The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 17, 1868.

THE OXFORD ADDRESS TO THE ARCH-
BISHOP OF CANTERBURY.

(From the Pall-Mall Gazette.)

There is something very remarkable in the
extraordinary earnestness with which the heads
of the Conservative party at Oxford pour out
their lamentations before the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and we cannot say that from their
point of view they are wrong in feeling as they
do, though we think it of the utmost import-
ance that the public should precisely under-
stand the nature and origin of their feelings,
in order that they may be able to judge how
far legislation is to be guided by them. The
substance of their complaint may be stated very
shortly. As matters stand at present, Dissenters
can take a bachelor's degree, but the M.A.
degree is reserved for those who will sign a
" declaration of assent to the Thirty-nine
Articles," and all heads of houses, fellows,
tutors, and chaplains are bound by the Act of
Uniformity to be members of the Church of
England. There is a bill before Parliament
by which it is proposed to allow persons to
become members of Convocation and fellows
of colleges without complying with any test at
all as to their religious belief. This the persons
who sign the address denounce as an attack
upon all that they hold most sacred. "We can-
not represent too strongly to your Grace that
this is no common contest—no party question;
it is not even a question between the Church
and Dissent. The battle is for Christian faith
and morals ; it is for our very life. On be-
half of our Church and our country, on behalf
of the souls of the youth of this hitherto Chris-
tian nation, we solemnly, as in the presence
of Almighty God, implore your Grace and our
Christian brethren everywhere to strive with
us to maintain in our university and our col-
leges the principle of Christian education which
has been handed down to us through so many
centuries, and which, if once destroyed, it will
be impossible to restore." This is accompa-
nied by the assertion that the proposed mea-
sure will produce " the overthrow of a de-
finite creed and of a common form of prayer,"
whereby " the very basis of a Christian edu-
cation will disappear from among us. While
the intellect at the most critical period of life,
and in an age of great and increasing excite-
ment, will be highly stimulated, the conscience
will be injured by the exhibition in the very
home of education either of a bitter conflict on
first principles or of a lax and careless indiffe-
rentism."
These passionate appeals are drawn forth
by a proposal which simply removes a dis-
qualifying,- test, and leaves all their existing
power in the hands of the persons who sign
the address, and of others whom they not
unfairly represent. It is not proposed to take
away a single endowment of any Professor of
theology, or to interfere in the smallest degree
with the education given in the university or
in any one of its colleges, or to vary in the
most trifling particular the powers under which
the elections of fellows take place, or to lay a
finger upon the course of instruction given
and the forms of worship used at Oxford. All
that is proposed is to remove an artificial test,
and what is to be the consequence ? Either
" a bitter conflict on first principles," or a
" lax and careless indifferentism." The Chris-
tian education of Oxford, the " definite creed"
which is taught by Dr. Pusey and Mr. Jowett,
and which was taught by Mr. Mansel and
Mr. Goldwin Smith, and by many other persons
of equally harmonious views, is not, it appears,
the expression of the mature general consent
of the thinking part of the nation, but is an
artificial accidental unity created and preserved
entirely by tests which alone prevent us from
witnessing in the very home of education an
internecine conflict of first principles. Be it
so ; let us accept the statement of those who
certainly ought to know best, and let us calmly
consider the consequences.
In the first place there is no doubt at all as
to what the memorialists fear. It is "a bitter
conflict on first principles." In plainer words,
in the absence of " legal obligation" to " pro-
fess" some " Christian doctrine" many of the
persons who would be likely to become fellows
of colleges or professors and members of Con-
vocation would cease to profess any, and
would openly avow their doubts about Chris-
tianity. If the address does not mean this, it
means nothing. Suppose, however, that it does
mean this, what will follow ? It will follow
that a bond fide doubt as to the truth of the
fundamental doctrines of natural and revealed
religion is so common and is held by men of
so much intellectual eminence that the intru-
sion of such discussions into the University
of Oxford, and the avowal of such views, un-
popular as they unquestionably are, are pre-
vented only by artificial means ; and this leads
to the further questions whether it is wise to
employ such means for such a purpose, and
whether if such doubts do exist they may not
very probably be well founded, and ought not
at all events to be recognized ? These appear
to us to be the most serious questions, and to
deserve the earnest attention of the whole com-
munity.

