The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-02 00:00:00

sili,
hand

period ; but, although it was a Government night,le
he had no wish to take precedence, and his Nob
Friend would not proceed unless with the wish of
the House.—(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL wished to know if it was in-
tended to take the Orders of the Day after the Noble
Lord's motion?
Sir R. PEEL—Yes.
IRISH REGISTRATION.
Lord ELIOT rose for the purpose of moving that'
leave be given to brin6 in a Bill for amending the
law. relating to the re nstration of voters for Members
of Parliament in Ireland. The subject to which he
was about to call the attention of the House had often
been discussed within those walls, and it would not
be necessary for him to preface the explanation
he was about to give f the main provisions
of the Bill by any lengthened exposition of the
defects in the existing law. These defects were—the
power of challenging the rights of voter to remain
on the list, the multiplicity of objections, the facility
of personation, and a variety of other defects which
had been acknowledged by almost every other Mem-
ber of that House who had taken a part in the dis-
cussion on this question.
been made b Various proposals had
with y gent'emen on both sides of the House
a view of applying a remedy to those defects,
and those proposals had given rise to discussions
which had occasionally been rather of an acrimonious
tnature. On the present occasion, however, he wished
with
question to he discussed solely on its own merits,
itsitadiafficvir of
i securing a satisfactory adjustment of
those discussions not, should not, therefore, refer to
or, if he did, it would not be in a
tone. or manner calculated to excite angry feelings.
A proposal to amend the law of registration in Ireland
was made during the existence of the late Govern-
ment ; but it was resisted by that Government on the
ground that the existing system had
prevailed for
any years, and that it was' unadvisable to alter it.
But, at the same time, Lord Althorp distinctly de-
tared that if time and experience should prove
at the system of registration which had been
intr • '
oduced into England was well adapted for its
vpiurpose, and was an efficient system, it would be ad-
sable to extend that system to Ireland. He (Lord
Eliot) thought there could be no doubt that the sys-'
tem of registration in England did give general and
great satisraction. The defects in it, which experience
during the last ten ears ha ' oind out, were re-
moved by the Act ofy last sessionion, and he believed the
11-lea-sure, as it stood, was not only adapted to its pur-
pof se as a system of registration for England, but that
it were transplanted to Ireland, mutatis mutandis, it
would h.. a great improvement on the system that
prevailed in that country. It was this system,
therefore, which her Majestys Government proposed
to that House for introduction into Ireland. The
measure
.proposed to give to the Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland in Council, the power of dividing counties
into polling districts ; in each polling place of which
district the revising barrister should hold an annual
court of revision and registration. It was pro-
Nsed .to reserve to the assistant barrister ap •
pointed to preside in the Court of Quarter Ses-
re, and who at present also presided in the
gistration courts, the duty of the revising bar-
rister. They were in general men perfectly competent
to Perform their duties in a manner satisfactory to
the counties in which they were stationed,
oand there were no grounds for creating any new
ffi
His to preside in the registration courts.
next point referred to the right of appeal. An
not
appeal W 43 allowed in England as to the law, though
the upon the facts of the case, and it was vested in
Court of Common Pleas. They did not propose
to give this appeal in Ireland to the Court of Common
Pleas, but to the Court of Exchequer Chamber. The
duties of the several law courts in Ireland were very
heavy and multifarious, and for this reason, chiefly,
they proposed to vest the new power in the Ex-
chequer Chamber, because all the judges belonged
to that court and the questions that would be brought
for decision would always have the consideration of a
then to go into the reasons why the Court of Com-
mon Pleas should not be preferred in Ireland as it
was in England, but he might say that in giving it to
alil the judges they pursued a course which they con-
dered most likely to give general satisfaction.
s'lllere were only one or two minor differences be-
leit the English and the Irish system, which he
'Ought it necessary to allude to. The duty of corn-
Paring the lists was in England confided to the over-
seer
—in Ireland they proposed to confide it to the
baronial collector. In England the town-clerks, ex-
ercising their duties as clerks of the peace, had the
Custody of the lists, and they proposed that the
Ireland.
