The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-22 00:00:00

the House of Commons—that they owed the fact that
they had at the present moment a Liberal Government
at the head of affairs of this country, and that they had
the assurance that the domestic and foreign policy- which
had distinguished that Government would be still main-
tained, notwithstanding al; the arts and endeavours of
its opposers.—(Hear, hear.) At the same time, when
he said that they owed this to the House of Commons,
let him do justice to the upper branch of the Legisla-
ture, for he believed that, whatever may have been the
manoeuvres of party, and whatever may have been
the party and political motives which actuated
many members of that House in giving their
votes on that occasion, he did believe that, if
the truth' had been made manifest there—if the
same opportunity for developing all the facts of the
charge against her Majesty's Government had been
given as in the House of Commons, the policy of her
Majesty's Government would have been vindicated there,
and that the verdict of the House of Lords would have
been in favour of her Majesty's Government.—(Appro-
bation.) The accusation against the Noble Lord, it
should be remembered, was brought forward in a place
where that Noble Lord could not give that lucid exposi-
tion of the matter which he was enabled to give in the
other House.—(Hear, hear.) If that speech, 80 eloquent
and forcible, had been delivered in the House of Lords,
he (the Solicitor-General) had no doubt whatever that
there would have been in that House sufficient numbers,
even of those who composed the majority on that occa-
sion, to give their vote in favour of the justice and truth
of the question. But a charge was brought forward in
a place where the Noble Lord could not be found, though
they had an opportunity of bringing it in the Commons,
where the foreign policy of the Government had been
reviewed on more than one occasion, and he felt there-
fore that they did not do the House of Lords justice
when they believed that the majority of that House—
the majority who voted in favour of the resolu-
tion condemning the policy of the Government—was a
majority consisting of those who would not have been
open to conviction and the truth, if the truth had been
made as manifest to them as to the House of Commons.
To the House of Commons, however, he thought the
honour was due of having vindicated her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and of having maintained them in office; but, alas!
in the midst of the triumph, as members of the House of
Commons, they, on the present occasion, felt that there
mixed with it something of vain regret, which they en-
tertained when they recollected that there were many of
those, remarkable heretofore for their adherence to po-
pular opinions, who fell off from them and deserted them
on that occasion—" Among the faithful, faithless only
they"—(A laugh)—who, gratifying individual crotchets,
or, if he might bo allowed to say it, individual
vanity—(Hear, hear)—and under the idea of main-
taining their own consistency, sacrificing that
consistency, betrayed the interests of the peo-
ple of England, and the causes of civil and
religious liberty, of civilisation and humanity
throughout the world, and who will have to
answer to the people of England and their constituen-
cies on some future occasion.—(Cheers.) No one could
help feeling that the conduct of the Liberal Members of
the House of Commons, and many of those who, not
even belonging to that party, still followed the dictates
of justice and right, was entitled to the commendation of
the people of England. He repeated that to the House
of Commons belonged the honour of having vindicated
her Majesty's Government, of having frustrated the at-
tempts of that great confederacy to throw out the Noble
Lord—a confederacy of the enemies of free institutions,
of liberal doctrines, and of constitutional liberty
throughout the whole of Europe—to the House of Com-
mons belonged the honour of having defeated that con-
federacy, and he (the Solicitor-General) trusted that in
that House would ever be found a majority to maintain
the Government in the carrying out such principles.
Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL, M.P., in proposing " The
cause of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the World,"
said that, if that voice which was now hushed in death—
if that person who was now departed—whose career was
always consistent in the cause of civil and religious
liberty—had been alive, they would have heard from
him words in proposing this toast which would have
aroused every soul amongst them. He stood before
them as an emancipated Catholic; and the Noble Lord
whose speech they had so much applauded held his scat
in that House through the progress of the cause. Why
should there be amonget them any distinction? Why
should any one who, in common with others, was loyally
determined to do his duty to the Sovereign that reigned
over him be excluded, through any difference in his reli-
gious opinions, from any right enjoyed by a fellow-sub-
ject? It was this cause that the Noble Lord at the head of
Foreign Affairs had advocated all over the world, and that
was the reason that he (Mr. M. O'Connell) had given his
vote in favour of the policy pursued by the Noble Lord,
and he was convinced that it that consistent patriot—his
father—had been alive, he would have given his vote
also; and his voice would have been heard in support of
the Noble Lord's policy. He considered that it was a
shame that the colleague of the Prime Minister should
not be permitted to take his seat in the House on account
of his religion, and he (Mr. O'Connell) appealed to the
citizens of London, who were born " freemen," and in
the greatest city in the universe, to strike off this, the
last link in the chain of bigotry.—(Approbation.)
The toast was drunk most enthusiastically.
Baron DR ROTHSCHILD, M.P., rose amid loud cheers
to return thanks for the toast. The honour which had
been conferred upon him of coupling his name with
the toast arose, he had no doubt, from the honourable
post which he filled as the representative of the city
of London, and he felt highly grateful for the
honour conferred upon him on the present
occasion. It gave him great satisfaction to be present on
this occasion, and he was glad to return his thanks to the
Noble Lord for the kind manner in which he had
always given every assistance to his co-religionists; for
when they were sufferers in foreign countries they had
always received the Noble Lord's sympathy, and for it
they were most grateful.—(Cheers.) He was in hopes
that he should have had the opportunity afforded him of
recording his vote in his place in the House of Com-
mons in favour of the policy of the Noble Lord.—
(Cheers.) Unforeseen circumstance, however, had pre-
Tented the Prime Minister from bringing forward the
Bill to enable him to take his seat in that assembly. He
did not despair of his cause being successful ultimately;
his case was in the hands of an honest man—(Cheers)—
a Minister whom he had always found to be perfectly
straightforward in his conduct, and who in every re-
spect religiously fulfilled the promises which he made.—
(Cheers.) A melancholy death, which they all deplored,
would, in his opinion, materially affect the aspect of af-
fairs in the House of Commons, and in the next session
he doubted not that they would have two powerful
parties opposed to each other, a❑d if those reforms and
improvements which had been so eloquently referred to
by the Honourable and Learned Attorney-General were
to be carried into effect, they might depend upon it
that it would be necessary to see the Liberal party more
united and more decided in their course than they had
been.—(Cheers.) It was absolutely necessary for the
members of that great party to merge some of their minor
differences, if they wished to see the present Govern-
ment maintain its position.—(Cheers.) I❑ conclusion,
he would request those present to exert their influence
with other Members of the House of Commons to obtain
the passing of that Bill in which he was so deeply in-
terested. He regretted that a third sessiont should have
been allowed to pass over without the attainment of his
object, but he lived in hope, and trusted that the next
time he had the honour to address them it would bo
after he had taken his seat as Member for the city of
London.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Sergeant MURPHY then proposed " The Press."
The toast which he had been most unexpectedly called
upon to propose by their Gallant Chairman was one
alien to his habits, but at the same time not alien
to his feelings and sympathies. The press in its
individual and collective character had played
a noble and distinguished part in the recent
discussion on the foreign policy of the Government.
(A voice—Some portions.) He did not except from that
opinion any portion of the press which might have
taken views on the subject different from those which
the company present had taken. (Several voices—" I
do, though," with cheers and hisses.) He did not wish
to impute to any portion of the press, for the course
which it had taken, any other motive than that of the
most honourable feeling.—(Cheers and hisses.) He
hoped that gentlemen would allow him to proceed with
a toast which he had been requested to propose by their
Chairman.—(fleara hear.) With respect to that portion
of the press which had been antagonistic to the views
which they entertained, ho hoped that they would learn
the lesson from the discussion which had taken place in
the House of Commons, that it must shape its course
according to the opinions of the great body of the people.
It was most important that by means of a powerful press
foreign countries should learn that the policy pursued
by the Noble Lord in foreign affairs was in accordance
with the opinions of the people of England. The Learned
Gentleman, who had been frequently interrupted in his
address, concluded by saying that as they appeared to
be disinclined to hear him on the subject, ho would not
continue his observations, and immediately resumed his
seat.

