The Sun.
London, England, 1868-04-04 00:00:00

STAGE PLAYS.

Dr. BRADY asked the Secretary of State for the Home
Department if his attention had been directed to a para-
graph which had -appeared in several of the daily papers to
the effect that the Lord Chamberlain had re-
fused to license a play dramatised by Mr.
Oxenford from Mr. Dickens' celebrated work of " Oliver
T wist ;" and that all plays from the same work were in-
terdicted in London as being offensive to parish beadles ;
and whether he approved of the Lord Chamberlain's con-
sideration for the feelings of the parish authorities?
Mr. HARDY said it was altogether a mistake, as Mr.
Oxenford's play had been licensed.

THE IRISH CHURCH-THE ADJOURNED
DEBATE.

Mr. COLERIDGE resumed the adjourned debate, and
strongly supported the disendowment of the Irish Church
from an English Churchman's point of view.
The resolutions were supported by Colonel Greville and
Sir Thomss Lloyd, while Sir Charles Lanyon and Lord
Hamilton defended the Establishment.
Mr. CARDWELL appealed to Mr. Disraeli to state
whether the issue to be laid before the country was to be
found in the speeches of Lord Stanley, of Mr. Hardy, or cf
Lord Mayo, and to explain distinctly whether he adhered
to his speech of 1844, or to his recent letter.
Mr. DISRAELI rose just at half-past 10, in a crowded
house, and was loudly cheered by the Ministerial benches.
He began by stating his views of Mr. Gladstone's mean-
ing—that he proposed to terminate the connection between

Church and State as far as the Irish Church is concerned;
that he intended a disestablishment, which must lead to a
disendowment. This question having suddenly been
brought before Parliament, the Government had to con-
sider how they would meet it. Considering that it was
brought forward by the leader of the Opposition, and the
other circumstances attending it, the "previous ques-
tion" was impossible— a direct negative would have led
to an inference that the Government did not admit any
modification to be necessary, which was not their opinion.
The third course open to them was an amendment, and in
defending Lord Stanley's amendment Mr. Disraeli quoted
a dictum of Sir R. Peel, "Never attempt in your amend-
ment to express your policy. In that amendment there
were two points taken on which the Government were
prepared to stand; and, commenting on the second of
them, Mr. Disraeli declared that by his phrase " denying
the moral competence of Parliament" ho had meant that
when a fundamental law of the country was in ques-
tion, a House of Commons could not decide upon it,
elected by a constituency which had never had an intima-
tion that such an attack was contemplated. That this
house was not elected with any view to deciding the Irish
Church question was shown by Lord Palmerston's mani-
festo at the last election and Mr. Gladstone's letter quoted
the other night, and though he had never hold the Act
of Union to be irreversible, it certainly was preposterous
to ask Parliament to reverse such a solemn muniment at
eight days' notice. After replying, in his happiest and li
most effective vein of repartee, to the attacks of Lord
Cranborne and Mr. Lowe, he went on to examine the cir-
cumstances under which Mr. Gladstone had proposed
what he described as a "vast and violent" change. Ad-
mitting that Ireland was not in a satisfactory condition,
though the people were better off socially and politically
than at any other time, he ridiculed Mr Gladstone's pic-
ture of a "crisis" gathered from the dark reminiscences of
seven centuries, and refused to argue the Irish question
on this fallacious assumption. Vindicating the Irish
policy of the Government, he claimed for him-
self and his party, in or out of office, always
to have acted on the principle of reconciling races in
Ireland, and strengthening Protestant interests by doing
justice to the Roman Catholics, and of putting both
creeds on a footing of perfect equality. But the policy
now recommended by Mr. Gladstone was in complete
antagonism to a policy of conciliation ; it would foster
anomalies and indefinitely defer the restoration of political
tranquillity. His attack on the Irish Church involved a
violation of the rights of property never suggested before in
Parliament by any statesman in a position of responsibility
—and though recognising a difference between public and
private property as far as the State is concerned, he
pressed upon the House to weigh well what effect upon
private rights this attack upon Church property might
have. To deprive the Church of her property and to in-
dicate no mode of disposing of it was sheer confisca-
tion, but, above all, he protested strongly against
the application of it to secular purposes. In the
latter part of his speech Mr. Disraeli, responding
to Mr. Cardwell's request to have a clear and
definite issue submitted to the House, dilated on
the importance, not so much to the Church as the State,
of maintaining the connexion between political authority
and the religious principle; and the only mode of securing
that connexion was by an Establishment. If that con-
nexion were terminated in Ireland whore would you stop?
Why should it not be terminated in Scotland and Wales,
and even in Eugland. It was the ulterior consequences of
this attack on the Irish Church which he wished to im-
press on the public mind. Mr. Gladstone appeared here as
the representative of a combination of the high Ritualistic
party and the supporters of the Pope in Ireland, and,
tinder the guise of legislating in the spirit of the age;','
an attack was made on some of the most precious privi-
leges of the subject, which he pledged himself as long as
he remained First Minister he would resist to the utmost
of his ability.
Mr. GLADSTONE rose to reply just about 1 o'clock,
and dismissing Mr. Disraeli's speech with the remark that
most of it was irrelevant, and much of it due to a heated
imagination, he explained the figures by which he made
out that his scheme would leave the Protestants in pos-
session of three-fifths of the present value of the Church
property. Answering the various arguments urged in the
course of the debate, and acknowledging its general fair-
ness towards himself, he ridiculed the fears expressed of
the irritating effects of this change on the minds of the
Protestants, and pointed to the numerous successful in-
stances of disestablisment. Mr. Disraeli's argument that a
fundamental law of the country could not be dealt with by
Parliament without reference to the constituencies, he de-
scribed as ultra-democratic, if not anarchical. He did not
conceal his intention to separate Church from State in Ire-
land, and that he argued was the most effectual mode of
preserving what Mr. Disraeli called the connexion between
Government and the religious principle. And to the ob-
jection that this would lead t) the destruction of the
English Church, Mr. Gladstone replied that each establish-
ment must stand on its own merits, and the Irish Establish-
ment could not be maintained by its applicability to Eng-
land. Examining the varying declarations of the Premier,
the Home Secretary, and the Irish Secretary, and extract-
ing from it the conclusion that their plan was to endow the
.Catholic Church. ho emphatically condemned it as too
late, and contrary to the sense of England and Scotland,
and repudiated by the Irish Catholics themselves. Reply-
ing to Mr. Roebuck's inquiry whether ho was prepared
with a bill, he disclaimed heartily the idea of " huddling
the question up in an abstract resolution," and he pointed
to the second and third resolutions as a proof that it was
not intended once again to mock the people
of Ireland with idle words. But, while no unrea-
sonable demand was made on the time of an expiring
Parliament, he asked it to pronounce an opinion which
would clear the way for its successors.

