The Sun.
London, England, 1850-03-28 00:00:00

#3lTraing

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1850.

Mr. ‘lritrouovn COOKE, after his late brilliant ad-
venture as a Parliamentary candidate, should be a
name respected by the Liberal inhabitants of Col-
chester. , If his effort to seize the prize carried off by
his Protectionist opponent was altogether unsuccess-
ful, his political circular, addressed to his supporters
after the excitement of the election had subsided, has
gope 'far 'to show the Reformers among that consti-
tuency-the real amount of their culpability. Of
course, like every prudent aspirant for the, suffrages
of the-multitude, he has administered this wholesome
corrective in very sugary and palatable language.
His bolus of accusation is carefully gilded over
witit::,iilpliment. -Those who would inevitably
hay.e ahu(ldered at the bitterness of his
house:;, tiuths,, had they been imparted to
them undisguised by any assuaging blandness of man-
ner, will !Ong since this have smacked their lips with
indescribable relish over the saccharine suavity of
his adulation. Without expressing other sentiments
than those of repugnance to the eulogistic epithets in-
clifged in by Mr. CooKE, when speaking to his sup-
pofters, at the recent contest, a style of phraseology
which is unfortunalely'but too often adopted by other
canklidatea similarly situated, we can nevertheless
coam6nd. mast- earnestly, and with all encomiastic
emphusia; to t,he. attentiop of the voters of o,lehester,
theiiirvilar transmitted to them individually within the
last felV•days by the hand of their united Mentor and
pan( gyrist. We can smile, for example, with a sort
of 'pitying forgivencess at his designating the 389
electors, who inscribed :their names in the polling.
boekviu fa our of himself, Mr. WINGROVE COORS, as
a " ,caprilb'natl." But, at the same time, we can ap-
plaud-'the wisdom, the point, and the shrewdness of
that felicitous metaphor by which he warns the cone
conStittiailcy figaitut -.their dread of theiz wealthier

political opponents—saying, " Depend upon it that
this (their) INTIMIDATION is a nettle that
stings those only who dally with it, and
is harmless to those who grasp it." Happy
would it be for all sections of the community if the
smaller tradesmen and tenant-farmers and artisans
could recognise the truth of this inimitable sentence.
Then, but only then, might the necessity for the Bal-
lot, as a preservative alike from intimidation and cor-
ruption, be removed. Then, but only then, might
we witness that bold, and manly, and right English
system of open voting when every elector might
register his vote at noonday with a defiance of all
threats alike, whether coming from landlord, from ma-
nufacturer, or from affluent customer. As human
nature, however, is at present constituted, and especi-
ally in these days of mercantile competition, we can-
not dream of any such fortunate concurrence of cir-
cumstance. Alas ! for the day—there are plenty of
gaps and chastns in the forum, but not a Cuerius to
jump into 'em ! Therefore it is, knowing the age,
beholding the characteristics of our generation, and
perceiving the necessity for improvement, we are re-
solute, clamorous, and importunate in our demand for
the Ballot.
Without the Ballot to shelter the 239 timorous
voters who abstained at the last Colchester election
from exercising their rights and powers of the fran-
chise, Mr. WINGROVB Cools was defeated, his Pro-
tectionist antagonist coming off victorious. Fear of
the consequences kept aloof from the contest all the
Liberal possessors of the suffrage in that borough, ex-
cepting the "sacred band" of 389! Eheu, for the
political gallantry of the traders of Colchester ! Ai,
for the somewhat Quixotic, because wholly ineffectual
adventure of the Free-trade candidate I But how in-
effectual ? Because of the absence of the Ballot, and
the presence of intimidation. Saith Mr. Coors upon
this particular:—
" There were two hundred and thirty-nine electors
who did not vote. Can any one point out a real Tory
among all that number? What! could a hearty Tory
look on and see his man winning, his cause triumphant,
and not run shouting to the polling-booth to share in
the victory I—No, there are no Tories among this 239.
They are weak brethren—men who lore their wives and
children enough not to vote their bread directly out of
their mouths, but who satisfy their consciences by saying
I will do you no harm.' Give me an enemy rather than
such a man ! Let me at least have to do with men whom I
can respect! And lam told, that among these are some,
who, in times of peace, pretend to guide the sentiments
of others—ardent Reformers, who are fcigh•ened at a
poll-booth—would•be leaders, whose full•blown princi-
ples shed all their blossoms under the frown of a far-
mer's wife—sturdy enemies of power, whose public
virtue oozes out at the finger-ends as the shadow of a
Tory customer falls upon their door. And such men as
these would assume to lead—to lead my 389 1 Be you
sure, my dear Sir, the poll-book is the best test of public
virtue. Let the man who does not Tote shelter himself
behind what crotchet he pleases—' it is of no use'—
there is no chatsce'—self fulfilling prophecies, that
mean only lam afraid'—believe him not. Treat him
as soldiers would treat a comrade, who, a'ter being a
braggart in barracks, is found a runagate in the field."
An excoriating but deserved flagellation of the backs
of these said 239 political recusants. At them! Mr.
Cools, " with a will" and with a vengeance. They
have only themselves to thank for the castigation—
their pitiful dereliction of their first duty as citizens
having called down upon them this well-merited
punishment. By reason of their pusillanimity at the
polling booths comes the drum-head court-
martial of Mr. WINGROVB COORS'S com-
memorative circular, with his literary cat, and
his political triangle ! Out upon them as
electoral defaulters, they have the sole responsibility
of their poltroonery—let them alone be answerable
for the moral assault they have provoked.
Having vented his ire against these 239 " weak
brethren" who turned out in the late contest
to be " nowhere," and, in doing this, having
exposed to their own comprehension the
miserable culpability of their weakness,
Mr. Coors very explicitly points out to them
the fully of their having abandoned the 389 staunch
Free-trade Reformers, and thereby secured the triumph
to the Protectionists.

