The Sun.
London, England, 1868-06-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LOIND N THURSDAY EVOING, JUNE 4, 1863,

ARCHBISHOP MANNING Al BRADFORD.

Archbishop Manning assisted at the opening of
a large Catholic school at Bradford on Friday. The
building is situated in Grafton-street, Manchester-
road, where there are a vast number of Catholics,
and, until a chapel is built upon the same site, will
be used for purposes of worship. It is a substan-
tial erection of stone, and is 100 feet in length by
32 feet in width. There are two stories, and it is
the second one that is to be used as the chapel.
The school has cost about £2,000. A debt of
about £9OO rests upon the building ; but it is due
to the congregation of St. Mary's chapel, who have
promoted the work, to state that, although they
are for the most part composed of the labouring
classes, they have been able, in the course of two
years and a half, to pay for the site, which is an
extensive one, care having been taken that it should
be large enough to afford room for a house far the
resident priest as well as for the school and con-
templated chapel. In addition they have con-
tributed the amount which has been obtained for
the erection of the school, and they are convinced
that their efforts in this direction have not been
made too soon, from the fact that already there are
250 children under tuition in the new building.

The ceremony of opening was exceedingly im-
pressive. In the morning High Mass was sung by
Canon Browne, of St. Anne's, Leeds, the Rev. W.
B. Scrutor acting as deacon, and the Rev. T.
Loughran as sub-deacon. The Archbishop of
`Westminster and the Bishop of Beverley assisted
pontifically. The attendants at the throne of his
Grace were the Rev. J. Illingworth and the Rev.
A. Riddell, and Canon Motler (St. Mary's, Brad-
ford), whilst at the throne of the Bishop the at-
tendants were Canon Walshaw (Sheffield), and the
Rev. Philip Vavasour. A large number of clergy
occupied seats in the sanctuary. The music selected
was from Righini's Grand Imperial Mass, and was
caresully sung under the leadership of Mr. Stephen
Scholey, the Bradford " Society of Classical Har-
monists " taking the instrumental parts. After the
first Gospel, the Archbishop preached from the
words in the first chapter of the Acts—" Ye shall
receive power, after that the Holy Ghost is come
upon you ; and ye shall be witnesses unto me both
in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea, and in Samaria,
and unto the uttermost parts of the earth." Having
described the circumstances under which this
promise was made, he said there was a peculiar fit-
ness in such thoughts on such a day as that. alley
were met together to open one more of those lowly
sanctuaries of the holy Catholic Church in England,
in the midst of a country in which the glories of the
holy Catholic Church of other days stood, ruined
indeed, but in majesty and splendour speaking the
vastness and power and grandeur of the times that
were gone by. The Catholic Church of to-day did
not clothe itself in the splendour and the symmetry
and the magnitude of days that were past. It as-
sembled in guest chambers—in upper rooms such as
that. Its beginnings were in humility, and, in the
eyes of men, iu weakness, but in the sight of God
in power—in the same power which our Lord pro-
mised to bis Apostles when he was parted from
them—in that power which descended upon them
on the day of Pentecost. And there was another
reason why such thoughts were fitting to them.
They were ke,eping the octave of the great Apostle
of England, Saint Augustine. Some twelve hun-
dred and more years ago, when England had once
again been flooded with Paganism—when the light
of faith which once burned brightly was ex-
tinguished by the inundation of idolatry and un-
belief—from the side of the Pontiff, the Vicar of
Jesus Christ, St. Gregory, the great in name and
great in deeds, Saint Augustine came, the Evange-
list and the Apostle of Saxon England. The light
which he kindled had never been extinguished
From that hour to this the light of the faith of Jesus

