The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-09 00:00:00

WINDOWTAX.

Mr. WILLIAMS, seeing the Noble Lord the Mere er
for Bath in his p!ac', wished t) ask him whether it was
his intention to renew his motion fa the repeal of the
window-tax this session?

Lord DUNCAN said that he should certainly take
;he earliest opportunity of renewing this motion.
INTRAMURAL INTERMENTS.

In answer to a question from Mr. BERKELEY,
Sir GEORGE GREY said that the Board of IL alth
had it in charge to prriare a scheme for a Bill of this
nature; and as soon as this were forwarded to the Go-
vernment they would introduce a measure (,f this nature.
ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION.

Mr. lIWISMAN gave notice that on Monday night
he should give notice of motion for a Committee to in-
quire into the allegations lately made against the First
Lord of the Treasury and the Secretary of State.
He wished to know whether, as it would be inconvenient
for him to attsnd the House at a late period in the
evening on Monday next, the Noble Lord (Lord J. Reif.-
sell) would have any objection to take the motion at five
o'clock?

Lord J. RUSSELL said he would have no objection
,o take it at that time.

COLONIAL POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee of
the whole House, and
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to move for a
Bill for the; better government of the Austra-
lian Colonies, and to make a statement of
the colonial policy of the Government. He said
it was, perhaps, advisable, at that early period
of the session, that some statement should be made, on
the part of the Government, of the general policy which
they meant to pursue with regard to our colonial
possessions. So many statements had been made
on the subject, ' and there was such a variety
of opinions entertained regarding it, that it seemed
right that the Government should declare what view
they took of the iet2rests which were from time to time
committed to their care, and what would be the permanent
policy of this country. In undertaking this task he was
conscious how urable h 3 was to fulfil the whole cf the
requisitions which its assumption implied—he felt how
unable he was to discharge the task which ho had un-
dertaken. Nevertheless he conceived the House would
need, and perhaps Lo glad to receive, whatever informa-
tion the Government possessed to assist them in their
deliberations. There were several lion. Gentlemen,
Members of that House. who had eminently distin-
guished themselves by their knowledge cf colonial
affairs, and among them he mi,l- lit distinguish the Hon.
Member for Sonthw ark and the Ilon. Member for Sheffield
for their ea-liner t knowledge of colonial affairs, both in
their speeches in that House and in the printed
declarations which they had circulated throughout the
country. He was bound to say that what they proposed
was well worthy of consideration. From the time of
James I. to thst of Charles I. several islands had been
discovered in the West Indies, and afterwards aban-
doned, but which were afterwards taken posses..
eion of by British navigators. Under the Pro-
tectorate certain restrictions were imposed on the inter-
course with the: e islands by Spain and ether countries.
It was not to le expected that Cromwell, with his high
notions of British peer and British wealth, would sub-
mit to these restrictions, and accordingly be sent out an
expedition to connect net.: ain islands in the West Indies
with our own, which failed through an accident. After-
wards, in the reign cf Charles the Second, other islands
in the West Indies were occupied by us. Such w as the
commencement, then, of our colonial possessions. In
the beginning of the next century during the war we
added t ) there, and after the glorious war of 1756 many
additional places were added to our poseasions. Be-
sides which we obtained possession of Canada,
which acquisitior, the Marquis of Montcalm
declared, would be a great loss to France;
but as it would cause tl e separation of England from
her other American colonies, the loss would be more
than counterbalanced by thst event. In the unfortunate
war with the: provinces of America our lcsaes were
indeed greet, but in the great revolutionary
war, which was begun in 1793, we made
further accessions of colouial territory through the in.
fluence of our naval and military forces, which were
confirmed to us by the treaties cf 1814. The Noble
Lord then read a list of the colonies which had come into
the possession of this country from 1617 down to 1814.
Ile would now state what were the general principles
upon which the se dependencies were colonized. In the first
place, it seemed to have been an object to send settlers
out from this country, and to e•eable them to colonize
distant islands; bnt, in the next place, it was evidently the
system of this country, as it was then c f all the
countries of Europe, to maintain a strict commercial
monopoly with respect to those colonies. Various Acts,
to which he need not allude, and some cf which hadoc
been recently under the consideration a
the House,
t centre
k
care that the whole trade of those colonies shouldhouldEsent
in this country, and that their productions
to this country. It was conceived at a
das, so late as 1796,
1 ad very great advantages ing tc f a
it h me ocn:aol nt6penso period
°sEda rtd.h
if
ft uwwn
we
rt
afnodr their
productions
to permit
elsewhere.them
oint would
there findwa
was another
remarl. colonies,ableeharEsertgeirisab.mteenndinwgertehosteenttot
h sando thatolo
colo-
nies wasswhenever
they carried with them the freedom and in-
stitutions cf the mother country.—(llear, hear.)
(Here the Noble Lord read some extracts from a La-
tent given to the Earl of Carlisle, who went out, as
Governor of Barbadoes, in 1629, during the reign a
Charles 1., which showed that his Lordship and his
heirs were thereby ea-Towered to make laws for
the colony, with the content of the inhabitants.)
The government of Jamaica,oct led by Cromwell, was at
first entirely absolute; but in the reign of Cl a-les 11. it
was ordered that an Assembly should be called in Jo-
mica; that by it laws and statutes should be ordained
upon the model of English institutions. It so hap-
pened that not Log efterwards, in th.e reign c f James
11., there was a question with regard to this very
colony of Barbadee;, and in fact affectlng the inte-
rests of the whole of the British colonies. (The
Noble Lord then read a arssge from Mr. Fox's
history of the revolution, giving the opinion of Lord

t Halifex with respect to the constitutional rights the
colonies. The Noble Lord considered that this we's a
circumstance of great note, hecau e no man was more
uee:ul to Charles the Sec. nd in dispensing with Fa dia-
ments altogether than the Merquis if Halifax, and it
showed that even he had the sentiments implanted in
his mind that every Englishman ought to live under
a free government and under free institutions.
That 0 at opinion was in conformity with the general
constitution of those colonies, and the general principles
of the English ?al-, was, he thought, shown by the opi-
nion of Sir Philip York, which was quoted by Lord
Mansfield in tLe well-knc;wn case regarding the procla-
reation of the King in respect of the island c f Jamaica.
The Assembly having
refused to grant the eceesiery
supplies, the mate;east referred for his opinion, and he
said that the only way
the inhabi:ants was throitr:igh" thhiee lAi t.
s, x,
mesbeiyonuldErboemla;d on
1627
af er the accession of Charles I. till the peace cf Paris
in 176, the general policy in regard to the colonies lad
remixed the :weir, but for various reasons. which he
would not particularise, it did net seem to be thought ad-
visable to follow the example of our ancestors between
1763 and the time cf the peace in 1814 ; and the cue-
stitution of the colonies bad not bocn formed on
the plan of the British Constitution. With regard to
our commercial policy with the colonies, it had
been materially altered within the last few years.
In 1786 Mr. Pitt had d. termined to adopt a free-trade
policy with regard to the intercourse between the West
Indian and the North American del endeuciee of this
country, as well as between the former of there colonies
and tl e United States of North America; and
he had pa:BM resolutions to that effect, but after-
wards a more restricted policy was adoptee, and
it was only during last year that the Ilothe had given its
full sanction to the abolition of that exclusiveness which
they La I utterly put an end to by tie repeal of the navi-
gation laws, and had thereby put an end, as he conceived
ter ever, to the whole system if commercial monopoly.
—(llear, hear.) They had given the colonies the power
to receive from, and to transfer to, other tarts of
the world all the articles which they produced, or the
goods which they required, together with the authority
to impose whatever duties they deemed necessary upon
the products of this country. Much had been said of
the evils and the benefits ef this sys!sua. He would
only make his test by the ineretne of population. In
1816 the population of the Canadas was 462 452; in
1835 it was 1,099,000; and in 1847 it was 1,185,689.
Now there was another way in which the extent of alit
increase might in some degree be 'leisured, by compar-
ing this increase of population with the increase in tie
population of the United Statee. Now he found

That in 1625 the population of Lower Canada
was 423,630, and in 18:31 it was 511,923, being an in-
er( am in the six years of 17 per cent. In 1844 it was
690,782, being in the thirteen years an increase of 35
per cent. In 1848 it was 770,0'0, being an in-
crease of 12 per cont. Taking Upper and Lower
Canada together, the increase from 1825 to 1831
was 29 per cent. In 1843, which he thought war a me-
dium between 1842 and 1844, being ten year', the in-
crease was 55 per cent. In 1848, being four years. the
increase was 28 per cent. The proportions being so
great, ho would take the proportions for the United
States at ten years. In 1800 the increase was
25 per cent. ; in 1110, 36; in 1820, 33; in 1830, 33;
in 1840, 32; thus the increase in Upper and Lowtr
Canada was considerably greater than that of the United
States. With regard to the imports, the increase of the
last few years had bee❑ no le,s remarkable. Ia 1835
they were 3,730,000 ; in 1846 4,053,000. The exports
in 1835 were 1,929,000 ;in 1846 3,201,000. The
shipping inwards increased from 1,077,000 to 1,461,000,
whtlst the shipping outwards increase.d from 1,025,000
to 1,494,000. That was a most remarkable

increase, both in population and comnerce ;
and if the House went to another test of
the wealth of those countries, namely, the articles as-
sessed to local taxation in Upper Canadr, they had no
less remarkable results. The property assessed to the local
taxation in that province was in 1825, 2,000,000/. odd in
1635, 3,085,0001., in 1845, 7,778,0001., and in 1847,
8,567,0001. With regard to another portion of our
colonies, in which there had been en inertincrease of the
people of British clesent, the fats were hardly less
remarkable. He alluded more especially to the Austra-
lian colonies, and in LI c first place to New South Wales.
In Now Swath Wales in 1828 the population was
not alor.ve 55,000, of whom at, that time nearly
one-I a'f were convict ~ and the exports were of the
value of 180,0001. in 1848 the population had increased
to 300,000, and the c xports were in 'value upwards of
2,000,0001. That would seem still more ren aikable w hen
ho stated that at tie time of which Le spoke the popul..-
tion of the American colonies was not above 1,000,00 a.
The ir.crcase with regard to some ether colonies more
recently four.ded in New Hol:aod was equally rearm k-
able. New South Wales, for example, had made a must
extraordinary progress in the last ten years, both in po-
pulation and in export,. lie thought those facts showed,
with respect to a large class of our colonies under the
dominion of this country, a 'mist extraordinary increase
both in population and in trade. They showed the
value of those relations, on which there vra.s So
much discussion, and on which he thought some
people spoke with but superficial knowledge.
He would now take an instance of colonies which bad
undergone very severe trials, which might have subjected
them to almost ruin, of course he meant the West India
Islands. The great change from slavery to freedom
would, it was likely, fur a short time he followed
by a cessation of almost all iadustry, or more es-
pecially to all labour of an irksome description.
The change which had afterwards taken place, first of
admittir.g foreign free-grown sugar into this country,
and nest of admitting foreign slave-labour sugar into
this country, had naturally produced some
change in those colonies, but it must be re-
membered that if those admissions had not
taken place, the West Indies would have bean exposed
to competition from the Mauritius. In looking at the
returns he found that, taking the average of the three
years before so many changes had taken place in tie
West Indies, they had furnished 2,947,324 cwt. of sugar
to this country; in 1831.2-3, before the emancipation,
3,335,820 cwt.; in 1843-4-5, before these admissions had
taken place, 2,645,212 cwt.; and in 1847-8.9, 2,801,657
cwt. This proved that our colonies were in a satisfactory
condition as far as regarded our commercial relations with
them. lie now came to a question which Lai been much
agitated, and which had advocates of very consider-
able ability, who said that it was no longer worth
our while to maintain our colonial possessions.
With regard to this proposal he would say that it was our
bounden duty to maintain colonies which had been
placed under our care.—(Hear.) We could not get rid
of the responsibility which we had taken upon ourselves
for the benefit of these colonies, and he trusted we
would be the means of improving and civilizing those
parts of the world to which they belonged.—(Hear.)
There were many reasons why they should be considered
as part and parcel of the strength of this empire. In
the next place the natives had become in a certain
degree civilized, or at least they had been brought to
order, and to subjection to authority. In one of our
recent colonies there was a most remarkable race