" I hare," says he, " the official returns of exports
and imports for the year ending the sth of January,
now before me, and I entreat your attention to a few of
the facts they disclose. We have had imported into
England during that one year, in addition to live flacks
and herds that would stock and devastate an English
county—in addition to a million and half hundred-
weights of potatoes—in addition to upwards of a million
hundred-weights (1,070,638) of beef and pork—in ad-
dition to five millions of quarters of barley, oats, and
Jodian corn—in addition to all this mighty mountain of
huma-i !ood, we hr.ve ►our millions and a half of quar-
ters f wheat (4,509 626), and nearly four million hun-
dred- weights (3,937,219) of flour."

His statements having proceeded so far, he then
undertakes to explain the meaning of the figures,
and by so doing to simplify their application in
his argument. Reducing the wheat to flour, and
the flour to " what we can all comprehend—QUAßT/3RX
LOAVES"—he demonstrates, with a due deduction of
one-twelfth for offal, that we have imported in the
shape of wheat and flour, during the year last past, no
less than " twentip.seven extra quartern loaves for
every man, woman, and child, throughout the British
islands"—altogether 699,760,304, or within a fraction
of SEVEN HUNDRED MILLION QUARTERN LOAVES.
Yet these pitiful 239 (who could have given
the majority sweepingly in favour of the
Free-trade candidate), standing in awe of
their . landlOrds and wealthy customers, kept
aloof and thereby abandoned the victory to the
Pre'ectionists. As Free-traders, we thank Mr.
IVIEGROTE COOKE for the production of a circular
which renders these things so glaringly conspicuous.
As upholders of the Ballot, we thank him again—

satisfied that contests and commemorative addresses,
such as his, must tend ultimately to improve, not only
individual constituencies like that of Colchester, but in
like manner also, the rest of the electoral population.

