The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

STATE OF IRELAND.

Lord J. RUSSELL.-then rose pursuant to notice, to bring
forward his motion for a Committee of the whole House to
take into consideration the state of Ireland. He said he felt
deeply how much he stood in need of the indulgence
of the House in the performance of the arduous task
which he had undertaken. He would not tres-
pass further upon their indulgence, by making any
apology for taking that task upon himself; nor, however, he
might feel his own inability for such a task, could he for a
moment doubt that it was right that the house of Com-
mons of the I nited Kingdom should make inquiry into the
condition of the kingdom of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) They
had before them, notwithstanding the somewhat fal-
lacious returns presented by the Right Honourable Gen.
tlernan' the notorious fact that Ireland was filled with troops,
and that the barracks in which these troops were posted had
been fortified. They had heard, too, that morning of a regi-
ment of infantry being drawn up in the yard of the Castle of
Dublin—that preparations had been made es if the
Government were in instant expectation of a civil
war, and that the country was occupied and not go-
verned by those who now held the reins of power.
He said, and he said it with consideration, that Ireland was not
governed as it ought to be. The Government of this country
should be a government of peace, but the present Government
of Ireland was a government of force. The King of the French
had told the people of that country that Algeria would soon be
reduced to a government -of peace.—( Hear.) Her Majesty
had told her people the same thing, and yet what was the case.
Why the military were circulating through the whole
of Ireland, while it was proclaimed that peace was ex-
isting in the United Kingdom. Was it not curious
that it should now present an appearance utterly at variance
with true Government ?.-,-(Hear, hear.) We have received
to-day an account, most extraordinary it was, that the man
upon whom the Irish people looked, and from whom they
had received, or by whose instrumentality, they had
received, Catholic Emancipation?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Was it not curious that that man should have been found
guilty of a conspiracy, and would probably by the Judges of
Ireland be condemned to imprisonment.—( Hear, hear.) Did
the House believe that if that circumstance took place that it
would be a guarantee for the peace of Ireland.--( Great cheer-
ing.) He could see no hope for the prosperity or the future
interest of Ireland in the adoption of such a course. They
ought ao insure their affections, and by that means they
would insure peace.—( Hear, hear, and great cheering.)
The consideration of this subject had led him to venture to
propose a question to the House, in the shape which he would
ultimately state. It had led:him to consider the question of the
whole condition of Ireland, and he had shaped his question ex-
pressly for that purpose. lie was not about to recur to the
state of Ireland during the last year, but he wished to look upon
the situation of that country for some time past. He would
take it for granted that it was the wish of the House
that the maintenance of the Union should be preserved ; but,
consistent with that maintenance, he trusted that the
House would consider it was bound to do that country justice.
Assuming such to be the opinion of the House, he would ask
whether the engagements which had been entered into at the
time of the union had been all fulfilled, either with regard to
existing laws, or to the passing of future laws for the improve-
ment of Ireland ?—(Cheers. ) And if they had not, he
would ask the House to go with him into Committee, in
order to consider the measures which ought to be adopted
to reconcile the people of Ireland to our rule —( Cheers.) He
would advert to the address which had been presented by both
Houses of Parliament to his Majesty George the Third, in the
year 1799, just before the Union. In that address both
Houses had stated that it was their firm persuasion that
a complete and entire union between Great Britain
and Ireland, upon equal and liberal principles, founded upon a
similarity of laws and ofconstitution, would conduce tothe mutual
interest and security of the two countries, and to the allaying
of those discontents which had unhappily existed in Ireland,
would afford the means of opposing the attempts of the foreign
enemy, and would conduce to the stability of the empire.
The two Houses had not been content with that
declaration, they had further declared that in their opinion it
would be for the real interest both of Great Britain and Ireland
that the principle of the union should be a common enjoyment
by both countries, equally of the blessings of the constitution.—
( Cheers.) Now he would ask whether the laws
proposed for the two countries had beers founded
upon equal and liberal principles—(Cheering)—if the
laws which had been passed since the union had ex-
tended fully the blessings of the Constitution to Ireland—
( Cheers)—if Ireland was bound to us by a sense of mutual
affection and interest—(Cheers)—and if the people of Ire-
land were united to us by a full enjoyment of the blessings
of the Constitution—( Hear, and loud cheering).