lie meant the people of New Zealand who
not many years ego were given up to practices the most
abhorrent, but who, on communication with tl e British
people, appealed to he far more capable of civilization
than almost any savage race v.ith which he was tie-
quainted.—(l.lcar, hear.) There was also another
lace—the natives of Natal—who showed greet
docility, and gave evidence of their fitness to
learn the arts of civilized lile.—(Hear.) There was also
another race which, if abandoned, would relapse into
their former savage habits and begin a war of races un•
der the few Europeans who were left to command them.
But there were other considerations which could not bo
lust sight of in coming to a sound conclusion in this
discussion. No ore doubts the benefit of the ports of
these colonies to our commerce in the time of peace—
(Cheers)—and that they are most necessary in the time
of war.—(Cheers.) Let them consider what would be
the effect of a neglect of a great numberof these colonies.
Was it to he said that because the Uni.o.l States had
groan into a great community, sad because that com-
munity had prospered without the addition of colonies,
that the condition of the United States and the circum-
stances of the British Government were very different?
The colonies were in most instances unable to defend
themselves, they had small means and had very
often a savage race around them to contend
with. If, therefore, this country refused to
assist or defend them they would naturally look to other
powers for that assistance and that proteet: on to which
they were legitimately 4:ethical from us.—(Hear, hew,
cud cheers.) In their weakness they would apply to
the strung, and who could blame them?—(Hear, hear.)
But there was another point to which le wished to ref. r,
and that was the system el making laws. The colonies
bad the power of enacting ceitein statutes which re-
quired tee assent of the home Government; but there
were other laws for their self-government which they were
enabled to complete without any imperial authority.
He did not believe it was possible t draw any line.
They had a strong instance of this in the debates they
c
had last session with respect to the measure passed
by the House of Assembly anci
Govern-
ment of Canada. It was contendedbY in the
this llu
that that was a measure which ought not receive the
assent of the Croon. Government, en the other hand,
maintained that it was a matter entirely for the
local government to decide ; and although he did
not wish to revive the dispute, it was an in-
stance which showed how difficult it would be
to draw any precise line en the subject. The only con-
clusion which any man who had the administration of the
colonies could come to was, that the local Government
teoahxfneidtshtLleu
,ineergcs
local
llcwaanthiduicircaoehnn,
caoenrrdenrnsa: not
colonies;
te
dtbh,
oe
ihinedetrimentalCrown,earFormerly
u
dtheed wererteo h
to
wtt
heteerheeibneca
ctsaeturjt
sseuesdst andg
ioc
nst.
measures of precaution that were taken after the eman-
cipation a f the slaves to prevent outrages and disturt-
aaces. But when he was at the Colonial-office Lord
Metcalfe wrote to him, stating filet there was
no longer nay necessity for these precautions,
and they were eventually dispensed with. Those
measures of precaution, those symptoms of jealousy,
soon eftet wards ceased, and, therefore, although
these was an interferecte-aTa considerable kind, that no
longer existed between the colonists and the Goverr.-
meat at home. But in considering further this subject,
he thought it was absolutely necessary that the Govern•
runt and the Clouse should understand, and if pos-
sible, deAste, what were the principles upon which
they were hereafter to proceed.—(Cheers.) It was their
duty, he believed, and it was their policy to maintain that
great and admirable colonial empire. Let the House sea
that those principles were sound which they adopted
in the administration of those colonies; lit them see that
they are to the credit of this country and likely to con-
tribute to the happiness of the colonies.—(Cries of
"Hear, hear.?') With regard to their commercial
policy he had already said that the whole system of
monopoly was swept aw ay. The House had already
ssid *het in future there should be no duties of
monopoly in favour of ore
,nation as against
another, and that there should be no duties of such

a nature that they should be prohibitory against the
produce and manufactures cf other countries. He
thought that was called fens is return for the protection
and defence which this country gave them. But next, as
to the mode of government. It appeared to hire; that as a
general rule they could not do better than re er to there
msxims cf policy which
governed our ancestors on this
subject. (Hear.) It appeared to them that wheresver
Englishmen went they should enjoy English
freedom—(Hear, hear)—snd have English institution*.
(Cheers.) They acted justly and wisely. They actei,
he believed, for the immediate harmony of the
mother country and her colonies. On this sub-
ject let them see how they stood. He had
in his hand a declaration of a number of gentlemen—he
thought some twelve or fourteen Members of that
House, and some three or four Peers of the other
House of Parliament—in regard to colonial policy.
The question of those gentlemen forming themselves into
a Committee, and putting themselves in communication
with the colonies, is one which I consider of
very dubious character.—(Great cheering.) In
their character as Members of both Houses it was
perfectly competent for them fairly to declare
what their views and opinions were, and to call upon
us to show our reasons for dissenting from
them. If they had done that he (the Noble Lord) should
not have complained. They say it is right to grant to
the colonies power to administer their own affairs, and
that the colonies, which were at the present either
formed in their population, or were forming it, should
have the perfect management of their own matters. They
stated that there were the North American colonies,
the South African, the Australian colonies, Van Die-
men's Land, and New Zealand. He would take these in
order, and state what had been the policy of the Govern-
ment regarding them. With regard to the North Ameri-
can colonies, he would take Canada. In 1828 there were
very grave dissensions between the Ministers of the
Crown and Canada. The Ministers of the Crown
thought that they were justified in applying
the money of the Canadas without asking their consent.
Mr. Huskisson proposed an inquiry into the matter.
Parliament spent much time in the discussion of it;
Committees sat and Commissions were ap-
pointed. Soon after that an insurrection broke
out in the Canadas, and blood was shed there.
The Government afterwards proposed the union
cf the two provinces to give ample power
to the Legislature.' The popular party of Canada
wished that the Ministers should be of that party to
which the majority belonged. When Lord Glenelg
held the seals of the Colonial-office, Mr. Baldwin, who
he believed was now in office in Canada, came over
to England, and as Lord Glenelg could la t see
that person, he wished- that he (Lord John Russell)
should lee him. They met with the feeling that each
would have widely different ideas, but fifer mutual con-
versation they found that they perfectly agreed—in fact,
that they had arrived at nearly the same results with
respect to the government of the colonies. That go-
vernment had been conducted of late }ears in cos formity
with what he belived to be the opinion of the_people of
Canada. When Lord Elgin found that the Ministers in
office had not a majority in the Legislature, he proposed
that they should go to an adverse vote or dissolve the
Assembly. They chose the latter, and a dissolution
took place. The elections, however, gave a still greater
majority against these Ministers, and Lord Elgin there-
fore placed the government in the hands cf their oppo-
nents. Nothing could have been more fairly carried
out. He (Lord J. Russell) had, however, seen bitter
complaints as arising oat of the matter; and he had
seen that some persona even proposed that the United
- Province of Canada should be annexed to the United
State.. To that proposition the Crown and its advisers
could give nothing but a decided negative; and though
such a proposition had been mooted, he trusted, from the
character of those persons who belonged to the association,
that it was not their intention of placing themselevs
in connexion with a neighbouring state by force cf arms;
but that knowing the determined will of the Sovereign
of this country and her responsible advisers not to per-
mit such an annexation, they would acquiesce peaceably
in the desire of the Crown. He (Lord J. Russell) won-
dered also, how any persons professing loyalty could
entertain such a project—a privet which, in the event of
any international difference between England and the
United States of America, woull place them in the posi-
tion of being opponents to her Majesty, and cause them
to fight against the British flag.—(Hear, hear.) Such
was the present condition of Canada. If the ministers
were sustained by public opinion and the Majority if the
Assembly, they would remain in office; but, on the con-
trary, when they were no longer sustained the Governor-
General would take other advisers as a matter of course.
With respect to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, the
legislative body was the same as the executive. But when
Lord Glenelg held the colonial seals a change was made in
the Executive and Legislative Council in such a manner as
to conciliate the opinion of the provinces and to command
the majority of the Legislative Assembly cf Nova Scotia.
And he had not heard cf late years of any cf those
unhappy dissensions which used to prevail whea the
Executive Council was found in a small minority. With
respect then to Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova
Scotia, the principles those gentlemen wished to intrc-
deco had already been carried into effect there. The
consequence had teen, and must be, that fewer ques-
tions had been brought before the Secretary of State fir
the Colonies than used to be the case, relative to official
misconduct and to local affairs, which, if course, were
difficult and embarrassing for a Colonial Secretary to
decide. Theta matters, it appeared, wore now settled
in the colonies, and the government was carried on with
less resort to this country than before.—(Hear.) He
would now revert to the Soath African colonies. The
chief of these colonies was the Cape of Good Hope.
With respect to the colony of the Cape of Good Hope,
of late years there has been a good deal of discussion as
to the expediency of introducing representative govern-
ment. Lord Stanley, when Colonial Secretary, had the
question under consideration, and without absolutely re-
fusing to introduce repreieneative government, that Noble
Lord pointed out the many difficult circumstances which
had to be considered before a decision could be
arrived at. These and ether difficulties had been dis-
cussed by the present Governor, the Chief Justice, and
ethers of competent knowledge, and the result was that
the Government had come to the decision that reprasen-
'Wive institutions should be introduced into the Cape of
Good Hoge colony.—(Hear.) With respect to the re-
presentative assembly and change of franchise, those
were matters he would not now enter into, as they were
in the hands of men who we o better able to judge of
their expediency. He would, however, say that the re-
presentative assembly would be chosen from persons
possessing a certain amount of property, and otherwise
qualified as in the case of Canada.—(Hoar, hear.) But
when a question arose as to the formation of a Legisla-
tive Council en the model of other colonies, her Majestys
Government came to the conclusion, instead of imitating
th constitution of Jamaica or Canada, it would be ad-
vOble to introduce such a provision as would place the
power of electing to a seat in the Legislative Council in
lie bands of persons having a higher position and quali-
cation than representative assembly electors. These,
he conceived, might be persons named by the
Crown, of weight and influence in the colony,
such as magistrates, and others selected by the muni-
cipal council as entitled to fill the highest offices in the
colony. It was proposed that the representative assem-
bly should have a duration of five years, and the legisla-
tive council of ten years; but half of the number to be
elect d at the expiration of every five years. Something
like a constitution of this kind, though differing in a few
particulars, was the practice in Belgium. Instead of an
hereditary council and elestive council, there were two
chambers, the duration of which was eight years, half to
be elected every four years. Of course the experiment
was new, and it would be presumptions on his part to say
it would entirely succeed. But an order in council had
been passed; and that order in council, and instructions
thereupon founded, would be sent out to the Cape; and
. any amendment to the &tells which might be deemed re-
quisite could be considered at the Cape before the mea-
sure obtained final sanction. The next colonies to which
those gentlemen referred were theA us tralian colonies, Van
Diemen's Laud, and New Zealand. With respect to the
Australian colonies, the Bill which be proposed the
chairman should obtain leave to bring in will disclose
the intended legislation cf Parliament on the subjec'.
The me asure he proposed to introduce was nearly the
same as that of last year. It eat not on the principle of
having a council and assembly, in imitation of the go-
vernment ( f this country, though this was the most
popular sort of syettm in the colony. *He proposed
there should be a council, two-thirds of which were to
be representatives sent by the people, and one-third
named by the governor. The reason for adopting this
proposal was that, after a great deal of deliberation, it
was the plan already adopted years ago, and finally
sanctioned by Parliament in 1842. Since that time it
has been found to be so acceptable to the population of
New South Wales that, upon the whole, as far as it
could be ascertained, it was believed the colonists
would prefer that term of government to that which
had more analogy with the form of cur own govern-
meet.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he would only
say he was anxious to adopt that form of government
which would be most agreeable to the views of the colo-
nists themselves; and if in New South Wales it had been
clearly the prevalent opinion that it would be advisable
to leave the present form, and to adopt the form of a
council end assembly, Goyernmer t would have been
ready to adopt the suggestion, and the Committee t)
which the matter had been referred would have proposed
a different constitution. He would further say that his
Noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies
had considered, with regard to these questions of colonial
government, on all the greet principles of government
which are to be determined with respect to the welfare
of the colonies as well as with respect to other question.)
of difficulty, that the most advisable course was to refer
those questions to the Privy Council; and Lord Camp-
bell, Ste E. Ryan, and the President of the Board of
Trade, had accordingly sat and given their maeured at-
te Lion to the subject. He believed suchplan was most
advisable, as it enabled the Secretary
cr t a
the Colonies to discuss with others theveriusptroposi-
tinns, and to come to a better decision than if be deter-
mined them alone.—(Hear.) These were the laws' of
government they proposed to gise to New South `Vales
Government proposed to give the'
and he would add,
co-
lony the power of altering the constitution in that re-
spect, and if in the opinion of the colonil•s it would be
better to resort to a government of legislative council '
and assembly, there would be no restriction on thepyiatsht
of the Government to such a change.—(Hear.) With
Tasped to other matters there would be a considerable
change from the BM proposed last year, for then Go-
vernment proposed that the customs duties of New
South Wales should be the same for all the Australian
colonies, until altered by tee proper authorities. Though
he thought the customs duties ought not to vary in the
Australian colonies, it was at the same time thought ad •
• ale that this should not be enacted by Parliament,
14‘ tltit colonies should be left to settle it among
el• 1 Pcny.eparaent proposed that the district
/ti' se 0-11/ ip-}diesiiid be separated from New South
-4.- 444159 r, , . e.. 719.1: Di' \ adifferet district. Government
0 , 0 ;(10,47 ;. Diemen's Land the principle of
(
c.i.--,-: '41,-, -,---.-fit-i• A. ,---.

