The Sun.
London, England, 1850-03-20 00:00:00

1:11211M1 too grcr:t an expense for the support of an abor-
ire system —(Pear, hear.) He was glad to see some-
liing saki of ^ ; lan for maintaining the squadron and at
to same time of relieving the public of a considerable
xpense, because it was an acknowledgment of the ne-
'''sitv • f '') doing ; but he should prefer to have an ex-
planation of the means proposed to effect that object.
.le 'lid uor, Lowever, object to the present system 6014
on the ground of expense ; he objected to it on the
;round of its futility—he objected to it on the ground
Ghat it caused increased cruelty on the part of allot)*
aders—rind he objected to it, above all, because he did
Jot desire to see this great and noble nation engaged io
a pursuit so inadequate—a pursuit in which she could
.ot count on the sympathy of any other nation. Ile 01”
i,-eted to it because it engendered ill-blood between Eng'
and and the people of Brazil—he objected to it because
,t provoked quarrels with France and America, will'h
nay be renewed .at no distant ,date—he objected to it
letause he considered it a most sinister advantage
fir which to involve a country in the horrors and
vreten( dness of war.—(lLar.) He was told that some
ceisures would be proposed at last to bring this unfor-
t mate business to a satisfactory conclusion; but for t);°
tit twenty years he had heard that song constantly sung
,y those who were anxious to keep up the present sY5'
cm, and he had listened to it too long to heed it.--
(Hear.) When ho entered the House of Commons,
ighteen years ago, the opponents of the system were
.Ad that it was to be settled by negotiation—then name
he right of search—then came the equipment articles--
hen came the blockade of the coast of Africa—tf'ea
awe the Niger expedition—then all future hopes were '
ested on tho combired fleets of France ar.d England"'
and then ail was to be settled by the application of Mu;
iticipal law. Some other modification was now propose,'
wk the old system, to the same imaginary purpose--
" Vain Hope!
When I consider life 'tis all a cheat;
Yet fooled by hope, men favour the deceit,
Trust on, and think to-morrow will repay;
To-morrow's falser than the former day,
Lies more—"

Ere Lad now done. Ho had not sought to back up hie
case by an apeal to the Members of that House as guar"
liens of the interests and property of the country, as re.
tecturs of their honour and fame, as humane and Chris'
than men, to put an end to that cruel and destructive
system, whose final doom could not be at any distance,
by supporting the mot on he had now the honour 10
submit to the House.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. BAILLIE seconded the motion. "If for no other
reason than the state of our West India colonies, the
House was bound to adopt it, though ho by no meses
wished to tike such a circuitous method ofrestoring tlen
protection of which they had been deprived. He pre'
ferred the course ofcalling upon her Msjesty's Ministers
to adopt a straightforward policy, regardless of an/
difficulties which such such a course might appear to in'
volve. When this subject was last before the House the
Noble Lord deprecated all discussion until the subject
was farther inquired into. He said then that there 105
no need for farther inquiry. The returns to that House
for the last 20 years had shown the utter futility of our
efforts to suppress the slave trade. But at the same time
he must say that he did cot regret the Lords' Committee
had investigated the question. They had collected 00,
immense mass of evidence scattered through a variety ei
authorities, and had condensed it in an authoritative
shape. All doubt was now dispelled—not the shadow ov,
a reason now remained for maintaining this squadron.
A great change had taken place in the aspect of this
question since the introduction of the Sugar Bill in
1846.—(Hear, hear.) Previous to that period, whatever
might be said cf the policy of Great Britain, her earnest-
ness and philanthropy could not be doubted, because
she made large sacrificed.—(Hear, hear.) But that
‘iai now altered. The Bill of 1846 in effect setd
the British people thought they had paid enough
tor their philanthropy, and were in future re-
solved to buy their sugar at the cheapest markets
no matter whether it was the produce of free labour or
el slave labour. That was a renunciation of our former
policy, and from that moment great Britain derived the
greatest advantage of any nation from the slave trade,
and was therefore as guilty as the nations which engaged
in it. The receiver of stolen goods was generally eon"
siderel even worse than the open thief. The thief en'
countered all the dangers of his calling, but the receiver
kept a shop as a cloak to his calling—he was a " respect-
able man," and came off with the greatest part of the
plunder.—(A laugh.) So it was with this country bY
the Act of 1846. Up to that time all free-grown sugar
was imported under certain duties, while slave-grove
sugars were prohibited.—(Hear, hear.) When that pre'
hioition was withdrawn, and the sugars of Cuba sna
Brazil were admitt el into our mark- ts, we, in effect, give
a great stimulus and support to the slave trade. Bat our
support did not rest there; the slaves were purchased bY
goods manufactured in Manchester expressly:for the pur-
pose, and in man; other ways the capital of this country
was directly embarked in the trade.—(Hear, hear.) The
Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel), when that
measure was proposed, saw that it was a reversal of bit;
own policy when in office, but be said that he supported
it, because he did not see how another Government
could be then formed. He did not blame the Right
Honourable Baronet for the course he then took on O
question, though he must have been aware that it would
double the stave trade. Such had been the result of the
measures of the present Government. It was utterly it'''
possible that the free labour of our own colonies could
compete with the slave labour of Cuba and Brazil; the
result of the attempt had been that described by his Berl.
Friend, who had so ably brought forward this motion.
The grounds on which the motion had been supported
resolved themselves into Chico. First, that it was the
opinion f all the naval a flicers who had been employed
on the cinst ref Africa that it was impossible to suppress
the slave trade by it a is of the present squadron, or by
any practical au,:mernation of its force. Second, that it
was the opinion ut these officers that the interference or
our ships had largely increased the horrors of the
trade and the st fferings inflicted upon the slaves, and
through the folly en.-1 absurdity of the Legislature 0f
this country, in maintaining a squadron on the coast
of Afi ica for tt e suppression of the slave trade,
while, at the same time, we encouraged that trade by
the admission of freta-grown sugar. His Hon. Friend
had alreaily adduced ample evidence on each of these
points, and it was, therefore, unnecessary fur him t°
detain the House at any length, but, in additions
he would call the attention of the House to the evielenee
of Captain Shad, of the Excellent, who, being enable
to attend the Committee, had stated the result of his ex:
penance in a letter. In that letter he decidedly stated
it to be his opinion that our interference had largely ie;
creased the horrors of the slave trade, and that he did
not believe it was possible to put it down by any re-
pressive means. The Hon. Gentleman, after adducing
evidence of a similar description in support of the gene"
ral arguments on there heads, said, that while such were
the lamentable resuits e f the policy they had pursued, be
did not for one moment doubt the sincerity of those by
whom that policy had been originated. He was quite,
ready to admit this motion was a melancholy result 01
their labours. To such men as Lords Brougham and
Denman and Sir S. Lushingtor, it must be a source of
great regret to find that the slave trade was carried on
as much as ever, and that the effect of their labours bad
been to cestroy their own colonies, without producing
the effect they desired; and that the Legislature, having
succeeded in establishing free trade, there should also be
a free trade in slavery.—(Hear.)
Mr. W. EVANS begged leave to withdraw the
amendment of which he had given notice on the
subject of the slave-trade, and in doing so he Ivo"'
make a few observations on and against the motioa
eefore the House. He denied the statement made by
his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hutt) that the slave trade was not:
carried on to a glester extent than before the time th
squadron had been placed on the African coast. By al
returns it appeared that in the ten years ending in 180_
the number of slavers seized was 687, being equal to ta,
vessel and a half a week. Then as to the number of

