The Sun.
London, England, 1868-02-03 00:00:00

NOTHING IMPOSSIBLE.

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lIIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAY.—Morning, Bb. 201:I.—Afternoon, Bh. riStr.
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LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 3, 1868.

The majority in the House of Representatives
has very soon forgotten the lesson taught them by
the late elections. For a brief period, indeed, the
leading Radicals seemed inclined to temporise, and
to show a little more moderation, but whether they
found the effort too irksome, or whether they
arrived at the conclusion that they had better make
the most of their remaining opportunities and con-
centrate their energies for a final struggle, certain
it is that they have recently proceeded to violent
and unconstitutional extremes. The bill which
has just been passed by 123 votes to 45
is nothing less than revolutionary. In time
of war it could only be tolerated as a temporary
necessity, and in time of peace it is such as no civi-
lised community could partially bear. It declares
that no valid civil government exists in the lately
rebellious States, prohibiting their recognition as
valid by the National Executive of Judiciary. It
revokes all powers of removal or appointment con-
ferred upon the PRESIDENT by the Resonstruction
Act, and confers them upon the General of the
Army. It declares it unlawful for the PRESIDENT
to employ the nations; army and navy to enforce
the authority of the existing State Governments,:or
to oppose the execution of Reconstruction Acts.
It is at once evident that this bill is directed against
the PRESIDENT, as much as against the Southerners.
It deprives him of his official rights and constitu-
tional privileges, and reduces him virtually to a
sinecure. What sort of an Executive is that which
has no right to remove or appoint its subordinate
officers ? The Government of the United States is,
it would seem, to be henceforth vested in the Con-
gress, and the head of the State is to take his
orders from the chance majority of an angry and
reckless party. One of the distinctive features of
the office has always been the supremacy of the
military and naval forces of the country, but of this
it is to be henceforward divested. It is to be

unlawful" for the PRESIDENT to employ the na-

tional army and navy to enforce the authority of
the existing Provisional State Governments. As
it Lis well known that the military have been
constantly employed in suppressing riots and dis-
turbances, and in some instances, by direction of

the PRESIDENT, in supporting the Civil Courts,
this proviso is apparently intended to encourage
outbreaks and lawlessness. The House of Repre-
sentatives, in the plenitude of its wisdom, not only
assumes the complete direction of the Executive,
but of the Judiciary also. The bill prohibits the
recognition of the Southern Civil Governments by
either Executive or Judiciary. The Judiciary, ono
would think, is capable of deciding for itself what
is or is not lawful ; but the Radicals, after setting
law at defiance for the last year or two, are sud-
denly growing very scrupulous about legality. They
do not trouble themselves to assign the slightest
reason for their proceedings. There is no direct
act charged rgainst the Southern civil authorities ;

there is no evidence that they have encouraged
disaffection or shown any disloyalty. They are
simply condemned as " not valid," being in the late
rebellious States. Can the Radicals pretend that
the Southern States are now in active rebellion ? If
not, why should the recognised and acting Govern-
ments be otherwise than rabid ?
.They have taken
good care that no voice from the States themselves
shall be raised in Congress, though the Democrats
mustered in some force against it. The majority,
however, as it at present stands, will not override
the Presidential veto, and it is possible that before

the bill is tried again the public feeling will be
strongly expressed respecting it. It is intolerable
that a measure reversing the whole order of Ame-
rican Constitutional law should be hurried through
the Legislature by a few reckless political fanatics,
without argument or deliberation. The nature of
the bill is in itself so dangerous that the most
despotic Government in Europe would shrink from
proposing it. If Austria declared her intention of
suppressing the civil authorities in Hungary, if
Russia refused to allow any judicial court in
Poland, we might well be startled ; but in America,
which claims to be the home of free thought and
free action, the majority of the popular repre-
sentatives are deliberately sanctioning an act of
unwarrantable and oppressive tyranny. It is no
excuse for the House of Representatives to
admit that their action is mainly directed
against the PRESIDENT. Their business,
in such troubled and uncertain times, should
be to seek the public good-, regardless of individuals.
We need not expect any great patriotic devotion
from them, considering of what material American
representatives are usually made, but it is not too
much to demand that they should abide by the
' recognised laws of the country. A sweeping inno-
vation could hardly be introduced at a more dan-