clerk the peace should have the custody of them in
of
With regard to the time of polling, there
would not be any material difference, for they pro-
Posed to limit its duration to one day for boroughs,
and to two days for counties.—(Loud cries of
"_ Hear, hear.' ) He believed this portion of
the measure would meet with a very gene-
ral assent, correctin it would do, many
great abuses that now Looksplace_, and curtailing the
very unnecessary expenses which now so frequently
took place. He would now state what it was pro-
posed to do with the existing registers. I-1 proposed
that alt persons now on the register should bee replaced
on the new register, and should not be •
liable to chal-
lenge _ (hiring the remainder of the term for which
the present register would have lasted, except where
he had earta,i with He was awL are—ithar thearneymi
portion of his property.
ht be some objections
made to that. It might be said, and with truth; that
there svere improper votes upon the register, and that
the revising barristers ought to be enabled to purge
the register of such votes
y, but impro as
l were, he would not say
fraudulently,
the ntrary, he y placed there. On
that few (Lord rEliot) thought it was better
im roper votes should remain on the
register than teat
should be exposed to arson
shaving a bond fide claim
Vexatious process of challenge ,•
and thus he no proposed that these P axt ie should
at
eot be liable to challenge for the remainder of the
to remain on the register. At the end of that time
they would h
liable , aVe a right to be entered in the register,
iiabi unt.er the same rules as other claimants, and
urged e to any ground of objection which might be
against them. He also proposed by this Bill to
glue double costs in cases of frivolous objections and
- IlontshuePPorte3 claims. These were the principal provisions
he
hadwereany
there 13iliwith respect to registration and polling, and if
provisions of this part of the Bill to which
not adverted, he was ready to give an answer
to any__ gentleman who might seek further information
tira It. IT
n.,,,,,5—e would next proceed to the third, and
subject—he and most difficult branch of this
----lie meant the qualification of voters. The
Douseee was,
182i9, when by
well aware that the question of the fran-
was in a most unsatisfactory state. In the year
v‘voetr:g
.frora the 10th of George IV. the right of
40s. freeholds was abolished, there
216 win Ireland, if he were not mistaken,
,
at t t elect° ra• He certainly did not propose
hami °m
eat s
b ent to enter into the merits of that ques-
lict.filte believed that, with a few exceptions, the
that the uat sYstern
pr •
concurred in were so generally recognised,
of its abolition was very generally
had been to I. ad he thought the effect of the measure
as he
had give
ta reaadgyood example. In the year 1829, 216;000
that ale
out of those the said, there were in Ireland
. _ c ors ; but it was
worthy of observation,
seven couties. Ate re were 102,000 registered for
constituency ofhe present moment the actual
than in the year 1829, ac°dunitY Kildare was larger
he thought the constit n - -n the county of Wicklow
at the present time, neney was rather larger than
numbers were nearly th whilst in some other counties the
they were in 1829. YI-1 e same at the present time as
he thought the effect $e me
mentioned this because
good deal eXaggerat merely
the Act of 1829 had been a
number of electors e In the following year the
Reform Bill, In thewfoasl 39,700, and the effect of the
number
of the electorsling y ear, was to increase the
The number Was
64 from from 52,000 to 60,000.
57,000 in 1841 • a 'd
in 1835; 76,000 in 1837 ;
time of the Refo;mn63'oo° in
1842. From the
11,000 had been added Bill down to the present period
The addition was to the constituency of Ireland.
Reform
4 Bill the made in this case by words. In the
thai Was to thesvords were " the clear value to him,"
define more cle ?ccupant, this being supposed to
itself, but they' not the value of the estate
or • oecupier had° interest which the owner
in itThose words were
expunged in the House . Th
vern of Lords, and the then Go-
.‘ ment did not think it • insert G.
the I•t_ ,• expedient to them in
rum zull. The Ri Ho.n. Gentleman, the pro-
of Chancellor of Ireland
" these words, and said that objected to the admission
uncertainty would arise fromeonsiderble doubt and
believed that the Learned Gentle
eir insertionL.efroll
PraNsed as a means of b ' ' man'
difficulty,r.
