The Sun.
London, England, 1850-03-20 00:00:00

Ptite that
!tapart I" 800. Fri. rd had (voted Sir C. [lath am in
of his, views. Why he (Mr. Lshouchere)
tno itlhad no other evidence to refer to, rest his whole
t,i(:PP"sition to the motion of his lion. Friend. to
dattet.ll;wo"°Y or Sir C. Hotha:e. ! hat gallant
1A(1,4.1 declared that he would not, cotist nt to the re-
Iti%ute`_" the squadron oe the African coast until a wee-
p!), 7kS found to i.revent the traffic slave e.
ahiZsPleted the horror of that traffic, or the evils of the
tletl:l°,''.age, with greater power, or warmer indigna-
,trisptecieto...tool the C. Ilottam_(Henr, hear.) Then. with
,t
question of authority, hi, lion. Friend
11,460;.` the report t f a Committee of the House on
th lir; but surely the report ef a similar Committee
ought tp have its influenco with his lion.
to
%ti 4110 Cornrdtt-e cf the House of Lord.: came
cittrt; -13P°6P0 coneletion from that arrived at by the
'sat i'tt.le of the House of Commons; they reportedtht Af . was not desirahle to remove the squadron from
15Pctti Coast His lion. Friend seemed to antici-
gist° t: ti
the members of the Govern e would repu-
Ilse, question of economy in respect to this Ties-
!s,taair,t was true that the Crose•ntnt•nt was band te
14e the q'.estion of economy, but he believ d the,
of 0:•'111e Ensdand weold not, on the mere q testion
41);:,"1117 alone, call fir the reineval of the squadron
,sltot ill‘lviaan coast, and by doing se give up their cite-
sine t °_,Pes and their aexious t'esire to put down the
th,i4k t",,'.-•—(llear, hear.) But did lion. Gen!lereen
41,_sipa if this squadron were removed there were no
ho Mese seas to protect our trsde? He rather
itTPlaitt„t,hat the consituents of the lion. Gentleman
msps, t- 01r. Cardwell), who had a large and, he was
tfri, () increasing trade with the native tribes of
would not be very well satisfied if that trade was
''"°tcthat itwas
ote .; and he would here observe,
:fiat extension of the trade of this ceunery
Lr'san',° Matins tribes of Africa that ho looked for
&la eXtinction of tbe slave trade.—(islear, hear.)
14d,i'ttidrawal of the squadron would restore the slave-
lt,ittat la give it a strength which they could not a fcer-
444°"iate. Another point adverted to by the lion-
vhith matt who had just sat down was, as to the influence
On, 4 exercised in the diminution of the transport of
ithtstee4.ff'°•ca Africa There could be no doubt teat it lead
the iee'ett—(No.) If not, how would thy account for
ksle ';rease in the price of slaves. The price of an adult
tieeB'ave in Cuba was now 1001., while in Africa the
srah."%tlet more than 201. They might judge what
Net ar the transport was through the intervention of
I,oo,?l,cadron when be stated that Messrs. Hodge offered
aso„ 'tact for the transport of emigrants from Sierra
one
theft to the 'West Indies, paying every attention to
tqd itorefurts on the passage, at 6/. Is. 101. per head,
Itr,o,4litlat be assumed that the price, if the trade was
'11414-°41(.1 not be greater to Cuba, and that the cost at
llatt,would not be more than 26/. 103. He thought
Weihtute effect of havifig the price of slaves diminished
ttilie,ll'e to cause to be resumed the practice of what was
kott",,` using them up," which was attended with the
the ,s'rightful results and cruelties. In 1821, before
tilareventive squadron was established, the cost of
%do° was 20 dollars, but in 1847 it was 500 dollars,
Mc" 1848 it rose to 800 dollars. At Cuba in 1821 the
100,1°I a slave was 100 dollars, while in 1847 it . was
hit r'llars. He, therefore, was justified in saying that
Waiiratlron did diminish the number of slaves. He
tit bosv refer to the opinion of Sir Charles Hotham,
160 wien before the Lords' Committee, who stated that
111latitthdrawal of the squadron, without providing a
!Sid ft 010 e would be giving up the whole question. He
cissi`ittben that to withdraw the squadron would be
lohteus to the honour of the country; and when int sr-
-140°4 Whether it would be injurious to the interest of
heal natty, he replied that in this case they were iden-
teniel he added that cruelty to the slaves would be
increased by the withdrawal of the squadron.
Int ela
arks Hotham, by the answers he gave before
frett, Committee, repudiated the use of his name. There
ttf t,c°l•ber portion of the question to be considered
tfleout°;tbey agreed to the resolution, 'which was the
foot tt would have upon the people of Africa. It
;bead have the effect of stimulating war and blood •
''hl Among the natives, and renew those horrors
lett, fur two hundred years they had endeavoured to
Ilia °II% lie thought, too, that this was a most inaus-
, et„
:st• ;• Inement to withdraw the squadron, when events
'24141 Progress calculated to improve the condition of
kb, Lives. They all knew the effect which the Re-
Sfatcof Liberia was producing, under the Presidency
114 t `r- Roberts. He had the good fortune of meeting
telvtentlernan, and he could not but state that it was
114fertunate that it was under the guidance of so able
1110 n• That republic was establishing relations with
tit"eighbouring. states, extending its territories, and
o,,tostieg its civilizing tendencies around it. It should
160:e noted that there was in negotiation a treaty for
laealrehase of the Carinas, which had long been the
°,f the horrors of the slave trade, and also for the
Sihtil Llshment of commercial relations with Dahomey.
lalti;eeent purchase of the Danish forts would greatly
tlitanbute to diminish the slave trade. The result of
circumstances would be to give a line
Iloae°ftst of 1,500 miles completely redeemed
404• the slave trade. He thought that the con-
-4R°,ll,ee of the squadron would greatly promote these
taTilnatione, and that it would, therefore, be most in-
onl4.°ll3 at such a time to withdraw it. He had also to
‘0 the injurious effect it would have upon the Bri-
alo; '`hoof's. His Hon. Friend desired that the trade
‘lithiAti be open. If that was the case, and the squadron
Inttvalan, the trade would be carried on by British ca-
ai t41(1 British seemeo. He was sure his Hon. Friend
httoet mean to revive the slave trade; but if the trans-
tsat.°l these people was allowed under the name of esnl-
sll,;°n, British ships would go to Africa for the purpose
Isti"r.;aging in the trade. He was surprised that the resc-
-4,5,n should have been seconded by a gout Oman con-
k:l with the West Indies. Now what the West Indies
1144; complained of was the want of labour, and could not
vetand why facilities should be afforded in acquiring
t%es to their competitors. He thought he saw synap-
'3l4 of revival in the West India colonies. The export
'eaar from Jamaica was 657.000 tons, and in 1847
Adi
848 it was 689,000. In Trinidad there was an
an p cse of 1,693 tons; and in Antigua of 2,334 tons.
140"auld only refer to the other document, ho meant
it 4rinual report of Governor Berkeley, in which
deltasb stated that with reduced prices the colony was
heife"ed, but that notwithstanding this depreciation he
St4l2till hopes of improvement. Uader these cireum-
-16 ees it would be a most inauspicious moment to make
tkehange proposed, the result of which would be to
their competitors an unlimited supply of slave la-
ke'. Ile was surprised at the illustration to which his
• Friend resorted, when he said that we appeared in
140 case to lose sight of the principles which regulated
latt°Perations of trade—an illustration taken from silk
laott,Aacco, where the intervention of the sneugglt•r cor-
-44„ the eff_cts of extravagant duties, and consequent
lion Prices. But it should be considered that this was
40," question of silk or tobacco. It tires one of a diffe-
ties" slid higher character, and in which the feelings of
14dPeeple were at variance with the revival of the slave
tO e' On the :e grounds he entreated them not to agree
th„4e resolution. lie did not, however, mean to pledge
tt,.41 to the perpetual continuance of this force. That
40, 'mother question. It any other substitute could be
til„'!Zsted, or means devised, let them bring forward
Isesti!Plan, and they would discuss it. He had no predi-
: (lien for this plan if is bettor could be provided. He
tl net give his support to this measure us a member of
f Government. If there wee any policy that was not
ti 4114 r to a n i
Government, was the question political transaction, or to a par-
eal • of the suppres-
dos ki am Govern
of the slave trade.—(hose, hear.) He did
Gnot,
14'erer, wish to shelter himself under that. The o-
tt -kilillent participated in the general feeling, and were
tiglus to wipe off the disgraceful blot of the slave trade.
te0—,,,.". G. BERKELEY said it had been stated that
Rao,'" good would result from altering the size the
ter employed in this squadron. He had been in
.corn 7
tsf;,cleation with a gentleman who was well acquainted
tsK4 this trade, and he would ask the Government
ep,,ctber it was not a fact that large steam-vessels were
f ~4%.erl in this trade, which were capable of carrying
'ail,4oo to 2,000 slaves, and whichcould outstrip any
Vell7/3X ships ? He had another remark to make,
tao'h'en was, that this was another recommenda-
tia to throw good money rfcer bad, of which they
,r7l already done enough. The Right Hon. Gentleman
ItLc' that the people of this country would not consent
t,e,;)11 mere motives of Economy, to see the British rquad-
th-4 withdrawn from the African coast. Now, what was
reason why they refused to protect the free-grown
[Nue 0f sugar, but motives of economy, and was not
~gat the motive that led to the ahandonment of the
VlicY of excluding stave-grown sugar? The Right
tie •°n • Gentleman admitted that the squadron was ineffec-
e. Why, then, maintain it? When slavery was
taelished in our dominions they should have seen that
tllll treaties for its abolition by other nations were kept,
tinereas the fact was, they were violating those treaties
°IIY. The Right lion. Gentleman said that British
;venturers would embark in this trade if the squadron
.iltt withdrawn, but he doubted that. The best, the
etst effective, the most religious way to put down
slavery, was to interdict slave-grown produce in our
, -"erketse British Guiana, and some other colonies, were
rapidly returning to a state of barbarism under the new
'TeY The Son. Member for Lynn would bear him
1:„'"' in that statement. He thought that this squadron
02 totally ineffective for the purposes for which it was
Veed there, and as the House would do good by its re-
-cnial, he most cordially supported the motion.
Sir GEORGE PECIIELL said he trusted the House
Ivould not agree to our taking a position which would
°,w, ar us as to the'pesition which this nation enjoyed.—
( ) lie had ever endeavoured to promote the effi-
Zcney of this service. In 1819 when the Noble Lord
forward with a motion for an address to the Crown
Compel foreign nations to fulfil their treaties, he never
listened with greater satisfaction. Their records would
1111°W that the squadron was not ineffective. It
might
have been more effective. As to largo
steamers
being', employed in the slave traffic, bidding de-
j'ece t the fleet, he thought that there was no steamer
"'lrger than the Cyclors• which was on that station.
Althoneh their efforts had been in some measure unsuc-
c°3sfal, yet they had performed a very large amount of
Road. He hoped, therefore, that the squadron would he
°entinued. The naval authorities, by sending out old
vessels, had not duly supported the Noble Lord
in ear-
ing out the treaties of this country. Some 11211.
Gentleman supported the motion on economical
principles, but if so, they ought to have suggested
this motion upon the motion of the Honourable
atember for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) ;
Lot that he wished to reduce the fleet on the
'past of Africa, but rather on the coast of Greece, and
mcnne other stations.—(Oh.) What did Mr. Hutton say
before
the Committee of the House of Lords? Was it
not this, that the moment we withdrew our fleet from tho
4frican coast, his ships would be driven into the sea?
4.lterefare, if on that ground our squadron were taken
ilwaY, it would be no economy at all, for piracy, robbery,
and every species of iniquity would arise immediately
coon the disappearance of the squadron.—(Hear, hear.)
Then what other means were there for putting down
this traffic? Treaties with the native chiefs? But to
ziodtlee them to believe that they were sincere, they
"ould show thst we PIIKOOiTeO were sincere ky

