The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-15 00:00:00

out that loss or gain affecting in the long run the people of
this country. Depend upon it they would be something the
better for all that that man won in the struggle, and some-
thing the worse for all he lost.—(Hear, hear.) There might
be prudent, and there might be imprudent ways of giving
assistance in such cases; but there was one way which was
always prudent, and that was to lose no opportunity of let-
ting it be known that we Englishmen were in heart and
soul with all who were still struggling for that liberty we
had, at all events, partially achi d—( Hear, hear)—and
that we looked forward with hope To their success as one,
among other circumstances, which should enable us to go
on still further in that course of popular freedom which we
had hitherto pursued. Two splendid books had lately been
published which had engaged much of his attention, and
afforded him much amusement. The one the " History
of the Revolution of 16,8," by Mr. Macaulay; and the
other plain John Campbell's, as he once called himself—
(A laugh)—but now Lord Campbell's " Lives of the
Chancellors and Chief Justices of England." Both
these writers were Whigs, and they could hardly ex-
pect them to go further than they had gone, but as far as
they did go, what a lesson they gave from the broad bookof
history, not to the people of this country only, but to all fo-
reigners of every country engaged in the struggles to which
he had referred, of the manner in which popular rights had
been gained, step by step, until now there was every hope of
seeing speedily established that social happiness which was
always the result of perfect political freedom.— (Hear, hear )
The condition of the masses of this country was, happily, one
full of hope. They were not now the victims of tyranny
and oppression, such as existed yet in other countries. The
time had gone by for that, though there might be men now
present who could remember when the Government, taking
umbrage at meetings like the present, used to send their
agents to put them down, and to prosecute those who took
part in the proceedings. But all that had gone by—(Hear,
hear)—and within the last few years they had seen the aban-
donment of the system of oppression and persecution which
formerly prevailed, and now the abettors of that system
had withdrawn from the contest, avowing that it was at
an end and finished for ever.— (Cheers.) Still there was
enough of abuses left to induce them to continue their ex-
ertions. He would not encourage any one to sit down
quietly supposing the struggle to be over. The more
that was done the more there remained to do. There was
work enough, not only for this generation, but for posterity.
This was not a work that could be finished to-day er to-
morrow, this year or the next—it was the work of all time.
They would leave it for their children to follow up, and he
trusted they would leave them, too, a good example to cheer
and encourage them on.—(Hear, hear.) It was a matter
of advantage, and should be one of joy to us, that foreigners
regarded us as their elder brethren in the struggle for free-
dom—(Hear, hear)—and he hoped what had been said by
their friend Mr. Serle on that subject would resound in
Moscow and Vienna.—(Cheers.) They knew there were
wings to carry forth those sentiments now which nothing
could stop, and that there was scarcely a man in the civi-
lized world probably who would not hear the declaration
made at that meeting of its sympathy for those who were
still struggling for the acquisition of that freedom which the
people of this country to a certain extent enjoyed.—
(Cheers.) But they must have more—it was impossible
that, having obtained so much, they should have no more
of the direction of the state—that they should have no
more of their just say and influence in the making of the
laws by which they were to be governed than they had
at present.—(Hear.) No men believed or expected that it
should be so. Those who resisted the demand for an exten-
sion of popular rights knew very well that it was only a
question of time, and that sooner or later the concession
must be made. What they said was, that the time for it
had not yet arrived. The efforts of that association would
be to show them that it had—(Cheers)—and that the sooner
they made up their minds to provide for the necessity of the
times, the easier would be the task performed, and the less
the danger that would attend the change.—(Hear, bear.)
He hoped that the proceedings of that meeting would go forth
throughout the country as an example to be followed, and
that it would be shown that the party by whose means pre-
vious reforms bad been carried was neither dead nor sleeping,
but was active and advancing, and that the wisest applica-
tion that the wisest governor could make of his talents would
be to note in time the necessity of pursuing the same course.
—(Hear, hear.) Active hostility had quailed before them,
and they had now only to contend against the negative op-
position of kind but faint-hearted friends.—(Hear, hear.) If,
then, they had put down their enemies, surely they could
struggle successfully against the coldness of friends.—
(Cheers.) Let them prove that their share of the great work
before them would be well done. Let them look to the chil-
dren arising around them, and consider what they would say
if their father, having gained so much, now abandoned the
struggle and deserted a cause which would be so dear to
them, for, depend upon it, the further men advanced in the
cause of constitutional freedom the greater value they set
upon every step of progress made in it.—(Cheers.) They
had now arrived at the period of progress when it was diffi-
cult to keep to that position they had gained. They must
still go forward, and the earnestness the meeting had exhi-
bited that day convinced him that so far as those who were
present were concerned their consciences would be acquitted
in that respect.—(Cheers.)
Mr. F. O'CoNieon, who was loudly cheered by one section
of the meeting, commenced by expressing the pleasure
which he, not being a trafficking politician, felt in being
present to take part in the proceedings of the day. He had
all along looked on the association as advantageous in many
ways, but more especially in dissipating the antagonism
which had existed between the middling and labouring
classes, and in convincing the former that the latter were d -
sirous of prosecuting their objects by peaceful means, and
not by having recourse to physical force, as had been
untruly reported of them.—He approved cf the principles of
the association so far as they went, but for himself he would
rest satisfied with nothing short of the whole of the
six points of the People's Charter.—(Cheers.) It
was not denied that, if properly educated, the
people of this country would be fully competent to exercise
electoral rights; but how was it possible that they could be
educated when children in the factory districts were com-
pelled to work from twelve to eighteen hours a day ? What
time or opportunity was there for education in such cases?