Stn
0. o viating the the Of
'hose the words '°he •
neficial interest."
words were introduced certainly with no
,
intention on
in an the part of the proposer of them,
Eliot j way to decrease the franchise • and he (Lord
.c.uot) had n a been able to discover' M
that her Ma-
t
It hen Government entertainedsuch d •
any design.
was clear]
in the and explicitly stated by a Noble Duke
was
not
other House (the Duke of Richmond), that it'
ot the intention of the Government to raise the
qUalification
; and he believed that no such intention
ver •
'e existed. It was perfectly true that the Act,
_Lae._ 10th of George the Fourth, did impose
itontithTith commonly called " the solvent tenant
by which it was provided that the land
should be capable of being let for the specified
amount to
„ „ a solvent tenant. That oath was omit
• ted
atii. "le Reform Bill. In the 19th of George 11. the
altn,2 oath was imposed upon freeholders ; by the lath
lieu that 111. that oath was omitted ; but he be-
Ireid it was never contended, either in
th• Land or England, that a clear, beneficial value—
,44' IN a surplus after the payment of rent and other
detense•-.-was invariably necessary. It was clearly
vit,,ned that clear yearly value meant the value for
which the tenement might be let to a solvent tenant.

tifiA
egi3:
rl'arant
r the

•
That was the interpretation recognised by the courts, I needlessly to trouble the House. Were the accu-
but he knew doubts existed upon the point in the I racy however of any of his statements doubted, he
English courts; but the insertion of the words "be- trusted such doubt would be expressed, that
neficial interest," and their omission from the oath, he might at once give evidence of their truth.
gave rise to a different interpretation of the law in I One of the great objects the Government had in
Ireland, and the assistant barristers and some of the view was, to relieve the voter from the multiplicity
judges held that the proper interpretation to be put of claims he was called upon to satisfy—the vexation
on the clause was what the estate might be worth to attendant upon which was greater than the aggre-
the occupier. The question was argued in the Court ' gate money amount of them. He was sure it was not
of Exchequer Chamber in 1837, on a case which his own intention, nor the intention of the House, to
was tried before Chief Justice Bushe, and deprive any man of his vote, but rather to
in that ease it was laid down, not only that I simplify the proper means for the acquisition of it.
the solvent tenant test was the proper inter- All that ought to he required was a fair guarantee of
pretation, but that the solvent tenant oath was the the solvency of the party claiming a vote, and his
oath to be administered to the jury. Two of the I fulfilment, after a clear and simple form, of the con-
judges held that the solvent tenant test was no longer ditions attached to the right. He was not
applicable, and three of them held it was applicable, aware there were any other points it was
but that no oath was to be administered, and the re- necessary for him then to touch upon.
mainder of the judges decided that the oath was pro- He believed that the proposition, if adopted, would
perly administered, and that the solvent tenant test place the electoral franchise of Ireland upon a wider
should remain in force. The minority of the judges and more extended basis ; and though that basis was
and several of the assistant-barristers declined to be not upon the same principle as the franchise of Eng-
bound by the opinion of the majority, and this was one land, still he believed that it would be found to be
great cause of uncertainty. It was therefore right more extended than it was either in England or Scot-
that Parliament should put an end to the doubt, and land. He earnestly hoped that the great body of the
that the question of value should be defined by legis- Irish nation would see that the proposal of that
lation.—(Hear, hear.) Looking, then, to the deci- measure by the Government was a redemption
sions of the majority of the judges, and the inten- of the pledge given by his Right Hon. Friend at the
tions of the Legislature, and to the practice in England head of her Majesty's Government in the speech to
and Scotland, and to the established Constitution, which he (Lord Eliot) had referred, and that they
which required a bona fide property arising out of would see in the adoption of it by the Imperial Par-
land be determined to render the Irish law conforma- liament an earnest desire to impart to_ the peo',le of
ble tolthe law of England and Scotland. and to require Ireland the enjoyment of equal rights and equal fran-
that there should be a clear yearly value over and chises with the people of this country. And he
above all rents and charges. It might be trusted that those to whom those powers were now
said that this object could be attained entrusted for the first time, would bear in mind that
in a more simple manner. In 1841 the Noble they were so intrusted, not for any advantage to
Lord, the Member for Sunderland—whom he and themselves alone—not for the advantage merely of
many of those who sat behind him felt bound to sup- the district in which they resided, or even of their own
port, made a proposition which distinctly recognised the country, but that they were given for the good of
principle of property arising out of land. The Noble the whole of this great and still united empire.