our fleet there. It was said, that 'all the naval offi-e-s
examined before t‘le Committee of the House of Lords
.cre against the 11,et being continued there. Eut were
not Sir C. Suiiierland. C,prain Matson, and Captain
Denman opposed to it? It wai said else, that it was
impossible efferrually to blockade 1.300 iniks of c net.
intersected by inland commu,iication; but there were no
more in reality than about 200 miles of coast. They
had not withdrawn blockades in former times because
they were in some measure unsuccessful, and why should
they on this? Ile thought the fleet ought to be made
more effective, and should then, f le oppose the motion.
Mr. C. ANSTEY said that t'e lion. Gentleman who
had just sat down bad addressed himself to the interest
of the class to which he belonged, but that was not the
matter more immediately in question, to which ho would
endeavour to bring the House back; but if like him (Sir
G. Pechell) he had turned his attention to one point, and
one point alone, he should vote for the motion of the
lion. Member for Gateshead. It was a painful situation
for gallant officers to promote the pacification of Africa
by malting war on all the re-t cf the world. These
gallant officers had Lefore thorn one or two alterna-
tives, either t do nothing, or ti violate the law of na-
tions by enchaveuring to carry out this Utopian objr,ct.
They must sacrifice every other consideration to carry
into effect that particular treaty. Achcordingldiy,sti the
Noble Lord the Fort. ign S,:erseary, had n-
guished himself in c.triyieg out this treaty, had fund
it necessary to have some of his uefions revok( d.
The lion. Captain Denman and other efficers employed in
that service, had, upon their return borne, been crippled
by actions in consequence of their efforts t..) carry out
their instructions.--(Cries of " No, no.") The Hon.
Captain Denman, in his evidence berore the Com-
mittee of the House of Lords, stated that it was his duty
to obey the commands given to him for the suppression
of the slave trade on the coast of Africa; bu. that gal-
lant officer was of opinion that the means employed were
not efficient for that purpose, and the only means in his
opinion by which this country could hope
Btoill put do
out-
wn
the slave trade, would bo by a Legislative , the
line of which he gave, and the object of which would be
a thorough blockade of the coast of Africa. But what
did the Legislature proceed to do on this part of the
question? It proposed to pass a Bill which would give
indemnity to all offenders fir the past, and impose re-
sponsibility for the future. The lion. and Gallant
Member (Sir G. Pechell) had adverted to a treaty with
the black chiefs for the suppression of the slave trade;
but that experiment was tried on a former occasion, and
the treaty proved abortive, and was but a mere mode of
evasion of the question.—(Hear, hear.) lie held in his
hand the form of one of those treaties, and he found at
the f.iot of that treaty these words:—" That in con-
sideration of the signature attached at the foot of
this treaty, the Queen of England pledges herself to
Almighty God, to wive unto the chief one pair of boots,
one shirt, and, of course, fire-arms, together with
some other insignificant preseats."—(Laughter.) Now
that WAS one of the modes of evasion resorted to on this
question. What was the course which it was now pro-
posed to pursue? Were they to address the Qin ea?
No. But they were to ask other powers to concur with
them in putting dawn this traffic. Now what was the
result of all their proceedings on this question? Why
they had found that 38,041 slaves were decimated in
their efforts to put down this traffic. At 10 per cent.,
38,041 slaves had actually died. He found, on the other
hand, according to Mr. Cliff's evidence, the slave trade,
prior to 1831, was conducted by the Brazilians with
great humanity, and the mortality never exceeded 3 per
cent. Notwithstanding the " bead money" offered for
the suppression of this traffic, a vast number of slaves
had been landed in Brazils, and their price had actually
fallen in the Brazilian market. Now what was the evi-
dence of Lord Howden? He (Me.. Anstey) should like
to know whether the Government of this country were
to go on now with measures which were found to be
fruitless, or whether they were to take other measures.
Should they recall their squadron, seeing that it had
greatly aggravated the horrors of the slave trade?
An Hon. MEMBER—No.
Mr. ANSTEY.—Humanity says" No," and economy
says "Yes." Economy demanded it, but humanity
forbade it. Ile thought they could reconcile both
principles, and that by the abolition of the Sugar
Duties Act they would do more to suppress the
traffic in slavery than by any other means which they had
yet had recourse to.
Sir R. INGLIS considered that the opinions given by
Sir George Pechell on this subject—opinions which the
Hon. Member who had just sat down had spoken lightly
of—were, as those of an experienced naval officer, to be
regarded as of importance by the House. He (Sir
Robert Inglis) thought that the treaties with the black
chiefs, if followed up, would have proved of the greatest
value in the endeavours to suppress this most abhorent
traffic, and of the greatest good. Last year they were
told by an Hon. Member in that House who was
anxious for the withdrawal of the squadron from the
coast of Africa, that it coat this country 500,0001.
a year to maintain it. Another Member made it
700,0001.; and another Hon. Member, not content with
that, had increased the cost to 1,000,000/. Now, the
expense of maintaining the blockading squadron in 1846.7
was not 500,0001, nor 700,0001., but only 300,0001.,
acd that including wear and tear of vessels, and
all other matters. And, in reference to a reduction 'of
the expense, the utmost it could be reduced to would be,
according to evidence, in the proportion which twelve
ships boar to twenty-four. Were they prepared, for
such a saving as that, to abandon their efforts to sup-
press a traffic like this, which had decimated humanity?
Were they prepared to pursue such a course? Since
the equipments, the number of captures had been im-
portant. In the ten years from 1830 the number of
.lavers taken were not less than if his memory
served him correctly; and of the 656 vessels taken, 450
were captured close to the coast, a fact which led al
experienced naval officer to advise, as the most effectual
means of suppressing the traffic, that they should keep
an efficient squadron on the coasting service. They
should consider this question in reference to the progress
of civilisation, the feelings of humanity, and the progress
and character c f Christianity.--(sHear, hear.) Ile, could
not but advert, and ho did so with much satisfaction, to
a petition which had been presented to the House on
this subject by the Noble Lord at the head of her Ma-
jesty's Government. And here he must do this Noble
Lord the justice to say that he had always raised his
voice against slavery. The petition to which lie (Sir It.
Inglis) had alluded, as presented by the Noble Lord,
was from the liberated slaves at Sierra Leone, and
prayed the House not to consent to the withdrawal of
the British squadron from the coast of Africa, and to
adopt effectual means for the suppression of the slave
trade. The petitioners went further, and prayed the
House to examine some of themselves on the subject;
and from the manner in which they expressed them-
selves in their petition, he' (Sir R. Inglis) considered
that the House could not have better witnesses. They
stated in their petition that commerce was carried onhi ih
n
the settlement by native industry; and the appeal wc
they made ought not, in his opinion, to be disregarded
by the House.—(hear, hear.) They owed it not merely
to the race cf Africans, but to their own subjects, not to
afford the slightest pretence for giving farther encou-
ragement to the slave trade. In the Committee whence
the report had issued favourable to the withdrawal, no
less than six resolutions, proposed by different Members,
were either carried or rejected by the casting vote of
the chairman, Mr. Hutt, and it, therefore, not unnatu-
rally, was called Mr. Mutt's committee. In his heart he
believed it was inconsistent with the cause of humanity.
inconsistent with the spirit of civilisation in Africa, and
inconsistent with the national honour, to withdraw the
spuadron from the coast of Africa, and therefore, he
implored the House, and especially those friends with
whom it was usually his happiness, to co-operate, to
consider well the consequences of the motion before they
suffered themselves to be deluded into a consent to its
support.
Lord HARRY VANE said, after considerable hesita-
tion he had come to the conclusion of supporting the
motion. Before he proceeded to state the grounds on
whiCh he intended giving his vote to the Hon. Member
for Gateshead, he felt desirous of making one or two
remarks in reference to certain statements made by the
Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade and
the lion. Baronet the Member for the University of
Oxford. Both those Hon. Gentlemen evidently desired
to impress the House with the conviction that the deli-
berations of the Committee were valid by the casting
vote of the chairman, but in point of fact there were two
other members of the Committee absent on the principal
division, and as their opinions were known to coincide
with those of the chairman, the resolutions were in
reality carried not by one casting vote, but by three
votes. It was not on the ground of economy alone that
be ;advocated the withdrawal of the squadron, and in
this respect he differed from the lion. Member for
Gateshead. He took into consideration the long
series of years this country had endeavoured to effect
a suppression of the slave rade. He recollected the
efforts made by various Ministers at the head of
Government with the same view, and he saw
thee
how unsuccessful those efforts hadin suppressing Under
Captain Denman the partial success slave
traffic was not attributable to the presence of the squa-
dron, but arose from and was coincident with the co-
operation of the Brazilian Government. At one -time
there were 40,000 slaves imported into Cuba, but there
were now very few. The decrease, however, he had
the authority of General Alvez for stating, arose from
the co-operation of the authorities. He did not believe,
nor did he contend that they could dispense
ton with the
maintenance of some portion of the squad on the
coast of Africa and Serra Leo
slae ne.
tra If they desired tshould
o
succeed in suppressing the Chet
d
blockade the eastern and western coasts of Africa. If
they were prepared to make efforts on so extensive a
scale, they would then be right in continuing their
squadron. It was because he believed they could not
carry on a scale of sufficient magnitude, and that it was
not in their power to continue effective measures for a
length of time, that he thought it desirable to make the
alteration suggested. The question of providing a sub-
stitute for the squadron was one of great difficulty, but
he thought that it should not be urged as an argument
against removing an expensive force, whose presence
had not been productive of anticipated good results in
the suppression of the slave trade. Having been a mem-
ber of the Committee, laud feeling anxious to justify
the vote he intended giving, as well as being desirous
of correcting certain statements made by the Right
Hon. the President of the Board of Trade, he had tres-
passed on the time of the House, and he concluded lay
expressing his intention of giving a reluctant vote in
favour of the motion.
Mr. CARDWELL regretted the course which the
Noble Lord had indicated his intention of pursuing.
The question they had to decide was, should they or
should they not make a surrender of the policy which
they had so long pursued, with a view to the suppression
of the slave trade. He deceived himself very much if a
fair analysis of the proceedings on which the present
motion should rest would not stand in favourable con-
trast with many of the statements in connexion with the
subject recently made public, and with some of the
speeches delivered that evening. They were told that
the eperMielle of the sqnsdrea bscl been futile. If it