slaves imported into Cuba, it appeared that previous t 0
the squadron being placed on the coast it was 40 000
a year; yet, in 1845, the number had decreated to 1,335;
in 1836, to 1,500; and in 1847, to 1,700. Then it sr
peered
.that previous to 1838 the number of slaves int'
ported into the Brazils was 94,000 a year; but after that
year, when British officers had power to seize vessels,'"
number was reduced to 39,000, and in 1846 to 14,244.--"
(Hear.) He thought it would be most unwise to eeracr
the squadron, and allow all sorts of plunder to tale
place, and destroy the efforts made to christianize the
people on the African coast. The Hon. Gentleman
then referred to the manner in which the old slave-trade
was carried on, and to the great loss of life which took
place on board the slave ships which came to this coon'
try. Although the trade was thus carried on Mule'
regulations, what then, he asked, would be the case if the
trade in slavers was now thrown open and became oll•
t rely free? If the squadron raised the price of the slave
there was a great chance that the slave would be taken
care of than if the matter were otherwise. With
respect to the expense of the squadron, ho thought the',
that expense might be lessened by the size of the vessels
being reduced. He also thought that if the prize money
for the capture of vessels that did not contain slaves, but
which were known to be intended for that trade o's.
increased, they would do much to enhance the value c"
the African squadron. He could not agree on any term°
to the motion before the House, and should therefore
vote against it.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said ho rose to address the
House with feelings of great anxiety in respect to the
motion Letore it, !or he looked upon that motion,if suc-
cessful, as one seriously calculated to affect the honour
and character of the country.—(Hear.) His Honour'
able Friend who brought the motion forward, and ty.,
Hon. Gentleman by whom it was seconded, 'lid not die.
gutse from themselves or from the House the important
consequences likely to arise from the removal of
squadron from the African coast, and yet they call Wu'
the House to remove the squadron without proposing
any substitute to prevent the traffic in slaves.—(Hear')
By this motion they announce to the world that bee,e.
forward this execrable traffic was to be carried on with'
out let or hindrance, as far as this country was one.
cerned—that het.mforvcard we were to take no interest
iu the 1;t. cf slaves captured on the coast of Africa, and
VAL- all .ur previous exertions on this subject were to
.
be f ,rgetten and cast to the winds.—(Hess.) H.
be
hevtd that if they adopted such a course, they would
not represent the teliegs of the people of England on
this great question. He believed that if, after grave
deliberation, that House adopted the rf trograde
course reccm-; ended by his lion. Friend, the
people of this country would either now, or at some
time, brieg them to account for misrepresenting
their feeling on this itcportaut subject. His Hon.
.Friend,
awl the Secouder of the motion, did not ch!guis.o
fume themselves the consequences likely to arise, if this
motion succeeded, and it was admitted that the neces-
sary result must he, that the slave trade would be re-
vived in its hideousness. He rejoiced, then, that,thSr
was no misunderstanding in respect to the question, stud
:
he would now lir g the House to weigh well the evidence
which he would subrait to its consideration, and !ea
whether it was eor right in them to adopt the motion
cf his ;Hun. Friend; and here he ;must express bis Sur*