Lord proposed to take the rating under the poor-law Mr. HUME asked what would be the addition to
valuation, but the reports which he had received on the number of voters by this Bill ?
the subject convinced him that this proposition would Lord ELIOT said that the Bill proposed to relieve
be in a great measure illusory. He had received voters of certain taxes and burdens, but that
the rentals of several gentlemen's property, it would be impossible for any gentleman to
on which the placedi the greatest confidence. hazard a correct opinion as to the in-
But if gentlemen were not satisfied with his statement crease of numbers it might cause. It was
of the confidence which he reposed in these coma his intention to lay the Bill on the table to-
munications, they were not bound to express any morrow, and it would be then printed, and thus Hon.
opinion upon them. All the communications which Gentlemen would have ample time to consider its
he had received from every part of Ireland—north, provisions. It was suggested to him now, that instead
south, east, and west—with few exceptions, satisfied of rising again, he should explain at once the nature
him that if they were to fix on any rate below 101., of the alterations proposed to be made in the Muni;
if only 51., they would thereby expunge from the regis- cipal Corporations Bill. The House was aware that
tration list a larger portion of the present constituency when that measure passed through that House, the
than they would expunge by the introduction of the assimilation of the municipal franchise of Ireland with
solvent tenant test. Besides, he did not think it that of England was impossible. The municipal
would be fit, or even becoming, on the part of her franchise of England was based on the occupation
Majesty's Government, to depart from the ancient of a house for a given time, and on the payment
principles of the franchise in Ireland and Scotland, of rates for the same period. Now as the
unless some large and practical good was to follow. poor-law valuation had not been a sufficient time in
—(Hear, hear.) He now admitted, without the force in Ireland when the Municipal Corporation Bill
least hesitation or reserve, that the effect of the ap- became the law, it was impossible to place the muni-
plication of the solvent tenant test so stringently as cipal franchise of Ireland upon that basis. It was now
he proposed, would be to deprive of their votes a very proposed to remove any cause of complaint which
considerable number, ifnot of the present constituency, might arise at the difference which existed between
certainly of the 101. occupants. It would be impos- the municipal franchise of Ireland and that of
sible for him to say precisely what the effect would England, by assimilating them as far as pos-
be, but, according to the data which he had been able sible. He believed, that in all the great cities,
to collect, he was willing to admit that it was very towns, and boroughs of Ireland, with the exception
possible that two.thirds of the existing occupants of Wexford, which wanted a few months of the ne-
(10/. leaseholders and freeholders)—he again observed cessary time, that in all those large towns the
not constituency—would be disfranchised. He be- poor-law had been in operation a sufficient time to
lieved that class of occupants amounted to about 40,000, act as a test similar to that which it required.
and it was obvious that one-third of the number which It was therefore proposed to extend to Ireland the
would remain on the registry under .the solvent provisions of the Municipal Registration Bill of
tenant test were not adequate to express the England in that respect, and to give to every inhabi-
opinions and feelings of the portion of the people tant householder who should have occupied, for the
whom they were intended to represent. It was de- space of three years, and who, during that time, had
dared by the Noble Lord, at the beginning of the been rated for the relief of the poor, and who had
session, during the debate upon the state of Ireland, paid his rates and taxes up to that time—it was
that it was expedient to give, if not an identical, at proposed to give to him the right of voting.
least a substantial equality in the franchise to Ireland He did not wish now to revert to the
with the people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) In discussion on the Corporations Bill. No man could
making, then, so large a reduction of the consti- regret more than he did what he must describe as a
tuency as the new test would effect, it was necessary perversion of the powers which Parliament had given.
to seek for some compensation, for it must be He regretted that the municipal corporations should
admitted that the restricted number would be made- have become normal schools of agitation ; be thought
quate to express the wants and wishes of the coin- it would have been much better if they had confined
munity, for whose behalf the franchise was entrusted themselves to their own peculiar duties. But, however
to them. Her Majesty's Ministers thought it desir- he might regret this, he could not divest himself of the
able that there should be a community of interests and conviction that every man h a town who contributed
feelings between the constituent body and those for by the payment of rates and taxes to the maintenance
whom the franchise was entrusted to them. Her of that farm, was entitled to a vote in the administra-
Majesty's Ministers, therefore, thought it expedient tion of its local affairs ; and he did hope and trust that
to seek for a constituency amongst a class of persons after the temporary effervescence which now existed
who, by their independent position, would be enabled in Ireland should have subsided, all parties con-
to give unbiassed and unprejudiced votes, and who were netted with municipal corporations would turn
not too far removed from the body of the inhabitants their attention to their own local affairs, acid
of the electoral district. He conceived that, if the reserve the expression of their political opinions for a
franchise were made to depend merely upon the money more fitting opportunity.—(Hear, hear.) The House
amount of rent, it would be attended, amongst many were aware that the grand jury, municipal, and
inconveniences and uncertainties, with a practice of poor's rates were at present payable as a condition
collusion on the part of the landlord, and to give him attached to the municipal franchise. He believed
an inducement to raise the nominal amount of that, in Dublin, there were not less than one or
rent. He thought, therefore, they should seek two and twenty of these local taxes.—(Hear, hear.)