Christ had burned in every land, and its radiance

had spread from sea to sea. The witness of the
Apostles had been here. For a thousand long
-years in its brightness and its power, and afterwards
in darkness, the light shone—pent up it might be,
in secret places, under the earth, in the mountain
side, in the lowly dwellings of the city, its splendour
veiled, and its majesty overcast, but. burning still
bright and unchangeable as in the beginning. Why
was it that for more than twelve hundred years the
Catholic Church and the Catholic faith in England,

from St. Augustine until now, had in the midst of
persecution stood steadfast, immutable, unimperish-

able—the same always—never varying in jot or in
tittle? Why was it that round about that unity

of the Church and of the faith there were shifting,
varying, fleeting, dissolving, and vanishing forms

of Christian opinion and ofreligious thought ? It
all pointed to one truth—that there was a divine
rule of faith ; that that divine rule of faith was
vital to the perpetuity of truth ; that those who
adhered to it were inevitably united to the truth,
whilst those who departed from it inevitably and
by a necessary law lost hold of that truth and
forfeited the light of faith. Let him, therefore,
set clearly before them what that rule of faith was
on which the Catholic Church and her children
rested ; and also what was that rule of faith, if he
might so speak, which later days had tried to sub-
stitute in its stead, and in trying to substitute which
bad failed to retain the faith. In one word the
rule of faith in the Catholic Church was the Word
of God. That Word of God was in part written
and in part revealed. That which was unwritten
was before that which was written, and was the in-
terpretation of that which was written afterwards.
The Catholic Church retained the whole of that
revelation of God, whether written or unwritten,
with a jealousy and a zeal for truth which had
never changed. More than this, it had retained it
not only by a human jealousy and a human zeal for
the truth of God, but by Divine assistanc3 and
guidance it had, secured the traditions and in-
heritance of truth as they were from the beginning
and would be to the end. On the other hand,
those who had rejected this rule of faith and who
believed that the written Word of God, or Holy
Scriptures, was the full, complete, and only rule of
faith, had entered upon a path so devious, so
wandering, and so dark,—and had placed their feet
upon an incline so slippery and so perilous—that
three hundred years had sufficed to show the hn-
possibility of such a rule. In the first place, the

Apostles, illuminated by the Holy Ghost, were sent
into the world to teach the revelation of Jesus
Christ, and wherever they went that truth, harmo-
nious in all its parts, perfectly definite and certain,
excluding all possibility of error, clear and intelli-
gible in every detail, was preached by them to the
world. The nations of the world became disciples,
and as they believed they were baptized ; they
learned what they called a creed—the summary
of truth which constituted the necessary faith of a
Christian man. This, then, was the first founda-
tion of their faith, and the faith which was then
declared to the world was incorporated, registered,
and recorded, and made permanent before as yet
so much as a Gospel or epistle was written. What
was the Church itself but that one universal and

indivisible body, the in-dwelling of the holy
Spirit, of which the Saviour spoke when he said,
"There is one body and one spirit," &c. That one
visible Church spread throughout the world in
fulfilment of our Lord's promise, given at the
time of llis ascension. When the Apostles went
to their rest their witness was perpetuated by the
remanent testimony of the Church that they
had founded. More than this, the Sacraments
which the Church administered were more or less
pregnant with revealed truths ; some of th. in
contained many doctrines. For example, baptism
taught original sin ; for why else should infants be
baptised. It likewise taught them regeneration

by the holy Ghost. Again, the sacrament of the

altar taught them the incarnation of God. In the
Blessed Sacrament the Body and Blood of Christ
were present, and, therefore, the Godhead and
manhood in one person full and perfect. In the
sacrament of penance they were shown the power
of absolving sin, the power of the Holy Ghost in
absolution ; and in the sacrament of order the
authority and organisation of the whole Church
were set forth. And so with all their sacraments :
they contained a multitude of truths. Whereso-
ever the Apostles went they administered these
sacraments from the beginning ; and, therefore,