elective legislative councils, similar to the other colonies,
and it was proposed to extend to South Australia
councils on the same model. Government proposed, on
the preposition of two of the colonies, to have an Assem-
bly different to that ef the Australian provinces, which
assembly should have other powers that might be use-
fully employed on questions affecting the interests of the
whole of the colonies. With respect to that body it was
likewise proposed to refer to it the power of dealing
with that question so important in the Australian colo-
nies—the price cf waste lands. After many changes on
this subject, Parliament enacted in 1844 that 20s. an
acre should be the price fixed for the waste lands of New
South Wales, and in the Australian colonies, and that
price was not to be capable cf alteration. Government
now thought great mieehief would ensue fan alteration
was made in one colony and this alteration was not ex-
tended to all the other colonies, because it would set one
colony bidding against another colony for emigrants.
Government therefore proposed, if an alteration was
made, to extend it to all alike. He did not know that
he need now enter into a further description of the Bill,
because the Bill cf last session was in the hands
.of
Honourable Members, and the new Bill would soon be
ready, when he trusted its provisions would all
be maturely canvassed. He had, he thought,
stated enough to show that in the North American
colonies, and in the Australian colonies, it was the
disposition of Government to introduce representative
institutions, so as to give fall scope to the will of the
people to ,work out their own prosperity, as a better
system than if their affairs were regulated by ordinances
from this country.—(Hear, and cheers.) With respect
to New Zealand, Government began in 1846 to show a
disposition to confer representative institutions, but it
showed too much haste on the subject. The able Go-
vernor of New Zealand had since pointed out the fact
of the existence of different native races in New Zea-
land, and that a different system was requisite than
would be the case in North America, New Holland, and
Van Diemen's Land. The Governor pointed out the
amount of capacity for a system of government,' and
showed how ill a large number of natives of different
races grouped with a small number of English settlers,
who had the sole legislative control. This objection
was felt by his Noble Friend, and it was determined by
Government to suspend the constitution that
had been conferred on the colony. The Go-
vernor wrote that he had introduced a legisla-
tive council, and he thought at the expiration of the
time fixed by Parliament representative institutions
might also be safely introduced. Believing his opinion
to be well founded, Government propose I to wait
until the proper season had arrived for putting into
operation the new constitution.—(Hear.) Ho believed
he had now gone through all the colonies which the gen-
tlemen he had referred to thought advisable should have
fie e institutions, such as existed in the West India
islands. He must say, with respect to the West India
islands, the gentlemen expressed more moderation in
their views than in some of the other instances. He
would state, with respect to the West India islands, what
had been done, and what was proposed to be done. With
regard to Barbadues, and Jamaica, and crier West
India colonies, they had for a long period enjoyed go-
vernment by council and assembly; and though from time
to time differences arose between the Governor and the
Assembly, he did net think it was likely any permanent
derangement or evil would come from them. Although,
for instance, the Assembly was disposed to press for the
reduction of the judges' salaries, and other reductions,
yet the able opposition of poople of influence in the
Council had been able to check any mischief. The re-
ductions already made in the expenditure in that colony
amount to 70,0001. With regard to British Guiana,
when Mr. Barkly proceeded to take the government of
that island, he (Lord J. Russell) begged to see him,
and then tild him his impression when in the Colonial-
office of the particular position of that colony. The co-
lonists had recently been emancipated. They had passed
from slavery to freedom, and he requested Mr. Barkly to
pay attention to the subject and inform him whether the
new constitution could be so amended as to admit of an
extension of the franchise. He would net detain the
House,further than to say he had received an able letter
from Governor Barkly, and with reference to the pro-
position for an extension cf the franchise the Governor
had already carried a measure for that purpose, and a
new election had taken place; though the electors were
not so numerous as it was expected they would be
hereafter, yet they were more numerous than ever they
were before. With regard to the salary cf the
Governor of British Guiana, he might say that ques-
tion showed how difficult it was for gentlemen to
carry into effect the principles they asserted, that the
colonies ought to be allowed to manage their own
affairs, and that Government ought not to interfere
Except in cases of necessity. With respect to this
salary Government had determined to leave the matter
to the colonists. The salary was to be 5,000/. a year,
and the colony was to contribute to it. Government
left the colonists to dispose of the question. He would
here remark with respect to salary, that if a large and
liberal salary was given, there would be more likelihood
of getting competent parties to fill the office than would
be the case if there was a restriction in this respect.
But as the salary was a contribution from the funds of
British Guiana, and part of its expenditure, it was fur
tee represent itives of British Guiana, and not fur Par-
Helmet, t) prescribe what ought to be the sum.—(Hear,
hear.) With regard to other changes in the colony of
British Guiana, although Govenor Barkly was of opinion
other changes might in time be introduced, yet he did
not think it would he advisable t 3 introduce other
changes immediately. Many of the colonists were slaves
a short time ago, and it would therefore be advisable to
make changes gradually. Governor Barkly was of
opinion that though the colonists might be unfit now for
further change, yet this would be no bar to future
alteration. Governor Barkly proposed there should
be a municipal council at the seat cf govern-
ment, and he gave his reason why this had not
been before introduced. With regard to the Mauritius,
Mr. Anderson was ef opinion that municipal councils
were an advantage. In Malta the Governor had con-
sidered what was expedient, and had introduced some
elective members to the council. He need not go into
the particulars of the other colonies—he did not think
it necessary to other colonies than those he now stated
ought, in his judgment, to have 'representative institu-
tions. He now came to another question—a question
f very considerable importance as regarded the colonies,
but which was not in itself strictly a colonial question—
the question of transportation. (It was decided by this
country in 1786 that a penal colony should be founded
in New South Wales, and measures were taken for that
purpose. Some persons were sent out, but no provision
was made for their religious instruction. The plan and
place of transportation were subjects that more pro-
perly belonged to Parliament to determine than to the
Colonial Secretary. As fir as the Colonial Secretary
was concerned, he would be well satisfied if told
Parliament had decided that no more convicts
should be sent out; but Parliament had decided
more than once that transportation should continue. It
was fur the Colonial Secretary, therefore, to take care
that transportation took place in the way least injurious
to the selected colony. He had personally no great
leaning to transportation, and in 1841 he made an at-
tempt to diminish the number of persons sent abroad;
but Parliament passed a resolution to the effect that
such a number of convicts should not be kept in this
country. A Committee was appointed, and the judges
were heard on the necessity of transportation in aid of
the criminal law of the country. In the present state of
the question the Colonial Secretary must endeavour to
carry transportation into effect in such a way as to
enable the colonies to derive advantage and to be se-
cured from injury. He had held the colonial seals, and
he knew the mischief the system had done in New South
Wales. He advised her Majesty to make a change, and
had obtained an order in council to put a stop to transpon
tation to New South Wales; and no uct while he held
office had given him more satisfaction than that order
in council. Whatever might be the case hereafter,
the changing the character of New South Wales—alter-
ing the colony from a convict colony to a colony of free
people, had been productive of the greatest advantage to
that colony. He now saw 200,000 inhabitants where
before there was only a mixed population of about 6,000
persons. Ho had made various attempts to introduce
changes with regard to transportation to the colonies.
When he came into office ho made various changes, the
general principle being that convicts should not be
Lace lon colonists against their will. It hapc coed,
however, amongst other. causes of difficulty which
arose from the famine in Ireland, was the pressure of
the number of persona sentenced to transportation and
the crowded state of the gaols, combined with the great
mortality from disease. The Colonial Secretary
thought he was justified in sending out a number of
persons not exceeding three hundred, who had been con-
victed of crimes arising from the pressure of famine, to
the colony of the Cape of Good Hope. He highly
commended the fears and apprehensions which the culo-
nists expressed that the colony was about to be made a
penal settlement. The colonists had great apprehensions
on the subject of the introduction c f those convicts, and
hence arose an unfortunate state of things. The order
in council had since been revoked by her Majesty, the
convict ship had been ordered to Van Diemen's Land,
and all sorts of apprehension and opposition would be
averted by the removal of the cause.—(Hear.) lle
would not enter into the merits of the controversy—he
would not enter into personal matters; he made no re-
mark.sts, and he only referred to the matter to show what
on the proceedings of either Government or
wouldcolo-
nists,
transportation. be the futur e
With policy
reefs
pGe Government etron mt
he: t
on
m
the subject
future manage-
ment of transportation, he admitted the subject was one
inti-
mated a wish not to accept moreof acvoenrvsiicotoe,nanaidnaat
of considerable difficulty. New South Wales had
was to be expected that a feeling as it
re-
ceiving convicts would arise among the settled colonies
of this country, he anticieated that Parliament would
soon have to consider whether it would not be expe-
dient to make some alteration with respect to the in-
fliction a transpoi teflon for same °fleeces not of the
gravest character. There was another question of the
greatest consequence, the question of emigration,—
Hear.) Now, on the subject of emigration, there were
two modes in which emigration was carried on bene-
ficially—oee where the labourer, whose labour was
wanted and valrahle in certain states and colonies, sent
in numbers to those places, end filled up interstices in
society where their labour was in demand, and where,
inzt •ad of teing a burden on the community here, they
obtained high wages and ample subsistence. Of this
kind of emigration a great mass had lstely been directed
to the United States and to the British North American
colonies. A tee and kind of emigration consisted of
classes of persons who formed new culonie s where society
was not alrea by estaiiislied. Of this kind there had
been a considerable amount of emigration. With regard
to the fleet kind cf emigratior, ho bad some accounts
furnished to him by Mr. Murdoch, from which it ap-
pearee the total emigration in three years was 796,354
persons, making an average of 265,150 persons annu-
ally. Now, he begged the House to consider
how very large that emigration was. It was within
some 30,000 or 40,000 of the increase which the popula-
tion of the country was computed to make yearly. Lie