These expressions of their sentiments had not been
confined to the address which had been presented
by the two Houses of Parliament. They had received
the sanction of Mr. Pitt, the Prime Minister of the
Crown, when he introduced that measure into the House.
In opposition to those who said that Ireland would be subject
to a foreign yoke, he asked whether a union, entered into
with the free consent of both countries, and upon just
and equal terms, could be branded as subjecting Ireland
to a foreign yoke. Was it not a free and voluntary Association
of two countries for the common benefit of both, in which
each would have its proportionate weight of importance, which
would secure equal laws, reciprocal affections. and which would
render them both invincible. He then proceeded with that
quotation so often reiterated. ( The Noble Lord here quoted
the passage of the Roman poet, but made a mistake in the last
word, which was corrected. by Sir James Graham.) He was
glad that the Right Honourable Gentleman recollected the
line.—( Cheers, and laughter.) He hoped he would recollect
the sentiment.—(Loud Cheers.) At the same time there

were given assurances, not by the positive declaration of the
Ministers of the Crown, yet by their adherence, that the Roman
Catholics would be more likely to enjoy the rights of British sub-
jects under the union than if Ireland continued to have a separate
Parliament. Lord Sidmouth declared such an opinion ; but
those hopes were destined to be disappointed. But, before he
entered upon that subject, he wished to call the attention of
the House to another part of the law and constitution
of England, namely, the administration of justice. It
might be said that the laws were the same in both
countries. Nominally, the Irish had the same laws and
trial by jury existed in both countries, but was not so in fact.
That it was not so was made matter of perpetual complaint in
Ireland, and more than once in that House. On one occasion a
mercber of that House, who in those days was accustomed to
represent, with great force and eloquence, the grievances of
those who were oppressed, whether in Europe or America, whe-
white or black—he meant Lord Brougham, who stated in that
House, in the year 1823, in bringing forward a petition
complaining of grievances _that "the laws of England
esteemed all men. It was sufficient to be born within the
king's allegiance to be entitled to all the rights and subject of
the land enjoyed. None were disqualified, there was no dis-
tinction between a natural born subject—and an alien. Such
was the liberality of the system in times called barbarous,
that even if a man was an alien born, he was not
deprived of the protection cf the law. In Ireland the law
levels an opposite doctrine. The sect to which a man belonged
joined t© his religious opinions, and the forms in which he
worshipped his Creator, were reasons for his not enjoying the
sante privileges as his fellows, Such a system was most cruel

and unjust.—(Cheers.) Such was the statement of Mr.
Brougham in those drys, when Mr. Brougham was the advo-
cate of the oppressed.—(Cheers and laughter.) Was that the
statement of a man ignorant of the state of Ireland. The same
facts were stated in most powerfullanguage by Sir M. O'Logh•
lin, in his evidence before the House of Lords, in 1839. He
said he had been in the habit for nineteen years of attending
the Munster circuit. On that circuit it was the custom of the
Crown to set aside from the jury all Roman Catholics
and all liberal Protestants ; and he stated it as his
belief that this practice was carried to a greater extent in other
circuits. He stated one case of this practice occurring as late
as the year 1834, when Lord Wellesley was Lord Lieutenant,
and when Mr. Blackburne, the present Master of the Rolls, was
the Attorney-General. He stated that in one case, not a political
case, 43 persons had been set aside, and that 36 of those were
Roman Catholics, and seven of them were Protestants.
Amongst them were magistrates and leaseholders, and persons
of considerable property. He said that the practice was so
weil known, and constantly followed, that men of liberal opi-
nions, whether Roman Catholics or Protestants, had ceased
attending the assizes, that they might not be present when such
an insult was offered to them. Now,were these equal laws ? Did
that resemble a jury in Kent, Surrey, or Yorkshire ?
Let him ( Lord John Russell) ask, after what he had stated,
whether the promisses held out by Mr. Pitt had been fulfilled.
Were the laws equal—were they administered with impartiality?