the trutlis-of,thefaith were incorporated:and7em•,
bodied in the Church. The same thing was shown
in the worship of the Church—in the adoration
that they paid to the ever-Blessed Trinity in all
that they did. In this day many people believed
that the New Testament was a book which came
full and complete, and that from it men derived
every benefit. The religion of Jesus Christ was
never derived from the Scriptures of the New Tes-
tament. It was not the source or fountain from
which that religion Rowed. The religion of Jesus
Christ was in existence before the New Testament.
It was preached in all the world, believed in all the
world, incorporated, embodied, and manifested in
all the world, before as yet a letter of these Scrip-
tural books was written. The Spirit of God
preached orally in the beginning ; and it wrote
afterwards, and that which was written was the
record and the recognition of that which had been
preached, but no new article of faith was added.
When it was written it was addressed to those who
had received the faith, for the purpose of remind-
ing them of that which they had received already.
For ten years there was no Gospel ; for twenty
years there were but two ; for more years there
were but three ; and for sixty years the last had
not been written. The Scriptures were written
some twenty years, perhaps, after our Lord's
ascension, and were written to the Church, per-
haps in Greece or in Rome, or to an individual.
They were local mainly—personal—and they re-
cognised and pointed out that original faith already
delivered and already believed. Now the Catholic
Church, as its rule of faith, rested upon the Word
of God in all its amplitude, not only upon that
which was written, but upon that which was re-
vealed beforehand. The whole broad bases of
Christendom, from the day of Pentecost, was the
foundation of the Catholic Church, and the Scrip-
tures that were written afterwards were interpreted
in the light of that illumination, and not only in
that light, but by the facts of the Church itself.
For instance, from the time of Arius down till now
there had been disputations as to the doctrine of
the Holy Trinity—as to whether or not the New
Testament proved that in one Godhead were three
persons. Those who separated the book from the
illumination of the universal Church read its texts
in the twilight and mistook the meaning of its
utterances ; but those who opened the page of the
book in the light of the day of Pentecost knew
this, that before the book was written every
Christian soul was baptised in the name of the
Holy Trinity ; and belief in the Holy Trinity was
incorporated in the worship of the universal
Church. Again, in this day there were controver-
sies, as there had been for three hundred years, as
to whether or not the priests of the Church of
God had the power of sacrifice, as to whether or
not there were bishops over them, as to whether
or not the Church was a unity which could not be
divided—as to whether the law of unity was a
divine law and a divine obligation. All those who
took their texts apart from this . unwritten tradi-
tion, and this illumination of which he had been
speaking, mistook and could not put together those
scattered truths of that Church which to those
who knew the original were perfectly familiar.
Those who knew that before as yet that book was
written there was one body in all the world, mani-
fested by a perfect unity—a unity so indissoluble
that separation from it was schism, and schism
mortal sin—knew that in that body there were
everywhere grades of order, priests ministering at
the altar, and above them the order of the apostles,
with power over the mystical body, with power to
absolve, to guide, to govern, to consecrate the
Blessed Sacrament at the altar, and to ordain
others to do the same. This was a fact of Christian
history, and this fact was an interpretation of
Holy Scripture. The Church was not only the
interpreter of that book, but was the interpreta-
tion of it itself. The faith in all its fulness was
committed to the custody of the Apostles and their
successors. Inspired with the Holy Ghost, the
Apostles afterwards wrote the Scriptures and com-
mitted them to the custody of the one Catholic
Church, which preserved them, and ha I preserved
them from the beginning—both the faith which
came first and the Scriptures which came aLer -
wards. The testimony of the one Catholic Church,
considered as a human and historical witness, gave
the most luminous and certain testimony of the
truth taught in the beginning, and in a divine
sense, it was the infallible, unerring witness of God
himself. In conclusion, his Grace denied that the
Roman Catholic Church had introduced new
doctrines into the worship of God, but submitted
that it retained the faith in its purity and accord-
ing to its primitive and original doctrines, and that
there did not exist in the world any Church so
scriptural as the Holy Catholic and Roman Church.
After the High Mass, the clergy and many of
the congregation sat down to luncheon in the
Victor is Hotel. The Archbishop was in the chair,
and in proposing the first toast—the health of Pope
Pius IX.—reminded his hearers that his Holiness
had just entered on his 77th year. The l'ope's life
had been prolonged in a manner beyond all their
expectations. His Pontificate of now more than
twenty years had been full of events, which were
the most marked in history. He had more than
once quoted some words that had been used by
his Holiness when, three or four years ago, he was
first officially informed that the French army would
be withdrawn from Rome after a period of two
years. His answer was—" A great deal of water
will run down the Tiber to the sea before two years
are over." That majesty and confidence which
his Holiness had exhibited had been more than
justified by the events. (Cheers.) The waves of
revolution raging against the walls of Rome had
been cast back ley no other than a divine hand.
(Cheers.) He had been much ridiculed by the
public newspapers for declaring that the Temporal
Power of the Pope would not fail ; but he would
tell them on what his confidence was founded. It
had b3en prophesied that when once the French
bayonets were withdrawn the Temporal Power of
the Pope would fall. He had affirmed that it was
not the French bayonets that sustained the Tem-
poral Power, and he had been asked in return—
Why, then, did the foreign bayonets rem tin at
Rome ? Was it not by the will of the French
Emperor ? He had answered that may be, but the
French Emperor could not withdraw them, and
that because the French nation would not permit
ir. (Cheers.) And why was it that the French
nation would not permit it ? Because the French
nation was a Catholic nation, and its will was sup-
ported by the unanimous will of Catholic Christen-
dom. (Cheers.) It had appeared to him that
that will had another source and support than in
any human agency, and he had felt, therefore, no
difficulty in making the counter prophecy, which
he had done, to the bold prediction of those who
told them that the Temporal Power of the Pope
was to fall. Last November they had a very fair
sample of what the strength of that Temporal
Power was as against the power of revolution.
The present age had been said very truly to be an
age of revolution. Beginning with the Revolution
iu France in 1789, the world had been inundated,
wave upon wave, with a succession of revolutions ;
but this tide of revolution had never reached its
highest till it came to the walls of Rome. It
reached the great breakwater, and it had been cast
back—(cheers)e—and he thought the Pontificate of
Pius IX. had been signally—in the eyes even of
the world—that barrier which had turned back the
inundation of revolution from the civil order of
Europe. (Cheers.) The life of the Holy Father
had been prolonged beyond the ordinary measures
of men ; but it appeared to him that it had not
yet reached its term, for his -Pontificate had not
yet cempleted its work. He believed that the
General Council which Pius IX. was about to de-
clare would mark an epoch in a reaction against
the anti-Christian revolution in Europe. (The
toast :,was drunk with unbounded enthusiasm.)
The Archb'shop afterwards proposed " The Queen
and the royal family." Her Majesty, he remarked,
ascended the throne at a perilous time in our his-
tory, but lie believed it might be said that her
reign hal restored the sentiment of personal and
affectionate loyalty amongst her subjects. (Cheers.)
The period when England legislated for itself was
over ; its days of narrow and restricted laws were