was of opinion that this emigration of labourers and their
families to the United States and British North America
in search of employment was likely to continue f many
3 eirs. He believed the means of emigration which this
class found for themselves, and remitted to this country
to bring out ethers, would have the effect of furnishing
occupatien for transport art auger:Ants fur some time.
He believe d the emigration to Canada and the United
States would be kept up by the great demand fer labour
there. The diffieulty hitherto was in finding moans of
transport, so as to allow of persons for whose labour there
was no dem'ind here, finding their way to places where
their labour was in demand. No Government plan could
be so extensive as to effect so great a purpose as this
kind cf voluntary emigration.* Government could not
have effected the same amount of emigration at the same
cost. Had Government laid out one and a ealf million
of money, the chance was they would have found every
species cf abuse.--(Hear, hear.) People would have been
sent from this country with false characters, and the
systeer would have been found to be such a curse by the
United States and by the colonies that we should soon
have seen them making some provision to put a stop to
this emigration, and raying to this country, "Do not
send us your halt, your crippled, and your idle popula-
tion; if such be the character of Government emigra-
tion, Re must interfere and put a stop to it." Such
would be the result of the Government plan. He did
not mean to say that Parliament was in no instance to
give assistance towards promoting emigration; but,
seeing the result cf voluntary emigration, he was
of opinion that Government interference in the shape cf
burdening the taxes for funds would prove a positive
evil, and tend to diminish the present amount of emigra-
tion. Another species of emigration was that which had
been directed towards the Australian colonies when
emigrants went to found new or to increase old settle-
ments. It appeared that in 1848-9 the Emigration
Commissioners sent out 37,000 persons, or more than
18,000 a year. In New Zealand new seteements had
been projected, and there were now 12,000 Eurot easy
in New Z.aland, and no doubt in the course of a few
years there would be a very large emigration to New
Zealand, and this colony would be found to be one
of the most flourishing cf our colonies. With regard
to emigration generally, he believed it was in a satisfac-
tory con lition. He believed there would be no com-
plaint that large bodies of emigrants were sent to places
where their labour was not wanted, and where their
condition would bo even worse than when at home. He
had now stated the principal parts of that which ho
wished to put the House in possession of with respect
to Colonial Government. He had not attempted to do
more than just give the leading facts with respect to
importart questions, each of which a as matter fur a se-
parate night'. debate.—(ll; ar, hear.) He thought it was
useU for the House to have ea this imperfect sketch
cf the state of the colonies, and the propositions which
Government intended by the help of an enactment to be
carr:el into effect. The whole result of what he meant
to say was, that however well-founded the disseti.fac-
tion of some cf our colonies, it must be placed
to the accoant c f the transition, painful to th e
parties, from monopoly to a'system of free trade. The
House ought not
_tee go back from what it bad de-
creed, but ought to treat the colonies on the principle
that this country was at liberty to obtain from other coun-
tries whatever she might want and be able to get cheaper,
and that the colonies were to have liberty to trade
to all pints of the world in that manner which teemed
best to themselves.—(Cheers.) This, in future, would
be the cardinal point of their policy.—(Hear, hear.) The
next point would be, that in uniformity with the princi-
ples of our ancestors, as far as possible, Government
would proceed on the principle of introducing and main-
taining political freedom in our colonies.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought, wherever it was asserted of a colony, poli-
tical freedom could not be introduced, that House was
bound to show the reason fur this exception—(He
hear)—and to show, with respect to the native races,
there was not such a mixture of British people as would
make it safe to introduce British regulations.—(llear,
ar.) It men were Kilt to the colonies capable cf
governing themselves, give them full liberty to govern
themselves—(lleac, bear)—and, while you have your
representatives there with regard to foreign relations,
yet, in all their domestic concerns, interfere no firth; r
than necessary to prevent discord in society.—(Hear,
hear.) These he conceived to be sound principles, and
they were the principles on which the present Go-
sernmeet intended to proceed; and when the general
features of the measure had obtained the assent
and approbation of the House, he should he glad,
with respect to the details, to adopt any better
mode of carrying out these great principles than the one
pointed out in the Bill. But he would say they were
net then considering whether they should part with their
colonies or make the connexion more loose, or even
leave them to defend themselves in the best way against
foreign aggresson.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the
exact amount of military force for the colonies, he re-
served to himself the right of discussing the question on
a future occasion. With respect to some of the colonies,
ho might say that the fever into which they had been
thrown had mainly diminished. He believed that if
they proceeded on this principle, without any danger to
the present, there might be a question arise hereafter
which they might solve without the danger of such an
unhappy conflict as that which took place in what were
now called the United States cf Anierica. In looking back
to the origin of that unhappy contest, he did not think
it was a single error or a single blunder, but a series of
repeated errors and repeated blunders of policy asserted,
and then razialled —of policy again asserted, con-
cessions made when too late, and of obstinacy when it
was unreasonable. He believed it had been by such a
course that this country entered into that unhappy con-
flict, by which the loyal provinces of North America
were lest.—(flear.) lie trusted that they would never
again have to deplore such a contest. He did, indeed,
anticipate that some of these colonies would so grow in
population, commerce, and wealth, that the colonists
might say that their strength and power was sufficient
for them to become an independent country, and that the
link of the chain had become onerous to them—that the
time was come when they thought that those in Aus-
tralia and all other colonies should maintain their inde-
pendence. But he (Lord J. Russell) said, let the Legis-
lature make these people, as far as possible, fit to govern
themselves. Give to them as far as possible the capa-
city to manage their own affairs. Let them but increase
in wealth and power, and they would be thus qualified;
and whatever might happen, this nation would at least
have the consolation cf knowing that she had contri-
buted largely to the happiness of the world.—(Cheers.)
Sir W. MOLESWORTH said that the Noble Lord
had commenced his speech by explaining the origin of
our colonial policy, and he went on to prove the vast in-
crease of population and commerce in our colonies, espe-
ciallyin Australia, and hence the Noble Lord inferred
the great value of the colonies to the mother country,
and he argued that it was not for the advantage of this
country to abandon these colonies. In most of these ob-
servations he entirely agreed. But, then, the Noble
Lord proceeded to raise the question of our future colo-
nial policy, in order to retain our colonial empire. He
was so dull that he could not distinctly understand the
principle of colonial policy of the Noble Lord. But give
the power to the colonists to frame their own constitu-
tions—if they were to be allowed to carry out those old
principles c f their charters—then ,could the Noble Lord
find in him a zealous adherent. Then the Noble Lord
went on to cast a censure upon an association of gentle-
men which had been formed for the reform of the co-
lonial government.] Now he (Sir W. Molesvvorth), as one
of the gentlemen who had been alluded t e would state
the reason which induced him to join that association.
The gentleman did so form themselves into a society
because they entirely agreed with the Noble Lord in
thinking that we ought to maintain our colonial empire.
They nid so form an association because they felt that
there was no hope from the Colonial-office of a complete
reform of ,the colonial system ; because they believed
that as by the errors, blunders, and obstinacy of former
colonial officers we had lest the American States, so
were we likely now to lose those which remained. That
association was framed hecause they had no faith in the
capacity of the Colonial-offie to introduce real reforms,
or to introduce a pi actical Bill for the better government
ot the colonies of Australia. They had presented some
fancied model constitution year after year. On the
14th August, 1846, the Under Secretary for the Colo-
nies stated that he hoped and trusted her Majesty's
Government would he able to give their attention to
the consideration of a better form of govern-
ment for Van Themen's Land—and great was the
excitement there on hearing this news. On the 17th of
May, 1847, the Under Secretary said that it was in
contemplation, nay, that he might say a measure was
na preparation with a view to give the benefits of the
British constitution to the Australian colonies. The
Hon. Geatleman said that the measure was in an ad-
vanced state, and would be brought forward in that ses-
sion, or at the beginning of the next session. The Vice-
President of the Board of Trade, on the 7th March,
1848, spoke of the intention to grant free institutions to
Australia. On the Bth May, 184 S, the Prime Minister
stated it was his intention to introduce a measure as
early 'is possible. Week after week went on without
the arrive! of this Bill, and for four months the Under
Secretary waited in vain for the opportunity, and on the
18th of August, 1848, the Hon. Gentleman assured the
House that at the earliest period of the next session the
Bill would be laid on the table. After a lapse of three
years a Bill was produced; but it was so premature
that it had to be withdrawn.—(No, no.) Why, the
Noble Lord again, on the 2d July, announced that a most
important change had to be made in the Bill. On the
17th July they withdrew the Bill c f the Noble Lord,
and thus, year after year, for the last four years, the
fairest pr.romises had been made; but the just hopes and
expectations of the colonies had been disappointed and
blighted. These proceedings had produced the greatest
distrust and excitement in our colonies generally. Not
only did discontent prevail in Australia, but in various
quarters c f our colonial empire. Bitter complaints were
athtmadeethc e
ataari gclapietan:l
uieaosei
,ddpfesgodtureoottfowau:trteidi
hNecnuo.
toolchboopelnuelemoi aenL.
dl
ea system, yads
rteeepama
r,
thatt
ma ne and
the
ht heh ea
Noble
o broken
rleo
colonistskLeno Lord
solemn
tLando hadorTdhohe fipmae
epibreachfl: tc'
hf
that
ti afnna
night,
ehrue:rB.l
signedsnte d abyr. C6t,oitcioonpferrosmonst,he,,choiolotnoyldotfhNe
NobleewSouit!oirdW
they
would °prose any further transportation cf convicts to
that colony. A cenap'eze reform of the colonial system
was necessary. The question was, to what extent of re-
form would this measure of the Noble Lord go? Some
of our colonies complained of a want of free institutions,
or the went of power to alter or amend existing instite-
Liens. Almost all complained cf the appointments made.
All complained c.f the interference of the Colonial-
office, and where transportation was carried on,
discontc nt was strongly expressed. He would net
enter into the question of colonial policy, but he would
consider two things. First, as to the form of govern-
ment or constitution to be furnished; and secondly, as
to the powers which ought to he delegated to the colo-
nial authorities. First, with regard to the form of go-
vernment, he could not distinctly understand what form
the Noble Lord intended to give to the Cape of Gocd
Hope. Lie believel that the Noble Lord intended to give