The financial reformers sought to reduce the expenditure
of the country by ten millions. What would be
the benefit of that to the working-man? It would save
him just the value of a single pint of beer a month.
But they might depend that, if the expenditure were so re-
duced, no reduction would be made in the taxes paid by the
labouring man; or if there were, the employer would imme-
diately take off 20,000,0001. from the wages of labour.—
(" Oh," cheers, and marks of dissent.) The taxes were as
nothing compared with what was ground out of the labour
of the poor by their employers.—(" Oh," and cheers.) We
paid [0,300,0( 0/. every year for the clergy, B,' 00,0001. for
poor-rates, and 8,000,0001. for the army and navy, while the
whole Government of the United States cost only 8,000,0001.
If the foreign nations now struggling for freedom succeeded,
then Lord John Russell would no doubt come down and say,
" What do you want for the people?" Then he would
make concessions, but not else. He regretted that there was
not the same union of all classes here as on the continent.
If there was a demand for popular rights abroad, merchants,
bankers, officers in the army, all were united on the side of
the people But it was not so here; for here the upper
classes were almost always found opposed to the concession

of popular rights. The only object of those in power was to
keep there, and those who were not sought only to overthrow
those who were, and get their places for themselves. The
people were never thought of, or cared for, and the reason
was that there was not unanimity amongst themselves. If
they were properly governed, there would be no poor-laws.—
(" Oh," hisses, and laughter.) He was no revolutionist, and
never had been. They had seen that those who were the
first to urge the people to revolutionary measures in 1847
and 1848, as Powell and Davis, were the first to inform against
them.—(lnterruption.) As society was now constituted, the
upper classes cared only for themselves, and whether the
labourers starved or not they did not care; in fact, they
would rather they died, in order that the poor-rates might
be lessened.—(More interruption, and cries of " Order.")
He wished to offer no opposition to the principles of the
association, but he called on the working men never to
abandon the principles of the People's Charter whole and
entire.— (Hear, hear.)
The PRESIDENT observed that the association had never
asked the working-men who advocated the charter to aban-
don their principles.—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, on all
occasions they had said to the Chartists, " Persevere for your
charter."—(Hear, bear.) They had said to the complete
suffragists, " Persevere for your suffrage ;" but they added
that they were carrying the largest number of those with
them who had now the power to give or to withhold the
franchise, by following the course of, and joining with, the
association.—(Hear.) It was not his province to interfere
with the speeches of anybody, but he could not but condemn
some of the language which had been used by the last
speaker. He did not concur in many of the sentiments
which had been uttered; but what he asked of them was,
while they were each and every one free to carry out his
own views and opinions, to give credit to others for the same
honesty of purpose, and to accept the aid of the middle
classes in achieving those objects which they had in corn-
mon ; and, if the good sense of the community would allow
them afterwards to go further, then do so.— (Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman then put the resolution, which he
declared to be carried with but one dissentient; the dissent
being, according to Mr. O'Connor, a mistake, resulting
from one person who had held up his hand in favour of the
resolution not putting it down when the call was made for
the show of hands "en the contrary.'
Mr. NICIIOLAY, of Oxford-street, and one of the council
representing Marylebone, moved the next resolution :
" That this meeting desires to express its gratification at
the recent change in the mode of election to the general
council; also the pleasure with which it has heard of the
activity and extension of reform associations throughout the
metropolis; and would earnestly call upon the members of
those associations, as well as upon the friends of reform
throughout the kingdom, to sustain by prompt contributions
the funds of the council, that the necessary means may be
adopted for prosecuting with vigour and efficiency the great
object of the present organization."
He believed the association would prove itself to be the
sheet-anchor of the Constitution.—(Haar.) With regard to
the land movement, much -wood depend upon its success. If
that succeeded the people would be made independent by it,
as it would enable them to take those rights the Government
refused. It would enable the poor man to obtain and exer-
cise the franchise free and unfettered.--(Cheers.)
M. J. Wereesers, 151. P., seconded the resolution. As
treasurer, he called upon the meeting to remember that
funds were necessary to carry on the business of the associa.
tion—which was the advantage of the people—and he hoped
to see, that ere long, each one of the unenfranchised would
subscribe his shilling to promote an object so vital to him.
The people of this country had the power themselves to
work out their own political freedom. As one who bad
been assisted into power by the working classes he gladly
came forward to help them. The middle classes had done
nothing towards the promotion of reform as compared
with the working classes. It was the working classes that
had obtained every reform that had yet been achieved,
and if they were united and true to themselves, they would,
in the end, obtain every political right to which they were
entitled.—(Cheers.)
Mr. H. VINCENT supported the resolution. He said if
anything in that assembly could give him momentary pain
it was the little irritation of feeling which had been exhi-
bited. It was not to be disguised that there were gentlemen
present holding various views as to the extent to which
political reforms should be carried. Holding himself the
most extreme political principles, be had yet felt it his duty
from motives of expediency, and as the result of some reflec-
tion, to give his indepeneent support to the association.—
(Cheers.) It must be obvious to all that there was no
political party in this ccuntry which could boast that it had
made no mistakes; and while moderate men might feel angry
with some of the old Chartist body, because they did not
understand its principles, and because they sometimes con-
founded the declared opinions of hired servants of the Go-
vernment with the sober convictions of the virtuous and in-
telligent Chartists:of England—(Cheers)—on the other band,
working men were apt to refuse the liberty which they
claimed for themselves.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) The
object of that association was to create a general public opi-
nion in favour of progressive reform. Principles were, in
his judgment, superior to councils, and there were many
principles to which he clung as a portion of his creed, though
they were not inculcated by that society. But he saw on
the platform men who, though in some respects they differed
from himself, yet clung to the progressive character of the
institutions of the country, and he was an advocate for such