The chief, if not the only, objection to the measure
brought in by the Solicitor-General, for the purpose
of providing " more simple and effectual securities
for advances to purchasers of encumbered estates in
Ireland," is, that it will act as a practical prohibition
to the sale cf any properties in that country, save
through the agency of the Commissioners. The pru-
dent proprietor, who has hitherto kept himself free
from debt, or who, at least, has managed to avoid
charging his lands to one-half their actual value,
will be unable to dispose of any portion
thereof, without submitting to a sacrifice of
three or four years' purchase on the rental.
The advantages already conferred on the pur-
chasers of estates at the " new auction mart, in Hen-
rietta-street, Dublin," are sufficiently tempting to
induce all capitalists to look almost exclusively to
that quarter for investments. There they will receive
a clear and unquestionable title free from doubt or
difficulty. No time will be consumed, or money ex-
pended, in its investigation ; there will be no prolix
and verbose recitals contained in the deed of con-
veyance, which, as Baron RICHARDS jocosely re-
marked, " may be kept in a small box ;"
but, above all, a new sort cf title will
be constituted, which in any future dealing with the
property will dispense with the necessity of all retro-
spective deductions of title, and of all searches and
inquiries, which are so vexatious and annoying to
vendors or borrowers. These are points that will not
be overlooked or lost sight of by persons desirous of
acquiring real property ; and while estates possessing
such incidents are in the market no others will be
sought after or bid fur except at a considerable reduc-
tion in price.

Th• inducement to look for such properties will,
however, be greatly increased by the provisions of the
present Bill. The purchaser will obtain facilities for
raising money that will be altogether wanting to the
owners of other estates. He may grant mortgagee to
half the value of his new estate without incurring one
shilling expense either for stamp duty, investigation
of title, or deed of conveyance, and these mortgages
may be made for sums so small that they will freely
pass from hand to hand like bank-notes. A person
may send out a 51. debenture, charged upon
a large estate in the neighbourhood, and
baring interest at four or five per cent.
per annum, to his butcher or grocer, for the purchase
of a le.g of mutton or a pound of tea, and it will be
readily accepted by the tradesman, who will know
that it will fructify and increase while locked up
in his strong box, and that at any moment he can
dispose of it without loss or inconvenience to any of.
his neighbours. It will, in fact, possess all the attri-
butes of a well-regulated and judiciously-devised
currency. The fortunate purchaser of an " encum-
bered estate" will thus be enabled to act as a banker,
issuing his own notes to the community, without

LOND ON,

being compelled to redeem them in gold at a mo-
ment's notice in case of a run on his establishment.

We do not Consider this great privilege as calcu-
lated to injure the community. On the contrary, we
believe that nothing more beneficial or conducive to
the best interests of society could be enacted. It
would, so far as Ireland was concerned, completely
remove the sting from the unwise and iniqui-
tous monetary code by which the country has
been reduced to the verge of ruin. The encumbered
estates already in• the market cannot at the lowest
computation be less than the value of 13,000,0001.
or 14,000,0001. sterling. If we take the smaller sum,
there will at once be an addition of 6,500,0001 to the
circulating medium of the country, or rather more
than the fixed issues of all the Irish banks, which
in the aggregate amount to 6,354,4941. We assume
that the privilege would be exercised to the fullest
extent. for it could not be supposed that any pur-
chaser, however ample his wealth and bound-
less his resources, would despise or dis-
regard an advantage so great as that above
referred to. Although able to pay the full purchase-
money without difficulty or inconvenience, he would
still issue the debentures, although they might be
vested in trustees, fur his own use and benefit.
This inestimable benefit would indeed lead to the
social regeneration of the sister kingdom and the full
development of all her natural capabilities. Then would
Ireland be rendered really prosperous and happy—a
source of strength and power to the British empire,
in place of being the chief difficulty of every Cabinet,
the stumbling-block of every Ministry. But why,
we ask, should a monopoly be given to the purchasers
of encumbered estates ? Why should not the present
owners be enabled to avail themselves of similar
privileges in order to preserve the properties that
have been enjoyed by their ancestors, generation
after! generation, ;through successive ages ? Why
should not the owners of other estates, although un-
mortgaged and unembarrassed, not be permitted to
issue similar securities, if desirable, either for the
permanent and lasting improvement of their lands, or for
any other purposes which they might deem expedient ?
If these interrogations be answered in the affirmative,
and we cannot conceive a different response, then we
ask why should Ireland alone pwsess so great, so in-
valuable a privilege, which was denied to England
and Scotland? Why should the Celtic race be more
highly favoured than the Saxons or Piots ?