to all the Australian colonies the present constitution of
New South Wales. Now, suppose that there were in
that House 110 M. mbers who had seats in virtue cf
holding office under Government, and who held those
seats only so long as they held office ; and suppose they
had, besides those 110 official Members, 110 others who
were appointed as Members of Parliament by the Go- '
vernment at the commencement of every Parliament—
m_king together 220 votes at the, disposal of the Go-
vernment ; and suppose that they were to get rid of
the House of Lords, and that, instead of her Majesty
the Queen, they had some governor over them of tie
ordi: ary sort. Suppose all this, and they would then
enjoy the Vessings c.f the British Constitution, a'tsr
the present fashion of New South Wales.—(A laugh.)
How would such a constitution work in this country
and in that Heine ? Why, they would be divided into
two violent fictions, actuated by the very bitterest
animus. No measures would be deemed safe which
were decided against the majority of the elected.
The Noble Lord raid that the people cf New South
Wales were content with the present form c f govern-
ment, and be did not know whether the Noble Lord had
received any late accounts, hut he (Sir W. Maleswoith)
bad read something of the late delibe. ations of the Le-
gislative Council, and he found that what they felt was,
that they would rather have even their present constitu-
tion than that which had been proposed to them by the
Noble Lord. He presumed what they wanted was, that
power should be given to the colonies to alter and amend
the constitution and to make the two Chambers elective.
If this power were conceded to the colonial Legislatures
it would diminish some of his objections to the Bill of the
Noble Lord. If the Noble Lord would adopt the old
sound principles of colonial policy he would do better.
He hoped lie would leave the colonies to find constitu-
tions for themselves. But all our attempts at constitu-
tions had been ridiculous. They all knew the .history
of the constitution for New Zealand; it was enacted
one year and suspended the next. It was rumoured,
toe, that Sir Harry Smith had been called upon to pro-
vide a constitution for the Cape of Good Hope. Now,
though he had a high respect for the gallant officer's
character, still he must observe he was nut by nature
or profession fitted to be a Solon. If they sought
to frame such constitutiona as should give general
saisfsction, let the Government send out to the
colonies to obtain the opinions of each colony generally,
and this ought to be done, not merely by asking the opi-
nion cf the Governor, or by referring to some colonial
newspapers; they ought to assemble the representatives
of the people, and desire them to declare how the case
stood. It the Government did not do this, let them give
to the colonies the largest powers of altering and amend-
ing their constitutions, whilst they, also allowed them to
mave their governors elective. That aas the case under
the old charters. Thee, secondly, what were the powers
which were to be delegated to the Colonial-Office; these
were much more important considerations than were
colonial local matters. He was sorry to hear that it
was the intention to retain the arbitrary power on the
part of the Crown of die allowing Acts passed by the
local legislative bodies, and thus keep up the system
of interference in the management of the affairs of the
colonies. This int •rference had always been a perpe-
tual eou.ce c f discontent. Who were the persons
intrusted with this karbitrary power ? Why, those
men in official capacities whose position changed
with every change of Government who were
absentee rulers—who had never ocular demonstration of
the wants of the colony—who were always obliged to
trust to second-hand and one-sided information. Aud
worse than being ignorant, these men were misinformed,
It was said that these men were responsible to Parlia-
ment, but that was an utter farce. If those whom he ad-
dressed were at the Antipodes, how would they like to
wait three years to see whether Acts of Parliament were
law or not? Wherefore did the Noble Lord wish to
maintain this arbitrary power? He entirely agreed in
thinking that means must be taken to prevent the colo-
nies from passing laws which would bs injurious to or
affect the imperial powers, but he denied that £,. that
purpose they must give arbitrary power to the Colonial-
office. All executive and legislative powers in regard to
colonies might be divided into two cicvses, the ono class
comprising the imperial powers, and the other the powers
delegated to the colonial Legislature for the exercise of
all local powers, and he would presently state what
those powers were. It was tf great importance how
these imperial powers were to be t xercii el. On the
other hand it was cf little importance to this country in
what manner the local affairs were managed. The co-
lony was not dissatisfied with the imperial Govern-
ment on account of the manner in which their local
affairs were administered. He contended it was impos-
sible f,r a man cn one side of the globe to minister to
the supplies of the Anglo-Saxon on the other side of the
globe. He would take away from the Crown the power
to disallow Acts passed by the colonial Legislatures,
and he would limit its powers to cases affecting the Im-
perial rights. The House had more of " Inot trial
powers" than perhaps they had expected to hear from
him, and he was prepared to enumerate what these Im-
perial powers were if the House would allow him to
read some five or six pages. The Committee must un-
derstand that I propose that tee colonial Legislature
shall be absolutely prohibited, without the consent of her
Majesty, from making any law affecting or derogating,
from the following powers. I would enact that the co-
lonial Legislature should not have the power to send or
receive ambassadors, to or from, or to enter into any
treaty, alliance, or confederation with any prince,
state, or power; to grant letters of marque and
reprisal during peace or war, and to grant safe con-
ducts during war; the power to declare or make
war; conceding to the colony, when actually in-
vaded, or in such imminent danger as net to admit
of delay, the power to engage in war; the power
to confiscate the property cf alien enemies in time
of war; the power to establish prize courts, the com-
mand of the militia in time of war, and at all times the
command of all regular naval and military forces em-
ployed in and about the said colony; the power to coin
money or regulate its value, or that of foreign coin; the
power to grant titles of nobility; the power to regulate
the transmission of letters by sea to and from the colony
of New South Wales and any other place; the power to
take any land situate within the said colony upon making
due compensation to the owners and occupiers thereof
for the purpose of erecting beacons and lighthouses
thereon, and to make such regulations as may be deemed
expedient for the proper management thereof; the power
of keeping any landor naval forces in or about the raid co-
lony or the coast thereof; the power of erecting forts, ma-
gazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings
for military purposes—the power of placing garrisons
therein, and of exercising exclusive jurisdiction within
the precincts thereof; the power of taking possession of
any week, land situate within the said colony, and of any
other land therein, upon making due compensation to the
owners and occupiers thereof, for the purpose of erecting
such forts, magazlnes, arsensls,docky anis, and other need-
ful buildings, and for any other military purpose; the power
of assenting to such Bills as are hereinafter mentioned to
require such assent. Secondly, I would enact that
the colonial legislature shall not have power without the
consent of her Majesty to make any law; to establish
slavery; to alter the succession to the Crown, or pass
any Act affecting the style and dignity of the Crown, or
relating to the appointment of a Regent; to absolve any
person from his allegiance;
to deprive any per, on of
the right of appeal to her Majesty in Council, in any
case in which such appeal now subsists; to make any law
containing any matter or thing contrary to the law of
nations, as received and administered in the courts of
Great Britain; to make any law respecting captures by
land or water, or to define piracies and felonies com-
mitted on the high seas; to make any law affecting the
t eordce er;;
command, regulations, or discipline of her Majesty's
military
to make anything but gold or
silver to define treason or alter the
co
iann
a d navalgel n
f

law relating thereto; to lay any duties-on supplies to
her Majesty's military and naval forces; to bring in any
Bill cf attainder; to impose any differential duty on
imports to or exports from any part of her Majesty's
dominions, or any duty inconsistent with any
treaty that already has been, or may hereafter
bo entered into between her Majesty, her heirs
and successors, and any foreign country ; to
confer any privilege or immunity on the inhabi-
tants cf New South Wales that shall not equally be
conferred on the other subjects of her Majesty, and every
law or provision in a law in contravention of this clam()
shall be void. Now, in consequence of these reservations,
various legal questions would arise, affecting boundaries
and other questions, which I would propose to refer to
the decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council, es the tribunal most esteemed in this country in
all cases where questions of constitutional law are con-
cerned. Thus I would constitute for the present arbi-
trary power of the Colonial-office a legally-defined power.
Now, there is nothing which men of our race dis-
like more than arbitrary power—nothing which they
respect more than a legally-defined power.—(Hear.)
At present the colonial legislatures do not know what
laws they may, and what laws they may not make. In
fact, they may at present make any laws whatever, af-
fecting imperial interests in any manner, whatever pro-
vided the Colonial-office does not disallow them within
a cet tarn period of time. On the other hand the colonial
legislatures cannot make any law which the Colonial-
office may not disallow. I propose, therefore, in the
manner which I have explained, to enable the colonial
legislatures to know precisely what laws they may
mike, and what laws they must abstain from making;
and propose to settle all disputes upon this subject
by means of the decisions of one of the highest
and most esteemed judicial tribunals in this country. I
have now answered the challenge that those who would
efl act reform in our colonial system should state what in
their opinion the alterations should consist in. In
order to reduce my principles to a practical shape, I
hare, with the aid of some legal friends of mine,
prepared a Bill for New South Wales. I do not
propose to introduce a Bill. I should require the
assent of the Government to do so. But, the Go-
vernment and the House should desire it, I .will in-
troducemyself to general principles and to a general outline. I
do not pledge myself to minute details; for, in order to
make a per'ect measure, information would be required
from the Colonial-office, and it would be necessary to
cot Ault constitutional lawyers. I must now Leg pardon
for trespassing so long on the attention of the Com-
mittee, but I must rest my excuse in the challenge
thrown out by the Noble Lord.—(flcar.) In conclusion
I would say that the true colonial policy to pursue is,
to have faith in our colonists—(Cheers)—to believe that
they colonists are rational men--(Hear, hear)—to believe
that they can understand their local concerns better than
we, can— (Hear)—and to give them an uncontrolled ma-
na,,soment over their local, as contradistinguished
from Imperial affairs. Then we should find the colo-
nies, so relieved from a hated tyranny, bearing a more
ha.srty allegiance to the Monarch of these realms; then
we t;-Mould find them willingly obeying the Imperial
lawn and those governors to whom Parliament should
dele4 ale its powers having no reason to find fault
with the Imperial Government, and being bound to
the -empire by the strongest fes of se:f-interest and
affect ion."— (Chet rs.)
XI; . ANSTEY thought that the veto in respect to dis