The proposal made by the persons signing
the address comes in .a few words to this :
Whereas the truth of Christianity is greatly
doubted by many persons and would be fully
discussed if the university were thrown open,
let us by all manner of means keep it closed.
Though the question has been asked a thousand
times, we cannot help asking once more whether
it is possible to found such a proposal upon
any other principle than that it is not only
desirable that Christianity should be believed
whether it is true or false, but that the educa-
tion given to the young should be so contrived
as,r,if :'possible, to prevent them from knowing
that anybody doubts it? To us it appears very
difficult to imagine anything so petty and so
immoral as these propositions. The education
received by the young ought to be a prepara-
tion for life. They should be made acquainted
in general with the nature of the world in which
they are to live, and of the society to which
they are to belong. It is the boast—not a
very well-founded boast to be sure—but still
it is the boast of our public schools and univer-
sities, that they are so many microcosms, so
many small editions of the great world upon
which their pupils are in due time to play their
respective parts. Surely they ought to repre-
sent the world fairly, or at the very least not
altogether unfairly and untruly. They ought
not to cause them to believe that things are
universally accepted, which, in fact, are denied
in good faith by many persons, doubted by
many more, and acquiesced in with hardly any
intelligence at all by a large majority. It may
be a very sad thing that the truth of the Chris-
tian
religion should be doubted or denied by
many persons of the class from which fellows
of colleges and professors are taken, but as the
fact is notoriously true, what is the use of con-
cealing it from students at the universities,
or rather of supposing that you conceal it by
taking measures for securing that the teachers
shall all belong to the established creed? The
attempt is sure to be a failure as to the students
who have any sort of curiosity upon such sub-
jects, and in such cases the failure produces
a sense of injury, distrust, and violent and per-
manent dissatisfaction with the existing state
of things which often determines the course of
a man's feelings through life. Oxford has been
a mother of heresies as well as of orthodoxy for
a great length of time, and Oxford Liberalism
has been far more violent and revolutionary
than that of Cambridge, principally because
the general tone and management of the sys-
tem has been more severely and decisively
orthodox. Almost all the most revolutionary
and startling speculations, religious and poli-
tical, of the present day have proceeded from
Oxford men. Oxlord, indeed, has done much
More towards the corruption (if so it is to be
called) of the University of London than the
University of London towards the corruption
of Oxford. Let us, however, suppose that the
attempt is successful, as no doubt it is in many
cases. Is the success thus obtained matter of
exultation ? It consists simply in giving a set
of youths at the only period of their lives in
which they are open to intellectual impressions

an incurable and perfectly irrational prejudice
in favour of their own religious opinions, a pre-
judice which it is extremely difficult to cor-
rect at any later pericid of their lives, and which
can be produced only by keeping concealed
from them an undoubted and most important
fact—the fact, namely, that the creed which
their teachers honestly believe to be true is
honestly believed to be false by many other
people of the same class and equally well in-
formed. If it were possible to carry out this
system to the full extent of persecution, it
would be intelligible ; but as matters actually
stand, all that can be done and all that is
done is to have a number of small bigoted
and mutually exclusive systems of education,
each repelling all the rest and founded on its
own narrow theory, instead of one large
national system recognizing the broad fact
that men do in point of fact differ endlessly
on theological questions, whilst theyhave never-
theless so very much in common that they form
communities which do as a fact discharge the
highest moral functions with very consider-
able success. Why devise tests which can have
no other object than that of concealing from
young men just entering upon life two of the
very most important lessons which life has to
teach them, the lesson, namely, that it is possible
for people who differ upon all sorts of religious
subjects to act together upon moral, social,
and political subjects, and the further lesson
that there are bona fide differences on religious
quektions arising from the natural difficulties of
the subject ?

of the seventeen Reports of Sir John Gray's
Irish Church Commission. We hope that
when publishing them in a collected form,
the honourable member for Kilkenny will sup-
plement them bya, Report of the sums spent
by the Kildare-street Society and all subse-
quent Protestant Societies, in silly and mis-
chievous efforts to rob poor Irish Catholics
of their only treasure here, and hope of happi-
ness hereafter—their old, pure, heart-treasured
faith.—Westminster Gazette

THE IMPEACHMENT QUESTION.