rnE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 20, 1850

was meant by such a statement that the squadron had ral opinion was in favour of the maintenance of a
Ibeen of little, it any good, then he could show, from in- i quadron, but the most responsible commanders of sta-
disputable bestirsee, that the repression of the traffic in ewes were against ia Sir Charles Hotheen did not say
staves had been considerable, and it the withdr ewitl of the that it should be withdrawn unconditionally, hat he was
squadron were advecated. on the one of economy, of opinion that no force could suppreas it, and that a
they had the autherity of eminent val ofilie rs for substetute for it must be got, namely, by a treaty with
saying
lietht the squadron should be maintained some- Brazil, to introduce free labour into that country. He
wbere. looked for the effictive suppression of the (Mr. Gladstone) would ask, how would Sir Charles
trade more to the influence of civilis:ation, and Hotham vote were he there?—(Heete, heir.) on is
to the introduction of the Christian relieion into the opinion he would vote for his Hon. Friend'e mot—
slave-producing countries. But suppression to a een- (No, no)—for he was averse to the continuence of the
assemble extent had already taken place. From the squedron to suppress slavery, and believed that the
north of Africa to within five degrees of the equator treaty he referred to was the only remcdy.—(Hear.)
there was net a shadow of the slave trade. Captain With regard to the speech of the Right Hon. GetiVeMan
Dunlop's evidence went to show that the presence of whicht of the Board of Trade, he helievei it was ono
the squadron had a most beneficial effect at the Gat would have been made any time during the last
leiios ; and he believed, from the statement of tear gin- ten years, or the next ten Years to come.—(A laugh.)
eleman, that if they possessed the power of inflicting Bat the question was, were they to make the maintenance
cha-tisement on the slave-traffilsers, the repression of that squadroon the coast of Africa as one of the
would be
be still (Treater. The slave trade had been put stieutions of thenountry?—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.")
dais in Cuba,"but if they withdrew the naval force the He believed, also, that unfair obervations had been
price of slaves would fall, and then they would have made on the Committee that sat on the subject. It made
a renewal of the slave trade in Cuba. Such, at least, no report, it was true, because they did not wieh to elicit
was the opinion of Mr. Kennedy, the Consul at Haven- the opinions of the House. The Right lion. Gentleman
sae ; and it was fully established by other authorities. talked one, being purchased on the coast uf Africa,
The lie traffic, he acknowledged, had not been re- and of thousand five hundred miles of exist being
pressed in Brazil. The native Brazilians discouraged clear, but the evidence of Sir Charles Hothatn waa, that
the traffic, and the Portuguese capitali-ts carried it. on, ellen slavery disappeared in one portion, it a,epeared in
being in communication with the colonies on the west another; so that it was utterly impossible to suppress it
coast of Africa. So far as tie Brazils was concerned alt eeether. Well, thenywhat had the squadron done ?
there was the testimony of a commercial get- Had it extinguished the trade, or was it making progress
;demean, resident there, to the effect that were the towards that object?—(Cries of
••' Question ") That was
squadron withdrawn from the coast of Africa great the question before the House, and the only one on which
facilities would be afforded for the extension of the tLey were called on to decide. If he could,
lir his ,
slave traffic; which he had no doubt would be taken ad- see any pro
old continue gress made by
it; the continuance of the
e squad-
vantage of, as in his opinion the extension of that traffic ion,
he w b vaito look
entirely depended on the withdrawal of the means at for it. The squh adrslave on, no
trade doubt, was a
ti taxnuancea ofabout ten
present used for the suppression. That was the testimony per cent. on te . Its cone it
of a commercial gentleman resident in the Brazils, who more expensive; but it did not seriously restrain its
would not be led awaytoe who must be held to in Brazil ? ' Was that the case, or was it not ? In
know what was the nature of the facts connected with it. 1828, according to ;the entries of purchases of slaves,
The effect of the present system of repression had ;but het
in the books of an estate, which he had seen,
to raise the price of slaves both in Cuba and Brazils; but he found, that while in ',1841 a slave was worth 315
once the squadron withdrawn, additional facilities would milreas, in 1844 he was worth from 700 to 800, in the
be given to the transmission, and consequently there market of Brazil. The squadron became more effective
would be a reduction in the price of them. It was, how- since 1844, and what was now the price of slaves ? In
ever, said, that the measures which had been taken had 1844, 700 or 800 milreas were paid, but in 1837 the price
been the means of increasing the sufferings consequent was reduced to less than one-half, and in 1848 to 350.
upon the slave trade; but on examining into the evidence That, be it recollected, was owing to a larger supply.—
of those
se
to to speak on that subject he found (Hear.) Now, let them look at the returns made by
the reverse to be the case.—(Hear.) He had looked into the Foreign-office with regard to the complaints of
the debates which had previously taken place on the sub- their. cruizers. In 1840 these captures amounted to
ject,but on referring to the evidence of Sir Charles Hotham, six per cent. of the entire number ; in 1841, 13 per
he found that the mortality under the present system cent. ; in 1842, 13 per cent. ;in 1843, five per cent.
in
only amounted to about five per cent., which was a great in 1844, nine per cent. ;
in 1845, 10 per
reduction as compared with former periods. So far 1546, four per cent. ; and in 1847, eight per cent.
from the present measures not having the desired effect, Therefore, in tho
ret se papers, there
while the was evidencecountry wof no
he found from the admirals, both on the eastern and progress, but a rogression, d as
western coast of Africa, that the slave trade bad been improving the squadron at a vast cost, the slavers had
greatly put a stop to; and what was most gratifying been at work likewise, and a larger proportion passed
was, that while the admirals of this country were taking through their hands during the last few years than for
steps for the suppression of slavery on that coast, the any previous period. He did not object to the
French and American admirals did their best to second experiment made, but he believed it was not the
their efforts. Finding all this to be the case he could ordination of Providence that one nation
was not should
not, as an honest man, come down to that House and regulate the morals of another.
It
say that the House should take on itself the responsibi- depart from that rule, for they
an were ind
tot consallytant n
failed risk of
lity of abolishing a system which had been attended quarrelling with other powers; d had i
with such beneficial effects. Much had been said about effecting their object. The Noble Lord the Foreign Se-
the disparity of opinion between the two Committees cretary was now in office nearly twenty years, and, no
which had sat on the subject; but in 1848, it must be doubt, no man could have done more than he did to ad-
remembered, that they had not the evidence of Sir vance the cause of humanity; he entered t
in 183 termed
6 into
Charles Hotham, otherwise he had no doubt that Lord a treaty with Spain; in 1839 they got wha was
enabled
Courtenay would have come to a different conclusion the equipment clause ; in 1840 they were t
been o
from what he did. Sir Charles Hotham expressly said capture slavers south of the line, and treaties had
in his evidence that, were they to withdraw the squadron entered into with France and America,
had been
up for for the purpose of trading in slaves, and it would nally gained, but where were they ?—(Loud cries of
be impossible to calculate the consequences which " Hear, hear.") They had poaitively fallen back from
would ensue. As he, therefore, was connected with a the position which they held some years ago. Then
borough which was intimately connected in respect of it was suggested that pensions should be given to the
trade with the western coast of Africa, he would ask the chiefs, so as to make up for their interests in capturing
House whether it would be judicious to withdraw their slaves ; but it shottld be recollected that the burdens on
squadron from that coast, and leave the trade carried on the people of England were already most serious.—
with it, and all other interests connected with it totally (Hear.) He was not in the main
he was
diminish, but
was complained of; but, in respect of that, he must say the continuance of the squadron
that he could observed in the House, in respect of public rather increased, human wretchedness on the coast of
expenditure, this remarkable circumstance. When any- Africa.—(Cheers.) The miseries of men were often
one wanted anything carried out which was conceived promoted by those who sought to relieve them, and
to be of public utility, did the Government object to it on what had already happened ought not tO prevent them
the ground of its being too expensive, immediately there from acting according to the circumstances of the times
was a cry raised that they were a set of twopenny half- in which they lived. He regretted much that he had not
penny fellows, and were not deserving of their places, the work of Sir Thomas Buxton with him, but it was
because they refused what was conceived so great a boon; well known that while the mortality in the middle pas-
but then, again, when this money so expeiaded came to sage, daring the regulation of the British slave trade
appear in the estimates, notwithstanding all the clamour many years a
increase go, was state
the tid by Mr. JeMr. nkinson to be three
e
which had been raised for having it voted originally, per cent., it din me of Wilberforce
those same parties turned round and accused the Ge- 10 per cent.; it increased to 24 per cent.; and was, pre-
vernment of lavish and profuse expenditure.—(Hear.) vious to 1840, 33 per cent. During the former period the
Upon the whole, therefore, considering this motion to average number of slaves was three slaves to every two
aim at a reversal' of a policy which he considered sound, tons; in 1847 and 1848 it increased nearly eight to two
he would give it a decided negative.—(Hear, hear.) tone. Now, under such circumstances, there must be a
Captain PELHAM said that while they were told mortality of a most dreadful description, and accordingly
that the efforts in putting down the slave trade had the increase had been over 10 per cent. What did that
failed, he was prepared to show that it would be in- mean? Why this, that between 8,000 and 9,000 slaves
jurious-not only to the interests of Africa, but also to were sacrificed on the middle passage, while they only
the commercial interests of this country, were the pre- liberated, at the highest point, some 5,000 or 6,000, thus
seat motion adopted. He considered that the opinion increasing the mass of human suffering, instead of re-
of Sir Charles Hotham was perfectly misunderstood.— lieving it. He recollected that when a
w n argument was
us
(Cries of " Divide " by gentlemen opposite.) No one some time since advanced,
that piracy as as iniquito
could deny that there were fewer slaves imported now as the slave trade, that the reply of the Noble Lord
from the Brazils and Cuba than there formerly was, and was—as it was not looked at SO by other nations, it
what had led to that result was the operations of the did not become the British Government to be the
squadron on the African coast. That of itself, then, was first to carry such a measure into effect. Ile also
a sufficient reason why it ought not to be withdrawn. thought there ought to be a right belief among all
