The Sun.
London, England, 1850-08-01 00:00:00

i!'4'llCrlaillit 1.761 tit:

LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 1850.

The so-called amendments of the Lords to the
Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill were taken into
consideration by the Commons on Tuesday evening.
Whatever may be the feelings of the Irish people, cf
those who are still deprived of a freeman's birthright,
and not permitted to have a voice in the election of
representatives to the popular branch of the Legisla-
ture, the hereditary legislators have certainly no cause
to complain of the course adopted by the First Lord
of the Treasury. The Premier exhibited a respectful
deference, a ready submission to their high behests,
that must prove very grateful to the aristocratic
palate. It might be supposed that questions relating
to the elective franchise, to the constitution of one of
the constituent parts or branches of Parliament,
might be more fitly dealt with in the assembly which
would be exclusively affected by the new enactments;
that the Peers, who, according to the constitutional
theory, are not permitted to interfere in popular
elections, would have refrained from making
any alteration in the right of suffrage
that had been approved and sanctioned by the Com-
mons; that in fact it would be considered as much
a matter of privilege by the representatives of the
people as a money Bill or measure relating to taxa-
tion, in which no change, however trivial, will be
tolerated. It is the boast of the House of Commons
that it is the sole judge of its own privileges, and
that in their defence it will not shrink from any col-
lision or contest that may be provoked ; and yet,
while indulging in such pleasing imaginations, it
submits to its aristocratic neighbour at the very
first difference that arises, and with " bated
breath and deep humility" receives back the emas-
culated and mutilated measure, and yields a reluct-
ant assent to the great majority of the alterations,
which we cannot stultify ourselves by terming
" amendments."

In two points only did the Premier dissent from
the decision of the Upper House, and even in one
of these he offered a compromise, giving up
the greater portion cf the matter in dispute,
and on all other points he yielded a prompt and will-
ing obedience. Indeed, from the course adopted by
his Noble Colleague, the Ministerial leader in the
Lords, it was but too painfully apparent that the Go-
vernment were doing what, in the language of " the
ring," is termed " fighting a cross." They brought
forward originally a measure which, although by no
means adequate to the acknowledged exigencies of the
case, was yet received with deep gratitude by the
Irish people, and considered as offering, at least, a fair
instalment of justice.
The state of the franchise on the other side of St.
George's Channel, more especially in the counties,
had long become painfully notorious. Ireland was, in
that respect, in a very different position indeed from
the sister kingdoms ; for, even taking the statement
from Lord JOHN ItussELL (which we are prepared
to show to be far below the real facts) , " while in
Great Britain generally 28 per cent. of the adult male
population had votes, the per centage in Ireland was
less than 2" ! ! ! This deplorable state of affairs required
a speedy remedy, and accordingly a Bill was introduced
which, based on an 8/. rating, would have given
the elective franchise to 264,180 occupants, or
about fifteen per cent. on the adult male
population, or little more than one-half the
propo7tion which enjoy the franchise in this more
favoured country. This was no very great infusion
of the democratic element. It could not be considered
a very extended measure of " Justice to Ireland"
when 85 per cent. of the adult male population would
still remain unrepresented, and without any voice in
: the election of Members to the Imperial Parliament,
[ who were to make the laws by which they were to
be governed, to sanction the taxation to which they
should contribute. Small, however, and inadequate
as was the concession, it excited the aristucratiejeaale-
ousy. The hereditary legislators have ever exhibited
a rooted dislike to any great extension of popular
rights. It would not exactly do, however, to throw
out the Bill in a summary way, to be held out to the
nation as the abettors of a system, which at the re-
cent election for Mayo—a county which, according
to the census of 1841, contained 388,887 inhabitants,
of whom 194,198 were males—brought 233 electors
to the poll during a contest of unusual
interest. They, therefore, determined to mutilate
rather than to reject, to neutralise the advantages
of a measure to which they could not altogether
refuse their sanction. Accordingly the first step
taken was to substitute a 151. rating for that of 8/,
which had been approved of in the Commons.

The eff,ct of this " amendment" (amendment,
GOD save the mark ! !) would be to strike off no less
than 120,000 voters at one fell swoop, to reduce the
proportion who would be entrusted with the elective
franchise from fifttcn to eight per cent. of the adult
male population. They were not, however, con-