The Sun.
London, England, 1850-11-29 00:00:00

And further, whether the State is not bound, by a due
regard to the interests of the empire and the public
good, to adjust this question by legislative interpo•
sition. The man who invests his capital in the pro-
duction of any article of trade or commerce acquires
thereby a permanent and beneficial interest in the
product. The moment the raw material is paid
for no men has any lien on the article produced.
We look upon land as the raw material of the farmer,
and the tenant as the producer, and when he invests
his capital, viz., his labour in the soil, he is, in our
opinion, entitled to a beneficial interest in what has
been produced by his capital. We think this cannot
be reasonably denied ; and if it be admitted that his
labour and industry give him a title to a beneficial
interest in their fruits, it ought to follow that this
interest should be secure, fixed, and permanent, be-
yond the control or caprice of others.
Now, we can see no mode by which the Irish
tenant can obtain this secure and fixed tenure save by
the _ interposition of the Legislature. To this the

Irish landlord is opposed, as an undue interference
with what he calls his rights. We think a calm
consideration of the subject should convince him that
his opposition to the legal adjustment of this ques-
tion is as useless as it is unwise ; for though his
rowan may be, perhaps, a little circumscribed, he
would be far more than recompensed for the loss of
some small electioneering influence by the enhance-
ment of his property and the security of his person.
The Irish landlord need but look to the compara-
tive value of an estate where the tenant-right is re-
cognized and where it is not. In the one he will see
the land brought into the highest degree of cultiva-
tion, while it is impoverished and scarcely half culti-
vated in the other. When the rack-rented tenant
gets into arrear on an estate where the tenant right
does not exist, the landlord bas no remedy
but either to evict, at the risk of his
life, or to wipe out the arrears, and begin anew till
they accumulate again. Thus the rentals in those
parts of Ireland where this right is not recognized are
frequently snore nominal than real ; and the pro-
prietors are thereby often led into embarrassments
and ruin by living up to these nominal incomes. The

depreciated value at which some of the western and
southern estates have been sold under the Encum-
bered Estates Bill might be pointed out as unfortu-
nate instances of this kind. How different is the
position of the Ulster landlord, who acts upon the
principle of tenant-right' He lets his land at a fair
and moderate rent—he gives his tenant the
power of selling his interest in the land
which his industry bas improved ; the landlord
has a perfect security for any arrears, as, in the
event of any change of tenancy, the FIRST LIEN ON
THE I'URCHASE•MONEY IS THE LANDLORD'S RENT,
AND ALL ARREARS. The landlords of Ireland, ge-
nerally, should take counsel together, and consider
whether it would not be for their benefit to secure
to themselves, by a legalized tenant-right, these ad-
vantages and safeguards, now confined to a few pro-
prietors in Ulster.