The division was called at 20 minutes past 2, and the
numbers wero—

For Lord Stanley'samendment 270
Against it ... ... 330
Majority against the Government 60
The result was received with loud cheering from the
Opposition benches.
There was a second division on the question that the
house go into Committee, and the numbers on this wore—
For the motion ... •.. ... 328
Against it 272
Majority for the motion „, 56

The House then went into Committee, and after the
first resolution had been formally put, the Chairman was
ordered to report progress.

At a quarter-past 3 o'clock the House adjourned until
Monday, the 20th instant.

lIIE POLITICS OF THE FUTURE.

The debate on the Irish Church is not only
a party contest, a life and death struggle
between the Insand the Outs, but it is some-
thing far more—a discussion of rare occurrence
involving principles of the most momentous
consequence to the nation. Under the pro-
cess of this discussion men are learning to
know their own minds, to define their political
views as to the position of religion in political
life, and as they formulate their conclusions,
they will have to range themselves into new
combinations. Such a process—the natural
result of an earnest attempt to discover a con-
sistent principle of action—cannot but have a
disintegrating effect on existing political par-
ties, whose bond of union, until this question
arose with its imperious demand of justice
undelayed was a common view as to the fran-
chise, or free trade, or foreign policy. What-
ever the immediate effect of this debate may
be, men, whose opinions influence the life and
history of a nation, must declare themselves
either for or against the religious principle in
politics. No more momentous issue can be
put to a nation. England has hitherto enjoyed,
almost unconsciously, the happy heritage of
Catholic principles in politics. Hers was a
traditional wisdom, far surpassing the actual
statesmanship of many a Catholic nation which
had passed through the furnace of the Revo-
lution or suffered from the desolating effects
of a wide-spread irreligious Liberalism. Cus-
tom is nowhere stronger than in Conserva-
tive England, but custom has been on God's
side.