-e=--

For many hours after the PRESIDENT'S attempt
to eject STANTON the danger of a civil war hung
over the United States. The step involved a fear-
ful responsibility, one that nothing could justify
but the necessity, in ANDREW JOHNSON'S OWII
words, of " saving the life of the nation." Hap-
pily he refrained from forcibly removing the War
Office Incumbent, which might have led to blood-
shed, and precipitated an event which all mode-
rate men have strained every nerve to avert. Time
has been given to the nation deliberately to weigh
the merits of the case, and the result is an emphatic
condemnation of the PRESIDENT'S infraction of the
law, and the hasty and inconsiderate act which
momentarily threatened consequences so awful.
We were deceived by the Cable news into the im
pression that Mr. JOHNSON had only nominated
THOMAS EWING, an old statesman of the highest
character, as Secretary of War, but we had not been
told that, pending the sanction of the Senate, he had
ordered Adjutant-General LORENZO THOMAS to act
ad interim and to seize the office. The crime of the
PRESIDENT iS not the nomination of THOMAS EWING,
but the attempt to eject a Cabinet Minister, filling
the place by a creature of his own while the Senate
was in session, regardless of the Tenure-of-Office
Act, whose provisions it infringed. His course has
been defended by attacking the law he broke. That
law has been pronounced to be vicious, aimed at the
PRESIDENT, and intended only as a check to AN-
DREW JOHNSON ; therefore au exceptional piece
of legislation, which few men can approve, being
passed for special political ends, and to annoy and
trammel the head of the Executive—in one word,
this bill is generally believed to be unconstitutional.
But, presuming it to be so—granting that it was
spitefully directed at ANDREW JOHNSON—this does
not alter the circumstances. It became the law of
the United States when passed over the PRESIDENT'S
Veto by the required Congressional majority until
declared unconstitutional by a court of competent
jurisdiction, in a bona fide case. ANDREW JOHN-
SON is not that court, and has no more right to
assume to himself its functions than any other
United States officer. If Mr. JOHNSON'S defence,
that he and those he consulted considered the law to
be unconstitutional, stands, it must break down the
Government of the United States. Every Executive
officer employed to carry into effect the laws, would
then be justified in deciding on the legality of those
laws, and selecting those only to execute which
suited him. The Constitution does not protect the
Executive against the legal consequences of en-
forcing an unconstitutional Act, which it ought to do;
but the fact is thoroughly well known, and one of
which every candidate is aware before he applies for
office. With his post he assumes au ascertained
risk, and if he finds he has miscalculated that risk,
he has a remedy, for he can resign. Now, this is
the clear position of the PRESIDENT, and the law
being in force, be had not only no right to infringe
it, but no right even to pronounce it to be unconsti-
tutional, a gross impropriety in an officer bound to
execute that very law to the extent of his ability.
We are aware that Mr. JOHNSON, in the face of this
Act, was placed in great embarrassment. lie knew
it was aimed at him ; he believed it to be unconstitu-
tional, yet he had no means of testing this before the
Supreme Court without risk of Impeachment. To
get a quo warranto he must remove the Secretary ;
this involved Impeachment, and that, the trial of
the question before the Court which made the law.
The position was unfortunate, but a man who un-
dertakes to fight a powerful enemy, who will listen
to no terms of compromise, who insists on carrying
on the battle to the bitter end, must be prepared
for hard blows. Mr. JOHNSON'S main defence will
rest on the assertion that he did not infringe the
Act. A clause provides that the Cabinet officers
shall hold their places (except by advice and consent
of the Senate), for, and during the term of
.the
PRESIDENT by whom they may have been appointed.
Now, Mr. JOHNSON did not appoint STANTON, and
he alleges the fact that the Secretary was appointed
by his predecessor, Mr. LINCOLN, as conclusive
proof that the rae does not affect him. The
question, however, arises, What is Mr. JOHNSON'S
position in the eye of the law ? He is the Vice-
President of the United States, performing the
duties of President, during the second Executive
term of ABRAHAM LINCOLN, ending March 4,1869.
If this be so, the law will regard the act of the Pre-
sident, whether ABRAHAM LINCOLN Or ANDREW
JOHNSON, who took up his duties, as identical, and
thus include him within the clause. If BENJAMIN
WADE succeeds, he also will be regarded by the law
as President of the Senate, performing the duties of
President of the United States during the remaining
portion of the late Mr. LINCOLN'S second term. Such a
defence, therefore, is not likely to stand, and the
Message itself is clear proof that ANDREW JOHNSON
intended to break the law, and many best able to
judge consider that it was very ill advised in him
to make such an admission. There was one chance
only for ANDREW JOHNSON, and that has gone dead
against him. Mr. BROOKS, of New York, declared
that there were millions of the people who would never
submit to the deposition of the PRESIDENT except
by due process of impeachment. He said—" We
have the physical power of the country with us ;
the labour, the industry, the bone and muscle of
the country are ours. The heroism of the country
is ours. Four-fifths of the army of the United
States is composed of the Democracy of the coun-
try ; and if you proceed to introduce politics into
the army, the Democratic soldier will follow the
Democratic instinct, and will stand by the consti-
tution and laws." Now, it was just possible that
ANDREW JOHNSON might have been supported by
the country. But what is the case ? On the 10th
March the elections in the State of New Hampshire
took place, giving ample time to prove the deli-
berate decision of the public on the merits of the
question. It was doubtful which party would
carry the State, and it was considered that the
result would be the best test of public opinion. Mr.
WALTER B. HARRIMAN, the Republican candidate,
was on that day elected Governor, and the majority,
of the successful candidates for seats in the Legisla-
ture belonged to the Republican party. It is quite
clear that Congress carries the country with it, and
that even the steady decline in the price of gold is
indicative of the national sanction to the course it
has taken. Yesterday ANDREW JOHNSON was to
have appeared at the bar of the Senate. The ques-
tion will be argued by able counsel on both sides ;
Mr. CHASE presiding. If the PRESIDENT fails to
answer to the summons, or to appear in person,
or by counsel, the trial will proceed, the plea
being entered " Not Guilty." The Chamber will
be open to the public, the final argument being
given by two counsel on both sides, and closed by
the prosecution. It will require a majority of two-
thirds to find the PRESIDENT guilty ; and if six
Republicans act with the Democratic Senators, im-
peachment will be defeated. Those who desire to
see the names and politics of the Senators should
refer to the number of this newspaper issued on the
14th December, 1867, where the full table of the
present Congress is given.—Anglo-American 7 imes.