gone. When England united itself with Scotland
it lost its identity. and became Great Britain, and
when Great Britain united itself with Ireland it
ascended to a higher unity. (Cheers.) The
statutes of the constitution were like the raiment
of a child. What was fitted for its younger days
was unfit for these ; —the stature, and the limbs,
and the bulk of Great Britain and Ireland de-
manded another clothing. (Loud cheers.) There
were days when restricted laws in matters of re-
ligion were possible—he would not say whether
they were ever just. The days had come when
these laws were not only unjust, but were impos -
sible. (Cheers.) The reign of Queen Victoria
would, he believed, be written in history with this
note attached to it—which would be its glory—
that its glory was the period of the perfect religious
equality of all her subjects. (Cheers.) He ap-
plied this most emphatically to Ireland, because he
felt that England had little to ask for, and in the
name of justice she demanded it. (Loud cheers.)
Canon Maier proposed the health of the Chair-
man, and the Archbishop, in reply, took occasion
to remark that all over Britain so much kindness
and amity was now being extended towards Catho-
lics as to make it their bounden duty to exercise
the greatest degree of charity of which they were
capable. He proposed the health of the Bishop
of the Diocese, and afterwards that of Canon
Motler. Canon Motler, in the course of his
acknowledgment, made the announcement that
whereas little more than forty years ago there
were not above six or seven Catholics in Bradford,
there were now two churches, having each congre-
gations numbering some two thousand souls.
Those churches were St. Mary's and St. Patrick's,
and their success was an earnest of what was in-
tended to be done at St. Joseph's. (Cheers.)
The company shortly afterwards broke up.