Now the traditional course, the principles
of our Catholic Constitution, have to be squared
with the principles of the age. The Irish
Church question is forcing on a decision which
could not anyhow have been long delayed in
the presence of that other great question which
awaits a solution—national education. We
must make up our minds whether, as a nation,
we are to uphold our traditional religious cha-
racter in politics, or sacrifice it to the irreli-
gious Liberalism of an influential and growing
section of English society. England, indeed,
has hitherto been better than her principles.
Is the nation now, under the force of the new
school of political philosophers, to square her
old practice with the new principles of politi-
cal and religions thought Such are the re-
flections which the Irish Church question is
forcing upon the public mind.
The Radicals, the Manchester school, the
philosophers and their allies and auxiliaries,
in a greater or lesser degree, are opposed
to the principle of Church Establishments
And endowments, to the public recognition
of religion, to the power and presence even
of the Church in public life. In the present
debate their course of action is clear ; they are
against the Irish Church, not only or exclu-
siyely because it is not the national Church

but an alien religion forced on an unwilling
people by conquest and maintained in injus-
tice, but because it is a State Church. They
would sever politics, taken in the widest sense
of the word, from religion. The public life
of the nation, the actions of the State, the aim
and end of Government are, on the theory of
the rising school, to have no public connec-
tion whatsoever with religion. Religion is to
be to the State an unknown influence. Indi-
viduals in their private capacity may be open,
if they:choose, to religious influences, but their
private opinions are to have no public effect,
and the religious association to which they be-
long no public recognition. Catholics have
no principles in common with the Liberation
Society and the philosophical secularists ;
they are the enemies of the Irish Establish-
ment, but no friends of ours—non tali auxilio
nee defensoribus
At the present moment no policy would be
more beneficial, indeed, nothing is more neces-
sary for the sake of the highest interests of
the nation, than to challenge and defy the
godless theory of Government, to put the Man-
chester school and the philosophers on their
defence, to force them to avow before the face
of the nation their real and ultimate designs.
Were the Government to proclaim with one
voice, if that be possible in a Cabinet divided
against itself, that the public recognition of
religion, the endowment of the Church, its
union with the State, its control of every public
matter affecting spiritual interests, were essen-
tial principles of the English constitution im-
bedded in the heart of the nation, and that it
would be a treason to God, and a consummate
injury to the highest interests of the nation
to sacrifice the religious character of the State
to the theories of modern Liberalism, such a
distinct avowal of policy, such a challenge, we
feel satisfied, would rally greater support round
the Government than the " cross-fishing "
tactics that have no higher aim than to catch
stray votes. But what policy is more short-
sighted, or more disingenuous, than to con-
found the support of the Irish Establishment
with the upholding of a State Church such
as that of England ? The conditions under
which the Irish and English Establishments
exist are, as we endeavoured to show last week,
totally different in character. To defend the
Irish Establishment is, indeed, to give strength
to the enemies of State Churches, and to divest
their designs in the public mind of their
irreligious character. Inferences are quickly
drawn. Men readily see that to attack so gross
a violation of justice as the existence of the Irish
Establishment is not an irreligious act, but a
duty. The sympathy, therefore, of a people
who love justice is on the side of State-Church
abolitionists, at least in their. first step. To put
the enemies of religious endowments in the
right, even in one instance, is a grave folly.
The Government, in supporting the Irish
Establishment, is guilty of this irreparable
folly. Every true friend and supporter of the
principle of the public recognition of religion
by the State ought now to declare : Let jus-
tice be done on the Irish Establishment=let a
Church which is not the Church of the nation,
but the Church of a small minority, an alien
Church, repugnant to the faith and to the
patriotism of the people, imposed upon them
by force, be disestablished and disendowed—
let the Church of the nation—since for good
and sufficient reasons it declines to be be-
holden to the State—be at least publicly recog-
nized, give legal value to its acts, acknowledge
officially the status of its episcopate and clergy,
and treat it in every respect as a corporate
body possessing rights and representing the
religion of the nation. By so doing the Go-
vernment would proclaim a definite policy,
would draw a line of marked distinction be-
tween itself and the irreligious Liberalism of
the philosophers of the Manchester school and
their disciples. Such a policy would remove
from Ireland a long-standing injustice, would
save the English Establishment, and would be
a pledge that at least one powerful party in
the State would uphold as a principle of its
existence the recognition of religion in England
in all its relations to public life.
_ .

In the new combinations of parties which
the strife and collision of principles such as
now stir the hearts of men, is sure to bring
about, the statesman who is sagacious enough
to take his stand on the religious principle in
politics, would not only be able to head a
powerful party, united by a common and in-
creasing danger, but even by the attempt
alone to stem the onsweep of irreligious Libe-
ralism, would confer an unspeakable benefit
on his country, and earn for himself an hon-
ourable name in the annals of its history.—
TVestminster Gazelle.

MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)

The accounts of the Irish reception of the Heir
Apparent and the New Zealand reception of his
younger brother will simultaneously be presented
to the public, and will form a pleasing contrast.
While the Prince of Wales is surrounded by gor-
geous ceremonials, which the " bloated aristocrats"
know so well how to make imposing, while an an-
cient Cathedral, rich in church decoration, and re-
sounding with the solemn swell of sacred music,
witnesses an installation every effort of heraldry
combines to make impressive—the Duke of Edin-
burgh will be the centre of a Maori circle with a
before him,
tbha bas potatoes
aorfments
o ld a nbdl a
nak
es
tusc kwi gt h before
hole in the
middle ; the fretted aisles, smoke stained r afters,
or better still, the canopy of heaven. But if civili-
zation gives to the elder brother the advantages of
wealth and refinement in the hospitality extended,
nature will do much to compensate the younger for
these deficiencies. Through an atmosphere whose
brilliancy and purity that of Italy but faintly re-
sembles, the Prince will look abroad from the
mountain pah over a wild waste of towering moun-
tains and rushing water, of stupendous forests and
distant snow-capped ranges, and feel the elasticity
imparted by the pure untainted air of an unin-
habited country. The invitation has been extended
to him by a Chief of the Society Islands, who, when
asked how he intended to entertain his Royal
Highness, replied, " I would give him a basket of
sweet potatoes and taro and a sucking pig ; then,
if he were not full, he should have a basket of
oranges."
If the Fenians have made Ireland fashionable in
society, they have succeeded likewise in making
Irish questions fashionable in the Legislature.
Mr. Gladstone proposes to disendow and dis-
establish the Irish Church, and the wild Irish
howl that followed the resolution has been
caught up in England, and from the row
it might be conjectured that the greatest " wake"
yet known in the Emerald Isle was taking place.
It does not follow that the Irish Church is dead
and going to be buried, even though it should be dis-
endowed and divorced from the State. Many such
measures have been adopted amidst the most con-
fident predictions of ruin, but instead of ruin the
thing that has real energy and vitality, freed from
degrading trammels and spurred by the necessity
for exertion, has thriven beyond the expectation of
the most sanguine promoter of the measure. As it
exists the Irish Church is simply hateful to the mass
of the Irish people. It is a badge of conquest, a
clanking chain of servitude ; and to expect an en-
thusiastic and imaginative race to hug these fetters,
is to look for an absurdity. A more useless
establishment has never been maintained for a
more lengthened period. It was founded to
Protestantiz3 Ireland ; and it has male
Ireland the most Catholic country of Europa ; it
was founded to maintain English ascendancy, and
it has male the very name of England hateful to
every Celt in every part of the worl 1. It was
founded to pacify the island, and the latest crop it
has produced is Fenianisin. All principles of jus-
tice being outraged by this establishment, it could
not offer any strenuous opposition to the measure
that swept it from it existence, were it not re-
garded as the outer bulwark of the establishment in
England. There the case is wholly different, for
the Church finds its hold in the hearts of the people.
It, is the Church of their fathers for long genera-

tions, and is so intimately associated with their
lives that it would be impossible to wrench the
Church of England from England, although this
might be accomplished by the slow growth of
changing habits and opinions.
An edifying scene followed the public reprimand
administered to the Rev. Stephen 11. Tyng in the
Church of the Transfiguration at New York,
March 14. That gentleman, as we announced in
our issue March 7, was tried and convicted by an
ecclesiastical court for preaching in a Methodist
Church. The rector of New Brunswick brought
the charge, as it was there that Mr. Tyng had con-
ducted the services according to the Methodist
forms of worship, though in episcopal orders. The
bishop addressed to the culprit a long admonition,
which was received in silence, and the rector com-
menced reading the prayers. Dr. Tyng, senior, at
the same moment rose to deliver a written protest,
and both were speaking at the same time. The
bishop ordered the rector to go on, and Dr. 'Tyng„
who remained standing, ceased to read. On the
conclusion of the service Dr. Tyng advanced to the
altar, and handed his protest to the bishop. From
all parts of the Church the friends of the Tyngs
gathered around and urged them to ascend the
pulpit, while the supporters of orthodoxy vigorously
hissed and groaned. The growing dimensions of
the ecclesiastical dispute were cut short by the en-
trance of the police, and a bitter feeling has been
generated by the occurrence.
It is with great pleasure we record a sequel to
the above scene, which tells highly in the Rev. S.
Tyng's favour. The Holy Trinity Church was
crowded, the aisles being occupied, and no standing
room anywhere left. It was expected that Mr.
Tyng would allude in his sermon to his trial, and
to the admonition he had lately received from
Bishop Potter, and it was this that had caused the
rush of religious sensationalists. After the service,
Mr. Tyng approached the desk in the pulpit, and
while eager eyes were fixed, and listening ears ex-
pecting, said, " It is hardly necessary for me to say
to my own people, and others accustomed to wor-
ship here, that this pulpit is never degraded by per-
sonal vindications, nor made the place to pander to
partizan feelings, but from it only can be heard the
simplest vindication of the Gospel. Those among
you that have come for any other purpose will be
disappointed, but it may be good that you are here,
as some of the simplest truths of the Gospel may
find a resting place in your hearts, helping you to
eternal salvation."

