The Sun.
London, England, 1868-04-06 00:00:00

LONDON, _MONDAY, APRIL 6, 1868.

The fortnight which will elapse before Parlia-
ment meets again will afford an opportunity for
reflection, and perhaps, even now, that the first
excitement is over, some may question the pro-
priety of the step they have taken in according their
support to Mr. GLADSTDNE. The extreme charac-
ter of the right hon. gentleman's proposition ought
to have induced more caution on the part of the
House, and prevented his having so large a majo-
rity. The Government took a far wiser and more
constitutional course than their opponents, and so
we doubt not people will think eventually when
promises have to be put into performance. Another
point which has been algood deal overlooked is this,
that the time of the House will be taken up to a
great extent in discussing the different points of the
Resolutions, instead of proceeding with those mea-
sures which are most required in the interests of the
public, and which might have been disposed of this
year with advantage. The more we reflect upon
the course pursued by the Leader of the Opposi-
tion, the more unreasonable does h appear. He
cannot be ignorant of the fact that whatever is done
this year by the old Parliament cannot be binding
on the new one. It is not the same as if they could
pass a particular measure or introduce a decided
change into affairs, because every one knows perfectly
well that nothing definite could be done. There
remains, then, another view to take of the matter :
the resolutions must pass the House of Lords before
they can be acted upon in any shape, and it does
not require much skill to show that they are not
likely to do that. Why, then, has the course of
affairs been disturbed and the time of the House
frittered away ? It is going a long way to affirm
that all has come about for party purposes, and yet
what other solution of the mystery can be given ?
Had it been merely the desire to witness the
disestablishment of the Irish Church that
actuated Mr. GLADSTONE and his followers,
it is certain that they need not have acted as they
have done. Under any circumstances it would
have been strange to have pressed on the discussion
with so much precipitancy after the debate had
already occupied some nights ; but when we remem-
ber that those who put themselves forward were
only recent converts to the opinions they advocated
with such zeal their extraordinary conduct is all the
more unwarrantable. The unfair manner in which the
right hon. gentleman acted throughout in making
it appear that the present time was all that re-
mained in which to settle the affairs of Ireland, and
the time he took in the discussion, altogether proved
that he was bent cn pursuing his own purpose coute
qui coute.

It is one thing to gain a victory, and another to
put it to any account, and Mr. GLADSTONE may
yet find out to his cost that he has attempted more
than he can perform. The truth is, that he was in
so much hurry to show that he was the " man "
that he took no pains to discover the right and
fitting " man" for the work in question. Many of
those who were willing to give their sup-
port to Mr. GLADSTONE On Friday will
not be so ready to follow him in all his
subsequent ventures, and before the end of the
Session he may not find that his success is so great
as he imagined. There would have been no objec-
tion to take to this view on the part of the Opposition
leader had the circumstances of the case not been
so peculiar, but the manifest effort which he made
to displace the Government was not in accordance
with good taste or in keeping with the usages of
Parliamentary courtesy. Knowing that they could
not divide until next spring he sought to force
them to resign, and thus have been master of the
situation to explain his policy to the new Parliament ;
and this was hardly a fair thing to do, and certainly
not to be commended in any way. We believe that
the general public do not approve of the course pur-
sued by Mr. GLADSTONE, and would infinitely have
perferred seeing a great and comprehensive change
of this kind undertaken with more care and caution,
and, above all, with no party feeling, or as little as
possible introduced into the discussion. It will re-
main for the House of Commons to do their best
in the task that lies before them, and to guard
against extremes, which can lead to no good.
Moderation is always found to be the
wisest and safest policy in affairs of this kind, and
those who agreed to the proposal to go into com-
mittee on Friday may perhaps come to the
conclusion that all that Mr. GLADSTONE wishes
to do is not expedient at present. The pre-
sent Parliament had quite enough before it without
entering upon work that was more than it could
possibly have accomplished, and doubtless this truth
will be fully recognised before the summer
is over. After the sweeping changes insisted
upon by Mr. GLADSTONE people are apt to over-
look the fact that the Government by no means
pledged themselves to uphold the Irish Church in
its present form, but asked the House to wait until
the Royal Commission had reported on the subject,
and leave the next House to decide what changes or
modifications were required. Had this very reason-
able desire been granted more might have been
accomplished this year than is now at all likely to
be effected, while the real object at issue would
have been quite as well attained, for no practical
result about the Irish Church can possibly be arrived
at this year when all things are taken into consi-
deration.

We have from the United States a brief account
of Saturday's proceedings in the Senate Court.
The Impeachment Trial is still of course the great
question of the day. On it all interests are centred,
to it all hope 3 are directed, and round it all plans
and speculations turn. We have become so accus-
tomed to the constant wrangling between PRESI-
DENT and Congress that the actual crisis which the
long struggle has reached has lost some of its im-
portance, but there can be no doubt that in Ame-
rica itself it is exciting the most vivid interest.
Much may depend upon the issue, and the
Radicals more especially are concentrating their
voices with the object of destroying their
resolute and unyielding adversary. It may seem
at first sight scarcely worth their while to be so
eager in the matter. The term of Mr. JOHNSON'S
tenure of office is fast approaching, and he has never
tried for re-election. The Radicals may reasonably