gerous or unfitting opportunity, and the transfer
of authority over States as large as half-a-dozen
European kingdoms, from civil to military gover-
nors, must be admitted to be something very new in
the United States. While commercial circles are
complaining loudly of the depression of trade ;
while all parties admit the burden of the taxes to be
growing intolerable ; while the condition of the
Southern States is an openly acknowledged drag on
the energies of the North, these marvellous legisla-
tors step in to make everything ton times worse
than it was before. Capital and labour
are needed for the restoration of industry
in the plantations ; but can either be
hoped for under martial law ? Public confidence
must be restored in Southern securities. 'Will the
suppression of all civil governments tend to secure
it ? Trade and commerce must send their stores
to the Southern ports and bring their produce
thence if we are to see the old industries once more
flourishing. Will this terrible uncertainty, in which
no man can say what is bis own, encourage the
cautious dealer and the prudent merchant? We
can only suppose that the Radicals, wearied of the
struggle which has lately turned against them, de-
sire a general outbreak, the result of which may
be the substitution of a Dictator for the existing
machinery.

The debate was resumed on the Press Bill on
Saturday, and the Minister of Justice, M. BAROCHE,
made a protest against the various objections which
had been made against the bill. He declared that
it was in accordance wish the liberal principles of
'B9, but still it gave the Government a sufficient
power of repression. 'that it does in all conscience,
and more than sufficient in the opinion of the best
judges. M. 13AnocuE admitted that the Govern:
went would carefully examine all the amendments
proposed, and that the Chamber ought to dis-
cuss the measure in the most searching style.
The Minister concluded, however, by giving some
extraordinary definitions concerning the manner in
which the voice of the nation was represented. It
was not to be found, he averred, in the opinions of
the public Prim, but rather in the electoral body,

and its representatives were the elect to " pro-
nounce judgment." If this is the way in which the
authorities regard the influence of the Press, it is

no wonder that they succeed so badly in their
regulation of it. The more they make these arbitrary
rules the worse it will be for all parties concerned,
and it is indeed vexatious that after so long a time
and so much experience the Government should
persist in their restrictive course and arbitrary rule.
All the Ministers who spoke laid down the same
harsh laws, from which it seems there can be no ap-
peal. All the arguments which were enforced, all
the eloquence which was employed by the opposers
of the bill, went for nothing. A pre-determined
line had been determined upon, and hence all that
was said went to the winds. It is, however, some
relief to think that so decided a protest should have
been made, and that the members of the Legisla-
tive Body should have had spirit enough to make
such .a stand agAinst it. M. RICARD declared that
the interdiction imposed on the Press would • l nup y
silence as regarded the debates in the Chambers.
The general discussion on the bill closed on Satur-
day, and to-day M. OLIVIER'S amendment will
come on for discussion.
Great excitement prevails on the subject, how-
ever, and according to accounts it appears that the
members of the Privy Council and of the Council
of Ministers held " special meetings" on Satur-
day morning, and that a meeting of Deputies
was held under the presidency of M. JEROME
DAVID. It was then and there decided to vote
against the Bill on the Press, and hence many
suppose that Government may withdraw the mea-
sure altogether. It is not probable, however, that
such will be the result, because something definite
must be accomplished in the affair, and the ex-
citement that prevails on the subject is far greater
than any that has been felt on any previous occa-
sion for some time past. We would earnestly commend
to the notice of all who take an interest in this matter
the long and exhaustive speech of M. TRIERS. It
is, in every sense of the word, a masterpiece in its
way, and well worthy of the occasion which called
it forth. Perhaps some may be surprised when they
study more completely the mode in which the
French Press is regulated nowadays, and it is in-
deed outrageous that a journal may not even repeat
in what order the speakers in the Legislative Body
follow each other. Well may La France express
a hope that some forty years hence they may be
permitted to make remarks upon the debates of
1868. M. TRIERS puts the present st ite of things
very forcibly before us. France naturally desires
to know all that is going on, and such a desire is
in accordance with the spirit of the age. The
telegraph quickens thought, and the Press appro-
priates the means of importance. " I ask you,
gentlemen, can you do without that slanderous
journal against which you wish to defend your-
selves ?" Very effective is also that passage
in which the great orator points out
the advantages that accrue from freedom
of expression. Liberty is an immense lottery, in
which nations may take shares without fear or
compunction, because if they sometimes lose they
more often gain. As for the talk of moderating the
power of the journals, there is only one way of
moderating liberty, and that is by the " use of it."
In 1818 great confusion prevailed, but France was
saved from the horrors of a great revolution. And
why ? Because her assemblies were free. And how
can we conceive political liberty without a
free Press? as M. TRIERS most justly asks.
" No, I say it with respect, the princes of the earth
must make up their minds to the fact that the na-
tions desire to govern themselves." As for the
citizen of France, he naturally feels anxious to know
about the affaira of the world, and how can he pos-
sibly do that if the Press is encumbered as it is with
theArlelstwriish ctiotnhsatthattheprGesosvueprnonmeitnt would take to?