The rumour gains ground that Chief Justice
Chase is to be the Democratic candidate for the
Presidency. The Washington Rep/Wean gives
this as the platform upon which the Chief Justice
will stand:—" Ist. Manhood suffrage. 2d. Resump-
tion of specie payment as soon as possible. 3d. A
tariff for revenue. 4th. Reconstruction on the
basis of the legislation of Congress. If, therefore,
the Democratic party choose to take him upon these
conditions he will doubtless accept." Of course
among the rumours are " authentic" lists of
Ben Wade's Cabinet, but the most authentic ap-
pears to be the following :—" For Secretary of
State, Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts ; for Sec-
retary of the Treasury, Jay Cooke, of Ohio—with
an understanding that he shall thereupon resign his
present interest in the banking business, and cut
himself loose from his partners ; for Secretary of
War, Major-General John A. Logan, of Illinois ;
for Attorney-General, Congressman Wilson, of
lowa ; for Secretary of the Navy, Judge William
Kelly, of Pennsylvania ; for Postmaster-General,
Horace Greely, of New York ; and for Secretary of
the Interior, Senator Drake, of Missouri."
It is unfortunate for the country that American
politicians, even in elevated places, carry their
party animosity into their domestic relations, and
the system tends to add a bitterness and venom to
political contests they ought not to be permitted
to possess. The person who holds the highest legal
position perhaps in the world is Chief Justice
Chase. Ile presides over the Supreme Court of the
United States, and at this moment he sits in the
chair of the Court engaged in the trial of a Presi-
dent. Yet the decisions of this great dignitary
have brought upon him unmeasured, and in some
instances unmeaning, abuse. He is supposed to
act from political motives when he rules in
favour of the President. Immediately what he
says and does, what he thinks and dreams is can-
vassed. The Anti-Slavery Standard denounces him as
the ally of the President, pointing to the fact that
on a Wednesday, not a month since, the doors of
the Chief Justice's drawing-room were flung open,
and the usher announced the President of the
United States and daughter. " The man," it says,
"is mad with the Presidential fever, despe-
rate in the consciousness of baffled plans,
meanly jealous of Wade, perhaps cherishing the
forlorn hope of a Democratic nomination, joins
forces with the enemy." He is " a serious obstacle,
whose evil intentions are only limited by his cou-
rage, which, fortunately, is not great." Butler
lately brought shameful charges against the Presi-
dent, for which he had not an atom of proof.
General Logan created a sensation by alleging that
Treasury officials had professed to burn Bonds
which they in truth issued, substituting blank
paper, and when this was shown to be false, with-
out changing a muscle, he asserted that if they did
not cheat in that way they did in others, and " that
all the committees in earth or heaven were not
going to scare him off." The other day, at Mr.
Gladstone's party, the most favoured guest was Mr.
Disraeli ; it was noticed that the host took the guest
aside to tell him a good story, and for a quarter of
an hour the rival chiefs had all the laughing to
themselves. Yet Gladstone, by a party shuffle of
which Disraeli was aware, was about to try to bowl
out the new-made Premier. People should fairly
fight out their public battles in the public arena,
but carry the " shop" as little as possible into the
intercourse of private life.
Mr. M'Cullach's letter on the bill repealing the
inland revenue duties on manufactures was read in
the Senate during the debate. The Secretary urged
that the decrease in the revenues would be very
heavy, that already by the repeal of the cotton tax
an annual loss would be incurred of $20,000,000 ;
that not only would the present bill add to this
loss $60,000,000, but by lowering the prices of
domestic goods less would be received from
abroad, and the customs' returns would be like-
wise affected. He estimated all this in the
aggregate at one hundred to one hundred
and twenty millions, which made him apprehen-
sive that if the bill became law the re-
venues would be insufficient to meet both" the cur-
rent expenses of the Government and the interest
on the public debt. Nothing, he says, would be
more disastrous to the credit of the Government,
as so reducing taxes that a necessity would arise
to increase the public debt. The Senate, however,
were not influenced by Mr. M'Culloch's reasoning,
and the bill passed by 32 to 1.2, and goes to the
President for signature.
On the 9th March, in the House of Representa-
tives, an exciting scene came off. The discussion
was on the Senate Amendment to the House Bill
requiring the money from the abandoned cotton,
now in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury,
to be appropriated by the Treasury of the United
States. Mr. Logan, of Illinois, asserted that many
rebels had benefited by the sale of captured cotton ;
and in answer to Mr. Chanler, of New York, he
named Bruce, lately in the Confederate service, vc ho
was enabled in this way to buy a large hotel on
Broadway, New York, and who left it on his death
to his heirs. " Mr. Chanler," he continued, " must
have known Mr. Bruce, for he was a rebel and a
traitor, and no doubt a friend of the gentleman's ;"
on which Mr. (Mauler raised his voice aloud, but
loud as it was, it did not drown that of the General,
and above the din sounded the gavel of the Speaker.
On silence being restored, Mr. Logan continued,
"he was not at all disturbed by anything the gen-
tleman from Now York could possibly have said ; a
wasp can buzz, and make a noise; an ant cau sting,
and the smallest things may sometimes annoy."
Here Mr. Chanler interrupted, "Yes," he cried,
" and an ass can kick."

