The Sun.
London, England, 1868-11-17 00:00:00

NOMINATION SPEECHES.

The nomination for the members to represent the

City of London was held at the Guildhall on Monday
Mr. CnAwrcrr,D, in addressing the electors, declareC

himself as strongly attached to the Constitution, tilt
Throne, and the Bible as any of the three Conservativt

candidates, and rested his claims to the continued support

of the constituency on the manner in which he had foi

twelve years discharged his duties as one of their members.
His opponents said they were for " doing justice to all,'

and so was he ; but the " all " ought to include their Irish

fellow-subjects. The question was whether for many
years to come the councils of this great country were to

be swayed by the judgment and intelligence of the party
led by Mr. Gladstone, or by the shifty, time-serving policy
of the Tory leader.
Mr. GOSCIIEN followed. He condemned the minority
clause ; he denounced the Premier as of reckless audacity
and a man of mystery—the democratic leader of a
reactionary party—a man who would be all things to all
men, if he had not succeeded iu making all Conservatives
all things to himself ; or to a man who had boldly put his
policy before his countrymen, who was identified with his
party in his principles, and of whom the worst that his
enemies said was that he spoke out his mind
too much. Ile ridiculed the cry of " Corporate
property in danger," remarking that private property
and State property stood cn a different footing.
At Southwark Mr. LAYAIID met with a noisy reception.
He said lie had never seen such a sight in Southwark as he
had seen that clay, and defended himself against the charge
of having done nothing for the borough by mentioning
his prominent connection with the party which had done
so much for the country. He said he should not go to
Parliament with the object of adding £3,000,000 to th.
national expenditure. He should not go to Parliament
to continue a badge of servitude upon the Irish nation.
And, referring to what had been said by the other side
against the Ballot, he invited his opponent to justify such
acts as had been done at Blackburn, and such a letter as
bad been written by the Duke of Beaufort to a clergyman
who had asked his grace, as a landowner, to contribute
something towards the education of the poor. He was
proud, with Mr. Locke, to own the leadership of Mr.
Gladstone, and since the history of England was written,
no name, whether of Chatham, Pitt, or Peel, was dearer
to the hearts of the English people than that of Gladstone.
At Birmingham the candidates addressed a few remarks
to a boisterous crowd. Mr. BRIGHT, who was nominated
by Messrs. Wright and Raffles, said he would not weary
the vast assembly or distress himself by attempting a
speech, especially as not one-tenth of those before him
could possibly hear what he said. His opinions were
fully known to them, and he left the great cause of which
he was one of the representatives in the hands. of the
Birmingham electors with perfect confidence that they
would hold that cause sacred and do justice to it at the
poll.
Mr. FAWCETT addressed the electors of Brighton. No
compromise was possible, he said, between the opponents
of the present Government and their supporters. Mr.
Disraeli and his colleagues had wished to realise the dream
of the Ultramontanes by establishing and endowing a
Roman Catholic university, and, considering the Prime
Minister's antecedents, it was ludicrous to regard him as
the champion of the Church. Consummate actor, indeed,
as he was, he could scarcely conceal a smile at the cry of
" Disraeli and the Church." For his own part he detested
priestly supremacy, and was anxious for religious equality
and Christian unity.

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE made his appearance at the
Barnstaple hustings. He maintained the consistency of
the Conservatives on the subject of Reform, and repeated
his opinions as to pledges. A representative ought to
study questions as they presented themselves to l'arlia-
meat, and to act according to his judgment under circum-
stances as they arose. At present, however, the issue was
very simple. They knew perfectly well what the present
circumstances were ; and he had no hesitation in saying
thatle was prepared to do battle to the utmost for the
maintenance of the Irish branch of the Church Establish-
ment. Sir Stafford then referred to our foreign relations.

" I am proud to think," he said, " that if our time has
conic to yield up office to our successors, our last legacy to
them will be the treaty which was signed with the United
States of America on the 10th of this month, providing
for the amicable settlement of the whole question in dispute
between England and America.
Sir JOHN PAKINGTON made his appearance before the
electors of Droitwich. He condemned the proposal to
disestablish the Irish Church. The disendowment lie
looked upon in a more serious light. He regarded that
not so much as a question of policy as it was a question of
honesty, and he considered the proposal as simply a pro-
posal of confiscation. He borrowed the word confiscation
from Sir Roundell Palmer. What was confiscation? Now
confiscation was the transfer to the public use of the for-