That the State is bound, by public policy, to
Adjust this question will be manifest by a glance at
the fact, that in every country where the people
have not a fixed interest in the soil their
tendencies are always revolutionary. Those only
wish fur change who have nothing to lose. The Irish
tenant feels that he is a serf without any fixed or
beneficial interest in the products of his toil and in-
dustry—no change can make him worse ; his dis-
content vents itself in agrarian outrage, conflagra-
tion, and bloodshed. The only cure for these evils is
to turn the serf into a substantial yeoman, fix him
o❑ the soil, let him become as it were attached to the
freehold ; let him feel that he has a stake in the com-
mon weal, and you convert the turbulent revolutionist
into a peaceful citizen. To achieve an end so desira-
ble, we say, is the duty of the State. It would be but
justice to the tenant, security to the landlord.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris papers of yesterday.
The proposition of M. CRETON for the repeal of
the proscription of the Bourbons will be opposed by
the Bonapartists. On this subject the Pays has the
following :
" The Assembly has fixed Saturday for discussing the
question of taking into consideration the proposition of
Creton to put an end to the exile of the members of
the two branches of the Bourbon family. Last year a
similar proposition was brought forward and proved un-
successful. We hope it may be the same this year, as
nothing has changed either in the dangers which menace
society, nor in the necessity of union, which can alone
conjure them away, nor in the force of public opinion,
which is more powerful to put an end to laws of proscrip-
tion than all the intrigues of parties. Had the law of exile
pressing on the Emperor's family been revoked when
two of its members took their places on the benches of
the National Assembly on May 4, 1848—when MM.
de Lamartine, Clement Thomas, Cavaignac, and Mar-
ram, took such trouble, in May, 1848, to prevent the
Assembly from admitting the validity of the election of
Louis Napoleon in the Yonne, would a law of proscrip-
tion, more or less, have given to the triumph of the
elected of the people, or taken away from it, any
strength? All these truths were said by us last year in
opposing the proposition presented by a too illustrious
mountaineer, a near relative of the head of the state.
We repeat them now, not to induce the Assembly to re-
ject the proposition, for we havo no doubt concerning
its vote, but to adjure it to distrust the snare which is
set for it."
We find the following in the Constitutionnel rela-
tive to the affair of the Commissary of Police of the
Assembly :
" The question relative to the special Commissary of
Police attached to the Legislative Assembly has just
been brought to an amicable solution by the President of
the Assembly and the Minister of the Interior. There
is nothing but what is perfectly regular in the arrange-
ment come to. The intervention of a Bill in the affair
would, on the contrary, have been a dangerous encroach-
ment of the legislative on the domain of the executive
power. The Chamber, very probably, would not
have allowed itself to have been led into such
a dangerous path. If we are well informed, the
following is the arrangement by which all conflict will
be avoided :—The President or the bureau of the Cham-
ber will choose the special commissary charged to watch
over the safety of the Assembly, from among the com-
missaries of the city of Paris. The functionary selected
by the bureau will be appointed by the Government. If
the city, which pays the salary of this commissary,
should refuse the grant destined for that salary, the
Assembly will provide it from its private budget. This
special commissary cannot be dismissed without the
mutual agreement of the Government and the President
of the Assembly to that effect. The different proposi-
tions successively presented by the questors have been
withdrawn."
The same journal has the following, relative to the
plot of the Rue des Saussaies :
" The affair of the pretended conspiracy of the Rue
des Saussaies has ended, as we have always anticipated
it would, in the Chambre du Conseil dismissing the
question as without foundation. This decision is
founded-1. On the inspection of the place, which was
evidently too small to have held the 26 conspirators
spoken of by Allais; 2. On all the evidence of the wit-
nesses, which perfectly establishes that the fact de-
nounced had no reality; 3. On the tardy avowals of the
informer himself, which proved to the judges in a most
conclusive manner that the pretended conspiracy was
nothing more than a sad and ridiculous invention. All
that now remains of the affair are the proceedings or-
dered to be instituted against Allais for calumnious de-
nunciation."

Notwithstanding the statement of the Constitution-
nel, many of the journals (the Siicle, for example) do
not consider the decision of the Chambre du Conseil
satisfactory, as it has decided after a secret inquiry,
and no one knows upon what grounds. The pretended
" avowals" are denied by ALLAH.
Considerable uneasiness prevailed amongst the
speculators at the Bourse to-day, and the price of
public securities declined. The Five per Cents.
opened at 91f. 40c., rose to 91f. 60c., fell subse-
quently to 91f. 10c., and closed at 91f. 15e.; the
Three per• Cents. closed at 561. 35c. Orleans Rail-
road Shares, 7901. ; Rouen, 600 f. ; Havre, 2371.
50c.; Great Northern, 450 f. ; Avignon, 182 f. 50c. ;
Vierzon, 370 f.; Paris and Strasburg, 333 f. 75c.;
Tours and Nantes, 2401.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Nov. 28.
Anglo-Italian (late Italian and Austrian), 21,8—Bou-
logne and Amiens, B—Central of France (Orleans and
Vierzon), 147/B—East Indian, 954—Great Indian Peninsula,
178—Paris and Rouen, 233/4—Paris and Strasburg, SA--
Rouen and Havre, 91. A.