The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-31 00:00:00

OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

When Lord Stanley, says the Times, sat down on the
tirst night of the debate, the result of the vote on his
amendment was no longer doubtful ; but if any one whose
wish vas father to his thought stilhoped the amendment
mls;lit prevail, he must have been undeceived by Lord Cran-
borne, who scornfully repudiated an amendment which
admitted the possible propriety of any future action, and
only pleaded for further time before giving a definite
opinion on the Irish Establishment. The impression left
by Lord Stanley on his hearers recalled the memory of
that night, little more than twelve months since, when
the present Prime Minister revealed the particulars of the
" ten minutes " bill. Mr. Disraeli's strange restraint
and nerveless diction on that occasion was explained a
few days later by the secession of three members
of the Cabinet, and the recurrence of the Ministry
to " the original idea " which the leader of
the House of Commons and his brother colleagues
had unwillingly put aside •in deference to their
weaker brethren. Can it be possible, it was asked, that a
birnilar failure of energy in the representative of the
betokens a similar crisis ? Can a battle so hope-
less as that Lord Stanley challenged be more than a feint,
concealing the real issue intended to be ultimately taken?
These are questions interesting to political speculators,
who may, perhaps, discuss among themselves whether the
Ministry is so strong as to be able to lose some of its mem-
bers as the sacrifice consequent on taking a bolder stand,
but they are questions only tending to confirm the cer-
tainty as to the immediate result of the debate. Come
what may, the determination of the House of Commons
that the Irish Establishment must cease to exist is clear,
and will soon be recorded among its votes. A pledge will
have been given to the Irish people that the wrong which
has been so long maintained shall be redressed, and it will
be the first duty of the new Parliament to redeem the
pledge by carrying it into offect.
The Post observes that Lord Stanley insists that the time
is inopportune for the consideration of the resolutions. It
is true he goes a step farther, and suggests that a qualified
assent should be given to a proposition that the Church
Establishment in question may possibly stand in need of
reform. And this concession constitutes the weakest part
of his line of defence to the attack which is now made on
the Ministerial policy. It is, therefore, theoretically con-
ceivable that men should be found who would vote for
going into committee on Mr. Gladstone's resolutions who
'night, nevertheless, subsequently disapprove of them. In
prctice, however, members of the House of Commons are
not guided by such fine-drawn considerations, and Mr.
Gladstone was right when he told the House that the true
question on which it would be called upon to pronounce an
opinion was whether the Irish Church Establishment
should continue or not to exist. This is the question
which every member of that House will he called upon to
answer when the division bell rings, and it is one which all
the sophisms of the Ministers or their supporters cannot
obscure. •

To the Daily News it is evident that Ministers are with-
out a policy. They are apparently ready to defend or
sacrifice the Church, as party convenience may dictate.
They will not send to Ireland the message of peace she
needs, nor will they give to the Church Establishment
that assurance which it loudly craves. They are prepared
to act once more with respect to. the Protestant Establish-
ment the part which they acted Past session on the subject
of Reform. When Ireland has been goaded anew to the
verge of rebellion, when England demands that for her
own peace the sister island shall be. pacified, the Church
may possibly be disestablished without the indulgent
regard to vested interests and natural feelings which: Mr.
Gladstone is prepared to: chew. Lord Stanley's speech
provoked and deserved the merciless criticisms of Lord
Cranborne ; and nothing more condemnatory can be said
of it. It has made the rejection of his amendment more
probable than ever.

If Mr. Gladstone makes the question of a State Church
depend upon the number of those who profess to belong
to it he has no answer whatever (the Herald lays down) to
the Hadfields and Minns, who may demand disestablish-
ment in England on the ground of census reports, shew-
mg that more people go to chapel than to church. He
makes the existence of the English Church dependent
upon the view which Parliament may take of the accuracy
of the figures which assailants and defenders may bring
forward ; and if there was ariy meaning at all in the right
hon. gentleman's quotation from Mr. Hallam, and the
odd arguments by which he followed it, he will be likely
enough himself, if only he- sees the slightest prospect of
success, to cone forward some day and propose that dis-
establishment. There is no safe resting-place, it seems,
between persecution and full religious equality—that is,
no State Church, or the payment of all Church by the
State. As to Lord Cranborne's speech, the Herald ex-
plains that the noble lord cannot forget or forgive the pas-
sage of the Reform Act of last year, and, assuming that
it was a trick, will see trickery in everything else the
Government does. •