(Cheers.) Was it not rather what Mr. Brougham had truly
characterised as the distinction of a sect and a party—of those
who called themselves Protestants, which, in fac these now in
Irelandyas a political denomination ?—( Loud Cheers.) Was
it not, in fact, a supremacy of political Protestants, corrupting
the sources of public justice and defrauding the people of what
had been guaranteed them by the Constitution.—( Hear, hear. )
And what was the effect of this? He thought he could give
it to them. Sir Michael O'Loghlen said, "in his opinion it
was a system which was fraught with the most injurious effects
on the administration of justice in Ireland, disturbing her
peace, and depriving the people of the confidence they ought
to have in her institutions." Now he (Lord J. Russell) would
ask of the House could it be otherwise—(Cheers)—or could
they wonder if such was the case that, in Ireland the poorer
classes of the people, rather than resort to the regular tribunals
of the country, took to any way whatever rather than to them,
for the settlement of their differences amongst themselves—
even to the wild means which revenge and the worst passions
of our nature would prompt.—(Hear, hear.) These
bad feelings were prompted by the unfair administration
of justice, and were not so inherent in the Irish character as
many persons wished to prove ; he could vouch, and in support
of his opinion he would relate an anecdote on the authority of
Lord Donoughmore, which occurred at that great Clare election,
which, in fact, settled the question of Catholic Emancipation.
A big, brawny fellow came to the Committee to complain
that he had been insulted by a person. Why, was the reply,
cannot you take your own part. You are bigger than the
man who insulted you? " Yes," said he, stretching forth his
brawny arm, I could soon have had-satisfaction if,l had chosen
to take it, but all violence and qvarrelling has been
forbidden by the Association, and, therefore, I could
not punish the fellow as he deserved." Now, if a man
thus showed obedience to the behests of an Association—why
was it ? Because he had confidence in the Association—he
knew the law which had gone forth had been framed by men
who had the same feeling and sympathies as himself, and who
did not set up the tyranny of a sect as the measure of justice.
(Cheers. ) This, then. was his first complaint, that from the
period of the union up to the year 1835, there had been no im-
partiality in the administration of justice. He might be told
that Lord Wellesley was an impartial Governor of Ireland.
He admitted that he was, and that Lord Anglesea
was the same. But it was the misfortune of both, that though
they might have endeavoured they had, unhappily, failed to cor-
rect the abuses in the Chief Secretary's Office.—( Hear,
and loud cheers.) There was the place in which
all had political prssions and prejudices centered.
It was not the fault of Lord Wellesley or Lord Anglesea,
that they did so. He would now proceed to another question
the franchise of the people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.)
And he knew that it might be objected as
it had been objected in considering the state of Ireland, that
they ought not to look to this question of political franchise and
power, because it was said it that would not give bread to the
hungry, or employment to the unemployed.—( Cheers.) He
did not or admire or concur in the wisdom of such an Association.
He did not find any record in the history of England for such
an assertion.—( Hear.) The benefits of a free constitution
were the best works by which they could confer benefits on a
free country. In 1792 Mr. Pitt, in his celebrated speech
on the finances of the country, enlarged greatly on the
principles of Adam Smith, and said that a benefit to a country
was to be found in nothing but free institutions.—( Hear,
hear.) Mr. Fox at a subsequent period followed in the same
line of argument and assertedthat the true privileges of the people
were to be found in free institutions. It was known that
when men had such constitutions a greater stimulus was given
to industry, and the poorest man could look upon the richest
with pleasure and satisfaction. Such were the principles en
which these great men felt that the people ought to enjoy
the constitution of 1792, and was he now to be told that sbch
a constitution was a farce, and that it. ought not to exist at the
present moment.—( Hear.) He would tell the present Ministry
that with respect to Ireland the best course they could adopt
with respect to that country was to secure to every man
the enjoyment of equal rights—( Hear, hear)—by which
means they would alone teach them to appreciate and
bless the benefits of a fair constitution.—( ear, hear.)
In the year 1793, in a moment of alarm, the Irish Parliament
passed the measure which thoy had before rejected, and gave
the right of voting to the forty-shilling freeholders. The
franchise thus conferred became in the hands of the
landlords a means for filling their estates with miserable
dependents who were brought up to vote at elections. Dr.
Dingeman had foretold that such a mode of carrying elections
would recoil upon its inventors, and, so indeed, it did. Great
abuses had arisen, and persons of every shade of politics were
desirous of applying some remedy.—( Hear, hear.) In the
year 1829 the Right Honourable Gentleman, after, in the
Speech from the Throne, they had been recommended
to agree to measures for the general settlement of the affairs of
Ireland, had proposed a higher rate of franchise. He had given
t.o Ireland what had been generally supposed at the time
was a 101. franchise, but which had turned out
to be in reality a 20/. franchise.—(Hear, hear.) Inasmuch
as it was required that the person claiming the franchise
should possess -10/. over and above the usual property
derived from his freehold or leasehold, as the case
might be. In the Reform Act it had been intended
to reduce the franchise to 10/.—( Cheers.) A Noble Lord,
now a Secretary of State, had blamed him (Lord John Russell)
for any defect which might have occurred in the Reform Bill.
