The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-31 00:00:00

tTifltiL4lllX‘t,

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 31, 1850.

Every additional particular received from Jutland
relative to the battle of Idstedt confirms the ac-
curacy of the first intelligence. The victory proves
to have been altogether on the side of the Danes—the
Schleswig-Holstein army having been for the time
completely routed, and compelled to retreat in extra-
ordinary confusion. Of course the partisans of the
invading coalition are endeavouring to put
the best face possible upon the transaction.
To this end they are striving to divert
attention from the enormous losses experienced by
the German forces during the recent engagement, by
speaking confidently as to the speedy turn of for-
tune between the belligerents. They maintain, for
example, that the Schleswig-Holsteiners have still
an army of 25,000 good troops concentrated
at Wittensen; and that besides this, no less
than 16,000 more are under Vox DER TANN,
in Angela. Making allowances, however,
for the exaggeration necessary to cover the
extent of late disasters, the estimate thus formed is
altogether too extravagant for credibility. VON DBR.
TANN, it will be remembered, was himself in the con-
flict which took place on the 25th instant at Idstedt.
Indeed, it is reported that, together with GERHARD
and WlLLisxll, be received a wound or two
during the course of that battle. However
that may be, it is certain that he and the men
under his command were involved in the discom-
fiture recently encountered by the Commander-in-
Chief of the Schleswig-Holstein armament. Con-
sequently his 16,000 soldiers (supposing as many to
be still actually under his orders) must be depressed
by the recollection of that great defeat which by this
time has carried dismay into the Ministerial
ChAmbers at Berlin, and to the Royal Cabinet at
Potsdam. Little need, therefore, be said in reference
to the succour likely to be received by the
Garman cause from these 16,000 soldiers
at Angela. As to the main army of 25,000
" good troops," so termed, said to be concen-
trated at Wittensen, scarcely larger credence can be
accorded to the statement of their whereabouts, or
even of their existence. Knowing the doubts enter-
tained to this moment as to the positive locality at
present occupied as the head quarters of the Schles-
avig-Holsteiners, we may well be careful in accepting
as veracious the assertion that as many as 25,000

men, and these, moreover, " good troops,"are actually
collected together at Wittensen.

What ears to be wholly undeniable, however,
,s4fic....t in reference the Schleswig-Holstein army, is the
ct that those rtions of it engaged at Idstedt
(co stituting almost the entire of the German forces
dispatched against Denmark by the Coalition) evinced
on that occasion the most stubborn and resolute
bravery. This circumstance, nevertheless, while it
removes all disgrace from the fact of their discom-
fiture, enhances in a very considerable degree the
glory acquired by the Danes in that achievement.
When it is considered that courage of the most bril-
liant character was displayed by the forces opposed
to those under the command of General KROG/I, the
importance of the triumph secured by his generalship
to the banners of Denmark becomes materially in-
creased and exalted in our estimation. The victory
of the Danish captain, then, appears before us
in its true light, not as an accidental success
obtained over an inferior body of opponents,
but as a heroic conquest over the most formidable
obstacles—a conquest proving his own capacities as a
commander, and the strength of that patriotic devo-
tion which seems likely to be more effectual than
foreign interposition in maintaining the rights of the
Danish sovereignty.
A vigorous employment of the advantages already
secured to the Danes by the battle of Idstedt must
perceptibly tend to accelerate the settlement of existing
differences. Prussia would of course, without ques-
tion, exult in an opportunity of so far prolonging
the war as to enable her soldiers in some measure
to reduce their recent losses ; yet, considering the
steps already taken by the mediating Governments,
we cannot but feel satisfied that every effort will be
made in order to bring the conflict to a conclusion as
speedily as possible. Especially are we disposed to ,
think thus when the sanguinary nature of the late
engagement is borne in recollection. Even the
darkest estimate given in the first intelligence appears
to have been scarcely exaggerated in any particular,
the number of killed and wounded being from 3,000
to 4,000. After a victory of this decisive character, it
were strange indeed if the Danes relaxed in their
efforts to insist upon the claims of their Government;
equally strange if the Schleswig-Holsteiners pre-
served the same confidence in their energies ; and
most strange of all if the rest of the powers of
Christendom, or some of them at least, did
not make some endeavours to prevent the recurrence
of similar carnage. From all these considerations
we are disposed to look more hopefully to the speedy
and satisfactory settlement of the Schlesviig-Holstein
question—a question hitherto of almost intermi-
nable difficulty. Gladly shall we recognize the day
when this protracted quarrel is brought to a con-
clusion, the opposite demands of the belligerents
being reconciled not by bloodshed but diplomacy.

