The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-13 00:00:00

MR. DICKENS'S WELCOME ROME.

The Athenxunt says very charmingly, in men-
tioning the fact of Mr. Dickens's arrival again in
England—" Every English man, woman, and child
who reads a great ' story-book' will rejoice in the
return of Mr. Dickens from his visit to the United
States. The fatigue must have been great ; but the
welcome was magnificent. On the occasion of the
farewell dinner at New York every kindly feeling
was awakened. A public meeting of the kind is too
often a forced celebration. This was a thoroughly
hearty and genial one.- There can be no doubt
that such a visit so received has a humanising in-
fluence of no common value. Oar great novelist
must rest beneath his cedars of G.td's Hill with
the assurance that his work on the other side of
the Atlantic has been well done ; and can only.
bear good fruit, not merely for himself, but for

;he vast audiences whom he charmed—so well and
o wisely."
Th..t Spectator remarks that—" The American

journalists gave Mr. Dickens a far ;well dinner ou
April 18, and Mr. Dickens, who is said to have
made 5,10,000. by his hundred readings in the States,
delivered an eloquent although somewhat turgid
speech. He pledged himself to bind up with every
copy of the American Notes' and Martin Chuzzle-
wit' which he may hereafter sell, his tes:imony that
he has been received in America ' with unsurpass-
able politeness, delicacy, sweet temper, hospitality,
consideration, and respect for privacy.' "
According to the Exaniiner " it is said that Mr.
Charles Dickens has cleared not less than $20J,000
by his American trip."
While the Saturday ReviAth, among other coni-

eaents upon our great noveli,t's return home, ob-
serves—" Mr. Dickens's popularity certainly illus-
trates the importance of tha tolerably notorious Lc',

that the Americans talk English. Iu some respects
the two races not only differ, but tend to diverge
from each other. The Anglo-Saxon race' must
really be a small minority of the population of the
United States. The Gern-kan and Irish emigrants
And their descendants are constantly reinforced by
new streams swamping the original Yankee. In

political and social institut►ons the contrasts are pei-
haps greater than the resemblances. The one in-
disputable bond of union is that Mr. Dickens is very
nearly as intelligible at New York and San Franci6co
as be is in London. This certainly implies a close
relation between the two nations, and a relation of
a remarkable kind. That one nation should be in-

tluenced by the great religious or political thinkers
of its neighbours might be expected. The European
nations are all sufficiently allied for the thoughts
which • -powerfully affect one to be propagated
throughout the whole family. But it is much more
difficult for one nation to understand the jokes of
another. Mr. Dickens's works, when tran7dated
into French, amuse Englishmen by the grotesque
effect of their new dress, but we should imagine that
theyoOmply bewilder Frenchmen. Oa the other
hand., the humour of Mr. Pickwick or Mrs. Gamp
is as much appreciated across the Atlantic as it is
• with us. The currency of an English joke is co-
extensive, not only with sovereigns, but with green-
backs. The Americans, in this department at least,
are able to make us some return. If they have pro-
duced anything distinctively American in literature,
it is their peculiar turn of humour. Yet the &g-
-low Papers,' in spite of many local allusions, and
still more the fun of Arteraus Ward, have been as
popular with us as in their native place. Orators
who wish to establish a resemblance between us
should put in the background bits of eloquence
about the Anglo-Saxon race, and rely upon the
much more indisputable fact that we all see the point
of the same witticisms. The popularity of Mr.
Dickens in the United States is an illustration of the
intellectual similarity, whatever it may be, implied
in this curious sympathy; and if a mutual power of
relishing each other's humour is a proof that we
ought to be intimate friends, Mr. Dickens has done
more than any one in confirmation of the proof."

AMERICAN CITIZENS ABROAD.

(From the Anglo-American 2 lines.)

Of all nations the United States should be the
most cautious in legislating on naturalization, so
as to establish a principle. It is of the utmost con-
sequence to her that her people should be fused
and held together as one. At the present moment,
and perhaps for a century to come, a great object
will be to attract people into the wastes of her ter-
ritories.

