The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-28 00:00:00

LONDON,

Noble Lord did not support the cause of the Poles
against the Russian;, though he at the some time ac-
tuated other states to establish their independence by
revolution, ord any other means of opposition to their
lawful and long-recognised Sovereign.—(Hear.) lie
questioner" whether the peacemen in that House would
support the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) who had
been the instrument of war throughout the whole conti-
nent. lie returned his sincere thaake to the Noble Lord
for his able and indefatigable exerti, ne for the destruc-
tion of the slave trade, but at the same time should say
that he believed that the Noble Lord was virtually en-
couraeing that slave trade by his connivance at the im-
portation of slave-grown sugar into this country.—
(Hear, hear.) He regretted with the deepest pain, from
his high respect for the Noble Lard, that he should on
the present occasion withhold his assent to the propo-
pnsition of the Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield
(Mr. Roebuck).
The Marquis of GRANBY said that the Noble Lord
(Lord Palmerston) had taken the privilege of travelling
over all the nations of Europe, in order, to defend his
conduct, by showing that he was directed by the spirit
of propagandism, and for that reason he was most
strongly opposed to the opinions of the Noble Lord
(Lord Palmerston.) For if such a principle wero to be
sanctioned, he was at a loss to know where it would end,
as Russia, France, Austria, and other countries, would
ride roughshod over all the other nations of Europe. He
would only ask the House what was the meaning of
Lord Minto's travelling commission? Was it anything
else than to carry out the principles of propagandism?
Look to the state of the Sardinian Government, and
also to Sicily, and let the House say was it for peace or
reconciliation, or for the benefit and pros-
perity of the people or the Governments, that the
Noble Lord (Lord Minto) under the direction of the
Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) had unduly interfered
with those states. He would again ask what right or
grounds had the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston) to say
that Prince Metternich was not honest and sincere? He
next contended that the people and Government of
Greece were very unjustly treated by the Noble Lord
relative to the claims of Pacifico and Tinley, particu-
larly the former individual, who never brought his case
before a tribunal of that country. When the Noble
Lord (Lord Palmerston) alluded to Mr. Findlay, he
should say, in opposition to the Noble Lord, that the
arbitration had not closed before the Noble Lord's
orders for blockade were issued and put into execu-
tion, and, moreover, he was prepared to prove that
the arbitration had not closed till the day after
those orders were issued and carried into execution.
With respect to the proffered mediation of the French
Government, the Noble Lord had not met it in the right
spirit in having said that the British Governmeet would
not abate one jot of its claims. Then as to the conven-
tion in London, the basis of which was formed on the
sth of April, it was the duty of the Noble Lord to have
sent instructions of that convention at once to Athens,
but the Noble Lord had failed to do so, and to that
omission of duty was attributable much of the danger
that arose out of the negotiation of those claims. With
respect to the assertions that the interests of Austria
and Prussia were antagonistic to those of England, he
contended that such was not the case. He admitted the
great talent of the Noble Lord, but if talent were mis-
applied it was dangerous, and looking at the whole of
their foreign policy under the Noble Lord, he found it
insulting to other nations, and must, therefore, vote
against the motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield,
which was a vote of confidence in that policy.
Sir WILLIAM MOLESW ORTH said that the Hon.
Member for Sheffield had in his motion reverted to the
foreign policy of the Noble Lord at the head of the Fo-
reign Department, and had asked the House to support
that policy. They sat there as a court of solemn appeal,
for the purpose of pronouncing a solemn verdict on that
policy, and they were bound to do so. The English peo-
ple had so much to attend to in their domestic interests,
that they commonly confided their management of fo-
reign affairs to the hands of the Government; the repre-
sentatives of foreign nations were aware of that, and the
effect of the vote of this House would be either to iden-
tify the people of England with the foreign policy of her
Majesty's Ministers or to separate them from that policy.
What were the principles of their foreign policy? The
Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
had, in the ablest speech that was ever delivered in that
House—(Hear, hear)—declared it. He (Sir William
Molesworth) considered it an unsafe policy. Now, as to
the claims of British subjects in foreign countries, it
was said that it was the duty cf her Majesty Ministers
to exert their influence and power in protection
of those claims. Now, that appeared to him to
be rather a dangerous doctrine, for according to :such
doctrine, if a subject should be injured and not able to
obtain redress, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would
be bound to interfere in his behalf, and commit the
station in strife, and that was the course taken by the
Noble Lord. Why, if a British subject were waylaid and
plundered by banditti in a foreign country, the Noble
Lord, according to that doctrine, would be bound to in-
terfere and call for redress from the Government of that
country.—(oh, oh.) If a foreigner in , this coetntry
should be robbed of his property by pickpockets, accord-
ing to the doctrine laid down by , the Noble Lord., the
Government of such foreigner's country would be bound