At one time there was no less than 94,000 slaves im- nations of our sincerity of performing whatever we pro-
ported annually into the Brazil?, but now the traffic was pose to them, but ha feared that such a belief did not
almost put a stop to. It was said that the f wee ern- exist. When he heard allusions made by the Right
ployed had done nothing to put down the slave trade, Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Labouchere), of the assist-
but that was contradicted by the evidence of all those ance and sympathy evinced by French and American
who had been on the coast. There was one thousand officers towards our flag, he was f ,rced to ask, was there
miles of coast upon which the slave trade was almost any grounds for an inference that that sympathy was
done away with, and that of itself showed that the ef- directed towards our Government ? He should say no,
feet of the squadron had not been altogether unsuccess- and he believed such MS the general opinion of the
ful. The Honourable withdrawal Gentleman then went House and of the country. And he was borne out in
on to contend that the iof the squadron from his opinion by the evidence of Sir Charles Hothatn—
the coast of Africa at the present time would be attended (Hear, hear)—who states that an Amecan officer, who
with the worst consequences, but was so interrupted by had assisted our men when in an engagement in a slave
cries for a division that he was but indistinctly heard in ship, had been tried by his country, subjected to a
the gallery. heavy mulct, and there never afterwards was known one
Colonel THOMPSON said there was one Point on American officer to imitete his
theseexple. The Right
which he was anxious to set himself right with the Hon. Gentleman then alluded to neral belief of all
Rouse—that point was, that free trade had nothing to nations of the insincerity of the British Government, on
do with this question. His Honourable Friends around the occasion of the passing of the sugar Duties Act, and
him were in perfect amity with Hon. Gentlemen oppo- said, that as they had not acted up to their professed
site onehis occasion in that respect. The principle of and understood
Actoninten
free trade had always consisted iu denying the policy justice, repeal that He should next allude to the
of giving any portion of the community a monopoly, opinions of the great weight of naval o fibers,
our
in
upon the ground that no class of persons should pus- which he fully concurred, namely,
, and should therefore, in
seas any peculiar advantage over the community in squadron should be doubled on the coast of Africa,
general. The measure his lion. Friend was now advo- though Sir Charles Hotham thinks tbaS even such
that
an
eating was free trade in stolen pocket-handkerchiefs.— augmentation would serer be sufficient to suppress
(Laughter.) That the Free-traders had never main- iniquitous trade, and also that it could be better effecte h
mored
tamed. The argument which had always been super- by steam-vessels, as sailing-vessels cannot
watc
eminently urged against the traffic in slaves was its than forty miles of the coast, when steam-vessels could,
immorality, and that it was a crime—and no commercial by their expeditious sailing, much more easily
put
bt the
question had any bearing upon it whatsoever. He was slave trade down. Next it would be necessary to oai
of thn
afraid there existed a strong desire, a heat and lusting, the right of search and of stopping, for many e
as it had been described, on the part of some to see the ships of Brazil and Cuba frequently hoisted the Sar-
sinews mid limbs of the African employed in profitable dinian and Portuguese flag, and thus carried on their
industry, t\ot throughout the African continent only, iniquitous trade, without the interruption of our squad-
but elsewhere English commerce. of course, taking rem There were different opinions as to the mode by
its share.—(Hear, hear.) Bad they not seen an emi- which a stop could be put to it, some thought by punish.
nent literary character once net honour to literature de- ing the whole crew, others by the death of the captain,
daring that the beneficent whip was the only thing for and others by three of the chief men; ethers by trans-
ainmyprmisoenaarnaenat ;r bauatt,hohrietywould ask, had
negroes and Irishmen?—(Laughter.) The principle
now started against all men who had much to lose was Ptl7artta
this—that all property of right belonged to him who could interfere with ships of another nation? He
ti°n
house o r
could make the ablest use of it. That was the principle answered, " No," and thought that such opinions
by which it
on which the slave trade was now argued for. Let them were merely. chimerical. And, should engagements
see what the argument would come to. It would he use were
into for this object, he asked of what
applied at some future time to the whole commercial use were they, when Spain and Brazil violate on the
interests of England. finite was no man so Pure who next day the treaties they entered into the day before?
was not willing to slip in with this most sweeping argu- It had been asserted that the treaties entered into in the
merit. Fancy every one denied of ability making the year 1830 were still extant, and that the emancipation of
best possible use of all they possesseil—fency that be
- the slaves taken since %hut period could be demanded
Lord Aberdeen, when in that country, merit to be used by the men they met in the street he- but, he would ask, was such a demand ever made ? Did
tween that House and Charing-cross. They might de-
pend upon it there was in this question that which deeply such a fact, make such a demand ? No ;and it was,
concerned them, and all who stood by honesty, and who therefore, useless to speak of the existence of those slave
hoped to pass through the world with a good repute- treaties, for, feeble as Brazil is, it is well known that it
and cognizant of
tiou. Our ancestors were not so far wrong as some would not be judicious or wise to go to war with her.
thought them to be when they imagined that one of the Again, he looked upon the building of marten() towers,
greatest glories of this country was the stern opposition and the entering into treaties with black chiefs, as a mere
it had always made against the carrying on that most means of blinding the people of this country. He cer-
g dishonoured man- tainly should say that, while he found filth with the
monstrous iniquity, which had so 100
out any particular system for the suppression of this
Mr. GLADSTONE rose to address the House amid trade. He apprehended that the British Government
loud cries of "Divide, divide," and proceeded to say he would use every exertion for the suppression of
was reluctant the question should go to a division in the slave trade ; but he should at the same time
which he should vote for the motion of his Hon. Friend say, that full justice had not been done to Cuba
without stating ,as briefly as he was able some of the by the allusion of his Houourable Friend (Mr. Cardwell),
grounds on which he rested his decision. He did not for he could not account for the magic power by which
disguise from himself the serious consequences of that our ships seized no ships but those of Cuba, and that on
vote, but in his view of the case the question was not the African coast. He considered that those slave ships
whether the squadron should or should not .be removed might, for aught he knew, belong to Brazil as well as to
from the coast of Africa, but whether it was not right to Cuba. On the whole, he should say that he did not
remove those preliminaries which were now a bar to a believe that our squadrons tended in any way to suppress
further .discussion of their engagements, or in other this trade, but that, on the contrary, Brazil to
with
words the compacts they had entered into on the sub- an eye of, national jealousy on such interference; and
ject with foreign countries. The proper spirit of the
pitch of indignation if, sixty
he would appeal to the sense of the House whether the
motion made by his Hon. Friend was to vindicate that
question, for he would venture to say that matters could years ago, when we carried
jealousy of England would not be roused to the highest
not be more imperfect, or more open to objection, than on the slave trade, any foreign shp would interfere with
their present treaties for keeping a squadron on the coast us? He thought it a visionary idea to think of putting
of Africa. The motion only referred, in point of fact, down the slave trade by the combination of the English
to the treaty with France, by which each country bound and French. He hoped, and " his wish was the father
itself to keep 26 cruisers on that coast, for the suppression of his thought," that Brazil would in time put down this
of slavery, but after the lapse of a number of years system, and he augured this from the knowledge that
France changed her mind, and appealed to the Bri- there was a very inluential and most numerous anti-sla
fish Government te relieve her from her engagements. very party in that country. lie knew that there was a
The Government acceded, unwisely in his opinion and time
instead of 26 cruisers France only keeps 12 vessels on of the British Government for the suppression of this
when many of that country required the assistance
the coast to exclude her own subjects from engaging in iniquitous trade, and that would be much more efficient
the traffic. That was a state of things so preposterous than tho energy eif the people• the liberality of public
that he though his Hon. Friend was justified in bringing money, or the valour of our officers.—(Hear.)
forward his motion.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Glad-
Lord JOHN RUSSELL--I own, Sir, that lam more
stone) had investigated tho subject with great care, andthan I ever re anxious member that this House, when it
against every prepossession of his mind, against which
he was required to struggle and overcome; but he l.- c)mes to a division upon this subject, shell have a due
lieved the time was come when some change should be sense of its importance. In importance it is quite in
state
-
made. It was not that he thought less of the horrors of possible for any one to exiggerate, or even to
the slave trade, for he believed it by far the blackest
crime that ever tainted Christian or Pagan, age it was merely 1 . .
not on that ground, therefore, he should support the of it, lit me state to the House that
at the beginning of
'n its full extent. But to give some definite idea
motion of his Hon. Friend. The peculiarities of the this century England, in all her colonies, carried on and
, t case were, that those who now condemned it ad- permitted the slave trade—thet the other powers of Ea -
present
tiered to it as long as they could with a tenacious fidelity; rope aho had colonies likewise sanctioned slavery, and
but from lessons of experience had felt comeelled to wherever and whenever they could carry on the slave
change their former opinions. They were told in trade they likewise permitted and sanctioned it. In the
1840, by Sir Thomas Buxton, that it was curse of the time that hes elapsed from the beginning
impossible to put an end to it in consequence of the present century, we have seen the Parliament of
of the great gains connected with the traffic. The England abolish the slave trade. We have seen England,
present system was condemned condemned
the Noble Lord at the in the treaty of Paris, make stipulations with all the na-
ead of the Government, it was condemned by the Anti- tions of Europe declaring their condemnation of tho slave
head
Society, and with respect to merchants, they were trade—we have seen slavery itself abolished by an Act
told that the maintenance of legitimate commerce re- of the English Parliament—% e
ally have seenthe slave
otrade
quired this squadron should be kept, but all he could abolished practically, effectu, andrely, bby
learn was, that that body in general were opposed to it. France and the United Stateend we have teen
;rhea as to the naval profession, he believed their gene- slavery itself lately abolished by France an, by