a test less liable to misapprehension. The He did not mean that every man was liable to the
Government proposed that all occupiers, no mat- payment of these local taxes, but that these taxes
ter what their tenure—that all occupiers who were payable in certain districts, and he believed
were rated to the relief of the poor in a certain that some individuals in Dublin were actually liable
amount—should have the benefit of the franchise. to the payment of fourteen, fifteen, or sixteen local
Then the question was, what should be the amount of taxes, the non-payment of any one of which would
that rating—what, looking at the amount both of the deprive them of the right of voting at a mu-
population, the rental, and the property of the coun- nicipal election. It was proposed to make
try, would be sufficient for the purpose, and yet high the payment of taxes in this respect cor-
enough to secure the independence of the voter. respond with the payment which entitled a person
The inquiries of her Majesty's Government had led to to exercise the Parliamentary franchise. He was not
the belief that a man rated to the relief of the poor in aware that there was any other point to which it was
the sum of 301. a year would probably be possessed of necessary to call the attention of the House. That
sufficient capital to render him an independent person. was the only provision of any importance which
It appeared that there were in Ireland 76,000 this Bill contained. Thanking the House for the
tenements rated to the poor which were rated in that attention with which they had listened to his state-
amount. Certain deductions must be made for that ment, he begged for leave to bring in the Bill.
number on account of tenements held by widows and The question having been put,
minors, and of persons holding under other quslifica- Lord ELIOT said there was one point of some im-
tions. Deducting one-seventh for the first class, and portance which he had omitted, and perhaps the House
another seventh from the other, they might assume would allow him to supply the omission. It was pro-
that 25,000 would be the addition to the constituency posed to introduce into the Irish law a provision
under the new qualification. Assuming that 25,000 with regard to joint
occupation, which would place it
should be placed on the register under the new fran- on the same footing there as in this country.
chise, there would be an addition of 30,000 to the Mr. M. O'FERRALL said that the Noble Lord,
county constituency of Ireland. But her Majesty's Go- though he had conceded every principle against which
vernment feeling that one of the links of the social his party had once contended, had yet fallen far short
chain in Ireland was wanting from the total absence lin his propositions to carry them out. The Noble
of that class represented by the yeomen or small in- i Lord had proved by his Bill that all the complaints,
dependent proprietors of England, would encourage and all the agitation which existed upon this subject
the creation of such a class of voters by the addi- were fully justified.—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble
tional inducement of giving them the franchise. He Lord had fallen into all those errors into which it
proposed, therefore, that all persons Possessing a free- might be expected he would, considering the advice
hold inheritance of Si. clear yearly value above all under which he acted.---(Hear.) He believed the
quit rents, or possessed of a lease on lives, renewable ' Noble Lord himself possessed the best and most honest
for ever, so as to be equal to a freehold inheritance, intentions, but he believed the views of the Noble Lord
should hereafter have a vote. This, he hoped, were not carried out in his own Bill. The principle
would have the effect of inducing persons to invest of the Bill was the main thing; but, after all, the
their capital in the purchase of small freeholds. way in which the principle was to be carried out was
That would give a more independent class of votes, a great point. The majority of the judges had de-
and it was but just that such a class of men should tided that the solvent tenant test should be
be invested with the elective franchise. He was not applied ; that was, that a solvent tenant should
prepared to say that the effect at present to be pro- be able to pay 101. over and above what
duced would be considerable, but the ultimate effect was paid by the occupier, and that he understood was
would be very beneficial, and he believed that in the interpretation which the Noble Lord intended to
many parts of Ireland perpetual leases—that' was, give in his Bill. The Noble Lord admitted that such
leases renewable for ever—were by no means uncom- an interpretation would diminish the present
mon. He believed that the measure would have the number of voters on the registry by. one-fourth,
effect of adding considerably to the number of and to allow for this, he proposed to give the fran-
respectable voters in the Irish counties. There was chise to persons rated under the poor dew at 301. a
one other alteration which he proposed to make year. This would, at the least, make 50/. a
in the existing law,and that was, that it was not year rent ; and he contended that any man.