This object, however, requires no legisla.
.o❑ ; the natural attractions being sufficient
Over so vast a space there cannot fail to be diver
sified interests, and it is a far higher object to en•

deavour to implant in the minds of her citizens an
overruling passion for nationality than merely to
attract population. In erecting a nation it is
better to build on a rock than to run up a showy
edifice that has no real and lasting strength. The
rights claimed for naturalized citizens who come

from abroad are rights that must be granted to the
native-born of the Republic who choose to go.
The United States cannot pretend to enforce on
foreign nations laws relating to their natural-born
subjects who may seek a home in the United States,
which they do not extend to their own natural-
born citizens who seek a home in foreign countries.
In all nations except among the few where imme-
morial usage has reconciled the people to the exist-
ing state, two principles have been at war—the one
centralization, the other decentralization, local
government, or nationality. The late struggle
arose out of these conflicting elements. Other
principles, of course, as in all wars, entered into the
contest, but emphatically it was a war for local
government. Had it been successful, the United
States would have been brought face to face
with the question of naturalization, and the ex-
treme danger of loosening the cords which bit?d
the citizen to his native country would have been
brought forcibly home. Laws must be framed and
principles laid down to meet probable and possible
events, not merely the emergency of the moment.
What guarantee is there against a future severance
of the States? And if the legislation of the hour be
based on an erroneous principle, it cannot fail in
such a case to complicate what must in the nature
of things be a difficult position. Working on the pre-
amble of the bill just passed by the House of Repre-
sentatives concerning the rights of American citizens
abroad, a combination of States might on it assert
their right of expatriation to be a natural and inhe-
rent right of all people claiming to expatriate them-
selves ; but not choosing to leave their land, they
might insist on voting as to whether the States em-
bracing the Confederation should not be severed
from the Union. If the people have the right at
any time to throw off their allegiance, they have a
right to carry their territory with them ; and if the
Government recognizes the right of all people to
shake off their allegiance, not by the forms which
their native Government may dictate, but by the
forms which any other Government may prescribe,
then we maintain that the bonds of natural allegi-
ance are severed, and the country which establishes
such a principle will hold its people together by a
very slender connection. It is clear, however, from
the debate that the United States, does not recog-
nize the principle as applicable to herself. Represen-
tatives have commenced legislation at the wrong end,

endeavouring to force a principle on foreign Govern
ments before they have established that principle in
their own country. The law of the Unit©d States
regarding expatriation is similar to that of England,
the absurdity of which is very properly condemned.
But the first thing to do, if the House is legislating to
establish a righteous principle, is to lay down clear
lawirby which citizens of the Union may, if they
desire it, shake off their nationality. Mr. PHILIP
VAN TRUMP, of Ohio, offered an amendment, de-
•claripg the right of expatriation on the part of
Atnericans but Mr. BANKS refused to give way.
The arguments brought forward in the bill mainly
had reference to American citizens arrested in Ire-
land, and turned on the power given to the PRESI-
DENT in the 31 section to arrest all subjects or citi-
zens of a country where any case had occurred in
which the provisions of that Act were infringed.
Henry L. DAWES, of Massachusetts, pointed
that, by the Act, the PRESIDENT would be enabled
to suspend the Habeas Corpus in time of peace,
thus violating the Constitution, which guaranteed
to all residing within the boundaries of the country

the right of the writ of habeas Corpus. It v/,

also shown that individuals would become liable to
arrest and indefinite imprisonment without an
investigation of the offence, or even without a
charge being preferred. But, in truth, the bill
goes much beyond this, for it permits the imprison-
ment of persons wholly guiltless of any crime, a
principle of legislation only worthy of an uncivt-

lized country, and one that would ill become even a
despotic Government. While denouncing the arrest
of American naturalized citizens in Ireland on what
appears to Mr. BANKS an insufficient cause, he de-
sires to place among the statutes of his country a
bill sanctioning the arrest of foreigners in the United
States for no cause. Legislation such as this must
tend greatly to lower the character of the House.
of Representatives in the eyes of the world. One-
sided enactments are sure sooner or later to come
back unpleasantly against th-e interests they wore
passed to protect. Nor was there any necessity for
this hurry in the House to truckle to the mob.