There is a scene in The Critic in which all the par-
ties on the stage are involved in what Mr. PUFF accu-
rately termed a "dead lock." Each person, although
fully armed, with dagger impending over his enemy's
bosom, is afraid to strike, lest the slightest move-
ment on his part might produce a fatal blow from
his antagonist. None can conceive how the diffi-
culty can be evaded, or what is to be the next step in
the drama. Such is the position in which the House
of Commons is now placed, through its own ab-
surdly conflicting decisions, and the inconsistent and
vacillating conduct of the First Lord of the Trea-
sury. L ird JOAN RUSSELL first declares that the
subject " alone ought to be treated as a strictly judi-
cial question," and in the very same speech he pro-
nounces his opinion on a point which at that time
was coram, non judice—which had not been argued,
which was not even under discussion at the time.
The question before the House was, whether Baron
RoTuscuicD should be sworn on the Old Testament,
that being the form which he declared to be most
binding on his conscience, and the Premier takes
the opportunity cf declaring his opinion on a portion
cf the oath itself, declaring " that it is not in
the power of the House to dispense with the words
on the true faith cf 'a Christian,' and that whenever
the question came to be debated, he should feel it his
duty to vote against the omission of these words from
the oath." This was certainly not according to the
usual or ordinary practice of the occupants of the
bench of justice—we doubt if any one of ' the great
unpaid" would venture to pronounce his judgment
in anticipation, before hearing the defence, or before
the question had even been opened on either side.
We have heard of but one precedent for such a course,
and we might almost have fancied that the venu e
was changed from St. Stephen's to a place not to
be mentioned to ears polite.
" Gnosius hac Rhadantanthus habet durissima regna
Castigatque auditque dolos, subigitque Merl."

There the Noble Lord presides, with despotic au-
thority judging according to the letter, and not to the
spirit of the law, first pronouncing his decision and
then hearing arguments.
It is indeed difficult to conceive on what ground
the Noble Lord could have been induced to adopt a
proceeding in every respect so extraordinary, and so
contrary to his usual practice. It can only be
accounted for in one way, viz., that the Minis-
try in general, and himself more especially,
not only as its head, but as one of the Representatives
of the city of Lc n lon, would ensure serious obloquy
if, after keeping the matter in suspense during three
Parliamentary sessions, the difficulty should be ca-
pable of a solution so very simple and obvious. It
was, therefore, to be resisted by every means, per fas
aut nefas, to be made a Cabinet question ; and it was
necessary that a pretty decisive intimation should be
given to the "Ministerial hangers-on" and the
" waiters on Providence," to show in what manner
their votes are to be given, and to guard against their
committing themselves in any manner.

Let us now see into what a tissue of inconsisten-
cies and absurdities the House has fallen under the
guidance of the Noble Lord. First, it was decided
that Baron ROTEISCIIILD was entitled to be sworn on
the Old Testament, that being the futm which he de-
clared to be most binding on his conscience. The
practical effect of this resolution was that the sub-
stance and not the form of the oath was the only
matter of importance. But when every single portion
of the promissory part of the oath had been taken,
when the Honourable Baron merely emitted the last
words, " on the true faith of a Christian," which
are clearly but a portion of " the jurat," " the sanc-
tion," or " confirmation" of the oath, and which the
fact of the rejection of the New Testament by the
Hon. Gentleman distinctly proved, would necessarily
be rejected as not " binding on the conscience," he
was again ordered to withdraw, these words being
considered essential, and part of the " substance."
the House thus expecting that a person swearing on
the Old Testament should do so " on the true faith
of a Christian."

Again, the seat for the city of London must
either be full or vacant, and if the latter, the
citizens are most assuredly entitled to claim the
immediate issue of a writ for the election
of a representative. The Right Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Abingdon accordingly moved that a new
writ should be issued. This was met by an amend-
ment, proposed by the Hon. Member for the city of
Oxford, " that the seat of Baron LIONEL DB ROTHS-
caw), as one of the Members for the city of London,
is full." One or the other of these should clearly be
carried. "If the seat was not full," there was a va-
cancy in the representation, and the writ should be
issued. But both were rejected, the amendment by
a majority of 104, there being 221 to 117 against it ;
while the original motion was—not withdrawn—but
negatived by a majority -so decisive that no division
was taken.

How, then, is the House to be extricated from
this " pretty considerable fix" in which it is involved?
Through whose agency is the desideratum to be at-
tained ? The Attorney-General is the Deus ex ma-
china, who is to solve every difficulty by some bril-
liant move, the nature of which is to be explained
to-morrow, but which is not to be discussed until
Monday—or rather, to carry out the original parallel,
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman is to enact the
part of " Beefeater," and, " in the name of the
QUEEN, to command them all to drop their swords
and daggers." Although we anticipate some tolerably
simple contrivance, we confess to no ordinary
anxiety to learn the course about to be adopted. We 1
fear that it will afford a new illustration of the " par- i
turicnt mountain," that the forthcoming offspring ,
may not be worthy of the intense expectation which I
it has excited. We must, however, bridle our cu- 1
riosity, and patiently_ await the promised explanation,

which will at least achieve one great object, that it
will procrastinate and delay the proceedings, so that
the supplies may be all voted, and Parliament pro-
rogued, before a new election for the city of London,
when the triumphant return of Baron LIONEL DE
ROTHSCHILD for the third time would afford a grand
moral demonstration which would not be slighted or
despised. Perhaps the rather significant hint of the
Hon. and Gallant Gentleman the Member for Mid-
dlesex had no trifling effect in producing this further
postponement.