The Sun.
London, England, 1850-08-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,

Caannel literally aired for bread, and we gave them,
not one, but mane ,stones. The law of landlord and
tenant was to be plt iced on a better foundation ; that
vexata questio was to be dealt with in an enlarged and
comprehensive spir it, but it was kept back, and in its
place a most string ent Bill was introduced inflicting
various penalties o n•the unfortunate tenants. That
has, happily, been thrown out through the determined
opposition of Iriieh Members, but it might have
been carried, so far as the Ministers were concerned,
for the Home Secretary declared that " the fact of
the Government fins ling themselves unable to proceed
with a Bill on thi general subject, would by no
means justify them i n resisting a salutary improve-
ment of the law limi ced to a particular case." The
Security fur Advances Bill, which might have pro •
vided funds for the employment of the people, and
which would have givon the impoverished inheritors
of encumbered estates so me trifling means with which to
commence life de novo,. and would have given the
puisne creditors some reasonable prospect of payment,
has been witndrawn, while a Crime and
Outrage Act is steadily pressed forward,
and every Tuesday and Friday witnesses the sacrifice
of valuable properties for 1; the more than one-half
their actual value, or the still more significant
symptoms of the universal depreciation in Ireland—
the postponement of the sale from the absence of any
bidder at even the most ridiculously inadequate
I prices.
But perhaps in no case has the, laisser faire policy
of the Government, the via inertia or Ministers
been so painfully conspicuous as in the Savings
Banks Bill, which last night shared the fate of every
usetul measure, by being added to the general beep of
remanets. This was perhape par excellence," the" Bill
of the session, so far as the great body of the labour-
ing classes were concerned. The numerous and se-
vere losses that had been sustained by a very deser-
ving portion of the community, in whom it was pecu-
liarly desirable to foster habits of providence and
eelf-control ; the panic that arose from the discovery
of the systematic fraud and deception practised by
swindling actuaries, and the knowledge that the
much-vaunted Government security was little better
than "a mockery, a delusion, and a snare"—the na-
tional guarantee not coining into operation until the
funds, bad actually been invested with the Corn-
micsioners for the Reduction of the National
Debt, and the humble deposits that should
be regarged as sacred trusts being exposed
in transitu to the almost unchecked tampering of
agents, who, if naturally dishonest, might indulge
their evil propensities with impunity—rendered it im-
perative that something should be done to restore
the waning confidence, and to prevent a general
withdrawal of the deposits, which might be attended
with very serious results. Accordingly, at the com-
mencement of the session, the very first Government
Bill that was announced was for an alteration in the
savings bank code, which would give additional se-
curity to depositors. The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer was to have framed the necessary rezolutions
preparatory to the introduction of such a Bill on
the sth of February, and the first reading was to have
been taken on the same day. This laudable activity on
the part of the Minister of Finance elicited general ap-
probation, and the parties interested anxiously
awaited the promised explanation as to the details of
the contemplated measure; but, alas ! the vanity of
human hops and human wishes, the appointed day
arrived, but Sir CHARLE3 WOOD was not forthcom-
ing—a severe attack of illness prevented the Right
Hon. Baronet from attending, and he was unable to
'appear in his place in the House for nearly six
weeks—until the 15th March. Fur that delay
he was not responsible ; it was produced'
by causes clearly beyond his own control,
and all parties patiently awaited his perfect re-
covery. Since the 15th of March nearly five months
have elapsed, during which period a single evening
might surely have been devoted to the consideration
of the subject ; but Sir CHARLES Woof) thought
otherwise. Valuable hours were wasted in bringing
forward Bills that were immediately after withdrawn
—unnecessary debates were protracted from evening
to evening, in which there was " much 'sound and
but little sense." The House was repeate lly " counted
out," and we believe occasionally " whipped out" by
the Ministerial " whipper in," who thus reversed his
ordinary duties. But, with all this waste of time, not an
hour could be devoted to the Savings Bank Bill,
and on Thursday, the Bth of August, we find the
Chancellor of the Exchequer state the very great re-
gret with which " he had come to the conclusion that
he must postpone even the discussion upon the Bill
until next session." The public, we suppose, mu,t
submit ; there is no remedy. The same melancholy
exhibitions of incompetency may be repeated every
session, while the community must be contented; for
is not Sir CE tELES WOOD brother-in-law to Earl
GREY, and nearly connected with several other influ-
ential Cabinet Ministers, and the family compact could
not be disturbed for so very trifling a matter as public
disappointment and public disapprobation. •

