The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-19 00:00:00

IMPERIA

AMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June M

ENCUMBERED I:•;TATES ACT AMENDMENT
BILL.
(Continued from our Third Edition of last night.)
The E.rl of WICKLOW hoped that the Noble Mar-
quis would exercise the same sound discretion respecting
this clause, which he had exercised about his foraser
clause. It would be quits absurd to fix such a minimum,
for there were many properties in Ireland which would
be well sold for less than fifteen years' purchase.
The Earl cf DESARr proposed to add to this clause
the words, " without the consent of the proprietors."
The Earl of CARLISLE must resist every amend-
ment which proposed to limit the powers of the Com-
missioners.
Lord STANLEY argued that, after the observation
of the Noble Earl, the question clearly resolved itself
into this—would the House leave the Commissioners
without restriction, or, in other words, would it allow
them to sell estates at five or seven years' purchase, to
the ruin of the proprietors? If the Commissioners had
sold estates either for that or for a lower sum, itiwae a
complete justification for the Noble Marquis's introduc-
tion of this clause. No man could say that in some cases
fifteen years' purchase might not be a reasonable rate,
but the whale question was, whether or not they would
fetter the Commissioners?
Earl FITZ WILLIAM, though in some respects
friendly to the alteration vr hich the Noble Marquis in-
tended to introduce, felt rather disposed against the clause.
The Earl of CARLISLE observed that the Noble
Lord had mentioned sums paid for properties in Ireland,
but ho did not relate the circumstances under which
those sums had been paid. In a case where the laud
was let for 730/., the profit rent being the difference be-
tween that and 4001., the Commissioner said that in
England the estate might sell for, perhaps, 4,0001.—it
actually sold for only 2,200/.
The Earl of STRADBROKE said that, no doubt,
estates had been sold in Ireland for eight and ten years'
purchase; and if they took what those estates once let
for, it might be easy enough to show that many estates
were sold for eight or ten years' purchase; but such in-
stances should not guide the legislation of Parliament.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the clause ... ... 32
Against it ... ••• ... 30
Majority in favour of the clause —2
On our re-admission we found
The Marquis of WESTMEATH addressing their
Lordships and moving a clause, the object of which was
to give owners of estates, pending the proceedings con-
nected with sales of those estates, the same protection
from arrest as in cases of bankruptcy.
The Earl of CARLISLE observed that the Commis-
sioners had no power over all the estates which a man in
such circumstances might possess, but only over the par-
ticular property then brought to sale. The party to
such a proceeding might possess other estates in Ire-
land. or seven' estates in England, and he was at a loss
to understand why such persons should be protected
from arrest. According to the law of this c,,antry, none
but those who gave up the whole of their property were
protected from arrest; therefore, on general grounds,
he advised the Noble Marquis not to insert such a
clause; he did not, however, wish to interfere further,
but to leave the Noble Marquis the entire responsibility
with refereuce to this Bill which he bud taken on himself.
The clause having been agreed to, the Bill was read a
third time and passed
THE PRESENCETHE OF FOREIGN MINISTERS IN
HOUSE.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that in conse-
quence of an occurrence which took place yesterday it
became necessary that he should give notice of a motion
for Friday next. That occurrence afforded the strong-
est possible proof of the necessity there was that they
should come to some positive arrangement f,r the accom-
modation in that House of the Foreign Ministers. He
need not add that the circumstance to which ho referred
had taken place altogether under the influence of mis-
apprehension and mistake. It unfortunately happened
that a Foreign Minister of high character, of high re-
spectability not only on account of his own personal
merits and worth, but on account also of the situation
which ha held in this country, was obligei to leaver a
place that he had occupied ,in that House during the
early part of yesterday evening, a place which he had
some reason to think himself entitled to possess, but
which, according to a strict interpretation of the orders
of the House, must be regarded as set apart exclusively
for ladies. If the Foreign Ministers were excluded from
that position there was no place for them at present, ex-
cept a mere standing-place. Now, there were many
people who could not stand throughout the whole of a
long debate. For these reasons, then, ho hoped that
they would be able to consider of a place, a small place
certainly, but one in which the Foreign Ministers might
be satisfactorily accommodated; and he now begged to
give notice that on Friday next he should move for the
appointment of a Select Committee to make the arrange-
ments necessary for the accommodation in that House
of the Ministers who represented foreign states in this
country. He only desired to add that abroad such ac-
commodation was provided in all public assemblies.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions com•
plaining of agricultural distress, from Taunton, from
Jedburgb, and other places.
JUDGES OF ASSIZE BILL.
On the motion of the Earl of CARLISLE, the Judges
of Assize Bill Ras read a third time and passed.
Their Lordships then adjourned to Friday next.