The toast was afterwards drunk by the company.
Lord PALmEnsToN proposed a toast, which, he said,
he was sure they would drink with the greatest pleasure
and satisfaction.—(shear, hear.) If there had been a
character which, in a constitutional country, was more
than another deserving of respect and esteem, it was that
of an independent Member of the House of Commons—
of a man who, combining. with talent and varied informa-
tion, the power of giving expression and effect to his
opinions. He was always found to be the friend and
the champion of that civil and religious liberty which
man
ieail
y
they had just celebrated by their toast, who expressed
his own independent opinions, careless whether they
suited or not the opinions of the majority of the House;
but, acting with that honesty which ought to characte-
rise the Members of the British House of Commons, was
an ornament to the House that they had pledged, and
imwas n a
presiding;valuable
a member
theire be r
board,of his t country.
hey s
h oul a Iten
testi. assa s
tnatural
that such a n should hare been chosen by this great
metropolitan county—it was natural that, with such a
drink his health.—(Loud applause.)
The toast was duly honoured.

The CHAIRMAN Wai honoured with this expression of
feeling on the part of thrir noble guest, the more espe-
cially as he considered that—
" Laudari a viro laudato, maxima est laws."

—(Hear, hear.) It was with no affectation of after-
dinner enthusiasm that he said he was sincerely obliged by
the flattering way in which they had drunk his health.
He felt that it was not his health they were drinking, but
that of the great constituency of Middlesex, and he
trusted always to provoke their support by the advocacy
of measures in support of which they had met there that
night.—(Applause.) He would give a toast of a man
occupying a distinguished rank in this country—a
younger member of the peerage, who bad always been
foremost in the cause of the people—had always been
industrious as a Member of Parliament in the promul-
gation of those opinions which had given hope E—would
he could say liberty !—to a distant people of this world.