heart the very impressive warning that is given
to them in this speech. If they did, it
might secure that country against much
turmoil, and themselves defeat and mortification
at a subsequent period. There is a decisive mo-
ment for all Governments, and take care, exclaims
AI. TILLERS to the present rulers of France, that
History may not have to place you among those
who have had an opportunity of seizing it, but
allow it to escape." It is long since the walls of the
French Chamber have beard such impassioned lan-
guage as that contained in this discussion, and
it will long be remembered as a grand
display of eloquence, and also as a noble vindica -
tion of the rights of the Press and the just claims
of the nation. M. THIERS saw the power of
liberty in 1818, when he almost trembled for the
consequences of the turn events had taken. Twenty
years h,ve passel, ani he cannot peril the
triumph of free principles in the nation then
so earnestly desiring to be free in the right course.
It may be that some change for the better will

be the result of these deliberations, but at any rate
it can confidently be affirmed that M. MIMS has
done his duty in the awkward task he undertook to
perform. He neither flattered nor threatened, he
neither extenuated nor set down aught in malice,
but fully, freely, and fairly he laid before the
Legislative Chamber an exposition of the state of
the case. He showed the necessity that existed
for free discussion, and for freedom to the
be accorded to the Press, and he denounced the
course that was now being pursued by the autho-
rities in this respect. The more we dwell upon
this speech, the greater hardship does it appear
that it will not be fully published or freely com-
mented upon by the journals of France ;and it is in
itself a protest against the injustice that it so ably,
exposes, and the inconsistencies it points to in so
meaning a manner. The French Legislative Chaco
-
her have, indeed, seen the handwriting on the wall,
and it remains for us to see the result of it. Now
is the time to act ; but if the opportunity be ne4,
glected,'the future will only afford the chance for
repentance.

CAMBRIDGE MATHEMATICAL Tiuros LISTS.—In
the list, published last week we rejoice to find that Mr.
Watson, son of Mr. Watson, of Liverpool, obtained the high
position of fifth wrangler. In 1862 Mr. Watson gained the
First Albert Memorial scholarship, founded by this town
in memory of the late Prince Consort. In the above lists
occur the names of Mr. Marshall, 38th wrangler, and Mr.
Bayley, fifth senior optime. These gentlemen were edu-
cated by the Rev. Richard Wall, formerly of Birkenhead,
now head master of the Grammar School, Brewood, Staf-
fordshire.
THE MASTERS' AND SERVANTS' ACT, 1867.—The
first attempt to bring a female servant under the
provisions of this act was made at the Norton (Eastßiding)
monthly sessions on Saturday. Mr. R. Levers, as agent
for his mother, Mrs. Ann Levers, farmer, Firuber, York-
shire Wolds, charged Jane Harrison, 19, of Wharram, an
alleged servant in husbandry, with absconding from ser-
vice. Plaintiff had hired defendant at Malton on the 28th
of December, but a month after the statute hirings. He
had hired her at a register office in Mahon, as a servant
in husbandry, and it was explained to her that she would
have to milk the cows r.nd go out to field work in harvest
time or when reguired. She went on the Tcesday follow-
ing, and left on Saturday morning, because fault had been
found with her for not milking the cows " clean," as
much us a quart of milk having been loft. The wage
was ten guineas, with 3s. 61. that mown-. The &feu-
dant was swore and said she was not hired to clean the
cows out, which she had had to do twice, nor yet to go
out to the harvest field. She was only required to milk
the cows besides housework, and she swore positively
that the words " servant in husbandry" were never men-
tioned to her. She had had sticks to chop and the calves
to servo. Plaintiff denied the girl's statement in Coto. The
Bench were of opinion he had quite failed to prove his case,
and dismissed the charge with costs, expressing an opinion
that if the girl's statement were true she had been put to
improper work.