After a close and exciting contest, the House of
Lords has agreed with the Commons' amendments to
the Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill ; and that
just and salutary measure now only awaits the Royal
assent to become the law of the land. The Parlia-
mentary session of 1850 will tbus be saved from the
stigma of being a legislative blank, without any
enactments of practical utility being sanctioned by
the three estates of the realm. Something has been
achieved—an instalment of justice has been rendered
to the much-wronged people of Ireland, and, although
-mall in amount, it will give them additional strength
to enforce the balance of their rights.
Notwithstanding the ample concessions made by the
popular branch of the Legislature, to which we alluded
last week, much goodly indignation was exhibited
at its presumption in venturing to differ in any par-
ticulars from their aristocratic hereditary _lawgivers,
although in matters exclusively affeeting the consti-
tution of the House of Representatives their assent to
the stringent regulations by which all persons except
owners not in actual occupation were excluded from
the franchise, was regarded as nothing. Tae rejec-
tion of the clause conferring a right of voting on joint
occupiers (a very numerous class in Ireland), which was
considered by Lord STANLEY to be an amendment of
considerable importance, was also agreed to by the
Commons, although a large number of persons, not
less than 20 000, would be thereby deprived of the
suffrage. But even this submission was scarcely
taken into account. The points of difference were
only considered, and a powerful minority, while com-
plaining of an attempt at dictation by the Commons,
resolutely refused all compromise. They would
have the 151. qualification or nothing. Even that,
according to the Protectionist leader " was
dangerously low." Little more than 6 per
cent. of the adult male population of
the country, or about one-half • per cent-
of the entire population, would be too large a propor-
tion to entrust with voices in the national representa-
tion. He would however yield so far, but not a step
further would he go. Better far that affairs should
remain in their present condition ; that there should
be some 300 voters for the county Mayo, out of a
population of 388,000, and 30,000 for all Ireland, or
something less than the proportion in France before
'he revolution of 1848—a policy which led to the
overthrow of the Orleans dynasty—than that so large
an infusion of the democratic element into the consti-
tution as 10 per cent. of the adult males should be
for a moment tolerated. In merry, prosperous,
and happy England, there are only 72 per
cent. of the adult males excluded be-
yond the pale of the Constitution. In Scotland the
proportion is something higher, there being 75 per
cent. unrepresented : but in poor, miserable, long-
suffering, and much injured Ire land it is looked upon
as almost revolutionary to reduce the unenfranchised
parishes to 90 per cent. of the adult males, all of
whom would be deemed worthy of fighting the bat-
tles of their country, and dying to promote the
honour and glory of the United Kingdom cf Great
Britain and Ireland, should the occasion unfortunately
arise. Can we wonder if a sensitive and warmhearted
people are disgusted at such conduct, or if they
lend an easy credence to mischievous agitators
and are ready to clamour for the repeal of the Union,
even for a total separation between the countries, or
to raise any other watchword that may be put into
their mouths ?

The lordly obstructives were, however, happily
defeated ; but it was not until after an arduous and
exciting contest. The majority of Peers in attend-

ante voted in favour of Lord STANLEY'S motion, to
insist on the 151. qualification, and to dissent from the
12/. compromise. There were of those present—Con-
tents, 62 ; Non -contents, 56. The Bill would, there-
fore, have been lost, if th© proxies were not counted.
For once, however, that extraordinary and anomalous
privilege, that allows the votes of parties absent from
the House, who have had no opportunity of hearing
the arguments pro or con., or learning the real merits
of the question, was turned to good account. Mi-
nisters had taken the very necessary precaution of
having the votes of seventy good men and true in
their pockets, while the Tories had only fifty-three
paper Lords. This bad the effect of converting the
minority of six into a good working majority of
eleven, who carried the 12/. franchise triumphantly
through the Peers, and prevented an angry collision
between the Houses.

Lord STANLEY was exceedingly indignant at the
defeat thus brought about. The " dumbies" excited
his wrath, and the Noble Lords who gave, and
the Ministers who used, the proxies alike
came in for his heavy animadversions. It was cer
tainly too bad to hive the anticipated victory
snatched from his grasp by the sudden starting up of
these " men in buckram" from their ambush. Such
disappointments must, however, be of frequent recur-
rence when such a privilege is resorted to. But if
Lord STANLEY objects to Ministers availing them-
selves of the powers which the forms of the House
place within their reach—if he deems it very unsa-
tisfactory that " the recorded opinions of those who
had been present at their discussions should be nulli-
fied by the votes of others who had not heard the
arguments," why does he not call for an immediate
alteration, and demand the abolition of the practice ?
It would be something to see their Lordships keep-
ing up with the spirit of the age, and (recollecting
that improvement should commence at home) begin-
ning to reform their own House. That, indeed,
would be a sight worth seeing ; and if Lord
STANLEY introduce such a measure, he will earn
for himself the thanks and gratitude of the country.
We do not suppose that the Commons would be
consulted on the subject, as it.merely relates to the
practice and privileges of their own House ; the
Lords would not think it necessary to ask the
sanction of any other body, and would warmly re-
sent any interference; and yet they have thought it
right and proper to make extensive alterations in a
measure concerning the elective franchise, and exclu-
sively affecting the constitution of the House of Com-
mons. If, however, the matter should be brought
before the Commons, we venture to promise that they
will offer no obstacle to the progress of the much-
required reform, nor venture to mutilate or dilute
the measure.