Denmark.—(Hear, hear.) Let me add to this-
that in Africa, where the etrongholds of the slave trade
were erected, we have seen that criminal traffic put an
end to, and the peaceful arts, and industry, and trade,
flourishing by those who were the accomplices of this
horrible traffic. I should be sorry to see the end of the
triumphs of humanity which I have thus shortly traced,
that we should be aske I to begin the course of another
half century by retracing our steps—(Cheers)—by going
back from all that has hitherto been done, by proclaim-
ing to the world by this first step that we no longer will
take those measures against the slave trade which we
have hitherto taken, and that we have no substitutes to
put in their place, and thereby spreading discourage-
ment in every part of the world among those, who, ad-
miring our example, feeling the truth of those Christian
maxims we hive professed, and wishing practically to
act in the same manner, have been endeavouring each in
their own country to spread the same maxims and to
abolish this horrible crime.— Hear.) To speak only of
that country to which thn Right lion. Gentleman last
alluded—namely, Brazil, he has stated that my Noble
Friend near me gave evidence that there was a party in
Brazil springing up hostile to the slave trade. Since my
Noble Friend g-ave that evidence we have had let .r accounts
from Brazil, and these later accounts, I am sorry to say,
represent that the party is so utterly extinct, their lan-
guage being., that they fear England is about to cease
from her efforts; and if England ceases to take the lead
in this grand work, it will be a hopeless task for them
to attempt to raise their hands against this iniquity.
Now, in the beginning of the Right lion. Gentleman"
speech, he gave, I think, a not very correct account of the
object and effect of this measure. He stated that it was
necessary, as a first step in the matter, to consider what
office we were hereafter to do to relieve ourselves from
the obligation of the treaty with France. Now, if we re-
lieve ourselves from our obligations with France as well
as America, every gentleman will remember that that
treaty, more from the repugnance felt by France, and in
consequence of the objections, made in the French
popular assembly to allowing the right of search to
the English cruisers, and as a substitute for that right
of search the French Government agreed to keep
cruisers of their own on the coast of Africa to pre-
vent the French flag being desecrated by that trade.
By the same treaty they gave the right of search,
although not what is technically called the right of
search. And well, although the number of vessels has
been diminished, most faithfully had that treaty been
observed by France, but I will not pretend to say that
either France, or the United States, or any country in
the world has the same feeling that we have, not only
hitherto professed, but sincerely entertain. No doubt,
if you ask France to be relieved of the obligation you
will be relieved.—(Hear, hear.) But, what then, will
be your situation? Will you be free to act as you think
proper? When you are once relieved from this, every
slaver may hoist the French flag. You cannot, accord-
ing to your stipulations with France, presume to search
those vessels whether they are pirates or bona fide the
national vessels of France. The flags of Preece and the
United States will then be used to cover the slave trade,
and Great Britain having renounced those treaties, will
have no means to prevent its being carried on; there-
fore, it is not merely the giving ourselves the power of
acting as we think fit, because it would follow as the
very first step that the flags of France and the United
States would be used to cover the slave trade. But it
was not worth the while of the Right Hon. Gentleman
to put forward this excuse, because the lion. Gentleman
who brought forward the motion, and the Hon. Gentle-
man who followed him, do not disguise that, although
this is a preliminary modem, their object is to re-
store the slave trade. Sir, it is that motion that I re-
sist—it is that I ask the. House not to sanction, and
in asking that I do not prevent any consideration
of any substitute which may appear to the Government
or to Hon. Members to secure a better suppression of
the slave trade. But what Ido denounce, and what I
ask the House not to consent to is, simply a reversal of
all our policy—that you will not take the means to put
down the slave trade by a marine force and that you
will take no other means. The Right Hon. Gentleman
referred to the language used by the Government; but
whether that language was too strong or not, the object
we had in view was to call upon the House and the
country not to relinquish the means of suppressing it,
but to induce the Parliament to sanction additional
means. There is all the difference in the world between
using an argument of this kind—between saying you
must give up the task, and saying the means are not suf-
ficient. We heard the speech of an Hon. Gentleman on
the subject of education a few nights ago. The Hon.
Gentleman spoke of the increase of crime, of the number
of criminals, pointed out the inefficiency of the means
of repression, police, courts of criminal justice, and
gaols, and said it was necessary to reinforce these
means of repression by means of education as
a means of preventing and checking crime.
The Honourable Gentleman did not mean to
say that the means were useless—he did
that crime was going on in spite of police, gaols, and
criminal courts, and therefore that we are to abolish
these things. That is just the difference in the argu-
ment. He said our means of repressing crime were not
sufficient—take the means of education. Now, I said in
1839, our means are not sufficient; let us endeavour by
an expedition to civilize Africa, to obtain additional
means of .cutting off the evil at its very roots. The
Right Hon. Gentleman spoke of means, which made
him think that the plan of repression at present in force
is not sufficient. In that respect I think the Right lion.
Gentleman has made a statement which, if I go through
it carefully, would hardly be justified by the documents
before the House. Sir, I have no reason to think that if
we were set free, and that the trale was left to itself, the
Brazilian Government would be able so to regulate the
middle passage as to prevent these horrors. If we look
at the evidence that has been laid before the House with
regard to the probable effects of this change. we have
very little hopes that it will be satisfactory. One of the
grounds on which the motion has been advocated is that
of humanity—namely, that the slave squadron aggravates
the evils of the passage. Sir Charles llotham, whose opi-
nion is looked to with great respect, says directly the
reverse. He rays, if the trade is free small capitalists
will enter into it, and they will not provide the neces-
sary means of accommodation, and therefore the horrors
of the trade will be necessarily increased. Captain
Matson uses the very same argument. So much for the
state of the slave trade in Brazil—the natural conse-
quence of the exceeding cheapness of slaves. The witness
went on to say that when "a smaller and a worse class
of vessels for the slave trade was used the passage was
longer. Formerly the vessels had three decks—the
slaves wore crowded in the hold, and the air was only
admitted by the centre opening. Now, though the ves-
sels were equally crowded, there was only one deck."
So that the opinions of Sir Charles Hotham and Captain
Matson were in direct contradiction of the grounds of
the motion, that the decrease in the mortality of the
slaves on the passage would be greater if we set the
trade in slaves free than under the present system.—
(Hear.) Another argument was the economy or saving
in the expense. But, Sir, I think the Hon. Members
who have produced this argument have failed in it
completely. The Honourable Member who introduced
the motion staid the cost was about 700,000/. or it might
he nearer 800,0001. Now if a change were
to be made. Sir C. Hotham says we must still
keep 10 or 12 vessels on the coast—we now keep
26; so the expense would be about half of the present
.xpease, as nearly half of the number of vessels would
be required. The Right Honourable Gentleman said
he would not give up our whole means of repressing the
slave trade ; for if we found Portugal and Spain willing
to suppress the slave trade, we should, if required, be
ready to aid them. How are we to aid
them? By our mere countenance and concurrence?
That would be of very little use ; but if we
gave assistance by our marines or our soldiers we must
incur expense—the very object which this motion pro-
fesses to put an end to. It would be impossible to be-
lieve either that you would diminish the sufferings of the
passage, or much diminish the present expenditure, un-
less you abandoned the African coast altogether, and
gave up the protection of your commerce—a proceeding
which, in all other parts of the world, you think to
be necessary. That, lam persuaded, you never will
do ; for if there is any commerce in the world that
requires the protection of the British naval force it
is the commerce that has sprung up on the
coast of Africa, where the slave trade once ex-
isted, and where it cannot thrive unless it receives
the protection of barracoons. Sir C. Hotham rays
if the squadron were withdrawn, the lives of British
subjects would not be safe. Passion and revenge
would be exhibited in consequence of the steps we had
previously taken to suppress the slave trade, and he ad-
mits that great suffering and mischief must be the result.
So, therefore, it was absolutely necessary to keep up
some force on the coast for the protection of life and
commerce. If, then, the main reasons for the present
motion have been proved to fail, I ask the House to
consider what the evils would be if the motion were
adopted. I will state the opinion of Sir C. Hotham
as
a
an authority to be relied on. He says—" If you wit •
draw the naval force without any substitute, such a pro-
ceeding would not redound to the honour and dignity
of the country. I should regret if it were withdrawn
and nothing substituted in its place. Sir C. Hotham
may be right or wrong—but I say it is a fair question to
e ffisubstitute
finelynfor
ar
extinguishing the slave trade—but that is a totally differ-
entplaee present b esfyo
sr
tee
in Parliament.
anothersy system,
t • Yrzummoey
question to the question before the House, namely,
whether we shall destroy the present means of
checking the slave trade without substituting
anything in its place.—(Hear, hear.) The first
objection, then, is that it would be highly in-
jurious to the honour of th© country. In the next place,
I think it would be impossible, without a greater
force than we now keep up, to preserve from the slave
trade those parts of Africa which we have wrested from
the slave dealers. In those parts where commerce is
now established attempts would be made—violently
made—to extend it to those places where it has been
destroyed.—(Hear, hear.) And seeing the largo profits
that are to be gained by the slave trade, many African
chiefs who have renounced that trade, seeing the indit-
farence of England on the subject, would again revive
the trade, and you would have to protect those places at
a considerable expense. The next objection it, that an
unrestrictel slave trade will destroy the civilization of
Africa—it would destroy all hope of introducing civili-
zation and Christianity; for with the slave trade I say
it will be impossible to accomplish any such objects.—
(Hear, hear.) In the next place, consider what effect an
immense importation of slaves int) the Brazils would
have. How large the importation might be may be es-
timated from what Lord Howden states, that slaves
costing 5,0001. in Africa would sell for 20,000/. in the
Brazils, being a profit of 500
.per cent. on the original
value. If there are such gains to be made, it is impo.-
sible not to see that a number of small capitalists would
eater into this trade and continue until they reduced
the profits to the ordinary profits of trade, and that by
this means an immense 'lumber of slaves would be im-
ported into the Brazils. And what would be the effect
on the Brazils? There you find vast tracts of unculti-
vated land, lit for sugar; in Trinidad especially acme of