NAPOLEON THE GREAT AND GRENOBLE.--There
is to be a festival at Grenoble to inaugurate a now eques-
trian statue of Napoleon tho First. This is to be con-
ducted by M. Berlioz. his "Harold" Symphony, we per-
ceive, has made an irruption into the classical boundaries
of the Gewaizdhaus Concerts at Leipzig.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]--Ifolloway'sPills.—Wheu emerging
from the winter and entering on spring it is a wise and
wholesome precaution to purify and cool the system by
some alterative competent to regulate disordered action
and to strengthen while it cleanses. This long-sought
medicine exists in Holloway's far-famed purifying and
tonic pills, which cost only a trifle, and will ward off seri-
ous illnesses, which too frequently reduce competency to
poverty, enjoyment to misery. This medicine, so innocent
in its nature and so searching in its cperation, is Suitable
for all ages and for both sexes. It is especially adapted for
soldiers and sailors, and is an indispensable requisite for
colonists and persons proceeding to foreign countries,
where climates harass the constitution.

AMERICAAr MARKET S.

—o--
(From Belding, Keith, and Co.'s Circular.)
NEW YORK, Friday, Feb. 28, 1868, p.m.

THE MONEY MARKET.—As the result of somewhat pro-
tracted shipments of currency to the West and the South,
the money market has shown more firmness this week.
At the beginning the banks very generally called in their
5 per cent. loans and put up the rate to G per cent. on
stocks and 5 per cent. on Governments ; and the advance
has been maintained up to the close, although to-day there
has been less demand, and the market shows some symptoms
of returning ease.
The change in the condition of the market is not re-
markable considering the character of the last bank state-
ment. The deposits exhibit the very large decrease of
$7,666,000. This is accounted for by the paying off
$3,429,000 of loans and discounts, a reduction of
$1,678,000 in specie, and a loss of $2,602,000 in legal
tenders, the latter amount having chiefly gone out of the
city, while a certain portion was taken into the Sub-Trea-
sury. It would appear that this somewhat active drain of
the resources of the banks is now partially suspended ; it
is to be expected, however, that the commercial demand
will steadily increase, and it is therefore not probable that
we shall see any early return of the late extreme ease. At
present the merchants are wanting but little. There is a
very moderate supply of really good paper on the market,
although of second class there is more than buyers are dis-
posed to take. Prime names range at 6to 7 per cent.
The following are the quotations for loans of various
classes :

Per cent. Per cent.
Call loans 5 to 6 I Good endorsed bills

Loans on bonds and 1 3 and 4 months 61 to 71
mortgages
Prime endorsed I Lower grades ... 10 to 20
bills, 2 months 6to 61