--
SO
77%

11%

10%
354
7
10.1/4
5914
7%

Bth
31,
941,‘

834
109%
12%
61
23

li
37%
4

18
714
'7

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 18.
GROWTH OF COTTON IN INDIA.
Mr. BRIGHT (in continuation from our Second
Edition of last night) proceeded to quote the evidence
of Mr. Gibbons, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Tucker,
to show that the land assessment interfered with the
cultivation of cotton, and of the produce of the land
generally—the tax in many cases rising from fifty to
seventy per cent. on the value of the produce. The
Bombay merchants said they could not penetrate into the
interior of the country, and the people of the interior
said they could not reach the out-ports, because of the
want of railways to aid them in communicating. As•
miming, therefore, that the motion he was about to sub-
mit would be opposed by the Government, still ho
thought they had so far advanced in commercial matters
in that House, that they would not be told by the Right
Hon. Gentleman that the merchants of Manchester had
better go to Bombay themselves to purchase their cotton.
The Right Hon. Gentleman pointed to the two blue
books on the table, but he ought to know that
the Committee expressly stated their inability to
decide the question frois want of sufficient infor-
mation. It was, indeed, fur that reason that he now
proposed to have a royal commission to investigate the
subject further. A Commission had been appointed for
Ceylon, whose modus operandi was described in a report
male in the year 1831 by Lord Colebrooke to Lord
Goodrich. When the Commissioners arrived in Ceylon
they published their commission in the English, Cinga-
lese, and Malabar languages. Numerous communica-
tions were immediately received from all parts of the
island, and from all villages, classes, and castes, and from
these the Commissioners were enabled to draw up a list
of interrogatories, which led in the end to the accumu-
lation of extensive and valuable information respecting
the cultivation and productions of Ceylon. In the same
manner he conceived that a Royal Commission appointed
at the present time would be attended with equal advan-
tages. That they had the power to alter this state of
things there could be no doubt. The 95th section of
the Charter Act gave the Board of Control the power of
controlling all those Acts of the East India Company
which related to the government or revenue of their
territory, and the 51st section reserved the power of
supervision for Parliament. He would now call their
attention to the important subject of Indian finance,
which Vie Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam-
worth, in a speech which ho made in the year 1342,
showed the House was intimately connected with that of
imperial finance, and it was in that imperial bearing that
ho contended that Parliament had a direct interest in
the objects of his motion. The revenue of the United
Kingdom for the last nine years had not exceeded, on an
average, the sum of 56,000,0001. per annum; deducting
from which 29,000,000/. for the funded and unfunded
debt, they would have a net disposable fund of
25,000,000/, per annum. Now the Indian Government
received a gross sum of 22,500,0001., and the interest on
its debts and its dividends did not exceed 500,000/ So
that it left a net revenue of 22,000,000/. to the company,
against the 25,000,0001. that belonged to the Govern.
meat of the United Kingdom. He could not conceive
what the arguments would be, by which it would be at-
tempted to gainsay the impolicy of the condition of
things which he had pointed out. The Noble Lord
might say it was proved that cotton could not be had
from India, or that the condition of India was satisfac-
tory, or that a Commission would give no valuable in-
formation; and he might refuse the Commission.
But he (Mr. Bright) had shown that there was
a vast amount of industry in this country sur-
rounded now by great perils, and that every
individual engaged in that industry would support
the proposition which he was now making. Let them
not say that they felt bound to reject this measure out
of a sentiment of delicacy towards the East India Com-
pany. Their Charter Act would expire in 1854, and
next year they would have to give notice of their desire
to have it renewed. Now Parliament, unfortunately,
did not know much about these Indian questions, and
hence it would be a great advantage to every Honour-
' able Member to approach the subject, when ready for dis-
cussion, with the knowledge which would be derived
from the report of a Commission. Hence on all grounds
he thought the motion worthy of being carried. If it
were rejected, it would not be the rejection of the East
India Company, nor of the Right Honourable Gentleman
the President of the Board of Control, but of the Noble
Lord himself who was at the head of the Government.
If the Government were incapable of appreciating the
importance of this matter, he would turn to the II nise
of Commons, in the belief that it would sympathise, if
not with the interest which this country had in it, at
least w jilt the condition of the countless millions by
whom India was peopled.—(Cheers.)
Mr. M. GIBSON seconded the motion.
Sir JOHN C. 110BHOUSE said tae had to request
the indulgence of the House while he attempt- d to
recur to the various topics which the Hon. Member had
just brought under the consideration of the House, and
at the outset he might assure the lion. Member that he
was not himself
(me. Bright) more sensible of the mit;l-
-nitude and importance of the aub2ect, and of its various
bearings, than he was. He could assure him that since,
and, indeed, before he gave ms notice et' motion, his at-
tention had been drawn to the examination of the ques-
tion, and he could add to this assurance this further
one, that if he (Sir J. Hobhouse) thought the Hon.
Membet'e plan would effect the object it professed to
have in view, he would say at once " take a Royal Com-
mission and make the best use of it." But the Hon.
Member's motion involved, not only the question .140 i
' he had so promptly and so shly brought f rward, viz..
the beat mode 5-curing a large and constant supply of
cotton, but to a great extent also, the industrial and
economical condition of the people of India. The

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