the richest parts are uncultivated; those parts would
immediately be cultivated for the purpose of producing
sugar. Immense suffering would follow on this. The
Hon. Member said he would put the question on this
basic, would the mass of human misery be increased or
diminished by the adoption of the motion? I say, no
doubt the result must be that the mass of human misery
would be immensely increased in Africa, and also in the
Brazils, by the introduction of a larger number of slaves
into the Brazils. What is the speculation going on at
this moment in the Brazils? It is that, seeing a Com-
mittee has sat on this question, and that the opinion cf
the Committee leaned to the abandonment of all further
efforts to suppress the slave trade, they believe there is a
probability that they soon will be in a condition to cul-
tivate sugar so cheaply that no country in the world will
be able to furnish sugar to this country except the Brazils.
It is the opinion of all who are asked on the subject,
that an immense importation of slaves into Brazil would
produce the certain result of an immense increase in the
production of sugar. This brings us to another question.
which the Right Honourable Gentlemen rightly touched
upon; for though connected with the question of hu-
manity, it is also connected with our own interests—l
mean the effect which it would have on the West
Indies, if this increased competition occurred. lam not
now going to argue the question of the sugar duties of
1815. I will admit, by the abolition of slavery in 1833,
and the abolition of the prohibitory duty of 1842, that
we did place the West India Islands at great disadvan-
tage.—(llear.) I am, however, happy to see the opinion
stated on both occasions borne out—that they would bo
able to bear those shocks, and to found their sugar cniti-
vation on a new and a better basis. I have not been
entirely disappointed; on the contrary, I observe the
produce of sugar in Jamaica, Guiana, and other islands,
in 1847 and 1848, is greater than in 1845 and 1846, and
the produce of 1849, I believe, is greater than of 1848.
If that is the case, it shows that the Africans in the
West India Islands are induced to labour fur less wages,
and that successful industry is carried on in the islands at
this moment. But, after the blows—l admit they were
blows—the West Indies have sustained, they would be
in the utmost danger if any great advantage was given
to Brazil by the admission of a great number of slaves;
and if the additional produce were brought against the
produce of our own islands—(Hear)--I think that would
be more than the West India Islands would be able to
bear—they could not stand this competition. That of
itself would be a great misfortune, not only as regards
our own interest, but it would be a misfortune as regards
the question of slave labour.—(Hear, hear.) These,
then, are three conclusive reasons against the motion
proposed to the House. In the first place, there would
be the increased activity of the slave trade; in the se-
cond the destruction of the trade on the coast of Africa;
and, third, the expensive and ruinous competition of
slave labour with free labour of the West India Isliflads.
But the Right Honourable Gentleman asks what it is we
would propose to do in going on with the preseat system,
and the Right Hon. Gentleman says the speech of my
Right Hon. Friend would do for any other time and
occasion. I contend that, by the existing system, we
have made progress on the coast of Africa towards the
destruction of the slave trade. That the slave trade
has aet been utterly suppressed by such means I readily
admit; but the greater the progress we make in civilising
Africa, the greater the area from which the slave trade
is excluded. We have thereby a less evil to cope with,
and the more manageable the evil becomes. Another
argument is, that we have not sufficient means at com-
mand. Thr Committee object to force; they object to
the destruction of the barracoons and the forced libera-
tion of the slaves. These means, they say, are not to
be thought of as a remedy for the present evil. I think,
Sir, the destruction of the barracoons, and the occu-
pation of forts on the coast of Africa, are the principal
means of suppressing the slave trade. All the evidence
of the dispatches we received prove that such is the case,
and I expect the utmost advantage from those means.
The Hon. Gentleman has alluded to the opinion of other
nations with respect to our policy in relation to the slave
trade. I have stated that great advantages were
obtained at the beginning, and my opinion is if you
were to address the different powers of Europe, you
would find their opinion more enlightened on the subject
than when we began, in 1815 to enforce our own
opinions; we have seen other powers cheerfully co-
operate with us in suppressing the slave trade—France
and the United States of America have suppressed the
slave trade, and, were those great powers to join with us
in using not unfriendly—but firm language to Spain and
the Brasile, I am persuaded the happiest effects would be
produced on these Governments. That they would
despise the warning I am not ready to believe. If
they took no measures for the repression of the slave
trade, then you would have again to consider well the
question—what progress you have made—whether the
slave trade would be more repressed in the next year
than in the present? What are the means that remain?
That there are means I think no one will deny.
That they are means to be at once condemned none but
the Members that composed the majority of the Com-
mittee would decide; for that Committee having been
appointed on those terms—to consider the best means to
adopt for the extinction of the slave trade, seemed to
have no other thought than how to condemn and repro-
bate every means by which the slave trade could be ex-
tinguished. and to leave alive the only means by which
it could be nourished and increased. —(Hear, hear.) But
as to the last answer to the question, what can we do for
the repression of the slave trade? Sir, I for one will
not despond. I believe that despondency in a great
cause is of itself a main cause of failure.—(Year,
hear.) I can imagine a man saying in 1814
that for three ceuturies the Algerines had car-
ried on their plans of plunder, piracy, robbery,
and captivity of the Christians. and having lasted
for three centuries. no one would be wild, Utopian, or
insane enough to expect their termination; and yet the
very next year saw a termination of this practice of three
centuries and the system of carrying Christians into cap-
tivity put an end to and abolished.—(Hear, hear.) Sir,
I believe if this cause is good—if it has enlisted gradually
the nations of the world io its favour—if there remain
only Spain, in one of her colonies, and the empire of
Brazil still carrying on this trade, I believe that the
cause is anything but hopeless.—(hear.) I believe that
nothing would destroy it but the want of that moral
courage which the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite dis-
played—l believe that nothing but being faint-hearted on
that subject, and saying that we are unequal to cope
with this evil, will finally give it a permanent sway and
supremacy.—(Hear, hear.) But there are other motives
which may influence this House in coming to
a decision upon this question. We have been blessed
with great mercies during the past year. We have
more than once had to thank Almighty God for the dis-
pensation of those mercies. I own, Sir, it appears to
me that if we are now to say that the trade in man shall
be unlimited, and the cruel traffic against which England
for nearly fifty years has been working, with the efforts
of her greatest statesmen, and the hands of her Lest and
bravest sailors, is now to bo allowed to go free and Ur:-
controlled, I believe that we shall no longer have a right
to expect these asercies. I believe that in the high, the
Christian, and moral character of the nation is to be
found the main source and secret of her strength. I
think that if this night you were to direct your Foreign
Minister to go with his dastardly message t.) France—if
we give up this holy work of mercy—if we are no longer
permitted to take a lead in the championship against the
curse and crime of slavery, we can no longer venture to
expect those blessings which, of God's providence, we
enjoy.(Cheers.)
Lord R. GROSVENOR wished to state the reason
for the painful vote which he intended to give. During
the twenty-eight years he had the honour of a seat in
that House, it was his good fortune never, until that day,
to differ on any essential point of policy from his Noble
Friend below him. His reason for voting for the re-
sent motion was this—that if it were carried, it would
have the effect of preventing this country from continu-
ing to attempt the moral government of the world on
principles which, according to his judgment and under-
standing, were condemned by the moral Governor of the
Universe in every page of his works.
Mr. HUTT, in reply, said that it ought not to bo
taken far granted that he bad no substitute to propose,
because he had not offered one on that occasion.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the motion ... ... 154
Against it . . ..• ... 232
Majority against the motion ... —7B
INTRAMURAL INTERMENTS.
Lord DUDLEY STUART moved an address for a
return, stating, for each of the last ten years, the number
of interments that have taken place in each cathedral,
church, chapel, churchyard, chapelyard, cemetery, or
other place of interment within fifteen miles of St. Paul's
Cathedral; distinguishing (if practicable) whether made
in vaults or otherwise.
After a brief discussion, the motion was negatived on
a division.