THE REPUPLICAN SENATORS WHO ARE
BELIEVED TO HAVE VOTED AGAINST
TILE IMPEACHMENT CHARGES.

(From the Anglo-American Tims.)

The way in which the extreme Radicals have
treated the Republican Senators who announced
their intention of voting against the Impeachment
Charges will not tend to the elevation of the ex-
treme section in the opinion of the people. Trum-
bull was paid $5,000 for arguing the constitution-
ality of the Reconstruction Laws in the M'Ardle
case before the Supreme Court, so says a corre-
spondent of the New York Tribune ; adding, that
Republicans should ask to-night (May 11) what
the guerdon is for defending the President in the
Impeachment Trial. The Illinois Delegation in
Congress held that night an informal meeting, and
concluded that Mr. Trumbull, the prince of be-
trayers, had more than all else helped to defeat Im-
peachment, and that were his term to expire next
March instead of five years hence, he would take a
different view. William Pitt Fessenden was de-
feated in his attempt to secure the Presidency of the,
Senate when Andrew- John-eon succeeded the mur-
dered Lincoln, and he is not therefore supposed to
be warm in his friendship towards Mr. Wade, the
successful candidate. The correspondent declares
Fessenden gave his opinion to Andrew Johnson on
Impeachment before he gave it to the Senate, and
A. J. handed it over to the correspondent of a
New York Democratic journal, in whose co-
lumns it might be found that morning. A
prominent member from Illinois told the corres-
pondent he believed the State would buy the pistol
with which Senator Lane, of Kansas, shot himself,
and give it to Trumbull upon his first appearance
there. Mr. Fessenden defends himself with great
skill. He argues out the rights of Mr. Johnson
under the Tenure-of-Offide Act, and the status of
the President, showing that he is not merely acting
President, that he did not appoint Mr. Stanton,
and that even under the provisions of the Civil
Tenure Act he held the authority to remove that
Secretary. He deals briefly with the charges of
conspiracy and abuse of Congress, and after alluding
to the imperative duty of each Senator to vote
conscientiously, he thus proceeds :—" In the words
of Lord Eldon upon the trial of the Queen,
I take no notice of what is passing out of doors,
because I am supposed constitutionally nct to be
acquainted with it.' And again, it is the duty of
those on whom a ju licial task is imposed to meet
reproach and not court popularity.' The people have
not heard the evidence as we have heard it. The re-
sponsibility is not upon dim, but upon ns. They have
not taken an oath to do impartial justice according to
the Constitution and the laws. I have taken that oath.
• I cannot render judgment upon their conviction,
nor can they transfer to themselves my punishment
if I violate my oath. I should consider myself
undeserving the confidence that the just and
intelligent people imposed upon me in this great
responsibility, and unworthy a place among ho-
nourable men, if for any fear of public repro-
bation, and for the sake of securing public
favour, I should disregard the conviction of my
judgment and conscience. The consequences which
may follow, either from conviction or acquittal, are
not for me with my convictions to consider.
The future is in the hands of Him who made
and governed the universe, and the fear that
He will not govern it wisely and well would
not excuse me for a violation of his law."
Senator Grimes has been bullied into a para-
lytic stroke, and is very ill indeed. It was
thought that he would not be able to vote, and it
was proposed that Senators Howard, who is also ill,
and Wade should pair against him, two to one being
she requisite proportion. During the 13th Mr.
Grimes was labouring under great excitement. He
expressed his surprise, having been read out of the
party by the Chronicle, that any Republican should
speak to him, and commented bitterly upon the
course the friends of Impeachment had taken, and
he defied the sentiment of his State (Iowa). But
those who know him best declare that he has
keenly felt the loss of old friends. " Old Grimes is
dead, that bad old man," is now the parody of the
song. This is the style of the New York Tribune in
reference to these gentlemen :—" Everyone of the re-
creant lackeys who now knuckle and cringe before the
President's superior courage knew when they passed
the Tenure-of-Office Bill over the President's veto
exactly all that they now know of the Presdent's argu-
ments except his pluck. They thought then that the
law was constitutional. The votes of Grimes,
Fessenden, Henderson, Trumbull, and the rest are
so recorded at least four times. Trumbull aspired
to be the champion of this law in its constitutional
aspects. We do not know what the legal definition
of such a course would be, but to us it looks like
what the lawyers would define a perjury." Sena-
tor Henderson has had to withstand a fright-
ful pressure. The Representatives of Missouri,
urged by the citizens, and backed by his colleague,
Senator Drake, have applied the screw with such
effect, that at one time Mr. Henderson, tussling to
Mr. Pile, of St. Louis, said, " What you want is
the conviction of the President, I suppose, and if
you can obtain it without my resignation it will
satisfy you. I will examine the eleventh Ar-
ticle again, and if I cannot vote for it I will
resign." The Senator's interview with the Mis-
souri members of Congress was published, and
this annoyed him so much that in Washington
they said he intended to violate his compact. A
telegraphic correspondence passed on Wednesday,
the 13th, between the Senator and his St. Louis
constituents, which we give in full, as it helps to
explain the vote which we now know to have been
finally cast against the charges :—" St. Louis, May
13.—T0 Hon. J. B. Headers on.—There is intense
excitement here. A meeting is called for to-mor-
row night. Can your friends hope that you will
vote for the eleventh Article? If so, all will be
well.—E. W. Fox." " Washington, D.C., May 13.
—To E. 11. Fox, St. Louis, Mo.—Say to my friends
that I am sworn to do impartial justice, according
to the law and the evidence, and I will try to do it
like an honest man.—J. B. HENDERSON." To de-
clare his position more fully, Mr. Henderson, on
Wednesday, sent the following letter to the Mis-
souri delegation that called on him a few days ago
to request him to withhold his vote, if he intended
to cast it for the acquittal of the President :
" Washington, May 13, 18G8.—Gentlemen,—On
yesterday morning, being assured by you that
my position on the Impeachment question was
not only antagonistic to the unanimous voice