No doubt, he had trussed much to his Noble Friend Lord
Duncannon, with whom he had consulted on the
subject, and that Noble Lord had given it as his opinion,
that the object which they both of them desired would be
accomplished thereby, but they had singe found, that looking
to the decision of the majority of the Irish Judges, they had
been In error in the construction which they had placed on the
clause.—( Hear. ) The Right Hon. Gentleman when he had pro-
posed that change in the franchise, stated that he proposed to find
great facilities for the attainment of it—that a person claiming
it had only to go before the assistant-barrister, where, if the
claim were allowed there should be no appeal, but if it were re-
jected then the claimant might appeal to a Judge of Assize.
But some years after, not content with the diminution of
the franchise which had taken place by the inter-
pretation put upon it by the judges of Ireland—not
content with the diminution in the number of voters which
had thereby taken place. A Noble Lord opposite, not then in
the Government, though now sitting on the benches opposite,
to a great distance, through intricate pas•
proposed a Bill t.o correct what he called the evils of
registration in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, that Bill
was so contrived that by sending
Such
ue the
h,
would
tloaui
dna
discouraged
ut poor
rhaetgheed
voter—from one appeal to the other—( Hear, hear)--by trans-
costly doors
fsmraogitmetsinsgeeaknhidning theby franchise, and those only whwhooouwwldeerrebeefoeivnnotiuttrlheeedd
by the landed proprietors
t(Acthtboetetrthsha.ivo
gf
ht the
mreei
Ireland
dhu newt raw: f r
from
en
joying
otGoforteehrnanjtmoyerßitiiilts..a—id
all she ought to have by law, yet as there was a period of tran-
quillity, it was mostdesirous to allow the wealth of the country to
yi question likely to be the subject of
into increase during that period, believing that angry passions would
he assuaged, and that animosities would be likely to abate, by
geasltlo this House, but the Noble
Lord any
this.—( Cheers.) He thought it neces-
vneoxtatiir noeutfrsulluedeotinont
eery to press his Bill at all times.—(Cheers.) At all times
and in all seasons—in season and out of season.—
( Gheers.) The last House of Commons decided they
would entertain that Bill. It was the opinion of a Noble
Friend of his (Lord Morpeth)—and in mentioning his name
he would venture to say, :lint no man held
office in Ireland more desirous of improving the
condition of the people of that country.—( Loud cheers.) It
was the opinion of Lord Morpeth that since the House deter-
mined to entertain the question it would be necessary, in jus-
tice to the people of Ireland to propose some clearer definition
of the francehise.

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.— The aid which the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland
has contributed to the result of the State Prosecution, is
strangely overlooked by the Tory press. We did not, of
course, expect much in the way of commendation. Praise
would have provoked an examivation of its several parts,
and a comparison with the charges of some of the English
Judges, on trials of a similar description to that by which
Mr. Chief Justice Pennefather has obtained present
distiction and future fame, would have tended
greatly ;to its disparagement. But we did not
anticipate that the party organs which are chuckling over the
verdict would, in the same breath, pronounce the strongest
censure which any arrangement of words could express on such
a composition. Yet such is the fact t Of the charge of the
Chief Justice, the Times—ln the very sentence in which
satisfaction, rising into exultation, that " the verdict is gained,"
is expressed—finds itself compelled to pay homage to truth
and fair play, by admitting, with " regret," that " the elabo-
rate exposition of the Chief Justice, sound as it may have
been, savoured too much of the advocate." The Standard
also—yes, the Standard--rewards the " advocate" of the
Bench with a doubtful compliment- The fact is, that the
Chief Justice—in his anxiety to leave nothing unsaid which
could contribute to the common purpose of those who coun-
selled and those who conducted the prosecution—said too
much. The stern impartiality of the Judge became merged
in the zeal of the partisan. The scales of justice were held
by a functionary who, instead of concerning himself to
preserve the equilibrium of the balance, took care, by his
mode of holding it, that the advantage should be given to the
accusers. To use the language of the Times, his charge to
the jury was the speech of an advocate, going every
length for a conviction ; not a careful exposition of
the law, and an impartial application of its enact-
ments, to the case which the jury were impanelled
to decide upon as between the Crown and the traversers.