(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House if Commas.)
TUESDAY, MARCH 19.
SLAVE TRADE.
Motion made, and Question put, " That an humble Ad-
dress be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty
will be pleased to direct that negotiations be forthwith
entered into for the purpose of releasing this Country from
all treaty engagements with Foreign States, fJr maintaining
armed vessels on the coast of Africa to suppress the traffic
"n slaves." The House divided:—
MINORITY—AYES, 154.
Frewen, C. H. Kuntz, G. F.
Fuller, A. E. Naas,Lord
Galway, Viscount Newry, VisCoUnt
Gaskell, J. M. Ossulston, Lord
Gladstone, W. E. Packe, G. W.
Gooch, E. S. Palmer, Robert
Gore, W. R. 0. Pllkington, James
Greene, John Plowden, W. H.
Grosvenor, 142 rd R. Portal, Melville
Gwyn, Hower Prime, Richard
Hall, Sir B. Rendlesham, Lord
II allyburt on, Lord Renton, J. C.
Halsey, T. P. Rushout, Captain
Hamilton, J. H. Salwen Colonel
llastie, Alexander Sandars, George
liencage, G. H. Scholcrield, William
Henry, Alexander Seynser, 11. K.
Herbert, 11. A. St bthorp, Colonel
Ilervey, Lord A. Simeon, John
Heyworth, L. Smith, John B.
Hildyard, IL C. Smyth, J. G.
Hildyard, T. B. T. Smythe, George
Hodgson, W. N. Smollett, A.
Hornby, John Sotheron, T. IL S.
Hudson, G. Stafferd, Augustus
Hume, Joseph Stephenson, Robert
Jackson, William Stuart, Lord budley
Jocelyn, Viscount Stuart, H.
Jolllife, Sir W. G. Stuart, J.
Keating, Robert Sturt, H. G.
Ker, Richard Sullivan, Michael
King, P. J. Tancred, H. W.
Knight, F. W. Taylor, T. E.
Knox, Colonel Thesiger, Sir F.
Langston, J. H. Thicknesse, Ralph
Lennox,:Lord A. Thompson, Aldermall
Lennox, Lord G. IL Trelawny, J. S.
Leslie, C. P. Trevor, G.
Lockhart, W. Tyrell,-Sir J.
Lowther, Colonel Vane, Lord H.
Mandeville, Viscount Verner, Sir W.
Mangles, R. D. Waddington, H. S.
Manners, Lord G. Walmsley, Sir J.
Manners, Lord J. Walsh, Sir J. B.
March, Earl of Walter. John
Masterman, John Wegg-Prosser,r.
Maxwell, Hon. J. P. Wood. W. P.
Ileum, Sir H. Wortley. J. B.
Miles, William
Milner, W. M. MIMS.
Molesworth, Sir W. Hutt, William .
Mowatt, Francis Bail's, H. J.
Mundy. William

Aglionby, 11. A.:
Aaldock, E. H.
Archdall, Captain
Bagot, William
Baldwin, C. B.

Bankes, George
Beresford, William
Berkeley, Grantley

Best, John
Boldero, 11. G.
Bouvvrie, E. P.

Bramston, T. W.
Bright, John
Broadley, 11.
Bulkeley, Sir R. B.
Buller, sir J. Y.
Burroughes, 11. N.
Cabbell, B. B.
Carew, W. P.
Castlererv;h, Vis.
Cavendish, G. 11.
Cayley, Edward S.
Charteris, Francis
Chatterton, Colonel
Childers, J. W.
Christopher, R.
Cobbold, John C.
Cobden, Richard
Cocks, T.
Colebrooke, Sir T.
Coles, H. R.
Colvile, C. R.
Darner, Colonel
Deedes,lN.

Denison, J. E.
Dick. Quintin
Duckworth, Sir J.
Duff, George S.
Duncan, Viscount
Duncan, George
Duncombe, A.
Duncombe, 0.
Dundas, George
Du Pre, C. G.
East, Sir J. B.
Ellis, John
Estcourt, J. B. B.
Evelyn, W. J.
Ferrer, James

Fitzroy, Henry
Fordyce, A. 1).

Forester, G. C.
Fox, S. L.