of the Union party of our State, but that it
would be likely to produce civil war and Woodshed
therein if it should result. in the acquittal of the
President, I was understood to say, under the cir-
cumstances, that rather than have such results fol-
low, I would tender my resignation as Senator, and
let some other person as my successor execute what
you suppose to be the voice of the party that sent
me here, and which has so generously sustained me
since I came. Again, last evening, I stated to you
that I was willing to accept your views as truly re-
presenting and reflecting the wishes of our party,
and that I thought it my duty to resign if I found
it impossible, on a full examination of the case, to
carry out that will on some one of the Articles of
Impeachment. I agreed to let you know my con-
clusions on the subject to-day, in order that you
might consult further, if you thought proper, and
advise with the governor in regard to my successor.
Since that time I have seriously reflected over
the whole matter, and have come to the conclu-
sion that, having been sworn to try this case on
the principles of impartial justice, and to render
a verdict according to the law and the evidence,
I cannot shrink or divide that responsibility with
others. It is for the House to find Articles of
Impeachment; It is for the Senate to try them. If
I resign before the vote, it strikes me I have come
short of the obligations of my oath, and as you are
pleased to place this matter on purely political
grounds, you will permit me to say that my resig-
nation can be of no possible service to you in that
respect. A proper sense of delicacy would prevent
my successor from voting, he not having heard the
case, and you are aware that voting in the negative
and declining to vote will be practically the same.
Should he forego delicacy and even secure convic-
tion by his vote, the manner of securing it will de-
feat every conceivable advantage to be derived. I .
have, therefore, resolved to stand by the obligations
of my oath, honestly discharge my duty, as it is
given me to know it ; and appealing to Heaven for
the rectitude of 'my intentions, I am determined to
follow the dictates of my conscience, and trust to a
generous and upright people for the vindication of
my conduct.--Your friend, JOHN B. HENDERSON."
These are the four outspoken Republican Senators
who announcel their intention of voting against
the charges. Trumbull's term expires in 1873 ;
Fessenden's in 1871 ; Grimes's in 1871, and Hen-
derson's in 1869. The other Republican Senators
supposed to be committed to a vote against the
charges are Senator
Jos. S. Fowler, of Tennessee
i whose term expires in 1781, and Van Winkle, of
West Virginia, whose term ends in 1869. His col-
league, Wartnian I. Willey, whose term expires in
1871, would, it is thought, vote against the second
Article, and on the 11th Article Frelinghuyseu,
whose term ends in 1869, and Edmund G. Ross, of
Kansas, whose term ends in 1871, would, it was
conjectured, go with the Democrats. But Fowler
was known at Washington to be opposed to Im-
peachment as a whole. All these Senators are com-
pared with Burr, Arnold, au .1 Davis, and " trai-
tor" is a mild word for some of the stump speak 3r3
and violent papers to use. Indeed we fear that
most disgraceful means have been taken to terrify
Senators into throwing aside all considerations
which militate against party dictation, even to the
threat of assassination. The degree of pressure in a
more legitimate way may be judged by the following
despatch sent broadcast over the country, signed as
it is by General Schenck, of Ohio, chairman of the
Republican Congressional Committee:—
Washington, D.C., May 12, 18G8.

