroWeeta
of the appropriation clause could not
..Generu_oo
denounced than he was. The .Attornfi... cec ont4o tbot
that this was the conduct pursued by andpiflta
his associates with respect to Mr. II ' Gos'ec'eoeos.
was one of . the motives of the,nob it he !el,
for pressing O'Connell with 8° .d, dust whift,
The Attorney-General further Said,
_per _
nivan the
rend gulated his proceedings by the.
Mr. Hughes had been persecut,
referen'jo, 01)`.11
11(iiid not B°l hin)e-'e,i
able and immoral course pursued
gentleman. The Attorney-General.... Hughes ;0 his
am surprised that he did not, that- Dirrt;cst„kei.
acknowledged that he made tw° .11,74150 ft,,
affidavit—in the sworn information poi tb
a warrant was founded and issued ug_.t.'.l.l.3oso`yirwa.?b
the proprietor of the Pilot newspiiperi 011' lOl,
n „rid c There
utmost consequence to Taste •
bear.") VI
O'Connell.—(Loud cries of "Hear.,. ___sectitor!:ne
no person but Barrett and the Irish. Provi•ri
e';',
paper the article entitled the " infortlire le,ll
published. Mr. Bond Hughes swor.• at
_eeti
which he stated that he saw Barrett
.t."__''ot oVue
itotea,
h„r.") Pot step"
ings in Dublin. He never didn:aere,,,h7
wits
n_c
in Dublin.—(Loud cries of'
what was untrue, but which I bener w
cieac
tionally false--(Hear, hear)—but
search
his 00135
Me
nothing of him, as we could not see, rroer_
the not e„
had no explanation from himself until ich .tessoi the
as we had heard no explanation froriithe the
knew was, that he had sworn to al A
bea.• eptio,- ap.
fact.--(Renewed cries of " Ilear,o. k„er, coe
an incident took place which has n 1-'7l be Lae" on 017
the Attorney-General, but which rairnatioelluPbe
I think, T ,T bb
this House, and which will,
bout t° tiAte eh.
ih
torfa(aulclipedar Ines
tnhoe
srtdaitneamr)e•nsterii ::bsositeff,
• call d te*
ng
the documents here with which I 13col
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.)
..hihe. _joe :0
-in his first examination, stated certalu..: if. I de;
to h
the Attorney-General to interrunt 11w
is b•
single particular from the exact SW 004
anticipated the disclosure of to