We regret to see that Mr. Thornton's Note to
Mr. Seward, referring to the British subject, Allan
*Donald, who was arrested in Canada by a Mi-
chigan sheriff's officer for smuggling and counter-
feiting, has brought him into trouble with the Go-

vernment of the Dominion. Mr. Seward's Note to
the Minister, at the same time that. it expressed
disapproval and censured the act of the Michigan
officer, announced that M'Donald was to be
taken into Canada and there set at liberty. Mr.
Thornton, in reply, expressed the appreciation of
his Government of the course proposed; adding, as
they had no sympathy with a malefactor, that on
his own responsibility he declined to accept the offer
to set M'Donald at liberty. On the 17th March,
in the Parliament at Ottawa, Mr. Mackenzie moved
for the correspondence, and called the attention of
the Minister of Justice to the newspaper report of
the circumstances. Sir John Macdonald acknow-
ledged the correctness of the newspapers, expressed
his surprise that a person illegally abducted should
be thus detained in the United States; adding
was due to the House and to the country to have
some explanation of the extraordinary and unprece-
dentel conduct of the British Minister at Washing-
ton. (llcar, hear.) We should not permit any
British Minister to take upon himself to say he
would surrender the rights and liberties of a British
subject whom American authorities had no right to
detain." This is not a bad sample of the manner in
which England benefits by her connection witli
Canada.

At the sitting of the North German Parliament,
on the 2d April, the treaty recently concluded with
the United States, settling the nationality of emi-
grants, passed the final reading almost unani-
mously, the Polish members dissenting. It has
been semi-officially declared that the Treaty re-
ceived the sanction of the American Senate, at
Washington, March 26. It is, therefore, complete ;
and Count Bismarck has announced that it will
always be carried into effect in a conciliatory spirit.
It provides that citizens of one country who have
become naturalized in the other, and resided there
for five years uninterruptedly, shall be held and
treated as citizens of such country ; but he cannot
be relieved from trial and punishment for crimes
previously committed against the laws of his ori-
ginal country by thus becoming a citizen of the
other. The declaration of an intention to be-
come a citizen of one or the other country can-
not have the effect of naturalization. A person
naturalized in either country, who shall re-
turn to his original or native country, with the in-
tent to remain, is to be held as having renounced
his naturaliaatiou. A residence of two years is to
be taken as such intent. case has just occurred
in France which proves the value of such a treaty.
A Frenchman emigrated to Louisiana at the age of
17, where be quickly became the head of a great
commercial house, and amassed .a fortune. His
father died, and he returned to France at the age
of 27 to settle family affairs, when he was arrested
as a deserter, having been drawn in the conscrip-
tion in his absence. He has just been tried by the
military tribunal of Bordeaux, and it is probable
that the present agitation in the United States on
naturalization has taught the tribunal the necessity
of a mild sentence, for it was limited to six days'
imprisonment.