Great danger to the peace of the country and the Re-
publican cause if Impeachment fails. Sand to your Sena-
tors before Saturday, public opinion by resolution, letters,
and delegations.

ROBERT C. SCHENCK, Chairman.
These Senators, according to the Managers, are in
imagination either suspended on a " gibbet of ever-
lasting obloquy," or making their way home " on a
long and dark track of infamy."

THE FREE-7 RARE HO VEMENT IIV
AMERICA.

Now that Impeachment is dead and all but
burie 1, and Reconstruction in a fair way to be ac-
complished, the great question arising into promi-
nence in the United States is Protection versus Free
Trade. Hitherto the subject has lain outside the
two parties, but it is of sufficient magnitude in
itself to divide the nation, and the rallying cries are
even now beginning to be heard around the stan-
dards of Free Trade and Protection. On the 12th
May a meeting was held in New York to advocate
the principle of taxation for revenue only, under
the presidency of Dr. Francis Lieber: Dr. Leavitt,
Dr. J. P. Thompson, General J. S. Schultz, William
B. Scott, Edward Atkinson, Amasa Walker, Prof.
A. L. Perry, and others spoke. Mr. Atkinson is
connected with the cotton manufacturing interest,
and his speech was supposed to indicate the opinion
of New England, and from these circumstances it
derived a peculiar interest. He was very severe
upon the movement to increase the present exces-
sive revenue duties, and the drift of his remarks may
be gathered from the following propositions with
which his address closed :—" Ist. We should de-
feat any attempt to raise the rates of duty. 21.
We should reform our currency anti take positive
measures toward specie payment, for I do not be-
lieve it is safe or practicable to attempt any per-
manent settlement of the tariff until we are on a
specie basis. 3d. We should first adjust the tariff
upon moderate rates upon many articles. In fix-
ing those rates we should adjust them to the point
at which they will yield the most revenue. 4th.
We should then follow the example of England by
constantly enlarging the free list, as circumstances
will allow, until we come to a simple and effective
system of taxation somewhat similar to that of
England, but with such variations as our dif-
ferent circumstances and conditions require."
The Free-traders are divided into two schools ; the
one advocating an immediate change in the Cus-
toms' laws of the nation ; the other, a progressive
change ; but both were fully represented at this
meeting, and thoroughly harmonized to defeat the
endeavours of the ultra-Protectionists to increase
the whole line of duties, and to secure the appoint-
ment of a Secretary to the Treasury who favours
unlimited expansion. Among the resolutions passed
the most significant are the following:—" Resolved,
That extravagant duties injure manufactures by
inducing home competition ; that any industry is
best established by regular and natural methods.
Resolved, That in the revision of the tariff, now
imperatively demanded, regard should be bad only
to the necessity of the Government for revenue,
and that in such revision all legislation intended to
foster special interests should be avoided. Resolved,
That a return to specie payments is most important,
both to commerce and manufactures." The change
of sentiment in New England on Protection was
even more strikingly indicated, strangely enough,
in a debate in Congress on the 7th May, when the
resolution was brought forward instructing the
President to send war-vessels to the St. Lawrence
to protect the interests of American fishermen. Mr.
Pike, Republican of Maine, moved the resolution, and
in reply to the remarks which followed described the
decay of American shipping, attributing it to the high
tariff on all materials entering into ship-building,
and to high taxes generally. He complained that
Congress had removed the taxation from rich manu-
facturers and had failed to relieve the humbler in-
terests of the country. Mr. Myers (Republican),
from Philadelphia, interrupting him, Mr. Pike de-
clined to yield, saying he was familiar from his boy-
hood with the argument the gentleman desir3d to
make ; he had used that tariff argument himself
ever since he had learned to t ilk in public. He
had been a " Protectionist" in his day, and had
tried to persuade the people that if the rich were
protected the rich would protect the poor, and that
if the rich manufacturers were protected commu-
nities of poor men would grow up around the manu-
facturers, who would receive the dribble of protectio❑
that filtered through their rich employers. He was
getting somewhat over that notion—(laughter)--
was getting cured of that idea. 11 had come to