allowing Acts passed by the colonial legislatures should
bz limited only to matters affecting the Imperial rights
or interests. The Hon. Baronet (Sir W. Molesworrh)
proposed to abolish the Colonial-cffice under one name,
and create it under another—he proposed to abolish
Earl Grey, and transfer his functions to the Judicial
Committee c f the Privy Council.—(" No, no," from Sir
Win. Mole 'worth ) The hop. Baronet said it would
be impossible to determine in some cases whether or not
the colonial legislature had exceeded its functions,
and that in such cases the Judicial Committee should
determine.—(No, no.) If that aae not the lion.
Laronet's meaning, he (Mr. A.) made no other objection
to the proposition than this—that they would be left
without even the assistance c f the Judicial Committee to
determine whether a case for the interference a the
Crown had occurred or not, and there would be litiga-
tion without end between the colonies and the Crown.
The true objection to the plan proposed for the Austra-
l:an colonies was this—that one-third cf the council
were to be the nominees of the Crown. With reference to
Van Diemen's Land, the operation cf the plan would be
simply this:—lf one-third of the Members were nomi-
nees of the Crown, the majority which would bo found
to support the measures of the local Government would
form, perhaps two-thirds of the entire council, because
almost the whole of the property of that island, in con-
sequence of its financial condition, was placed at the dis-
posal of the chief officers of the Government, all of whom
were shareholders and rreelagers of the principal banks
—those bankers possessing mortgages over nine-tenths
of the property in the islanO, and being in a position to
compel the owners of the property to execute their will
and pleasure. The better plan would be to allow those
who were not under such ir.fluence to elect the Lower
House, and other parties t-) firm the Upper, and in that
way things would correct themselves.
Mr. 11. J. BAILLIE said the Noble Lord had stated
that the franchise under the constitution granted to
British Guinea had been considerably increased. The
Committee which sat to consider the grievances cf that
colony had recommended that the alterations in the
constitution should be made in friendly concert with the
colonial authorities. When that paragraph was under
discussion be asked Sir R. Peel if he considered it acting
in friendly concert with the colonial authorities to force
a Bill through the Court of Policy only by official votes,
and the Right Hon. Baronet replied that he should con-
sider such a proceeding most objectionable. Now that
was the course to which the Governor of British Guinea
resorted. The new Franchise Bill was forced through
the Court cf Policy by judicial votes only. Every one
of the electe 1 Aiembers voted against the measure, which
was finally carried by the double vote of the Governor.
Every one of the elected Members resigned his seat, and
refused to be put in nomir ation under the new Bill.—
(Hear, hear.) Instead of the number of electors having
increar era, he was informed that the number bad been
t e luced by about 200; and as an instance of the manner
in which the elections were managed in that colony, he
would just state that, in the county of Ess‘quibo, the
Solicitor-General was proposed by the county clerk and
seconded by the gaoler.—(Laughter.)
Mr. LABOUCHERE said it had been his duty as a
member of the Committee of Privy Council of Trade
and Plantations, to take a share in the construction of
the two important measures relating to the colonies of
Australia and British Guiana. Ho admitted the pro-
priety of giving the most ample powers of self-govern-
ment to the colonies with regard to their local affairs,
and he thought every candid man would allow that the
Government had been actuated by a sincere desire to
give constitutional freedom and happiness to the inha-
bitants of these two vast portions of our colonial em-
pire.—(llear, hear.) He hal heard with some surprise
the censure cast upon the Government with regard t.)
Australis. Now he had seen intelligence from that part
of the world which showed that the l (sepia would re-
ceive in a very different spirit these proposals to which
the Hon. Member made so much objection. He cer-
tainly had received no official disr atches, but he would
call the attention of the House to a sentence in the
Sydney Herald, of the 19th of September, a paper
which represented the opinions cf the popular
party. That paper said that the report sent out was
one of the ablest and most conciliatory documents of
the kind ever laid b, f ire the public. " Never before did
the colony of New South Wales receive so large a share
of Ministerial consideration, liberality, rind kindness as
in the present instance. Her Majesty in council has
conceded to us nearly everything we asked." He had
received another newspaper from Port Phillip, the Vie-
ia Colonist, of the 14th cf September, in which it was
said, " It must be satisfactory to the Goternment to
find that the boon they have granted to the Australian
colonies has diffused such general satisfaction through-
out the province of Victoria. All the newspapers are
unanimous in their expressions cf approval, and have
not given the slightest whisper of dissent."—(Hear,
hear.) He had every reason t ) believe that the inhabi-
tants of Australia were less critical and less difficult t
please than those gentlemen who defended their interests
in that House, and that they would with feelings of
gratification accept a measure which had been framed
with a sincere desire to promote their benefit and place
them on the footing of free members of the British
empire, and which would lay the foundation cf
a free constitution, and thus tend to produce their
prosperity and happiness.—(Bear, h ar.) The her.
Baronet said that the constitution of the Cape of Good
Hope was to be left to Sir Harry Smith. Nothing could
be more completely at variance with the fact, the truth
Icing that the main principles of the constitution were
imperatively laid down. Not having the difficulty to
deal with which existed in the case of the Australian
colonies, the Government introduced the three estates,
and placed them in a governor and two council/. The
only thing left to Sir H. Smith was the carrying out cf
certain details with regard to qualification, and other
matters with which it would be extremely difficult to
deal in this country, from want of information which
Sir IL Smith and his able council could most effectively
supply.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Labouchere) consi-
dered that it would bo extremely difficult to draw a
strict line of distinction between what was imperial and
what was local and colonial, and was cf opinion that a
reference of matters to the decision of the Privy Council
would involve the colonies and the mother country in
endless difficulties.--(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ROEBUCK said the Noble Lord at the head of
the Government had done two things—he had explained
the policy cf the Government with regard to our colonial
possessions, and he had explained one specific act of
legislation which he intended to propose. In announcing
part of the general policy the Noble Lord laid its foun-
dation on the previous history of our colonial posses-
sions, but he struck out the most important portion of
that colonial history—namely, that which related to the
United States, confining his observations to certain
charters given to Lord Carlisle, as governor of the
West India possessions. The Hor. Baronet said, these
charters were simply broad and general powers con-
ferred on the colonies, whereby they might make con-
stitutions for themselves. But that was not the case.
The charters given to the colonies were most pecu-
liarly definite, specific, and ratticular, so much so,
that some of them were now in actual existence as
constitutions. Lord Clarendon, in the reign cf
Charles 1., conferred on Rhode Island so liberal a
constitution that to the present hour it remained the
constitution of that state, and it was so specifically given
that under it they were able to elect a body which was
the governing body at the present time.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord laid down certain general propositions,
and he said that it was the intention of the Government
to give the colonies the entire government of their own
concerns. Ile (Mr. IL) was glad to hear that declaim-
tion.—(llear, hear.) After going through the portion
of history to a hich he (Mr. R.) bad alluded, the Noble
Lord dealt with the conduct of certain gentlemen to-
wards the Government, with respect to their
.colonial
policy. Now, if these gentlemen wanted a justification
of their conduct, that justification might be found in the
course now taken by the Noble Lord.—(He ar, hear.)
With regard to South Africa, he (Mr. R.) had nothing
more to ask.—(Hear, hear.) But he would warn the
Noble Lord of the consequences. The Noble Lord could
never have two or three measures for the colonies.—
(Hear, hear.) The colonies of Canada, Nova Scotia, and
New Brunswick would all demand elective councils.
He had seen civil war arise because these coun-
cils had been denied. The Noble Lord having arrived
at the conclusion that a double chamber was necessary,
and that the two chambers should be elective with re-
spect to South Africa, he (Mr. Roebuck) could not see
how the Noble Lord had arrived at an opposite conclu-
sion with regard to New South Wales.—(Hear, hear.).
Great objections would be entertained to the system of
nomination. Legislation of that kind would not satisfy
the people, because it would not be the legislation of the
so f
people elected by the people. The prejudices of the. peo-
ple wouldnominees.
h raisede Noble
teh
Lordfac t
leavingef a setpr
s
ocfcedmeeend slttnagr
with respect to South Africa, he (Mr. Roebuck) wished
to know why he should halt in his march—ashy he
should be persuaded cut of his better mind? His better
mind served him in South Africa, but getting to New
South Wales it deserted him, and some evil genius inter-
vcned. He did not see ashy a blot should be placed on
the largest portion of our colonial possessions. If two
chi:niers were bast, why did they propose free new
constitutions for Australia on a different principle? Ile
hoped they would consider this question with what an
Hon. Member called a knowledge of human nature. It
was a great experiment, and he hoped they would not
do any thing which would sow the seeds of discontent,
or which would plant a quarrel that would grow up and
overshadow the benefits of the measure.
Mr. HAWES, in answer to a remark of the Hon and
Learned Gentleman, said he would refer him to the p3ti-
gttooetlbheeec vereol..piil.en.iffrpalui,nhbiainitge
was
opinion
peti-
tion of the inhabitants of New South Wales to show
that they regarded the. .Act s:h and 6th Victoria as a
great boon. The Legislative Council established by that
Act might be called a popular body, inasmuch as, con-
sisting of 36 members, only 12 of that number were no-
mincer,stitutiou for New South Wales, the Government had
thought it advisable to propose what they believed
01s:foci::
cods
phwraoyhpel
oe
hspeodcaoceurli
tunderbiveet
taken
thecces: proposedmbybiyt
hefor
tw oeu
el
nLet them :tosl ttotn' acceptable
proposed
(a)bsbecl.
the uld desire a double chamber, the Legislative Council
he
course most deferential to the public feeling in New South
Government. Bill
the cofpm colony
Horn and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) had spoken
e
attonl and possessing a representative assembly, the
as an innovation upon the former syett m of colonial con-
stitutions. It was his (Mr. Hawes's) wish that the House
should consider that as a declaration on the putt of
Parliament that, in colonies with a large European po•
pul
proposition for elective legislative councils would me.t
with no farther opposition from this country.—(Bear,
Le ha) He could assure the lion. Member fhr South-
wark that it had never been his intention to depart from
the promise he made in 1846 as far as regards the con-
stitution for the Cape. As regarded the Amtraitan cc-
lonies, a Bill Lai been laid on the table of the House
last year. With respect to the present measure it had
actually been framed, and the intention to introduce it
announced long before the Colonial Reform Association
Was thought of.—(Hear, hear.) The suggestion of the