The question can no more be settled by Congress
than it can be by the Parliament in London or that
in Berlin. Indeed it would be wise not to press in
any undue manner the North German Confedera-
tion. Count BISMARCK is, in truth, master of the
situation, for it would be almost impossible to con-
ceive a country more wholly beyond any measures
of compulsion, and it might suit Prussia to stop the
German exodus, at least for a spell. Such a bill,
instead of strengthening, will weaken the hands of
the Executive when the subject of naturalization and
expatriation comes up for settlement. In the first
instance, it will compel the United States to base
the question both of the expatriation of their own
citizens as well as that of foreigners on the principles
they have laid down. To demand what they are
not prepared to concede is simply to meet with a
derisive refusal, and a foreign combination against
their unjustifiable arrogance. To concede it with-
out clearly defined restrictions is to lay down a
principle which will yet militate against the well-
being and peace of the United States. And
`what is Mr. BANKS'S object? Is it to give im-
punity to Fenian conspirators in their assaisina-
tion of members of the Royal family, and in blow-
ing down streets of houses of the poor ? Can
England be accused of having done anything unjust
or harsh in her attempts to suppress this atrocious
conspiracy—this gang of secret assassins ? If she
has, why not openly bring forward and prove the
cases and demand satisfaction ? It is proposed is
the Dominion to make one year's residence sufficient
for naturalization—why not one month, and what
would be the effect? That a JEFFERSON DA-Vl5
might in a few days shake off his allegiance to the
United States, and claim as a foreigner to be exempt
from trial on a charge of treason, while, in truth,
he was plotting as a native against his own Govern-
ment. This is the position assumed by the Fenian!,
and as sure as the sun shines this will be the posi-
tion assumed by some future enemies of the United
States, when General BANKS will discover that he
has been playing into the disloyal of their own more
than of foreign' countries. It is not in Massa-
chusetts, perhaps the most enlightened spot on earth,
that General BANKS, as member. from the State,
will receive countenance. He must look elsewhere,
and among a very different community, for those
who give their support to such legislation. The
United States is too great and too advanced for
such paltry and contemptible measures, and our
regret is that a House of Representatives could be
found, even when half empty, to pass an Act se
crude, so unjust, and even absurd. It has lately
often been predicted that the Representatives, like
the English House of Commons, after breaking
down the power of the PRESIDENT, after trenching
on the constitutional rights of the Supreme Court,
would endeavour to sponge out the Senate, thee
centreing all authority in itself. With such
sample of its handiwork before the nation thought-
ful men will feel little inclination to entrust the
well-being of the Unites States into such band!'
We believe that there is no other legislative body
which more requires the careful supervision of it:
acts by a superior assembly, and we are hapPY to
think that recent events have tended to elevate the
Senate so greatly in public estimation, that in any
struggle between the two houses that great bud/
would receive the ardent support of the most en-
ightened in the United States.

Tile London correspondent of an American perio-
dical, writing about the inordinate multiplication of elleit9
magazines, says : —The Corn/till, which but lately had
circulation of over 80,000, is now generally supposed t°
be 33,000, but in "1 he Row" it is spokon of as not
selling
over 18,000 copies ; .Macmillan, supposed circulation I8,1:t
while "The Row" says about 7,500; Belgravia, edited b)
Miss Braddon, began with over 36,000, in " The Row ‘gad
put it down at 18,500 ; London Society is increasing it%
sells over 20,000 ; Temple Bar, supposed circulation 20,00
we in " The Row" say not over 13,000 ; Blackwood's .111,ga:
zine sells about 7,500; St. Paul's, edited by Anthony ";
lope, our latest, and most promising in contents, bes,„t
with 50,000, but does not now salt more than half t`i-si
number; Tinsley's Magazine, edited by Edmund I.!itees
and containing a story by Dr. Russell, of the 7imes, de
not sell ten thousand copies per mouth, and ho
on. Even of the famous Sylvanus Urbana, the veners;lo
Gentleman's Magazine, which last year departed frool
traditions of a century or more, to admit fiction t°lo
pages, he tells us that its announced reduction in at
from two shillings and sixpence to one shilling is

!ailit, flickering before expiring."
',h hr

the f1°61161

Mr. Ilepwort- .ixon has written to hooelh
Table to show that Dr. Marsh drew largely from his:, 9
"The Holy Land," for his pictures in " Walks and loc,re
of Jesus." The Round Table had observed that if tl3;ecl
had been plagiarism at all, Mr. Dixon must have berr,°T-ile
from Dr. Marsh, whose book was in print before 10
Holy Land" appeared. Mr. Dixon gives copious elt/lecel
from each work, asserting that Dr. Marsh had boro;fir,
the descriptions, as he had not been in Palestine, that tue
Dixon had never heard of Dr. Marsh's book till after
noticein the Athenasupv, and ho maintains that Jr. 3-I'''.