to take the matter up, and call on the British Govern-
ment for redress.—(Oh, oh, and laughter.) And accord-
ing to that doctrine also, it' the judges in the courts
of law in foreign countries should decide apainst
British subjects, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs
in this country would be at liberty and bound
to take the matter up.—(Renewed cries of "Oh
ob.") That doctrine was appreciated by all despotic
countries, and if carried out, the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs would become the chief policeman to
enforce it, and in truth the Noble Lord, in the c•enclu-
sion of his speech, had said that a British subject sbould
be protected—(Hear, hear)—and referred, in support of
that policy, to the declaration of a Roman whenever in-
jury was inflicted on him. Civis Bowmen suns—" lam
a Roman citizen." Why Rome, at the period of history
to which the Noble Lord had referred, was mistress of
the world, and trampled on the rights of all opposed to
her. He (Sir William Molesworth) maintained that if
Englishmen chose to go wandering in foreign countries
wherever pleasure or business may lead them, they must
take the consequences if anything occur to them in those
countries, and the more despotic the country to. which
they may go, the less should they look to their own
country to aid them.—(Oh, oh.) With regard to the in-
terference of this country with the affairs of other coup'
tries, the Noble Lord had made use of the same lan'
guage made use of by the Hon. Member for S:heffiele
in his motion, and Spain, Greece, Switzerland, Rome.
Sicily, and other countries, had experienced tb e coo'
sequenceseof the Noble Lord's interference. The Hoe.
and Learned Gentleman had said that all that wa a good
in many of those states, they bad chiefly received
England, and that she was justified in interferin g where
she considered there was anything wrong; and t h HO'
and Learned Gentleman in his statements had
all sorts of motives to Austria and Russia. It I
said that the Noble Lord only wished to props
principles in other countries by " moral" influenc,
that had been said by the leaders of the first Free
vplution. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, is
ing of France and this country, had said that
countries should feel towards each other as Let
viduala. He agreed in that sentiment, bat he et
that one nation had no more right to interfee
private and internal affairs of another natl.,
one man bad to interfere in the private a.
another. Those tronsactions of " officious mset
were very dangerous, and that was pi
their character among the nations of thee
He was told that they ought to vote in favour
motion of the Hon. Member for Sheffield, for
Majesty's Ministers would "go out" if not v
ported, and the consequence would be, as there
Liberal Members to take the Government and
places, the Tories would come into office, an event
would lead to revolution and the destruction
perty.—(Hear.) Suppose her Majesty's Minise
to go out of office—and he, for one, should be v,
to see them go out of office, because he had bt.
was still, a supporter of much of their police:—
not apprehend that the coming in of the Torte,
be followed by revolution and the destruction
perty.—(Heer, hear, from the Opposstion.) Bt
said, if there would be a "dissolution" of Part
and why not?—(Hear and laughter.) He, and
those with whom he acted were for " triennial
liaments—(Hear, hear)—and three years of the
Parliament had already expired.—(Hear, and
ter.) And it was also said that some of thet
"lose their seats," and why not?—(Hear, het
laughter.) Why, that would but prove that the
not the representatives of the people.—(Hear,
He would refer them to the Reform Bill, and in
sion he would refer them their institutions, am
express his belief that it was a calumny to say
Member would vote against his conscience. Th
they should come to the conclusion that every
them should vote according to his conscience.
for many years protested against the foreign
her Majesty's Government; his convictions I
the same on that subject; and he should, then
the present occasion deliberately vote against
tion of the Hon. and Learned Member for '
regretting that he was constrained to separate
on the question from those esteemed friends wit
he bad, on most other occasions, so long and so •
acted.
Mr. SIIAFTO ADAIR contended that Brii
jects residing abroad were fully entitled to the si
tection that they would enjoy at the bands of thi
Government when living in England. He admi
e circumstah
non-interference was the rule, nut circumstance,
a
culpable, " his
and opinion,thos render n.
feris e
r en ce which
highly would,
occurred in connexion with the polic-
y of the Ns
nister for Foreign Affairs, which it was now at
to censure by a vote of the House of Common:
arguments used in the attempted justification of
of censure were those which had been already
dieted and exposed. If he thought that English
tituted her power for purposes of oppression, n,
friendship for the Minister engaged in such
.—no consideration of party would induce him
his assent to that system of policy—no atte
personal or otherwise, would persuade him to
silent vote on such an occasion; but because
not consider that the foreign, policy of her /$ll
Government was deserving of reprobation hi
forward to support it firmly and deter
Ile eel
ild trace the operation cf that policy tbr,
the world, with advantage not only to British
but for mankind generally, and he trusted it
long persevered in. He had heard charges and
tious presented against the Noble Lord, but be It
vain for the proofs. .As au illustration of the
our Government to interfere with foreign states,
protection of British subjects, he alluded to tbl
the Venezuelan Legislature, passed in APO
under which subjects of Great Britain, residineo,
nezuela, wero, in some instances, denied their siridi
in others, where an unjustifiable delay iii`acknoi!
their rights took place. There were some,

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