The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-03 00:00:00

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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM Till EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
GLOBE.—It was not without curiosity we waited
to see how Lord Ellenborough would complete his
cycle of contradictions in word and action ; and it is
not without amusement we read the last exertion of
his lungs military. Those who remember Lord Ellen.
borough's speech at the London Tavern, before leav-
ing England, and the extraordinary warmth of the
expressions it contained of sympathy with the people
of India—those who remember (and who can forget?)
his first prozlarnations of policy when arrived at
his seat of empire—may sigh or smile, according to
their respective temperaments, at the thorough and
total contrast of this last flourish of drums and trum-
pets. According to ;Lord Ellenborough's prologue,
his whole soul was turned to the arts of peace, and
his whole energies were to be devoted to-pacific im-
provements ; according to his epilcgue, his whob soul
as devoted t 3 camps and cantonments, and his whole
regret in leaving India, is that of being separated
from the army. A French Jacobin exclaimed "Mon
ame est sans-culotte I" Lord Ellenborough's soul is
Sepoy. The hundred millions have vanished from
the view of the Brummagem Napoleon ; and all
that is not military is, in his estimate, merely Pekin.
13y the way, talking of Pekin, is is a new light to.
the British public, that it has to thank Lord Ellen-
borough for the conduct of the Chinese war, and' the
peace of Nankin. We are bold to say, this was un-
known before. It was unknown that the Chinese war
was not that of the British arms and councils, but of
the • Ex-Governor-General of India. If this had
sooner transpired, it might have spared Britain a
monster ingratitude. It was erroneously imagined
that Lord Ellenborough's achievements were Sinde
and Gwalior—the former fertile of additional bur-
thens, and provoked mutinies of his dear Sepoys--the
latter, where crudenesS of conception was betrayed
by abortiveness of result. These are Lord Ellenbo-
rough's trophies : let him not clutch at those won fur
us by the commenced operations of the late Govern-
ment, and their successful close under the present.
If it be pleaded that the total revolution in the tone of
this eccentric ex-functionary, who swaggered is all
civil, and swaggers out, as we have seen, all military
—is fairly chargeable only on his improved insight
into the_attributes of our power; we can only say, that
a sense of imperfect initiation should have made hips
snore modest at first ; that'h, sense of former miscon-
ception should have rendered him now more cautious.
But, if he was wrong before, he has now mistaken fur
right merely the reverse
,a that wrong. If he was
wrong in his ostentatious announcement that swords
were to be turned into pruning-hoof, he is not
less Wrong in his equally ostentatious announcement
that our main stay is the svvord. A wise man would
have blurted out neitlset the one nor the other un-
called-for sentiment. If must needs make the bases
of our power matter of sjilatch, which belong better to
action—if he must needs ?avour our attentive enemies
with his fleeting and personal impressions of what we
might, would, should, or should not have done—and
what we may, can, or shall do—he should, at least,
have sought to embrace his' whole subject better. If
the ruler of India was to put forth review articles on
our Indian policy, he should have tried to write
them like those ascribed to Mr. Macaulay. If he
was resolved to furnish food for Eastern fancy to
chew the cud upon, about the prestige of
our power, and so forth—his Lordship should
have given himself the trouble to present a
less crude ttad more complete idea of that great
moral ascendancy. He began by believing that the
44 prestige " of Ellenborough and his fortunes was to
bear everything before it ; he ends with the mere
physical-force charter of Sepoy swords. And he is
the Gownor, under whom these very Sepoys have
been made neurally mutinous by demands of uncon-
tractel-fosiwitticebeyond that very Indus whose boun-
dary he had himself designated as our ne plus ultra.
Yes, we can well believe Lord Ellenborough now sees
raaaon to kuld ether views of the posture of civi-
lised poimat by semi-barbarians. Notwithstand-
ing this -?ti. .a. vely martial flourish of his—which
Bows naturally from the smart which he feels from

is•
the civilian rod which has beaten him out of India—
we will hope to see him come back among us a sad-
der and wiser man. Like Napoleon, after taking
farewell of his Old Guard, he seeks refuge in Eng-
land. The Brummagem Napoleon, however, is a
shade safer company than the actual one.