We are dot about to follow the Learned Chief Justice through
the flounderinga of his speech, which, which, in the judg-
ment of the Standard, perplexed, rather than assisted,
the minds of the jury in arriving, at a decision. His
Lordship was thus (in the opinion of that journal)
instrumental in obtaining for them the undesirable ex-
tension of their deliberations, and the consequent de-
tention from their familits, until Monday ; instead of
returning to their homes, as they hoped to have done, on
Saturday night. Our purpose is, rather, to cnll some of the
more choice specimens of judicial impartiality and decorum
from that extraordinary speech. From these an opinion
may be formed of the whole composition. Added
to the proofs already furnished during the progress
of a State Prosecution in Ireland in the middle
of the nineteeth century, they will excite wonder
in many—perhaps some may weep. Alluding to the ad-
dresses of some of the counsel for the traversers, the Chief Jus-
tice remarked, at the commencement of his address to the jury,
that "they (the jury had heard a great deal of assertion and
declamation." On a part of Mr. O'Connell's speech, delivered
in his own defence, the comment was, that "he (O'Connell)
had lavished some personal abuse upon Lord Beaumont. Of
Mr. Tierney (another of the traversers), the Judge remarked,
that " he had had a little pet meeting of his own ;" while of
some Repeal meeting spoken of by one of the witnesses, the sitti- ,
cism was applied, "he (the judge, in his summing up) supposed ,
it was a Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge." This
raised a laugh throughout the Court ; and, being a laugh at his
own joke, the Chief Justice did not interfere to suppress it.
Of the temper which the Chief Justice brought to the
undertaking of summing up the evidence, an instance
is afforded Cry the conduct for which he deemed i

necessary, on the Saturday morning, to apologize to
the Learned Counsel (Mr. Fitzgibbon) he had on the pre-
vious day most improperly assailed. One great defect is per-
ceptible in this address to the jury, which must forcibly strike
the mind of every one who reads it—the length to which the
remarks by which the criminatory evidence was enforced, while
the extenuatory and explanatory portions of the evidence were
either wholly omitted, or slurred over as unworthy of consi-
deration ! _ _

GLOBE.—The House of Commons met on Saturday,
and proceeded to business with some alacrity and effect.
This rather unusual course was rendered necessary by
the failure to form a House on Friday. Thus there
was no opportunity to move the adjournment of the
House from Friday to Monday ; a meeting on Saturday
was in due course ; and,' as lion. Members were in
attendance, and in a humour for business, some mea-
sures of considerable importance were alluded to, and
others introduced. The most important of these mea-
sures was a Bill for the amendment of the Poor-law, in-
troduced by Sir James Graham, and read a first time.
When the late Parliament was dissolved, a Bill of a si-
milar description, introduced by Lord John Russell,
was stopped in transitu. Sir James Graham, as Home
Secretary of the new administration, introduced a Bill
for the same purpose in the first session of the present
Parliament; but meeting with strong opposition from
the Walter and Ferrand confederation, he contented
himself with passing a Bill for the continuance of the
Poor-law Commissioners, and the other machinery ne-
cessary to the working of the measure, and left the
stringent enactments of the old Act, which the Whig ad-
ministration had dote: mined to modify, wholly un-
touched. The whole of last session was allowed to pass
away without any attempt being made by the
Government to amend the law which the
Tories had denounced, at the hustings, as an engine
of intolerable oppression upon the labouring classes:
thus admitting, in this instance, as in many others, the
dishonesty of the means by which they acquired power,
and the difficulties they consequently feel in adapting
their policy, as a Government, to the course they pur-
sued, as a party, when in Opposition. The changes
proposed in the Poor-law by Sir James Graham's Bill
are confined to the bastardy clause. The Bill now
before the House provides, that on application being
made within forty days from the birth of the child,
' there should be power given to two magistrates to
make an order of maintenance on the putative father,
operating not only against his goods, bat against his
person. This order to be made upon the oath of
the mother, fortified by some corroborative evidence.