think there ought to be a reform in the revenue
laws, and, instead of a higher tariff, there ought
to be a reasonable- tariff founded on reasonable
principles. The decay of American shipping was
caused by the tariff. It cost two dollars in an
American port to build a vessel, where it cost
one dollar in an English port. It cost 100,000

dollars to set a thousand-ton ship afloat in New
York, and but 50,000 dollars in Liverpool, for
which the high rates of duties was doubtless the
reason. Mr. Miller (Republican), of Pennsylvania,
inquired whether Mr. Pike was in favour of free
trade in building vessels. Mr. Pike replied that he
had stated his proposition clearly. We must have
the articles that go into ships free of duty, or we
cannot build ships. If it be an object to have ships
in this country, you must allow shipbuilders to
have their materials free. Mr. Eldridge (Demo-
crat), of Wisconsin, said he understood Mr. Pike,
the gentleman from Maine, to be talking very much
like a Western man, and to be expresing himself
in favour of free trade ; but he wished to inquire
whether, if free trade were good fur the people of
New England in building ships, it was pot also good
for the labouring masses of the West in regard to
the articles on which they lived and with which
they were clothed. Mr. Pike declined to go into a
general tariff discussion. Mr. Kelly (Republican),
of Philadelphia, asked whether history did not prove
that every nation, from Phoenicia and the Hanseatic
League to England in her decadence, which had
risen to commercial prosperity and depended on
trade rather than on the development of land and
material resources, had not marched to decline
from the day of the establishment of commer-
cial ascendancy. Mr. Pike said that nations
rise and fall, and there were various reasons
for their fall ; but his only comment was that the
United States in the meridian of her power was
yielding control of the sea. Mr. Myers said that
since the inland revenue taxes on manufactures.
had been taken off one manufacturing firm in
Philadelphia had increased its working force by
200 persons. He was in favour of imposing taxes
where taxes should be impOsed, and of removing
them where they should be removed. Mr. Pile
(Republican), of Missouri, said that he did not
understand Mr. Pike to be in favour of free trade,
but only that he had changed his opinion as to the
propriety of a very high protective tariff, which was
generally entertained by New England some years
ago. In welcoming Mr. Pike to the Western plat-
form on the tariff question, he did not wish to be
understood as endorsing the idea advanced by Mr.
Eldridge that the West is in favour of free trade.
So far as he understood it, the West was in favour
of reasonable protection to the manufacturing in-
terests—a revenue tariff, and not a high protective
tariff. These are the straws which show the direc-
tion of the tide. The Hon. Ben. Wade was defeated
in Cut nomination for the Vice-Presidency, and we
believe his succession in case of Andrew Johnson's
deposition had no small effect on the Impeachment
verdict, as he was known strongly to favour the
ultra-Protectionists, whose grand parade of prohi-
bition duties on the advent of their acting Presi-
dent at once alarmed the numberless citizens who
think the tariff. already too high. The coming
battle is the Battle of Free Trade.