Hon. Baronet the Member for Southwark for the ap-
pointment of a Judicial Council to decide as to Imperial
and local questions, would to productive of injurious
consequences if carried into effect. The Hon. Member
for Inverness had referred to Guia-a, and to the case of
an election where only two persons had vctc,d. But
it did not follow, because there was no contest, that
there was no constituency. Many Hen. Members of
that House had been elected without even two votes
having been given. After the able and comprehensive
statement cf the Noble Lord the First Minister, he
should say no more, but postpone what other observe-
lions he had to make un it the measure was before them.
He trusted that it would meet with the approval of the
House, and that the result would be, that all our great
colonies would be possessed of institutions analogous to
those of the mother country.
Mr. GLADSTONE would not on the present occasion
enter upon any discussion of the general principles t.f
colonial policy laid down by the Noble Lore', nor would
he enter upon any de fence of the Colonial Reform Asse-
ciation. There might be points in the constitution of
that society open to criticism, but it was entitled to the
credit of having given a stimulus to the proceedings of
the Government.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt the Austra-
lian Bill had been framed as stated by the Under-Secre-
tary before the Colonial Reform Associat'on
was thought of; but the Australian Bill was not the ob-
ject of their admiration. The credit of the Government
rested on the more recent production of the outline of
the Cape constitution, which he apprehended ha i been
prepared subsequent to the proceedings ache association.
Mr. HAWES—No.
Mr. GLADSTONE—He believed the idea c f
the Legislative Couccil was conceived in the
Board of Trade in January, 1850. He was not desirous
on the present occasion of saying a word against the
Government proposition of a single amber for the
Australian colonies. He believed the Bill was conceived
in a friendly spirit. But how stood the case with regard
to a single chamber in New South Wales? The Under-
Secretary for the Colonies had said that he preferred
a double chamber, but had adopted a single chamber out
of deference to the feeling of the people cf Now South
Wales, who were opposed to the creation of an Upper
House; and the Hon. Gentleman added, that he had
provided a remedy, as the Bill would give the Legisla•
tive Assembly a power of re-modelling itself; and estab-
lishing, if it thought fit, a double chamber. The
remedy, in his opinion, would be an impel feet one. The
object was to obtain the sentiments of the population of
New South Wales. He knew of no British interests in
Australia apart from the interests of the people of-the
colony.—(Hear.)' This body, which was to hate the
power of modifying the constitution, was a body in
which nominations largely entered. In the Legislative
Council there might be a majority of the elected Mem-
bers favourable to a double chamber, and yet that ma-
jority might be converted into a minority by the nomi-
nated Members opposing them.—(Hear.) What more
likely than that the nominated Members should object
to any de,ire for a second chamber by the elected Mem-
bers. Naturally those Members would be arrayed
against the proposal for a double chamber, and therefore
the remedy proposed would be inoperative. The ques-
tion of the second chamber had never been before the
people of New South Wales, and trey had never de-
cided in favour of a single chamber. The question whe-
ther the second chamber should be elective or not was
one which would have to be considered well, whenever it
was proposed to grant one. He thought the constitu-
tion of some of our North American colonies was some-
what defective on this point. Lord Elgin, in order to
bring the Legislative Council into harmony with the
House of Assembly, bad been obliged to make nomina-
tions which swamped the former body. If the second
chamber were elective, it would derive its strength from
the same source as the other chamber. Something similar
to this was the state of the French Chamber and tte
President, who both held their power from the same
body of electors. His opinion was that if they wished
to give strength to an Upper House in the colonies they
must make it elective. The decision to which the people
of New South Wales had come was natural; but it was
presumption to assume that they were opposed to a dou-
ble chamber. Ile thought the Under Secretary had fallen
into an error with respect to the Governor of Van Die-
men's Land. If tl.c lion. Gentleman would refer to the
dispatch c.f August, 1848, he would find the governor
stating that, withcut presuming to assert what would be
the best form of the legislative body, be might say tl at
under the peculiar circumstances of the time, the adop-
tion of an upper or second chamber would be strenuously
rejected. [Mr. Hawes made an observation which was
not heard in the gallery.] The Governor was stating his
opinion at the time he wrote. There were two rea:ons
why tl.ey ought to establish a double chamber in Austra-
lia. When the Australian colonists learned that an upper
elective chamber had been granted to the Cape, they
would at once demand a similar institution. And, in the
second place, though the present constitution of New
South Wales wits a good one when granted some six or
seven years age, it sas not now a good constitution. He
did not like the gathering together a fixed number cf
gentlemen as nominee; to the council opposed to the
elected members. Their nomination had nothing of the
grace or dignity att ached to the calling of individuals
to the Upper House in this country. The twelve nomi-
nations in the Legislative Council of New South Wales were
there to support it was supposed the influence of the Crown,
but their appointment involved a fundamental and fatal
error. It proceeded on the assumption that the Crown
had a distinct interest from the people.—(Hear.) It
tended to create a party in the colony who were pre-
sumed to be in a peculiar manner loyal and attached to
Britain.—(Hear.) He did not deny that their govern-
ment were loyal, but it was dangerous to do anything to
create a British party. They should consider the whole
colonists the British party.—(Hear.) If so, they ought
to leave them to themselves, and not adopt institutions
that would lead to the supposition that this country and
the colonists had separats interests.— (Hear.) He
should be ready when the Bill came before the House to
argue in favour of establishing a double chamber.
Mr. HAWES explained, and referred to the dispatch
of the Governor of Van Diemen's Land to show that
any change of the present system of one chamber in the
New South Wales constitution would be looked on with
suspicion by the colonists.
Mr. GLADSTONE thought the Hon. Under Secre-
tary should not have overlooked another part of the dis-
patch, where the Governor of Van Diemen's Land stated
that he would not have the least objection to recommend
an upper chamber for Van Diemen's Land.
Mr. HUME expressed his delight at the promises
held out by the Noble Lord, and bored that he would
to able to carry them out. He cordially approved of
the proposed Constitution for the Cain Colony, and
thought that if an elective upper chamber was good for
a colony of 80,000 inhabitants, it was good for a colony
with 200.000 inhabitants. He was not one of those
who desired to see a separation take place between our

colonies and the mother country, if justice was done
them, but he bad always felt that
i sooner or later a sepa-
ration would have taken place f our old system of
i
governing them bad been persevered n.—(Hear.)
An improved system of colonial government Would not
only be beneficial to the colonies, but would save this
country from a large amount of expenditure ; for under
such system thousands of our troops would be with-
drawn from the most distant stations of the empire. He
earnestly hoped that the principles laid down by the
Noble Lord would be carried fully into effect ; and if
he should not be disappointed in that hope, he felt as-
sured that the most happy results would be produced by
the contemplated alteration in our colonial policy.
Mr. ADDERLEY said I,e believed that the come-
quences c f the course they might pursue upon that sub-
ject would be either to rivet the attachment of the
colonies to the mother country and to relieve the empire
at large from many difficulties and burdens, or else to
!cooperate the colonies by the disappointment of their
just expectations, and, perhapF, to create among them
feelings of inflation which would hal to the loss of
them for ever. After all that had transpired that even-
big, he could not help congratulating the House and the
empire at large on the fact that there existed in ttlis
count-v an organized channel for the expression of pub-
lic opinion on colonial questions. The exertions cf the
Colonial Reform Association had, at ]cast, so far sue-
cteded as to force the Noble Lord to place in the pro-
per position of prominence among the debates of the
session the great question then under their considerce.
tion. The Noble Lord had objected to the proposal of
that association to correspond with the colonies. But it
should b. e remembered that they only wished for an
" accredited " correspondence, and that their great oh-
ject was to obtain the most accurate information upon
the subjects which might come under tl e:r notice. He
regretted to find that the scheme laid down that even-
ing by the Noble Lord contained no great advance
upon the scheme which had been condemned
last session, except in the proposal for granting a
constitution to the Cape cf Good Hole. He could not
help disapproving of the proposal of the Noble Lord to
retain in the hands of the Government the nomination of
so large a portion of the council in New South Wales;
and he could see no sufficient reason fir establishing
there ore chamber only. The Noble Lord supposed
that public opinion in New South Wales was decidedly
in favour of such an arrangement; but he (Mr.Adderley)
found no proof of the existence of such a feeling. For
his part he earnestly hoped that her Majesty's Govern-
ment would think it advisable to assimilate the consti-
tution of New South Wales as nearly as possible to the
constitution of the mother country. There was a very ex-
traordinary provision in the proposed constitution for
the Cape of Good Hope, and one which would yet, he
hoped, be modified. He alluded to the proposal for
leaving the election of the Upper Chamber to a body of
public officials. That would be a moat strange proceed-
ing; and he believed it had only been suggested by the
Noble Lord in consequence of Iris extreme reluctance to
take the formation cf the council out of the hands of
the Government. He (Mr. Adderley) wished to see
self-government extended to the colonies, not as a con-
cession to clamour, but in obedience to the dictates of
sound policy and of justice. He trusted the colonization
had higher objects than war or commerce, and hoped
that a e had already laid the foundations in our colonies
of civilization and freedom.

Mr. AGLIONBY complained of the disparaging tone
in which the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
had referred to the Colonial Reform Association, which
be (Mr. Aglionby) certainly would have joined had he
bent aware of its formation, and which he thought
would be of great use in keeping the public attention
alive to colonial matters. Nor did be think the worse
of it became it derived its it formation on colonial mat-
ters from accredited agent?. The Government derived
all their iuformation from their governers, who were
sometimes at variance with the colonists, and on whose
accounts, therefore, implicit reliance ought not to be
placed. He had listened with great mai:faction to the
speech of tl.e Hon. and Learned Member for Sheffield,
and should look for his views during the progress of the
question with great enxiety. He was astonished to hear
the Noble Lord at the head of the Gov ernment observe
that New Zealand was to have no other than a nominee
form of government till the 7th cf March, 1853. Would
that be tolerated? Impossible : and ho gave the Noble
Lord notice, that if, when the Bill came before Parlia-