The maximum of amount to be 4s. weekly ; and to
continue to be paid for the maintenance of the child,
by its putative father, until the age of thirteen. Appeal
from the order made by the two magistrates to be
allowed to the Quarter Sessions. Ve are free to con-
fess that we regard the change thus proposed to be made
in the existing law as an improvement. By rendering
the person of the putative father liable, as well as his
goods, numerous instances of reckless and heartless
seduction, to which the working of the law has shown
that impunity may be given, will in future be reached;
and payment—now evaded because the person
of the seducer is not liable—will be enforced,
or the defaulter punished. Sir James Graham
proposes that parish officers, as such, shall have nothing
to do with applying for, or obtaining the order. The
mother of the child is to have power to make ap-
plication to two magistrates within forty days after its
birth ; and the'magistrates, by a summary process, shall
have authority to make the order of maintenance, upon
evidence that the alleged father of the child has its
paternity fixed upon him by reasonable proof.
£he Bill also proposes to provide in large towns
houses of refuge for the destitute and houseless poor.
We think this part of the Bill at once creditable to the
feelings of its authors, and one which will confer a
large amount of relief to the most wretched of the
human species. The period of their domicile is to be
restricted to one night; they are to be furnished with
a meal at night, on their reception, and another in the
morning on their discharge. As a test of their destitu-
tion, they may be required, and if able to work, will be
required to perform some kind of labour for four hours.
This, we presume, will be early in the morning ; they
will then be examined as to the parishes to which they
respectively belong, and will be conveyed to those
parishes, the authorities of which will be required to
receive them. A Parliamentary inquiry is to be insti-
tuted as to the propriety of abolishing or retaining the
Gilbert unions. Sir James Graham was probably appre-
hensive of provoking a fierce opposition to the entire
Bill, by introducing a clause which would interfere with
these unions. He has therefore wisely referred their
constitution to a Parliamentary Committee ; and has
thus shifted to other shoulders the responsibility of their
fate, whether of life or death.

TRAIT OF A DUELLIST.—Lord Camelford com-
manded the Favourite sloop of war, and Commodore Fahie
the ship Perdrix, Mr. Peterson holding the rank of First
Lieutenant on the board the last-named vessel. Commodore
Fahie had left Antigua a short time before, to take tempo-
rary command of the fleet, then anchored before St. Kitt's ;
and during his absence Lieutenant Peterson was of course
left in command of the Perdrix. * * * * Lord Camel-
ford and Lieutenant Peterson were unhappily at variance ;
and perhaps to mortify his rival, Lord Camelford ordered Mr.
Peterson to take the watch on the very evening that a gay
ball was to be given at Black Point to the naval officers
Unfortunately, Lieutenant Peterson entertained the
idea that as , he was in command of the ship Perdrix, in
the absence of Commodore -Fahie, he was superior
officer to Lord Camelfoid, Who only commanded a sloop ; and
in consequence of this false impression, •he positively refused
to obey his Lordship's orders. The disastrous evening ap-
proached, and the Lieutenant retired to his quarters above
the capstan-house, in order to dress for the festive party.
Arming himself with a pair of loaded pistols, and telling his
boat's crew to attend him, Lord Camelford quitted his retire-
ment, and stationed himself directly between the capstan-
house and the guard-house (now called the Commissioner's
house), and there waited the approach of Mr. Peterson, whom
he had already summoned to attend him. Upon the unfor-
tunate young officer making his appearance, accompanied by
some of his friends, his Lordship again commanded
him to take charge of the watch for the eve-
ning: the command was again refused; when taking one
of the pistols from his bosom, Lord Camelford immediately
-fired, and the ball passing through the breast of the brave
but inconsiderate Lieutenant, he fell a corpse upon the
ground, the deadly stream welling from the wound, and stain-
ing, as it flowed, the gay ball-dress which he wore. No
sooner did the well-aimed weapon do its work, than drawing
the other from its resting-place, his Lordship turned to the
Second Lieutenant of the Perdrix, and pointing it at him,
asked if he would obey his orders, or meet the same punish-
ment as Mr. Peterson ? Life is sweet ! the second in com-
mand saw his friend stretched at his feet with the red blood
gurgling around him, and, fearing the same fate, he obeyed
Lord Camelford, and took the watch.—Antigua and the
Antiguans,

SALMON FISHING AT DOON.— The fishing of salmon
comtneneed on Thursday last. The number taken at the
Doon-foot greatly exceeded that of former years, at least for
many seasons past. Thirty-three clean fish were hauled,
averaging between seven and nine pounds each. Since then
six or seven have been caught daily. The result is satisfac-
tory, as showing the beneficial effect of the protection af-
forded to the river.—Ayr Observer.