UNITED STATES SECURlTlES.—Governments have been
dull and weak throughout the week. There has been an
unusual lack of buyers, and a large amount of bonds has
been thrown upon the market from some source. The
advance in the market rate of interest has, of course,
checked the demand for securities for the employment of
balances, and has to some extent induced the banks to sell
while prices remained comparatively good. In the Euro-
pean markets, bonds have steadily followed the course of
gold and the fluctuations in the New York market, until
to-day, when the price fell to ?- per cent., said to be in
consequence of news from the United States (we presume
relative to yesterday's speech of Senator Sherman). Mail
advices from Europe represent holders of Five-Twenties
as very sensitive upon the question of paying the
Five-Twenties in greenbacks, and it is to be ex-
pected that the strong stand taken by Mr. Sherman
in favour of that course, together with the predominant
sentiment in Congress on the question, will in-
crease that feeling. To-day there has been a somewhat
unsettled feeling among home holders of Five-Twenties,
in consequence of the position taken by Mr. Sherman,
which fully confirms what before was merely inferred as
to the purport of the Senate Funding Bill.
There is, however, a very general misgiving as to
whether Congress will ultimately pass any measure which
virtually reduces the value of the bonds one-fifth; and
perhaps the effect upon the market may be rather in the
way of checking purchases than in frightening holders to
sell. The bonds pay handsome interest, and the majority
of bondholders will be likely to cling to them until it be-
comes more apparent what course Congress will take re-
specting them.

_
The following table shows the aggregate transactions
at the Treasury since Dec. i :

Weeks Custom ,----Sub-Treasury---,
Ending House. Payments. Receipts. Balances.
Dec. 7 1,513,528 38.446,544 36,629,049 104,628,488
„14 1,077,723 7,618,195 8,612,314 105,652,607
„ 21 1,195,245 21,656,778 18,237,767 102,233,596
„28 1,057,759 8,301,206 10,317,156 101,249,546
Jan. 4 1,158,795 19,267,464 12,582,646 97,564,728
„11 1,633,802. 41,181,472 41,441,122 97,825,078
„ 18 1,532,133 11,094,740 18,437,114 105,167,453
Feb. 1 2.075,842 24,826,878 15,990,553
_93,698.120

8.....• 2:65. SC:911: 10:176:336 12,917,063 101,436,845
~ 15 2,315,665 6,566,483 9,483.311 104,353,673
„22

An action has been raised against the Erie Com-
pany for 3,000,000 dollars of borrowed money. The
effect of the suit was the opposite of what was
anticipated ; and the parties who had expected to
profit by an advance consequently became sellers. An
enormous amount of stock was thus thrown upon the
market, and the price fell from 78} to 64k, since which it
has reached 681, and to-day closed at 68. Undar this con-
dition of affairs, a large " short" interest in the stock has
been created, in behalf of which the market is systemati-
cally depressed. Under this unsettled condition of a stock
which always leads the market nearly the entire list is
sluggish. New York Central, Hudson River, and Cleve-
land and Toledo, however, are quite active and strong,
apparently in consequence of movements of Mr Vander-
bilt's friends. The Commercial Advertiser makes the fol-
lowing statements relative to Erie affairs :

"Upon inquiry at official sources, we learn that the Erie
Company has found it necessary to borrow money for the
payment of its March interest on the second and third
Mortgage Bonds and the Sterling Convertible Bonds, and
also for the purchase of rails, which it is said have suffered
more than usual from the severity of the winter ; the total
amount borrowed for these purposes exceed $1,000,000 ;
the loan, however, is understood to be of only a temporary
character. The project for building the new road connect-
ing Akron, on the Atlantic and Great Western, with the
Michigan Southern Road, has been derided upon in good
faith, and steps have been taken for pushing the work
through with all expedition ; it is not certain, however,
that it will bo found necessary for the Erie Company to
guarantee the bonds of the road, an offer having been
made to contract for the road without any such guarantee.