feited goods of criminals; therefore, the opinion of Sir
Roundell Palmer, Mr. Gladstone's own friend, was that if
they confiscated the property of the Irish Church they were
treating that great body of Christians as criminals. If it
was not confiscation, if that great body of Christians were
not criminals, then, in his judgment, it was simply plunder.
He believed yet that John Bull would not permit it, and

that many of those who now supported Mr. Gladstone
would yet fall away. Sir John adhered to the moderate
Conservative he professed thirty years ago. In reply
to several questions he said he would not pledge himself
to vote for the abolition of the ratepaying clauses of the
Reform Bill. He was favourable to an education rate if

the poor could not be educated without it. If the pur-
chase system in the army were abolished, it would add
considerably to the burden of taxation. The heir to the
throne of England ought to have a good income, and he
would give no promise to vote against an increase of the
Prince of Wales's allowance. No one more disliked
ritualistic practices than he did, and he would do anything
that was legal to put an end to those very objectionable
practices. As to the Ballot, he hated the Ballot ; but,
from what he had seen in that borough, he thought the
day might come when the protection of the independent
man in the exercise of his rights might require its adop-
tion. If by the abolition of the game laws was meant
that every man was to be at liberty to sport over any
other man's property, be would not vote for it.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL and Mr. COLERIDGE spoke at
Exeter. The former defended himself against the charge
of supporting flogging in the army, stating that Mr. Glad-
stone had voted against Mr. Otway's motion on the sub-
ject. He (the Attorney-G eneral) opposed the motionbecause
they were waiting for the report of a commission. He
then avowed himself a staunch supporter of Mr. Disraeli's
policy. He admired Lord Stanley, who, better than any
other Minister of Foreign Affairs, had understood thg
differences between this and other countries. He denied
that the Conservative policy was hazy. If returned to
Parliament, he should go with the firm determination to
oppose the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish
Church ; he would rather sacrifice his office than be any
party to Mr. Gladstone's measure, which was unwise and
unstatesmanlike. Mr. Coleridge said Mr. Disraeli had
alternately been the pupil and denouncer of Mr. Hume, the
follower and reviler of Mr. O'Connell, and the extrava-
gant flatterer and persistent ca'umniator of that great
and pure-minded statesman, Sir Robert Peel ; the asserter
of Catholic equality and the enemy of an alien Church ;
an opponent of Reform at one time, and now a manufac-
turer of cloudy phrases in support of a Church which he
had admitted to be alien, and in support of household
suffrage. If the Attorney-General did not know these
things it showed that the overwhelming duties of his great
office left him no time to read the minds of men. The
Conservatives had nothing like the inkling of a policy,
except that they would maintain what they called the
Constitution, which the Liberals were equally prepared to
do. No human being could find out what Mr. Disraeli
and his party were going to do, while Mr. Gladstone's
policy was clear and definite.
Mr. CARDWELL presented himself at Oxford. He repu-
diated the policy of endowing exclusive universities. Ile
thought there could be no doubt about the meaning of the
word disestablishment. Should the Tory party, by impru.
dent and untimely opposition, succeed in damming up the
stream of beneficial legislation, such a head of waters
would accumulate as would become dangerous to the
welfare of the community, and when the barrier was at
length removed it would be impossible to say what instil,
tutions the torrent might not sweep away. If, however,
the electors adopted the policy which was proposed by the
Lihcral party, the stream of legislation would flow on like
a noble river, uniform in its speed and an ornament to the
country through which it rolled.
r• At Pontefract the electors listened to Mr. CHILDERS
upon the expenditure. He referred to a former speech he
had made upon this subject, in which he had shewn, he
thought conclusively, that whereas under the late Govern.
ment the expenditure of the country was steadily
diminishing, under the present Government it was steadily
increasing. While his conclusions had been questioned,
nobody had disputed his facts or his figures. That most
excellent statesman, Genes-al Peel, while admitting the
correctness of his figures, had said in the suggestion he
had made for the reduction of the strength of the forces,
hilt not of the pay, he snizl,t possibly put the country in
s ene danger. All the rest lie had said General Peel left
unanswered, although the latter went fully into collateral
questions. The simple answer was, facts were stubborn
things, and that the Conservative Government had been
compelled to admit, as they would see from the news-
papers, in the precise manner he had pointed out.
Sir RoUNDELL PALMER, in addressing the electors oz.
Itichmond, referred to his rejection at Oxford. He bad
done so in the interests of. the Liberal party, who had
selected him as the must fitting person to prevent a
divorce i 0 the representation of that university between
I,i;.er: !;-;- and the principle of the, union Of Church
and ?•+::‘ and he had referred that c.,,n4itnencY