The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-27 00:00:00

THE 8 UN,

allowed to continue during the lapse of three Parlia-
mentary sessions of extraordinary importance. Here,
therefore, is a brilliant evidence of the ardour with
which the electors of the metropolis aspire to assist
in the extension of the liberties enjoyed by themselves
among a numerous and respectable class of their fel-
low-countrymen. The supporters of the Baron DE
ROTHSCHILD in the British House of Commons recog-
nise this fact to the full, and hence it is that they
have not relaxed their efforts in his behalf, in spite of
the most relentless and energetic opposition. Fortu-
nately for the question at issue in the person of the
Baron LIOIcEL DE ROTHSCHILD, among the most
enthusiastic advocates for his admission to the Re-
presentative Chamber of the Legislature are some
of the most able and influential members of the pre-
sent Administration. To the Noble Lord the Prime
Minister of England the subject is one of even
personal interest and individual application, see-
ing that he stands pledged to its advocacy, by
his electioneering speech from the hustings at
Guildhall. As the brother representative
of the metropolitan constituency, the First Lord of
the Treasury has a direct participation in the fluc-
tuating hopes of the Baron ROTIMBILD. While,
moreover, Lord JOHN RUSSELL is thus personally
committed to the maintenance of the great cause now
awaiting the decision of the British Parliament,
his colleagues in the Government co-operate with
him in his exertions to render the principles of per-
fect religious toleration in this as in other instances
completely triumphant. Upon some questions
of State policy there may be differences
of opinion among her MAJESTY'S advisers.
Here, however, those differences are in no degree
perceptible. The unanimity of the Cabinet cannot
but exercise a powerful influence over the delibera-
tions'of the liberal politicians generally in the Com-
mons House of Parliament. In other words, that co-
incidence of opinion must prove contagious among
the enlightened section of the popular representatives.
Meanwhile it is undeniable that with the Conservative
opposition are 'egg*, in this matter, persons
strongly antagonistic to the project of the Premier—
their antagonism arising, not from a blind fanaticism,
or from an ignorant bigotry, but from a conscientious
scruple sympathised in by a large mass of the popu-
lation. For the opposition offered by these persons,
even the most earnest and enthusiastic supporters of
the cause of Jewish emancipation must perforce en-
tertain feelings of respect, however much they may
differ with them in regard to the subject under dis-
cussion. The weapons of calm argument and of un-
impassioned logic are the only ones to be employed
on either side in a question of such grave import ;
referring, as it does, to themes of the most
sacred and even Divine character. Such
are the weapons we are alone solicitous to see em-
ployed in the debate now adjourned for Monday ; and
most seriously do we hope that all parties will de-
precate any course of contention of a different kind,
eschewing especially all those sarcasms and recrimi•
nations which would only possess an unseemly aspect
in relation to the political rights affecting the Influ-
ence of religion.

Among the many Bills unhesitatingly sacrificed by
Ministers at the annual " Massacre of the Innocents,"
is one that has been looked forward to in Ireland
with intense anxiety. Much, indeed, depended on
the Securities for Advances Bill being passed into
a law during the present session. Many families,
who once enjoyed all the comforts and luxuries that
affluence could afford, placed all their hopes on its
operation. The estates that bad remained in their
families for centuries were about to pass under
the hammer of the Commissioners, the order for sale
had been duly pronounced. " The alarming sacri-
fices" of property of unquestionable value, that bad
already taken place, afforded sufficient indications
that there would be but little, if any, reserve, and
that " no reasonable offer would be refused." Estates
most desirably circumstanced, which, on this side of
St. George's Channel, would readily command 27 or
28 years' purchase, were knocked down at 15 or 16
years' purchase, or little more than one-half their actual
value, yielding to the fortunate capitalists from 6 to 7
per cent. on the amount of their investments, and that
on the most unquestionable security. This rate was,
however, only attainable for first-class property.
Other estates, not quite so eligible, were obtained at
six, seven, or eight years' purchase, while some in the
western provinces changed hands at even lower quo-
tations—in one case, we believe, at little more than one
year's income, or 4501. furiands producing 4001. per
annum.

These ridiculously inadequate prices were owing to
a variety of causes, partly to the great appreciation in
the value of money, arising from the restrictions on
banking, that rendered the circulation inadequate,
partly to the immense amount of property suddenly
thrown on the market, which must be disposed of
at any price. The unsettled state of the " Landlord
and Tenant" question, and the possibility of the entire
produce of the lands being absorbed by the
poor-rates, which were not subject to any limitation
whatsoever, also deterred speculators. And the
complaints of the sufferers, as well of the quondam
proprietors as of the puisne incumbrancers, at what
they not very inaptly termed "confiscation," were
reiterated throughout the length and breadth of the
land. Curses, both loud and deep, were heard
on every side. The sober-minded Saxon might be
surprised at the excitement of his mercurial
fellow-subjects, and the strange and apparently ex-
aggerated expressions adopted in reference to the
new Act. But those who were behind the scenes,
who beheld entire families deprived of the balances
which they had anticipated would have remained for
their own uses after satisfying all demands, sud-
denly plunged into the deepest destitution, the
most unmitigated and hopeless poverty, without
anything to break their fall, or start them
in the new mode of life on which they
were compelled to enter, could understand their feel-
ings and excuse the acerbity of their language.
Even creditors, for whose exclusive benefit these
summary enactments were sanctioned, were by no
means unanimous in their favour. Many persons
who had invested their entire savings—the fruits of
industry and frugality—in what had been considered
ample security—many widows and orphans, whose
entire subsistence was derived from the in-
terests of small charges, suddenly found
themselves penniless, the funds realised not reaching
to their encumbrances. These persons, too, were
goaded into a state approaching to insanity, and bit-
ter indeed were the reproaches which they heaped on
the Imperial Legislature and all parties interested in
carrying the provisions of the Act into operation.
The principle of that measure was unimpeach-
able. It was intended to remedy the mon-
ster grievance of Ireland—a deeply embarrassed
and heavily encumbered proprietary, who were,
from causes wholly beyond their own control,
utterly incapable of discharging the duties inci-
dental to the possession of property. There could be
no hope for the country while the lands were suffered
to remain in the hands of such. Even, if actuated by
the most benevolent feelings, they could not carry their
good intentions into effect. The soil must remain
unimproved, the agricultural labourers unemployed,
so long as they remained the nominal owners
of property of which practically they were mere
agents, collecting the rents in their own names, it is 1
true, but not for their own use, but for immediate
distribution among the numerous and eager claim-
ants. Such a disease required an active remedy ;
ordinary measures would not suffice, and the Act
for facilitating the Sale of Encumbered Estates was
passed, which would be admirable in itself, if ac-
companied by any measure to mitigate its operation.
But, unfortunately, such was not the case,
It was, perhaps, supposed that the " Parliamentary
title," a most valuable concession, would have been
sufficient ; but it was not so : experience proved
that capitalists still hung back, and that there
was not the eager competition for the tempting lots
that had been anticipated. It was under such circum-
stances that Sir JOHN &mum. brought forward
the Securities for Advances Bill, w bich, so
far as the encumbered estates were concerned,
was of the most important at d valuable
character well calculated to supply the required sti-
mulus to purchasers. Many persons, and ourselves
among others, objected to its limited application, and
demanded that its provisions should be extended to
all classes—to the solvent as well as to the embar-
rassed proprietors. We pointed out that, however
valuable to thii latter, it would be exe eedingly unfair