STANDARD.—The Morning Chronicle of this
day, in a long article replying to the observations of
the Times and Morning Post upon Lord Wharn-
cliffe's speech, asserts that " the Standard shrinks
from either publishing or praising the speech."
Our answer to the first part of this charge is, that
we published the speech at length on Saturday
last ; and to the second part we reply, that in
defending the principle clearly enounced in Lord
Wharncliffe's address, we imagine we did more
to serve the speaker's purpose than we
could have done by applying the commonplaces
of eulogy to what was plainly intended as a simple
unadorned statement of the view of the noble speaker
and his colleagues. We published the speech, we re-
peat it, on Saturday. The Morning Chronicle did not
publish it until Tuesday; nor the Times until yester,
day. To which of us can the charge of shrinking be
most properly applied ? We gave the speech as soon
as we got it, and defended it as soon as it was at-
tacked. What more could we do ? But why should
we shrink from repeating our avowal of acquiescence
in principles which we have avowed since
the very first establishment of this journal, and which
the writer of these lines has always maintained? We
have ever held that it is the duty of the State to
provide the means of education for all who are not
able to provide these means for themselves. For
the Church we claim this right, in common with
all other denominations of Christians ; and claim
also that whatever 'provision may be made for
Dissenters shall not be made in a manner insulting,
or otherwise derogatory, to the just social
claims of the Church, or in a manner to in-
jure the interests of that pure religion of which she is
the guardian. Subject to these qualifications, which
surely are not unreasonable, the most ample provi-
sions that can be made for the education of the people
will be the best for the Church and for the country.
We remember that when Lord Brougham first com-
menced his noble task of promoting the education of
the poor, many good but mistaken men expressed alarm
at the danger that, as the proposition came from a dis-
tinguished leader in the latitudinarian Whig party,
its effect must correspond with its suspected purpose
in undermining the religious principles of the humbler
classes. Lord Brougham has otherwise honourably
vindicated himself from these unjust suspicions; and the
result of his labours has been gloriously opposite to
that which was feared from them. In proportion ,
as education has extended, the religious feeling of
the population has advanced; and not only hare
the mass become better Christians, they have
become more attached Churchmen. It is quite true
that in the rural districts the people have always pre-
served their religious feeling, without the aid of read-
ing and writing, so long as they adhered to the do-
mestic hearth, and were provided with the teaching
of a faithful parish minister ; and it was this happy
view of rustic life which startled many at the pros-
pect of a change. But, in the rural districts, re-
ligious knowledge was, like much other useful
knowledge, traditional—derived from the oral com-
munication of beloved parents, and a respected
ministry. They know little of history who suppose
reading and writing the only means of instruction.
The analogy of the general rustic life of England is,
however, wholly misapplied to the state of social
life that has grown up in the last fifty years in
our manufacturing districts, and been permitted to
grow up in too many of our great towns, and
in some of our unprovided and neglected country
parishes. Men exposed to the corruptions and dis-
tractions and the gaol fever of the soul, that is sure
to be generated where multitudes are crowded to-
gether without any moral preservative, must become
more and more depraved—ultimately depraved to the
point of loathing instruction, unless it come in
some very attractive form. It is only by the
agency of letters that you can effectually and
permanently operate upon the minds of such persons,
even to the point of bringing them to listen to their
religious teachers ; and, therefore, a khowledge of
reading and writing is a necessary for a great por-
tion of our people, if they are to be preserved
from a state of utter corruption fatally infectious
to the whole community. %Vith such a danger
threatening neither the Church nor Church •
men would withhold the remedy on slight consi-
derations. They would leave it to the sectarian oppo-
nents of Sir J. Graham's Bill of last year, to oppose
the saving blessing upon selfish grounds—trusting
to him who inspired the wisdom of Solomon, to give
back the children, whom the dishonest claimants
would willing permit to perish, to the real parent,
who proved parental love by even the most painful
sacrifice. This, we are confident, is the almost uni-
versal feeling of Churchmen—we know that it has
always been ours. Let all the people be educated by
the Church by all means, if they will accept educa-
tion from the Church; but in any case let all the
people be educated.