IM,
............................. -..'.:..,...'''' fits
meat, he found New Zealand excluded from the tri:s
of their new good intentions, he wad I use hi! teas,.n
endeavours to have it 'included, if net entirely, a, iod
in pleb. In August, 1847, they gave New Zetdaa ;
a constitution ; in March, 1848,
though in the interval theytheeLi!
Governor, on whom they so much relied, that the
southern province was entirely ripe for a representa.tlvii'
constitution. Already the nominee government
.. 0,11: ,
bad a statementi waa
8 f;ora
produced a deadly feud between the Governor and lb,
settlers i f the southern province. In conclusion, 9
thanked the Noble Lard fur the liberal end goer.
sentiments which he had expressed in fsveur I f 'CI 1,6r1
SO in OCh beaycoci,,
vernment and representative institutions,
anything that he had exrected that be could se t ere/
elic,‘ eit real. It now only remained to see wha tuP
Ited 6
t tsucture Parliament would raise upon so wet
feundation.- (IL ar hear )
rd at
Mr. SCOT I' said nothing could be a areater mi'aP.
prehension tt an that which induced the Noble Love.
the head of the Government and the Right Uor. thei ensiling
g
PresiSent of the Board of Trade to sot-, that de ,:le did
inn the colony was in favour of a single chamber. Z-t, the
ot impute intentional misrepresentation to eituecottel
Noble Lord or the Right Hon. Gentleman, but be on
assure. them that such a feeling never edited the
RIO t Hon. Gentleman had quoted the tditor `f ,0,
Sydney Morning Herold in support of his assertion; but
the legislative Council was sitting ; why did Ihy,
seek for expression of public opinion there ?, toll
re was only one member of the Legislative ii°
ober,
ehaceco,
and that was Mr. Wentworth.
who expressed an opinion against a double
tary said, one great argument in favour of a 6,0 to
chamber was, that it was essentially popular, Ls he
reply to some cheers from the Oppositlon bettel-and
twee • id, " When you have only twelve nominees-.
litbst
ty-lour elected member., 3 ou surely cannot asa ;f the
The lion. Under-
ogle
a nominee chamber ?" But It was just the sarac,,o or
British House of Commons were composed of 21',, the
tninees of the Crown, and 400 men sent therebui the
NT t ''s of independent electors, and this was swea IP
Under-Secretary celled a popular form of chamue'tirell
believed the reeling in New South Wales totting 10 eno the
opposed to having nominees of the Crowns t ;pia
chember at 'Tel though the very same men reigh,, ,it till
seats there by ection. Let the Noble Lord 100' 0 00e
the colonies last year, and say if he could peintcfstrase
where there had not been disturbance and 1, sod
Look at Canada, Ceylon the Mauritius, Pernerar:', side
the Cape ; were not anxiety)alarm fet 00 eve" A ill
_ . and • ta see
lest the vacillation of the Government sli°3`ll °°ll'
severing them from the mother countryl_t feeling'
fessed that ho was one who shared LUS ua 1 Oa
though it would have had no existence Pno 1101
Noble Lord sta.! el last year his liberal view: la me
same able and comprehensive manner as he
of the 0°;
that night. But what had been the course t'' veers,.
vernment towards the colonies for the last thre:riollo
A constitution was sent to New Zettiand au:ie Oil'
within a year; a dispatch seriously affecting 4001
condition f Canada, seet out and revolsia,"tia OP
month; ace olony founded in Nurthern Attorssoo net
that on°l the or
aLandoned, after incurring a great extiense• _vat sech
thisu vacillation, and was it surprising
this should produce irritation in the minds u ad
lonists. salon, •,,'"
Colonel THOMPSON would propose a 01,4 -asset or
answer to which would be ieteresting te largesrb ote","
the country. In the colonial constitutions WeLeborigi.o.l
are to be, is provision made for admitting the
ofs n neari
and their descendants to the full erjoyreent t;l'en°,un''
privileges,. on their complying with rses°,ll3" ePO--ea
tdteorns ? It aas clear, for instance, that the sse.* nritis-
stood in precisely the same 'position as..',hso be
ancestors did to the :Romans -41ioar.) I' , ' d c°° .
chose to " clothe his pink'd and inted hide,' ti3ls the
" tale '.
f Wl'le'-
firm t) the rules and habits of EPn3glisla Iscci'3eere PA!
way open to him to the-priVileges ef a
Tishman," like any ether of trio elements out c,
that heterogeneous being had been comeeundc,tt 0(11
Mr. UAWES had : at'sfaction is stating' ' rivileg s
(Bfritish rule aborigines were entitled to evsrYivilbesel v
British-born subjects, and in fact were su) J.
they complied with ptovisions ma le and Pr0;1,,e,. the Pi
The resolution for leave to bring in a Dili 'ci" Neal"'
vTenrenment of the Austrul'an colonies was then egos or'
House thereupon resumed, and the terrt
dered to be brought up on Monday
The County Cess (Ireland) Bill 3l a this
time
was re
and passed.
PARTY PROCESSIONS (IRELANII)O°'
Sir W. SOMERVILLE moved, pursuant t°oeess.il:,
for leave to bring in a Bill to restiain Party Prss tirteP'
in Ireland. He would take that opportunitY; the t.:41°,,;
stating to the House the reasons that induce-10014P;
vernment to ask leave to introduce it, and herge" 10.,.1
state very briefly the nature cf the Bill. The fit";
was av are that the present was not the fir°„a. ~'" ,-;
legislation upon that subject had been attelePl",o twig
fortunately, in former times party processions %tog i
place, and collisions had occurred. Various,. reaso °
had been made by proclamation and the intee but e4tj;
influential personages to st )p those proceediegF'd i019,„:e
fortunately their efforts had been unavailing, au trairn'''
a Bill had been introduced fthe (3f
lei
ll'
-sr
them. purpose , tit sl, to
That Bill was for a limited period, ellinsfersla
✓e
'fed at different times, and at length wst 'ilia"- el
expire in 1845. From that time to the present
stoppioe
been no legislative enactment for putting dowilotroo Peeeftir
ot evde
rfno
mr puttingen t
and
.these processions. He wished he could add t"s;bo eff'2-11
osiftYtheexGis a
othersstop thoadthbe:a; bullet ,r;0-erattlonIfttfeemois.
unavailing, although on the hof cells d rt.'
roac ..,„„ and
ars
series they bad directed additional nsiht7Shs ces
_As"
b ITC to be sent to the localities dia- 3 rues
apprehended. That had been atlwienrevain theseilDgt 11°41
sliions still took place—collisions were stilt eecurT, Oa
1 • feeling still prevailed. In such a state Of thifulhe If;
was to bo done? It was evidently the chit)? °,, ged) viii
gislaturo to endeavour (since other meaniteiaig,,btil
special legislation to abate such a systcnn .nahetra-s
that at common law these processions were PO' otltt:
misdemeanours, but that often became a delic°l the ill
barrassing duty to magistrates. The object 0 the s'itc
he had the honour of proposincs was to rellettg intidd„,
that had expired in 1845. lleilid not mean tot; Or
any particular case, and it was his wish pct' OR'
The Bill was not aimed at any particular VOLVO Itehd
he did allude to any particular party, he rilignidie .0
risk of disturbing the unanimity which be ae.,:tees'',
from all sides of the House. Ha was sure trs' esc;s
Hen. Gentleman in that House who did not feel:
city of putting a stop to these processions. ." bet teil
alone the loss of Fie . and destruction of proPer,,Sl',s of tlrroi
they tended to keep alive and awake fsei'4l3e'rettV";
mosity between neighbours and friends►,9ll",,-as 51°5-6
the material prosperity of the country. 'P'e 0 vidot;
that was a state of things that every getlernel'ooottiel,••
ever side of t's.e House he sat, was desiruns ()se' 5
_,roel
stop to. The Bill proposed to deal with offef; /OP" 1
description, as the former did, by sumnsarY 5- 1"
h .
and it was also proposed to make 1 perPss,ttg ' bic" Ica
Leave was then given to bring in -the
,;0:'._11 a le
subsequently brought in andreadsfirst P-1711;1"-- RA
'
On the motion of oftse build'
the SOLICIT hie Ps 'ld'
na hut
It eve wasgiven
. to bring in a Bill to e Ice - ti
tise 0
having limited
ed interests in land in Ireland t aitate 0,
in an improving leases. Al Bill to e-eatable tro°l4
Also a.,
_so, west
better secure the administration atonal' 7,110 Pl' eoli'
Mr. TURNER I o r ,
loed the provisions 0 rtecl t ill
be such that those trusts would not be tit° for
loYed
float purposes, but
that they would be erDP grsi
benefit of
- the poor. ad °
The Bills. were brought in and severelly re
time. elec/('
The Home adjourned at Half-past Eleven u

„,,„ 101
A MAN ROASTED.—We scarcely elenr svilss;ienraPne;
ttroatcehdroanifealwe adamy ore revolting outrage ta” nton "'" to
don, nears Somorstoang.
ncAiadimlere ,orwAasl
iderni,nking
d Paul Hill. o
Ain
stnahealplagrinarf, en:raraort!adscoilti
iinuitilhehhadoupsearaefhabseishauttsraotireirtgo,
who bad given them a . lore P- (ire
over, and a
party of seven or eight persons _arty re..,
posed
making over the apple juice. Some Allenhe Part tnis
portion, to send for tobacco, and asked lto pali3O
_l.ic which
Isnyl:seirttho,rieaisfgt ueblocked
.Ie ea
apv i
Tpoe
drhdt
efhernere
stthahohefi
ucmeo
almoopy: let
al:ren. lir e
,1
01.:
eoc
Flago i
111 i me
r aal n 110011: 3 tl,
there for a period of, it is said, t° s" essnY' oY'
Por fellow ,5 00045
get off his small clothes the fl:sh of his le'dongelltio
with his garments, and be now lies in a verfweisti,
ey,
state. Ralph Neville, Eq., attended by 111.' i‘rjf''''
(n 7 1,..
magistratt a' clerk, went down to the house .10 1g be
day to tak his 'depositions, but hood I'olo °t. I
headed, and
unable to give a connected ne co
1,0 t
oil t
affair.— Sherborne Journal. iii
tic re welly.
[ADVERTIMMUNT ]—A remarkable
Town by Holloway's Pills and Ointment.--01:°r ilollepieso"
Wellington-bridge, Hobart Town, writes *baj.,, Peder th
Pills and Ointment enjoy high re utation in h7eo 0,,,, g
Land ; he speaks of one man who. forP yews had bee diii3O,-„rop;
treatment of the medical practitioners, an • 0 lb t i
from the hospital as incurable, and had bec°°„boat :Rive AS
emaciated and weak that he could only relbi, colb.:-,1;o0;,
assistance of persons supporting him. 10 ,so ni'wellthip
commenced using these medicines, which hal ,tout h oss
lookingrvnoyated his health that he is now become a. to tb soi
man, and his cure he solely attribut!" ...gilts,
Holloway's 11 drub tpodoo'
40'
Professor Holloway's
Ointment.E,tablishm Establishment, 244,
a it 0
guano

der3o
On the 4th inst., Airs. Anderson, NirifeoOut. Weir:ro, l' it'
Esq., of Gateacre near Liverpool, of a s „„ry,
On the sth inst at P k t ace, gig' " , Tboal
, Park-terrace, .Ca
Scott, of a son. •
On the 6th inst 'II fd t cet wife oi
the W irk,
~ a - ere or -s r ,
S. Cocks, jun., Esq., M.P., of a son. : ItorvP
On the Gth inst., at Danover-terrace, letiligsiinteir.
Notting-bill, the wife of Dr. Jackson, of 6d3

eldOesntos
tshoenßotfhlivn.st. at DejnitgrfCEph.apel,ll 0 tot
rwe opc
_robe
tv.„
Buckland, Esq.' of Wrgsuortso)l:etio
to
On the
eldest daughter of John Poulton, Est: osforuford,
eUv
that t Iclie y 5.
th inst, at S. Martin's 131a:e!c:e,e,
t` James Chambers, M.A., of All Souls C." jott,
of
to Charlotte Ann, youngest daughter of Bohol heft'
•
On the sth inst., at hove Church, the. 11,r, Vitvlai3Llrsll9rel‘
Brighton.
lsoodng,e,youngest scn of ie Robertson, I,sq'.' '
youngest daughter of the late J. Watson, 'IA.'

it
a
DD, _ore,
On the 2d inst at Nola-crescent Bedford bLi
Dalton, the wife 'Of Yr. A. D. FriPP:
On the sth inst , at Hyde-parksquare, a
aged 21,30-tijoi molt tii •
second daughter of J. Bethe'l, Esq. ~7 islrs. 59°0
On the 6th inst., at East Dulwich, aged ' '
widow of the late David Samudi. lrr° 11
wort
WL. i. i'
On the 6th inst., in Chichester-place, $l3
Mr. Samuel Hawgood, sem, aged 80. ~
~ Wider°
On the sth inst., at Margate, aged 94, Alai-0 , ogr,
late John Boys, Esq. ies ere°,
On the 4th inst., Ur. John Tyara, of Char „._. i
::quare, aged 70. -----_,10,?,
------ ---- --",, -pu' l''
'L' 14°. 0
London; Printed and Published by atifice, oti
No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The so _ to ce
Strand, in the Precinct of they ava. ui
bUddlailoa, Saturday, February lBs°'