intended that either freeholders or inheritable lease- paying such a rent would be able to qualify
holders should be required to be in actual occupation. at the quarter sessions under the present in-
This would be of great assistance to small capitalists in terpretation of the law. If his statement
acquiring votes. In England 101. freeholders were was correct the 25,000 votes he proposed to give by
not required to be in occupation of the property for the 30/. rating would prove to be nothing at all.
which they voted, and it was intended to assimilate There was an important part of the case which was
the law of Ireland to the law of England in that re- omitted by the Noble Lord, namely, that he did not
spect. They intended to dispense with occupation in state whether this 301. was to be a tenancy-at-will
all cases of freeholds exceeding 101. in value. Before or not.
the passing of the Reform Act occupation was not Lord ELIOT—It was an occupation of 301.
required in England for 40s. freeholders. Since the Mr. M. O'FERRALL—Then to that he enter-
passing of the Act, however, occupation had been re- tamed a strong objection, for it would place the
quired in all cases of freeholds under the value of 10/. voter much more under the influence of the land-
These were all the alterations that he proposed intro- lord than he was under the present Bill.
ducing in the qualification of county voters. He The persons who, under the present law, had the 101.
would now call the attention of the House to the al- qualification, were protected by their leases, and could
terations which he proposed to introduce in the quali- not be turned out by the landlords for voting according
fication of voters for towns under the Reform Act in to their own feelings; but the personsrated at 30/. were,
England. All that was required of a voter was the for the most part, so placed under the present law,
payment of two, assessments—namely, the assessed that they could be ejected on three months'
taxes and the poor-rates ; but it should be borne in notice.—(Hear, hear.) The result would be to place
mind that under the comprehensive term " poor- the best and most industrious part of the community
rates," what was called in Ireland county cess entirely in the power of the landlords. He thought a
was also paid, inasmuch as under the denomination franchise of this kind the greatest curse that could be
" poor-rates" the borough voter in England paid inflicted on Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It was better to
not only the rate for the relief of the poor, but also a say at once that those who held land in tenancy should
large portion of the county rate._., In England, there- not vote at all—(Hear, hear)—better to inquire how
fore, it was necessary that the voter before he many tenants rated at 301. each landlord had
could exercise the franchise must pay a much larger upon his estates, and to give him at once
sum as poor-rates than he would be liable to in Ireland. just as many votes as he had such tenants.
For a ten-pound house in many of the larger boroughs Nothing could be more unjust, impolitic, or dan-
in England, taking assessed taxes, and the various gerous, than to give the landlords of Ireland any in-
sums falling under the term of poor-rates, there I creased power over the conscentious exercise of the
would be about three shillings in the pound to pay constitutional rights of his tenants.—(Hear, hear.)
before a title to vote was made out. In Ireland, , The danger to which property was at present exposed
under the Reform Act, there were county rates, muni- in Ireland, and which was on the increase, could not
cipal rates, and cesses to pay. The consequence but be aggravated by giving the landlords this further
was, that to make out your title to vote, it power of interference. When the Noble Lord, the
was r
necessary to pay a considerable number of taxes, Member for North Lancashire made his celebrated
someneocfgaat
magnitude, and others annoying, , speech upon the bribery that prevailed at Irish elec-
rather from their number than their large individual tions he forgot to mention the bribery which was
amount. This it was desirable to simplify. He induced by the clause giving the franchise upon rent-
proposed,as a substitute for the assessed , charges of 201. and 501. In many instances persons,
require payment of the town rate for paving, without proving that they received that qualification
lighting,
and watching ;
texes,to
then,
of the poor-rate ;of the bo- came down to the election, and, upon swearing
rough rate ;
and of the police rate. His object was that they had such rent-charge, were allowed to
to make the right of franchise correspond as I vote. A similar abuse existed in Scotland, but
nearly as possible to that of the correspond- then in Scotland there was a balance of evils, for
ing class of voters in England. Though parties were nearly equal in that part of the
all his statements were founded on facts, kingdom, and, if one side created fraudulent votes,
which could be verified by documents then before the abuse was compensated by the other party
him, he had not read extracts from those docu- creating an equal number-; but in Ireland, the land,
meats, not wishing, in this stage of the measure, , for the most part, was in the hands of one party, and