The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-30 00:00:00

zyttrb Wbttton

THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES)

13R1T1SII FUNDS.
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Reduced
New 3i per Cent ............ 103 i
Bank Stock for Account
Consols

Indian Stock 2871
Exchequer Bills, 1,000/., 14d.
Ditto 500/. ...
Ditto Small
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Columbian Bonds 6 aer Cent l4l
2
Russian Bonds
Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840.
Ditto 3 per Cent.......
Dutch, 21 per Cent —
Ditto, 5 per Cent 9BB
SHARES.
Birmingham and Gloucester, 100 paid
Bristol and Exeter, 70 paid 6B
Bristol and Gloucester, 30 paid
cambridge and Lincoln. IN paid 2
Chester and Holyhead, 5 rim .. . 5
Eastern Counties, 25 paid...
Eastern Union, 10 paid
Edinburgh and Glasgow, 50 paid 6ll
Hull and Selby, 50 paid
London and South Western, 41k paid —
Ditto New
Manchester and Leeds, 70 paid
Ditto, Half Shares, 30 paid
North Kent, 24 paid 3
Norwich and Brandon, 8 paid
Rugby, 1 paid l/
South Eastern and Dover, 334 paid 4Ol
West London, Old Shares, 20 paid 5
West Cornwall, 1* paid
York and North Midland, 50 paid
Ditto Scarboro' Branch, 10 paid 3lk
Ditto, Selby Scrip, 20 paid
Ditto Extension l2
Orleans and Bordeaux, 2 paid .. 74
Strasbourg and Bale, 14 paid

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

GLOBE.—It was predicted by Peter Plymley,
about 1807, that " we shall live to see the Hampstead
Protestant (Mr. Perceval) pronouncing such extrava-
gant panegyrics upon holy water, and paying
such fulsome compliments to the thumbs and
toes of departed saints, that parties will change
sentiments, and Lord Henry Petty and Sam
Whitbread take a spell at No Popery." Part
of this prophecy we witness at present some-
thing like the fulfilment of. The Times last week
appeared to have had its cue from the Foreign-office
to put forth a feeler on the subject of instituting
diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome, with a
view to obtaining Papal mediation between the Irish
Roman Catholic hierarchy and the Government. Now
we have no objection whatever to friendly relations
with the Court of Rome, nor to the use of its media-
tion in conciliating the Irish Roman Catholic priest-
hood to the civil power. It will be a mistake, how-
ever, in our Government to exaggerate to itself the
effect thereby attainable. The most advantageous
introduction of parties (public or private) to each
other, has little effect, unless their feelings and objects
shall harmonise afterwards. We appreciate the influ-
ence of the See of Rome over its conscientious ad-
herents; an acknowledged authority is a great matter
to have to point to, on one side or other ; and we
have no doubt that this Government would be as
successful as any other in enlisting that authority
on the side of its own just requirements. But we
must not exaggerate the real extent 9f any ex-
clusively spiritual influence. The Pope's name
may be a tower of strength ; but the fate of the
tower depends, after all, on the garrison. The Papal
authority \sill be all-powerful with a local c:ergy, so
long as it is exerted in accordance with their own
feelings and prospects. But no authority on earth
can produce action contrary to class-instincts. The
University of Oxford declared the duty of passive
obedience, only a year or two before, with the rest of
the Church, it commenced resistance to James the
Second. The advanced guard of Puseyism pro-
claims the sin of schism from the Roman Church
now—but takes it extremely unkind to have the con-
sequent duty urged on it of instant reunion. The
logic of facts, and actual circumstances, is stronger
than that of words. The Times says :
" We shall not attempt to explain by what means in
the present absurd state of the law any intercourse
between the British Government and the Court of
Rome may have taken place. But it is notorious that
such intercourse has taken place at various times ;
and, although the indirect mode in which it must hale
been carried on was unbecoming the great interests
affected by such negotiations, the interests of peace
and conciliation have been no losers by these transac-
tions. We allude to the consent of Rome to the veto,
which was subsequently defeated by the Irish Roman Ca-
tholic laity ; to the influence of the Pope in calming the
excitement of the Canadian insurgents and in proscribing
the slave trade ; and more recently to the sanction which
is understood to have been given to the important
measure just promulgated in Ireland. On these occa-
sions it has been found that the good order and welfare
of the Roman Catholic Church presented no obstacles,
but rather a powerful assistance, to a wise and tolerant
policy in civil government ; and since the laws of this
country have ceased to persecute the Roman Catholics
and to deny their civil existence, there is no secure or
tenable resting-place between that state of things, which
is now passed away, and the recognition of those authori-
ties, to which the Roman Catholic clergy and laity
ascribe a controlling power in the direction of their
spiritual concerrs."
It must be observed, with reference to the above
statement, that if "the interests of peace and concilia-
tion have been no losers" by such transactions as
our Government has hitherto had with the Court
of Rome, neither does it, as yet, clearly appear
that they have been any gainers. The Veto [of
Government on the appointment of Irish Roman
Catholic Bishops] was not carried—the revolt of
French Roman Catholic Canada was not prevented.
We do not contend that Papal intervention is of no
use in any such cases, or that (in the existing state of
political powers) it is likely to be used on any side but
on that of order. We only suggest something more
as wanting to the conciliation, by such means, of third
parties—something addressed more directly to the
business and bosoms of those parties themselves. The
Morning Chronicle examines, as follows, the ex-
amples of Austria and France, which the Times had
cited :
" The influence of the Courts of the Tuileries and of
Vienna over their upper clergy does not depend upon
the power of choosing, or forbidding to be chosen,
obnoxious persons ; it consists in the Court connexion
with the prelates, generally of noble and courtly families,
in the power of the Governments of France and
Austria at Rome itself—in short, in a host of things
and of patronage to which an English Government
must remain a stranger. We doubt, then, that a
formal alliance or concordat with Rome can convey
to an English Minister an hundredth part of that su-
premacy over the Church, its spirit, and its nomina-
tions, which has been derived apparently from Rome,
and which is wielded by the Catholic Monarchs of Aus-
tria and France. Neither does an English Minister
want that minute power which must be wielded by a
Prussian Minister, who, as yet, has no assistance, from
public opinion in his system of ruling, and who must have
a bridle in every mouth, and that bridle tight drawn, ere
he can feel that he governs at all."

We repeat, we do not undervalue the importance
of enlisting spiritual authority on the side of public
order. It is good for this at least, if for nothing
more—it deprives disturbers of order of that autho-
rity ; turns it against them, instead of enabling them
to appeal to it in their favour. But no authority,
empty-handed, is really powerful with bodies of men,
unless exercised in coincidence with their own sub-
stantial interests and conditions of existence. The
Court of Rome has had time to learn this, in its long
years of experienced feebleness ; the Court of England
will find it out, if it expects from Rome permanent
opiates for Ireland.