MAJORITY—NOES, 232.
Abdy. Sir T. N. Freestun, Colonel Paget, Lord A.'
Acland, Sir T. (D. French, F. Paget, Lord C.
Adair, R. Shafto Goddard, A. L. Paget, Lord G.
Adderley, C. B. Gordon, Admiral Pakington, Sir J.
Anderson, Arthur Grace, 0. D. Palmer, Roundel(
Anson, Colonel Greenall, Gilbert Palmerston, Via.
Armstrong, Sir A. Grey, Sir G. Parker. John
Armstrong, R. B. Grosvenor, Earl Pechell, Sir G.
Arundel, Earl of Hamner, Sir J. Peel, Sir Robert
Ashley, Lord Harcourt, G. G. Peel, Frederick
Bagshaw, John Hardcastle, J. A. Pelham, D. A
Bailey, Joseph Harris, Richard Perfect, R.
Baines, M. T. Hastie, Archibald Pigott, Frond*
Baring, H. B. Batchell, John Pinney, W.
Baring, Sir F. T. Hawes, B. Plumptre, J. P.
Barnard, E. G. Hayter, W. G. Power, Dr.
Bellew, R. M. Headlam, T. E. Power, Nicholas
Berkeley, Admiral Heald, James Pusey, Philip
Berkeley, C. L. Heathcoat, John Bowdon, Colonel
Bernal, Ralph Herbert, Sidney Reid, Colonel
Birch, Sir ThomaS Heywood, James 'lepton, G. W. J.
Blackall, S. W. Hobhouse, Sir John Reynolds, John
Blair, Stephen Hobhouse, T. B. Ricardo, J. L.
Blake, M. J. Hodges, T. L. Ricardo, Osman
Blakemore, R. Hogg, Sir J. W. Rich, Henry
Blandford, Marquis Holland, Robert Robartes, T. J.
Booth, Sir It. G. Hood, Sir A. Romilly, Colonel
Bowles, Admiral Howard, Lord E. Romilly, Sir John
BoyleVolenel Howard, C. W. Rumbold, C. E.
Brand, Thomas Howard, J. K. Russell, Lord John
Brocklehurst, J.' Howard, E. G. Russell, Edward S.
Brockman, E. D. Howard, P. H. Russell, F. C. H.
Brotherton, J. Inglis, Sir R. Sandarll,4ollePh
Brown, Humphrey Jermyn, Earl Scully, Francis
Browne, R. D. Jervis, Sir John Seymour, Lord
Banbury, EH. Johnstone, Sir J. Shell, R. L.
Buxton, Sir E. Jones, Captain Shelburne, Earl et
Campbell, W. F. Keppel, G. T. Sheridan, R.B.
Cardwell. Edward Kershaw, James Smith, Vernon
Carter, John B. Labouchere, lieltrY Smith, A. J.
Cavendish, C.;C. Lacy, 11. N. Somerville. Sir W.
Cavendish, W. G. Lascelles, W. S. Spooner, Richard
Chaplin, W. J. Lemon, Sir Charles Stanley, B. H.
Chichester, Lord J. Lennard, T. B. Stanton, W. 11.
Christy, Samuel Lewis, Sir T. Strickland, Sir G.
Clay, James Lewis, G. C. Stuart, Lord J.
Clerk Sir George Lindsay, Colonel Talbot, J. B.
Cole, 11. A. Littleton, E. It. Tennent, R. J.
Collins, W. Loch, James Thompson, Colonel
Corry, 11. • Lygon, General Thornely, Thomas
Cowan, Charles Mackie. John Towneley, John
Cowper, W. F. Mackinnon, W. Townley, R. G.
Craig, Sir W. U. M'Nagaten, Sir E. Townshend, Capt.
Currie, Henry M'Cullag„h, W. T. Tufnell, 11.
Dawson, T. V. MtGregor, John Turner, George
D'Eyncourt, T. Mahon, O'Gorman Verney, sir li.
Dodd, George Marshall, J. G. Tesey, T.
Douglas, Sir C. Marshall, William Villiers, Charles
Duff, James Martin, J. Wall, C. B.
Duke, Sir J. Martin, C. W. Walpole, Spencer
Duncuft, John Matheson, Colonel Watkins, Colonel
Dundas, Admiral Motile, Fox Wawn,.. T.
Dundas, Sir David Melg-und, Viscount Wellesley, Lord C.
Dunne, Colonel Miles, Philip W.S. Westhead, J. P.
Ebrington, Viscount Milnes, R. M. Willcox, Brodie
Edwards. 11. Milton, Viscount 'Williams, John
Ellice, Edward Mitchell, T. A. Willyams, H.
Elliot, John E. Moffatt, George Williamson, Sir H.
Enfield, Lord Moore, George 11. Wilson, James
Evans, Sir Do Lacy Morison, Sif,W. Wilson, Matthew
Evans, J. Morris, David Wodelionse, E.
Evans, William Mostyn, E. M. Wood, Sir Charles
Fagan, William
Di ulgrave, Earl Wyld, James
Fergus, Jehn liorreys, Lord Wyvill, Marmadate
Ferguson, Colonel O'Connell, Maurice
Filmer, Sir E. O'Connell, M. J.
Fitzwilliam, G. W. Ogle, S. C.
Forster, M. Ord, W.
Fertescue. Chichester Owen, Sir J

MIMIC
lIM, lArd Marcus
G, ay, R. W.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE
BRADFORD REFORM ASSOCIATION.
Sir,—On Monday the 18th, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer took a step into the right, by admitting the
principle of ad valorem taxation, or something as near
to it as convenient, into the levying of the Stamp
Duties. The value of an admission of this nature is

much greater than the mere present amount of the
changes induced.
In the course of the evening an amusing scene was
presented, by the zealous agreement of all parties of
Irishmen, in representing the utter inutility
and undesirableness of giving anybody (for to
that length it seemed to go) the suffrage
in Ireland. It was stated nemine contradicente,
that a" voter in Ireland was so beset by the landlords
on one side and the priests on the other,—by those
who, as Mr. Sheil naïvely expressed it, threatened
him with loss of substance in this world or pro..
mised him reward in the next,—that the Member for
Youghal rounded off the whole into a declaration that
the only remedy would be the disfranchisement of
Ireland. This was being sorely delivered into the
hands of those who saw an intermediate remedy in
the Ballot. And notice was consequently taken of
the facts, for the purpose of being used again on Mr.
Maurice O'Connell's promised motion for the intro-
duction of the ballot in Ireland, in the Committee on
Elections (Ireland) Bill.
At a late hour the Member for Sunderland asked
the Government what their intentions were on the
subject of returning the duty on bricks to those who
have lately paid it; and made something very like a
speech on the occasion, though contrary to the regu-
lations of the House. The Member for Sunderland
is no great authority in political economy, and will
probably find the Government hold out against his
demand. It is not at all for the interest of the re-
ducers of taxation, to hold out that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer shall not be allowed to reduce a tax,
unless he can also make up his mind to refund the
receipts of six months previous. The real fact all the
time being, that when a tax is taken off, the amount
is not deducted from the price by the holders of the
article, till they have sold their stocks on
hand ; and in the same manner when a tax is laid
on, the price is not instantly raised, but waits till the
holders of the articles have disposed of the quantity
which was previously in their warehouses un-
taxed. Scarcely anybody but must have heard the
assertion, that when a tax was taken off, for instance,
leather, there was no reduction in the price of shoes ;
that is to say, there was not the instantaneous reduc-
tion they expected to the amount of the tax. Whence
wiseacres were found inferring that there was no use
in taking off taxes at all ; there existing a decree of
nature, by which the consumer was doomed to
pay always the same, and consequently the
tax might as well be there for the be-
nefit of the tax-eaters as not. On all which
kind of subjects, the Corn-law agitation has happily
made us wiser than our forefathers ; though the iden-
tical fallacy described still holds its ground as a stock
argument on the Protectionist benches, where the
belief is as firm as with their grandsires, that there is
no use in taking off tax on Corn or Tea, because a
greedy foreigner stands by to put the amount into his
pocket without let or hindrance from power human
or divine. All of which is foolish enough, to cause
surprise even where it is. But it serves very well to
prevent the equally dark on the manufacturing side,
from trying to remove the two-and-a-half per cent.
duty on foreign corn, which they pay as quietly as
they would buy a pennyworth of gingerbread for their
child that asked for it.
On Tuesday the motion of Mr. Hutt for removing
the African squadron was negatived by 232 against
154, after a debate conducted with great spirit on
both sides. One of the most effective advocates
against the motion, was the Member for Liverpoorj
a curious evidence of the change of times. The
Prime Minister put forth the strength which he keeps
for occasions that demand it. Sir Robert Peel did
not speak ; but voted with the Government.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
AN OLD REFORMER.
London, 20th March, 1850.

PIRATES.
On the motion of Mr. HUME. returns were ordered
of the names and tonnage of any British vessels, with
the names of their respective Commanders, and of the
names of any British subjects that have beon either
captured, attacked, plundered, or in any way molested,
by either Malay or llyak pirates, on the coast of Borneo,
or elsewhere, from the 15th day of August, 1839, to the
15th day of August, 1849, inclusive; specifying date and
place of each case of such capture, attack, plunder, or
molestation.
On the motion of Mr. WOOD, Mr. Herrick' was added
to the Select Committee on oaths of Members, in the
place of Mr. Disraeli.
The reports of the resolutions upon the Stamp Duties
and Drainage Advances were brought up, and leave
given to bring in Bills founded thereon.
The Factories Bill was read the second time.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past Two o'clock.

Mr. Loch had an interview with Earl Granville
yesterday.
COTTON SEED.—Some little time since an impor-
tation took place from one of the ports of the United
States of America cf a mall quantity of cotton-seed,
which was noticed on account of its being a novel ar-
ticle of importation from abroad. A vessel, now arrived
from .New Orleans with a cargo of cotton and American
provisions, has brought 34 casks of the cotton-seed, and
this importation being a so much greater extent, and
tending to prove the continuance of importations of this
important description of seed, is, for whatever purpose
it may be intended to serve, of more than ordinary
interest.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—Twenty Ulcers on the Legs
cured by llollowav's Ointment and Pills.—Extract of a letter
from 0. B. Knocker, dated Mount Gambia, South Australia,
July 7, 1849. To Professor Holloway. Sir,—A case has
just come under my observation in which the efficacy of your
Ointment and Pills has been fully proved. A man of the
name of Joshua Smith bad upwards of twenty ulcers on his
shins, which were so difficult to cure that almost every remedy
had been applied without any good effect. Your Pills and
Ointment were then resorted to, and in about six weeks he
was completely cured, and scarcely a mark is now to be seen.—
Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establish-
, ment, 244, Strand, London.:

TuE MAEIEE SOC lET T.—This society, established
for the equipment, maintenance, and instruction of die-
tressed buys for the Royal Navy, the Indian Navy, and
merchant service, held its anniversary last evening at the
London Tavern. The Earl of Romney presided. The
sixty-five boys educated by the society were introduced
in the course of the evening, and the best compliment
that can be paid them is to observe that we have seldom
seen sixty-five youths whom the enemies of their country
would less choose to meet. After it had been stated that
the Admiralty had, during the past year, taken twenty
1 boys frcm the society, the result of the festival was au.
nounced to be a contribution of 5001. The musical at.
rangements of the evening were under the direction of
Mr. Gauge, assisted by Master Smith, Mr. C. Kenny,
Mr. Turner, and Mr. F. Smith. Mr. Iliggi was an
fficieut toastmaster