"Neither of the pending suits against the treasurer of
the company have as yet been withdrawn ; although, as it
is generally supposed that they were inaugurated for
speculative purposes, and have affected the stock in the
reverse of the-direction expected, the prevailing opinion is
that they will not be persevered in. Negotiations are
pending between the Erie Company and Mr. Vanderbilt
for effecting a permanent uniformity of freights and fares
upon the Erie and New York Central routes ; and as
matters now look there is some prospect of an arrange-
ment to that effect being consummated."
The following were the closing quotations at the regu-
lar board, compared with those of the three preceding
weeks :
Feb. 7, '6B. Feb. 14. Feb. 21. Feb. 28.
Cumberland Coal 361 •.• •.•
Quicksilver
Canton Co 6l 61 601 631
Mariposa Pref.
New York Central l2Bl 1331 1291 124
Erie
Hudson River
Reading 941 94/ 921- 931
Mich. Southern
Michigan Central ... 114 ... ...
Clev. and Pittsb.
Clev. and Toledo ll2 1124 1081 1071
North Western ••• 601 59 60
7,
Preferred 741 741 79_4. 721
Rock island
9 i 1 961
Fort Wayne lO2l 102 1001 100/
Illinois Central 1361 137 1371-
Ohio and Miss. 321 ...
321 31/ 30i

COMMERCIAL EPITOME.

NEW YORK, Friday Night, Feb. 28.

The political events at Washington have had the effect
to check, in a measure, tho demand for merchandise for
consumption ; nevertheless, the past week has been fairly
active in mercantile circles.

Cotton has declined lie. during the week, and closed
quiet at 22c. for Middling Uplands. Breadstuffs have been
very irregular, and close unsettled. Tobacco quiet for the
want of assortments, if we except a movement in manu-
factured. Groceries have been quiet, except coffee, in
which the sales to-day were 30,000 bags Rio, closing at
advance, to 13 to 171 c, gold, duty paid.
Provisions have been active, and prices have generally
advanced, but at the close hog products wore dull, and the
buoyancy and firm tone of the past week or ten days less
decided. This, however, is considered but a natural re-
action, after the rapid improvement which nearly all hog
products have undergone ; and though the production
may have been somewhat stimulated, hogs are coming
forward too slowly to give hopes of any material addition
to the supply, and but few hold to the opinion that the
country contains more than enough stock to carry us
through until the autumn packing commences. A few
holders are willing to realize at about ruling rates, but the
majority seem disposed to carry their stocks —on which
money can be raised without difficulty—with a view to a
further advance. The closing prices were $2l 62 for new
mess pork, 16-1- to 16:: for prime lard, and 12c for Cumber-
land bacon. Beef has been firm, and butter and cheese
have advanced with more activity.
Naval stores have declined latterly, and spirits turpen-
tine closed at 69i to 70c., free, and common rosin $3 25
per bbl. Oils have generally improved ; prime northern
crude whale selling to-day at 70c. Petroleum has reacted,
and closed dull at 25 to 251 c for standard white iu bond.
Crude sold at 16c in bbls for April.
In wool the movement has been exceedingly active, and
prices have improved. The sales in the three principal
markets the past week or ten days are estimated at be-
tween five and six million pounds of fleece and pulled, and
three or four million pounds of California and Texas.
Manufacturers and dealers have bought freely, and prices
at the close are two or three cents higher.

Freights are dull and unsettled. Owners ask full rates,
and shippers hold off.
BREADSTUFF'S.

The market has been inactive, and prices unsettled, but
closes generally firm, with more export demand.
Flour has arrived very sparingly from the West, in fact
the receipts have seldom been smaller, and the demand
continuing good for the lower grades, these have ruled
firm; but in the medium and bettor grades, in which we
must include most of the extra State brands, business has
been dull, and prices drooping. Southern flour supplies
have been relatively liberal, including lines of llowat d-
street staples, of which 3,000 bbls. were taken for Liver-
pool to-day, at $9 25 to $9 50, but any grades over $lO
not easily saleable.
Wheat has ruled about steady. The export demand has
been fair, taking from seven to twenty-five thousand
bushels daily, thus working a considerable reduction of our
small stock. As high as $2 58 has boon paid for choice
Spring, but the bulk of the business has been at $2 50 to

S 2 51 for good No. lin store. The business to-day was at
82 43 for No. 2 Spring. Some French orders appeared in
our market to-day, but at prices below our quotations.
Corn has arrived less freely, but with a considerable
stock, and large quantities accessible by rail, and a decline
in Liverpool, prices have given way slightly. Sales have
for some days been mostly at S 1 24 to S 1 25 for new
Mixed Western, 90. to 10d. freight to Liverpool, and gold
141 to 1411, but under a further decline in Liverpool prices
to-day were lc. lower.

Oats have been dull and heavy. Rye advanced mate-
rially, but closed weak and unsettled. Barley and barley
malt have become nominal from scarcity.