But while the practice is continued—while a call
for proxies is still regarded as a legitimate demand—
it would be strange indeed if the Government did not
use it as a mode "of converting an adverse majority
into a minority," or if it should only use its proxies
when already in a majority. We apprehend that any
Government or any party, on either side of the House,
in office or out of office, would not be inclined
to relinquish so powerful a weapon, or to have the
House arrive at a decision which they themselves
considered to be erroneous through a mere point of
etiquette.
The point at issue was, however, carried, and we
shall not scrutinize too narrowly the means by which
en object so desirable in every respect has been
achieved. The self-acting registry clause was also
carried without a division, the goodly array of
proxies having completely disheartened the mal-
contents. As we have already stated, the Bill now
only awaits the Royal assent to become the law of
the land, and one of the best founded sources of
complaint is, to a certain degree at least, removed
from our Iri.h brethren.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Pal: journals of yesterday.
The reactionary faction seem to be labouring under
a species of judicial blindness. That which ruined
CHARLES X., M. ESTANCELIN would fain induce the
Assembly to perpetrate, to dissolve the National
Guards of Paris. He has given notice of the follow-
ing amendment to M. BAROCUE'S Bill ou the Na-
tional Guard :—" The National Guard to be dis-
solved and disarmed in the department in which the
seat of Government shall be fixed." Nothing can be
imagined more likely to give mortal offence to the
bourgeoise of Paris than this proposal. The Paris
bow geoise has hitherto supported the re-actionary
noblesse, because he believed that the Socialist
wished t') disarm him and to rob him; but if the
noblesse atiernpt to disarm him he will most assuredly
turn against them as he did in 1830 ; and, be it
remembered, the regular troops always side with the
National Guards of Paris ; there is not an instance
known to the contrary.
The journals publish an official communication,
contradicting a statement which had been circulated
that the vote on the Orleans and Lyons Railway Bill
had been vitiated.

The Patrie gives the following as the official noti-
fication of the intended itinerary of the PEESWSNT of
the Republic.:—
" August 12. Departure from Paris for Dijon via
Tonnere; reception and review at Tonnere.

" 13. At Dijon.
" 11. From Dijon to Lyons; reception and review at
Macon.

15 and 16. At Lyons.
" 17. Lyons to Lons-le•Saulnier; review at Bourg.
" 18. Loos-le Sauluier to Besancon by Dole; review
at D.,14..

" 19. Bessrcln to Belfont.
20. l3elfout to Culmar, by Mulhouse.
" 21. Colmar to Strasbourg.
" 22. At Strasbourg.
" 23. Strasbourg to Sarrebourg, by Phalsbourg.
" 24. Sarrebourg to Nancy, by Luneville; reception
and review at Luneville.
" 25 and 26. Nancy to Metz, and stay at Metz.
" 27. Metz to Chalons-sur-Marne, by Verdun.
" 28. Return to Farb."

The PRESIDENT has been most reluctantly com-
pelled to yield to the Assembly, and give up the idea
of forming a camp at Versailles.
The Conatitutionnel, in making this announcement
accompanies it by a statement calculated to excite the
feelinia of the army against the Assembly.
The Constitutionnel says—
.' The President of the Republic. if we be rightly in-
formed, felt obliged to renounce this useful project 88
soon as he bad learned that the poverty of the Budget
would not enable him to treat the troops with the
liberality to which they bad ben accustomed under the
preceding regime. We learn also that after the review
that took place yesterday of the Gendarmerie M .bile
and R. publican Guard, the President invited the fficers
end non-commissioned offie.-rs to dinner at the Elyse:.
The review and the invitstion had been settled for the
sake of allowing the President to afford the name ex-
pressions of sympathy to these corps which the camp at
Versailles would have enabled him to offer to the
troops composing the garrison at Paris. The President
bas, nevertheless, according to our ieformation, reserved
to himself the pleasure of treating the officers and the
non .commissioned officers of the several corps which
were to have successively formed part of the camp, as if
the project had not been abandoned. The invitations
will be given either at the end of the reviews which he
intends to pass or following the manoeuvres which are to
be executed in autumn..'
The Assemblie Nationale proposes that before the
prorogation the National Assembly shall pass the
following decree giving extraordinary powers to the
Committee of 25 :
" The Provisional Commission, on a simple convoca-
tion of the President, assembles in its ordinary place of
meeting; it commands, directly, the General-in-Chief,
who is at the head of the troops of the department of
the Seine, and transmits to him its orders; it has au-
thority to transfer the place of its deliberation to another
department; it names a superior commander; and it
may, by a simple decree, place a city or a department un-
der martial law. From the very fact of this decree the
Assembly is bound to meet eight days after in the place
indicated by the Provisional Commission.
" Let the Assembly but vote the above," continues
the Assemblee Nationale, "and the public peace is per-
fectly secured during the interval of the vacation."
M. and Madame LAMARTINE have arrived at Mar-
seilles from the East.

PARIS BOURSE, AUGUST B.—Latest Prices.—Five
per Cents , 96'. 85c. ; Three per Cents., 58f. 15c.
Bank Actions, 2,380 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT TH
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGF , Aua. 8.
Boulogne and Amiens, 7—Central of France (Orleans and
`Vierzon), 1434—Dutch Rhenish, 21—Orleans and Bor-
deaux, ri
.2%—Paris and Rouen, 24—Pas and Strasbourg,
8,4, ex m.—Rouen and Havre, 9;4—Tours and Nantes, 4.