The Standard, dealing with the charges laid against the
amendment, that it is ambiguous, most positively exclaims,
`.` Lord Stanley's amendment is not ambiguous." It
refuses, plainly and positively, to enter upon the con-
troversyat all in the present Parliament, declaring that the
issue is one to be tried and determined by the new con-
stituencies. Is that a proposition at all doubtful, in-
definite, or confused? Is it open to any other objection
than this—that it expresses an opinion in which many
members on both sides of the House concur ; that it gives
utterance to the exact feeling of a large number of Liberals
in regard to Mr. Gladstone's resolutions, and that there.
fore it is extremely likely to be carried ?
After Lord Cranborne's crushing speech, conspicuously
cheered as it was from the Tory side,,it is, in the opinion
of the Star, impossible that the Government policy should
escape the condigh punishment it deserves. The main
question will then come to be tried, and whatever becomes
of Mr. Disraeli's pretensions, those of the Irish Church
must be immediately disposed of. The speech of Mr.
Gladstone, besides placing in the clearest light all the
arguments which bear on the subject as proving its
urgency and importance, was exceptionally able in
removing objections and in sliming how simp'..e was the
work immediately to be done. Mr. Gladstone is
what no member of the Government in office can
be said to have proved himself —an administrator.
The difficulties of the Irish Church settlement, if the prin-
ciple be once resolved upon,' will bb mainly in detail.
There will be claims to consider ; patronage to stop ;
vested interests to protect, but to hold in check. -There
will be the gradual cessation of the Establishment to
manage with propriety, and without bickering or scandal.
It is worthy of a firstrate statesman to have responsibly
resolved upon such a task, and it will need a firstrate
administrator to fulfil it. The House of Commons, with
such a statesman and such an administrator at their dis-
posal, cannot do less than accept his services.

In spite of Lord Cranborne's vigorous and animated
speech, the first night's debate, as the Teletgaph points out,
flagged ; and the division, though fixed for Friday, may
perhaps take place on Thursday. Meanwhile, the fact
that Mr. Watkin has been forced by his constituents to
place his amendment at the disposal of Mr. Gladstone so
far clears the ground. The opening of the campaign has;
on the whole, confirmed the judgment of Mr. Gladstone,
and shewn the weakness of his opponents. The principle
advanced by the Opposition will be affirmed, and the
Government will be forced to accept the opinion of the
present House of Commons, that there must be no more
trifling with the grievance's of Ireland. And from that

vote, however much may be of necessity and propriety

left to detailed Acts and future sessions, will at once corn-
. rnence a new era of content for Ireland, and a future with-
out shame and hatred for " the Anglican Communion" i

that country.

In a leader on the Abyssinian expedition the Times
puints out that, assuming that King Theodore is on the
Talanta plateau, which is in front of Magdala, and appears
to be-a good position for the defence of that place, there is,
at least, the stropg probability that he may be brought to
terms in a single battle. At headquarters they can get no
information worthy of reliance concerning- his strength in

- -
ninnberS or armament. But it was noticed that Kassai had

about 4,ooopep, well supplied with firearms, at the place
where the interview was held between him and Sir Robert
Napier. It was also known that he could have brought twice
or three times that number from Adowa. Now, as Kassai
lives in great terror of the Wan-shunt' Gobaze, and de-
sired.us to guarantee him against this still more power-
ful
vassal of the 3ciperor, be taken for
granted .that Gobazee meld •bring into the field a
still larger force. But-Gobaze himself -does not dare meet
Theodore, so, by all sound reasoning, thalatter has a still
larger.ana better-armed force. We must, therefore, look
forward to a regular battle, nor.would it be prudent to set
-Theedore's army at less than teu of twelve thou Sand men.
Ile has 'artillery, including his celebrated big gun, and
Possibly- there may be with him some one with sufficient
knowledge of the military art to turn these resonrces to
account. Yet, if our army reaches the plateau of Talanta
in good 'condition, we have no fear of the result. Sir
Charles Napier, of Scinde, used to say that a large
barbarian army was more easily beaten than a small
one, because it could not mancEuvre, and that
such enemies were only formidable • when they were in
small and irregular bodies. We are disposed to apply
this maxim to the present case, and firmly believe that
5,000 British, -a larger number than have won the most
important battles in India, will -make easy.work of Theo-
dore's most disciplined army and most strongly fortified
position.- We understand- that Sir Robert Napier ex-
pected to be in front of the enemy by the end of March.
-Thus, unless something unexpected has occurred, the
crisis of the campaign may by this time have come.
Should such be the case we hope that the object of the ex-
pedition will he effected in time to allow a return to the
coast-before the summer rains. A few weeks' delay in the
campaign may, prolong considerably the stay pf. the army
in the country, and add generally to the expenses of the
expedition.