The measure, then, is admirable, so far as it goes,
but it must be extended to every description of real
property, and to all parts of the United Kingdom. This
extension must lead to the great desideratum, a cir-
culating medium adequate to the wants and exigen-
cies of the nation, and as a natural consequence
--when there was a seasonable supply of the very
" life blood of industry"—full and remunerative em-
ployment for every man able and willing to work
throughout the British dominions.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
It appears that at the close of the sitting
of the Assembly M. DE LAROCHNJAQUELIN did
lay on the table the extraordinary propo-
sition that an appeal should be made to the
country on the question of Monarchy and Re-
public, which war, however, disposed of without dis-
cussion, by the Assembly unanimously voting the
previous question. The following is a report of the
proceedings on this occasion :
At the close of the discussion on the Budget, M.
Dupin, the President, who appeared excited and em-
harassed rose and said—Our regulations have not
placed any limit to the rights of the representatives
to present propositions : as to form, that right is
absolute. Nevertheless, it is possible to have a
proposition presented, which by its eccentric character,
and its illegality, might implicate the responsibility
of the President of the Assembly, in case he should
deliver it over to the discussion of a committee, and
should permit it to be printed without first consulting
the Assembly.—(Sensation.) If the author of the
proposition wishes to withdraw it, the question will
be at an end.—(Exclamations on the Left.) In
the contrary case, what has been his object in ma-
king it ?_ _ _ _

A Voice on the Left—ls it unconstitutional ?
The President—For my own part I declare it to
be unconstitutional both in form and import.
General Bedeau—lf it is unconstitutional, do not
read it.
Oa the Left—Yes, yes, read it !
M. Cremieux--I demand permission to speak!
Dahirel—l formally oppose there being any
discussion.
31. Cremieux ascended the tribune., and th• greatest
confusion prevailed in the Chamber.
On the Left—Allow the proposition to be read !
The President—The adjournment has been pro-
posed:

Numerous Voices—No, no, yes, yes.--(Great
confusion.)
The Minister of Public Instruction, who ap-
peared to have made himself acquainted with the
nature of the proposition, ascended the tribune, M.
Cremieux giving way.
M. de Parieu (the. Minister of Public Instruction)
—Gentlemen, the President of the Assembly has
called fur a manifestation of the sentiments of the
Assembly by informing it that there lies before him
an unconstitutional proposition, and has asked for per-
mission not to make its contents known. In presence
of the difficulty already existing in matters of busi-
ness, and considering that from what the President
has just said, the proposition appears of a nature to
trouble public tranquillity, we apply to you, in the
interest of the country itself, to decide that. the propo-
sition must be considered as not presented.—(On the
Left, " No, no ;" on the Right, " The previous ques-
tion, the previous question.")
M. Cremieux again appeared in the tribune amidst
cries of " No, no." The Hon. Gentleman, however,
persisted, and said—The sentiment which animates
the President of the Assembly—
Several Voices.—On what have you a right to speak ?
The previous question.
M. Cremieux went on—The sentiment which ani-
mates the President of the Assembly and the Minister
of Public Instruction is assuredly an excellent one,
but the question cannot be so decided. One of our
colleagues has presented a proposition which is known
to a great number of our colleagues.
Several Voices—Every one knows it!
Cremieux—ln that case, why should it not be
read ? It would really seem, from what is now pass-
ing here, that the destiny of France is at the mercy
of any one that may choose to compromise it. But
who could exercise influence over the destinies of
France 2—(Noise on the Left.) I move that the pro-
position be read, and then, afterwards, we can see what
we shall have to do.
The President—l proceed to consult the Assembly.
Numerous Voices—No, no ! the previous question
the previous question !
The President—lcannot take upon myself the re-
sponsibility of reading this proposition. I must take
the opinion of the Assembly on that point.
The Assembly being consulted, decided, by a very
small majority, that the proposition should be read.
The whole of the Left, and part of the Right, rose in
favour of that course. ,
The President—.-The proposition has been pre-
sented by M. de Larochejaquelin. It runs thus :
" Art. 1. The nation shall t3e consulted on the form of
Government which it will definitively constitute.—
(Agitation.) For that purpose on tte first Sunday of
a ballot shall be opened, similar to that which took
place on the election of the President of the Republic,
taking, however, into account the changes effected in the
elector al circumscriptions.
"Art. 2. Each elector shall mark down on his bul-
letin one of these two words :—REPUBLIC or MONARCHY,
"Art. 3. If the Republic shall obtain the majority, the
result shall be proclaimed from the tribune of the
National Assembly by the President of the Republic.
" Art. 4. If the Monarchy shall obtain the majority,
the result shall be proclaimed—",
A Voice—By henry V.
The President continuing—" By the President of
the Legislative Assembly.—(Great laughter.) In
this latter case, a Constituent Assembly shall be
elected 03 the Ist of July, 1850, by universal suffrage,
to regulate the forms of the new Government. The
President of the Republic shall continue in office
until the Constituent Assembly shall have met."
A V oice—The proposition ought to be brought
forward on the Ist of April !
From all sides—The previous question
The President—The previous question is applied
for.—(Yes, yes I)
M. Leo de Laborde hurried towards the tribune.
At that moment the Assembly, being consulted by
the President, rose en masse in favour of the previous
question.
M. Leo de Laborde turned back to his seat.
Oa the counter-vote, not one Representative stood
up against the previous question.
From the Mountain rose, the moment after, a cry
of " Vive la Republique!"
M. Dui in then tore the paper, and the Assembly
separated.
that
carrying mos t acute
out a
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rg u
m logicians,ent t
to
itsho
tulteemMv env;
aitBP.xehxßrdi;:elnk7pti Hfrvpli
e o regardless
of yesterday,
softerredsauyl
,t so,
n thusthe
conduct comments in
f
the Assembly :--
"Tee Legitimatist representative only presented to
Parliamentand pending
di
g in
a since
alreadyioMarch. raa jotl.
se d byli
eras a
the i
fhe
journals,e