The elections in Connecticut are now eagerly
looked forward to, the campaign having been opened
by both parties. Two score of Republican Con-
gressmen are to " stu mp" the State, but report does
not say how many stump orators the Democrats will
furnish. Until last year the State was Radical,
but it was then carried for the Democrats by a ma-
jority of 800. Although highly elated with the
result of the New Hampshire elections, the Republi-
cans will not consider their victory complete unless
they triumph in Connecticut. It is even said that
the decision there this month will foreshadow the
elections in November. Although somewhat shaken
in confidence by their defeat in New Hampshire,
the Democrats are still sanguine of again succeed-
ing in Connecticut. Strong efforts will be made ;
every absent citizen who has a right to vote will be
forwarded to the State ; every doubtful one open
to a bribe will be bought, and no stone left un-
turned by either party to secure the victory. Port-
land, Maine, has at last succeeded in electing a Re-
publican Mayor, by a majority of eleven in a total
vote of 5,500.
The Reconstruction Committee have•introduced
another bill for the re-admission of Alabama so
soon as her Legislature shall have complied with
the 14th Amendment of the Constitution proposed
in 1866. The members returned by Alabama for
Congress are in Washington, but there is little
chance of their admission this Session. The Repre-
sentatives of the rival Reconstruction Conventions
of Florida are also in Washington, each party with
a different Constitution, to puzzle Congress. Several
of the Reconstruction Conventions have finished
their work and adjourned, that of North Carolina
going out in a characteristic way, though one any-
thing but to the satisfaction of the planters of that
proud State. The scene is described by telegrams
from Raleigh, March 17, the day of the adjournment.
The Conservatives refused to sign the Constitution
and withdraw ; the floor was cleared, black and
white jcined hands and danced in a circle to the
ringing of the Capitol bell and such songs as " Old
John Brown," " Hang Jefferson Javis on a sour
apple tree," which was responded to from the gallery
by the rebel cry, "Three cheers for Jefferson
Davis"—given with a will. A telegram also an-
nounced in New York, just prior to the departure
of the mail, that the Arkansas Constitution had
been defeated by a majority of 15,000 votes. In
Texas the election was very nearly a failure, the
50,000 votes polled being less than 4,000 above the
necessary half of the registry. the Convention
consists of 81 white and 9 negro delegates, the ma-
jority of voters being white, and it is believed that
no Conservatives have been elected.
The news from Rio Janeiro to March 9th is to
the effect, that on the 17th of February three
monitors paged Curupaity, and on the 19th six
ironclads succeeded in forcing the passage of Hu-
maita. The ships were much battered, but none
lost ; ten men were wounded. On the same day
the Marquis de Caxias stormed a work north of
Humaita, taking fifteen cannon and a quantity of
stores. The loss on each side was about 600
men. On the 21st three iron-clads steamed
on to Assompcion, and found that place
and all the river towns abandoned. A corps
of 11,000 men was about to march thither.
The Brazilian account is that on the 19th of Febru-
ary six Brazilian armour-plated ships forced the
passage of Humaita, which was defended by 180
pieces of artillery. Three ships remained before
Tagi, which was occupied by the Brazilians ; the
others ascended the river as far as Assumpcion,
which they found had been evacuated. On the
same day Marshal de Caxias, with 6,000 men, car-
ried at the point of the bayonet a redoubt
situated to the north of Humaita, capturing
fifteen cannon. The losses in killed, wounded,
and prisoners amounted to 1,600 men.. This
news sent up Brazilian stocks, but it by no
means follows that because the capital of Paraguay
has been captured that Lopez is brought to the end
of his resources, or that the country has been con-
quered. As a matter of course, when the ironclads
passed the fortress, Assumpcion was at their mercy,
and being evacuated fell into the bands of the
Allies ; but not a soldier of the Allied army has as
yet moved, and powerful as the fleet may be along
the river it is helpless beyond. It may turn out
that the Allies have but gained a barren tri-
umph; the rest of the news is as follows:--
" A revolution broke out at Montevideo on the
19th of February, caused by a rising of the Blanco
party under Berro. General Flores was murdered,
receiving 11 stabs. Manoel Flores and 20 of his
friends died suddenly, and were supposed to have
been poisoned. Reprisals were made by the popu-
lation and the troops that remained faithful to the
Government. Berro, the leader of the revolution,
was shot, and order restored. General Battle
was elected President, and all was quiet when the
mail left. La Plata was tranquil, and the cholera
had disappeared from Brazil. Great rejoicing took
place in Rio on the 14th of March in celebration of
the news from the seat of %var. The Minister for
Foreign Affairs was dead. Alagoas bad been
pacified."

By way of Alexandria intelligence is telegraphed
from Japan that Hiogo had been tranquillised, and
that the war was over. No fears were entertained for
the safety of foreigners. Satsuma, Choshiu, and
Zoza had assumed the government under the

Mikado. Mr. Burlingame was to leave by th
Pacific mail of the 25th of February, on her mis-
sion from the Chinese Government to the United
States and Europe.