hope that he will soon be out of their way, and if
they really believed that the feeling of the coun-
try was with them they might very well wait
in patience for the full development of their policy.
But the fact is that the prosecuting party are
very well aware that the country is not with
them, that Mr. JOHNSON, though occasionally
betrayed into hastiness of language and conduct,
is really better appreciated, and acted upon the
general feeling of those classes who are not under
the immediate influence of political partisanship.
In condemning Mr. JOHNSON the Radicals aim at
the discomfiture of the Democratic or moderate
party, and they are eager to secure for themselves
a more assured position. If the Senate Court should
sanction the authority assumed by the House of
Representatives, henceforward that assembly will
be the chief power in the States. The Presidents
will bow to its decision, and it will virtually have
the nomination of the Cabinet in its hands, since
Ministers must not be removed without its approval.
This is quite a new reading of Constitutional Govern
ment, and one which, if permitted by the American
people, will very soo❑ alter the whole character of
their institutions and government. The jealousy
with which Congress regards any attack upon itself
is still more ominous. Much of the charge against
the PRESIDENT is based upon his censures of Con-
gress, and speeches in which he has denounced its
action were on Friday and Saturday last produced
in evidence by the prosecution. This is the first
step towards that system which Americans, like
Englishmen, so bitterly condemn in Continental
countries, where criticism on public debates are
forbidden, and free speech and a free press are
only intangible shadows. If once Congress is
allowed to stand above the reach of official cen-
sure or public criticism, then America may say fare-
well to her civil liberty. The number of the
members is no guarantee for its preservation, since
we have seen during the last session or two of Con-
gress how ready are the majority to follow the
dictates of one or two unscrupulous leaders. the
system of paid members, too, brings into the
general assembly a class of men altogether different
from our members of Parliament. Political adven-
turers, men who have objects to serve for them-
selves or others, men of no particular profession,
all press into the American Congress, while even if
they could obtain a seat they would gain nothing
nothing by admission into the English House of
Commons. This is another reason for watching the
increasing assumption of Congress with much
jealousy and suspicion, since the liberties of the
people are not safe in its hands. A desperate ad-
venturer, a reckless schemer, a military dictator,
might easily, by the proper combination of force
and skill, make the majority his tools ; and the
United States ought to have learned from the close
of the 18th century that the existence of a public
assembly is not always a guarantee for the safety
of the State or the preservation of civil and religious
liberty.

On Saturday, so we learn by the Atlantic cable,
the case for the prosecution was concluded, and the
Court adjourned until Thursday next. Every effort
to procure some delay has been resisted by the
House, and the Managers of the Impeachment can
scarcely conceal their impatient anxiety to press on
the trial to its conclusion. The Senate Court re-
opened on March 23d under the presidency of Chief
Justice CHASE. President JOHNSON'S counsel read
his answer denying the Impeachment charges in de-
tail. The PRESIDENT claims that the removal
of STANTON was no violation of the
Tenure-of-Office Law, as Mr. STANTON was ap-
pointed by Mr. LINCOLN. He affirms that be
removed him in order to test the legality of the Act.
He denies conspiracy with Gen. THOMAS to seize the
War-office, and states that his Western speeches
were incorrectly reported, but claims that the PRE-
SIDENT has a right to give his opinion on public
affairs. Certainly this is a right which every other
American PRESIDENT has hitherto acted upon.
The reticence exacted from a constitutional mon-
arch, who in the eyes of the law " can do no
wrong," is never demanded from a ruler whose
term of office is limited, and who owes his election
to the popular suffrages. If ABRAIIAM LINCOLN had
never expressed his opinions on the civil war, what
would have been thought of his silence? If
former Presidents had refused to utter their sen-
timents regarding slavery, how many supporters
would they have found in either House ? The Ame-
ricans are naturally an outspoken people, and they
can hardly expect or wish to find in their President
that absolute impartiality on all public affairs which
England may look for in her reigning Sovereign,
but never dreams of seeking in her Prime
Minister.

The replication, as it is termed, to Mr. JOHN-
sox's defence against the Impeachment charges,
was adopted and filed in the House of
Representatives by 116 to 36 votes. The
replication, of course, reaffirms every charge,
since the accusers are acting on a foregone
conclusion, and the direct evidence of their senses
would scarcely alter their line of policy in regard
to the accused. The Senate, it would seem, is less
strongly biassed than the Lower House, since the
majority by which it was decided to prosecute the
trial with all haste was only four, twenty-eight
against twenty-four votes. After Mr. JoriNsoN's
application for time this was 'of itself an affront to
the PRESIDENT, but in reality the delay would have
been immaterial. The issue remains to be seen,
and we shall probably learn within a day or two
further particulars of the trial.

It is most satisfactory to find that the affairs of
Austria are progressing favourably in all respects,
and the latest intelligence confirms the impression
already entertained of the unanimity that existed
between the two Houses. The Lower House of the
Reichsrath has adopted all the amendments which
were proposed by the Upper House to the Public
Schools Bill. The bill for the organisation of the
district laws was likewise passed. It is encouraging
to notice this readiness on the part of both Houses
to agree in all that relates to the public
welfare, and it affords us a well-grounded hope
that the future may witness still more important
changes take place. Now the work of progress
has begun it is not likely to stand still, and
freed from some of those restrictive ways and
customs, which were tolerated for the sake of old
times, though they were felt to be burdensome,
there is no doubt that the Austrians generally
will develope into a much finer and more power-
ful nation.

Side by side with the improvements in Austria,
we may mention that the South German Parlia-
ment has just come to a very wise resolve,
for it was settled by a large majority on a reso-
lution of Herr CISKEICS that the members of
Parliament should not be liable to prosecution for
speeches delivered by them in the House. We hope
that this will be kept to, and not overruled as some
of the decisions of the Prussian Chamber of De-
puties have been. There will be an end to all
chance of freedom if hard and harsh measures against
liberty of speech are to be put in practice, and we are
not surprised that the sense and spirit of the assembly
have declared against the notion. The only chance
which the Germans can have of keeping their own
against the encroachments of Berlin will be in keep-