would ssy to the Royalists, Yon deny the legitimacy of
that which exists—you do not desire the actual institu-
tions. You cry every day through your public writers
that the Republic had be en brought about by a shameful
piece of jugglery, and that it ought to to put an •nd to,
even by a coup (fetal—you have, in floe, defied the Re-
publicans to accept an appeal to the people. You cannot
shrink back. The majority must play out the game. The
opposition, in joining the majority for a suppression
of the proposition, by voting the previous ques-
tion, and shouting Vive la Republique, did not
exhibit sound judgment. But if the Left displayed want
of tact, the majority hai acted cowardly. Here was a
magnificent opportunity presented for exhibiting openly
their avowed contempt for the Republic and the consti-
tution, and to make a display of monarchist sentiments
in all their splendour. They had the greater number
with them—they command the force of Parliament—
they enjoy the favour of the Government—they pretend
that the country is with them. Yet they shrink from
the public expression of their secret thoughts. With
hatred for the Republic in their hearts, they vote for
the Republic! Are they not bereft of courage? Let
their journals now talk no more of royalty. The
Royalists themselves feel that the Republic needs not to
be pat to the vote."

In the course of the discussion on the budget, on
Wednesday, the Minister of Public Works intimated
his intention of bringing on the discussion on the
Paris and Avignon Railway Bill on Thursday, and
M. FOULD, the Finance Minister, reiterated his as-
surances that he should riot want a loan. 'When
these declarations became known on the Bourse the
funds rose. The Committee on the Bill for suppres-
sing electoral meetings has appointed M. BERTER
President, and M. Dusiowrieft Secretary.
A letter from Toulon of the 231 inst., states that
the ship of the line Volney, bearing the flag of Ad-
miral DUBORDIEU, was obliged to return to that port,
having sprung one of her yards.
PARIS BOURSE, MARCH 27.--Latest Prices—Five
per Cents., 89f. 95c.; Three per Cents., 55f. 50a.; Bank
Actions, 2,180 f.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOOK-EXCHANGE. MARcif 27.
Boulogne and Amiens, 6%—Central of France (Orleans and
Vierzon ), 12 Namur and Liege, 634—Northern of France,
1254—Orleans and Bordeaux, 254—Paris and Orleans, 28%
—Paris and Rouen, 193/4—Paris and Strasbourg, 6—Rouen
and Havre, 8%.