had lifted much from The Holy Land."
Store
,Macmillan's Magazine for May repeatfrif the 4b
told in the American papers of Theodore Tilton °f to
IndePendent that the proprietors of the paper offsre-doe
raise his salary to $12,000 per annum if he would sl36"l"be
lecturing, and confine his attention exclusively tf;ct
it
Independent. Mr. Tilton declined the offer; from ss';-0135,
appears that he finds lecturing.a very profitable bils'u:,-,500
in ' he Pacific Mills, of Lawrence, began operatw
1853. They now contain 100,000 spidles for 04tto°00
with carding, picking, and cleaning machines; 00,
spindles for worsted goods, and 18 printing tasPl3-ilsvi°
The
machinery is driven by eight turbine wheel* 0,
of which are 84 inches in diameter. The weakliAPtbs
duction of cotton goods is about 700,000 yards, a-off
sales about 7,500,000 per year. The company Are -
employing about 3,600 hands. beef
The Round Table alludes to a report it has ciao'
unable to trace to an authentic source, that M. d° Icico(
ville left among his papers the MSS. of au entirel9 -110-
edition of his "Democracy in America," in which t' nietfo
- ber of chapters are wholly replaced, and the author's
modified in many essential points.
Silas C. Herring, of " Safe" fame, has ree-u
tb
transferred from his farm in Brimfield to NevY.°,l.,-
largest horse in America. The animal is six ye'i-g-piew'
over 19 hands high, weighs 2,0001 b., and will mak°
did addition to Mr. Herring's stud of truck horses' d
sir
foaled in Westchester county, N.Y the nisrol/13
being both Canadian.

Births. ISO
re,
GARFORD —On the 12th inst., at 31, Russell-P:l'l3
Garford, of a son. P9l.lr
nes' •nef
KENDERDINE —On the 12th inst., at 12, fter',.e--„deral"
terrace, Gloucester-gate, the wife of Isaac J. -N''''..-
er'
. of a son. , rro cost
SCROPE —On the 9th inst., at Spetchley Park, ''S

Mrs. Simon Scropo, of a. son. -
Ross—RusH—On theMlalirlfiiangte,lt St. , Cbcdiii
Georg 6 13e
Hanover-square, James Ross,s inst.,
uton J-.„41.131‘'. P 914
to Sarah Ann, second daughter of the late P'
Lindsey,-Suffolk. A , hOraeli't
VIVIAN—BOERUcx—On the Gth i ,at St.Jll,-.!--,°,3a311 e
Southsea, the Hon. John Brabazonnst' Vivian, t-'°'"-
Royal Navy, to Alice Mary Disney Roebuck.
: Wandso Or
t
Deaths.
BELL—On the 9th inst , at Bath-terrace,
oOf
road, William 8011, Esq., aged 61. a,
< 3011,,
BECK On
the 10th inst., at Washington,
_Suss e; 130°
! Beck, Esq., solicitor, son of the late Mai° P'
47 019
, CROFT - Onl7th thee 11thgiment inst aged
Mr.. Thomas Croft/ °
We'
Whitechapel-road, aged 6'7. Elva t 001,,, ,
CRAWFURD —On the 10th inst , at 4.„550 cl- ; ok
Queen's-gate, John Crawfurd, 'Esq., F•l'•';',- lost8:10ft
FOSTER—On the 10th inst ,at Rome, Win. ll' f' fn°-
Merton College, Oxford, eldest son of the lit3lr'
rector of Foxearth, Essex, aged 23. .001 c, V/46
•
~,c,' RasDhcirLeTa—dyVlladtheleiffl:tligiendst7.l,. at Budding i.
f)TISS°:I!
------.--------- "--
ja,- Ir. /
London : Printed and Published by WILLIII3SI,A ,e 14° / °I
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Via Su-s 0,-,-'o,ot,
Btrald, 111 the Precinct of the Seroh in tba
Mildlesex.7.4edanday, May 13, 1368.