The Congressional interference with the Supreme
Court causes great suspicion and fear throughout
the country. If it be desirable to alter the Con-
stitution, all unprejudiced men desire it to be done
in a constitutional way. The result of the patching
by Congress has hitherto been anything but satisi
factory, resembling the sewing of new cloth on old
garments. If the Legislature had left the Recon-
struction Acts alone there would not now be so
many rents in the Constitution ; and to save the
Reconstruction Acts they rush into other illegalities,
just as an original lie enforces a dozen to maintain it.
The majority of the Justices are Democrats, and the
Republican Congress made a law to reduce the num-
ber from 9 to 7, hoping that a couple of the very old
Judges who were Conservatives would, in the natural
order of things, die first, and that thus the Republi-
can minority would be strengthened. The Conser-
vatives, however, will not die, and when Mr. Wade
succeeds to the Presidency the object of the Re-
publican party will be better gained by allowing
him the power of filling up Ow vacancies; for this
reason a bill has been introduced to repeal the olcl
law, and to return to the previous number. The
infraction of the Constitution, and the infraction of
the infraction because it was found not to answer
the purpose, causes great uneasiness, and we doubt
not will yet produce a strong expression of opinion
from the country ; indeed, nothing saves the domi-
nant party from this condemnation but the extreme
difficulty of the position and the urgent necessity by
which it is driven.

The Opposition in the House of Representatives
to the payment for the Muscovite territory of Rus-
sian America has been stronger than anticipated.
The Government acts as if the territory was its own,
while the House exercises its constitutional right of
making such appropriations as it considers ex-
pedient. Russia, between the Executive and
Legislative branches at Washington, fares badly.
The Foreign Committee has postponed the conside-
ration of the subject until next mouth, as it cannot
agree about the appropriation. Considering that the
period of payment is fixed by the treaty for the 20th
April, this decision has caused some surprise. It
is no wonder that men like General CLAY re-
sign in preference to explaining away such a
breach of contract to Foreign Ministers. Mr.
Adams is still kept by unavoidable circum-
stances from attending the Queen's Levees and
Drawing Rooms. Mr. Sumner is said to wish to
be his successor. We would advise that influential
Senator, if he would establish himself at the Court
of St. James's, to get the Senate to repeal the ridi-
culous rule by which they have lately hampered
their diplomatic servants in the matter of dress.
The most conspicuous individual is the one attired
differently from all the others ; it matters not that
his dress may be comfortable, appropriate, and be-
coming ; if it be totally different, it is outre. Many
men dislike thus to attract attention ; they still
more dislike infringing etiquette, and they most
of all dislike the chance of being subjected
to rebuff from officials. We would, therefore,
remind Mr. Sumner that a rule applicable at the
White House may be very inapplicable at St.
James's or the Tuileries, and recommend him if he
seeks Mr. Adams's post either to get the rule re-
pealed
or himself made a Volunteer General, or at
least to join a Fire Brigade—so that he may have
some rag of uniform in which to appear.
Our announcement some weeks ago that General
Cassius M. Clay had resigned the mission to
Russia is now confirmed, the President having ac-
cepted the resignation. No successor has as yet
been nominated, and we presume the nomination
will be made by Benjamin Wade. It is just pos-
sible that the incoming President may desire General
Clay to retain the post ; Mr. Johnsoa seems to
have " run amuck" through the most distinguished
of the United States Representatives.
State Conventions continue to assemble and
choose delegates for the Presidential Nominating Con-
veation. The Republican one of New Jersey lately
met and sustained Congress, applauded Impeach.
anent, and nominated General Grant for the Pre-
sidency. Andrew Johnson is accused "of blas-
phemous vituperation of the co-ordinate branches
of Government." The Republican Convention of
Michigan declares Mr. Johnson to be " one of the
greatest criminals of the age"—a phrase becoming
quite a favourite with such assemblies. That one
gathering of citizens should solemnly pronounce the
Chief Magistrate to be one of the greatest criminals
of the age, and that another gathering of citizens
should with equal solemnity name him the mar-
tyred President, is incomprehensible to people on
this side the Atlantic, who do not know the value
of terms in the United states, and the boundless
limits in the way of exaggeration permitted to
political organizations and stump speeches. The
Michigan Convention named Grant for President,
Colfax, of Indiana, for Vice-President, and only
alluded to the greenback question by affirming
" that the preservation of the public faith depends
upon the success of the Republican party." It
also passed a resolution in favour of negro
suffrage.

A bill has been introduced by Sir John A. Mac-
donald, and read a second time, to extend the provisions
of the Extradition Act of Canada to Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick. In those provinces the Imperial act only is
in, operation, the Ashburton Treaty providing that act
shall remain in force until acts giving effect to the treaty
shall be passed by all the colonies. Canada has adopted
an act meeting the United States law, giving effect to the
Imperfal act. By the United States law provision is
made for the immediate arrest, and the detention for two
months, of a criminal fleeing from Canada. But a felon
fleeing from Nova Scotia or New Brunswick could not be
arrested until after application to the United States Go-
vernment, and elaborate and extensive correspondence.

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