The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1857.

pressed his opinions in favour of a renewal of the
Bank Charter Act, of the monstrous measure
that has placed industry, bound hand and foot, at
the mercy of the money lenders for a further
term of ten years. Should no change take place
in his sentiments, and should the contemplated
renewal take place, bitter, indeed, will be the
expiation, and great the sufferings of the people.
Trade and Commerce will be paralysed—for their
legitimate profits will be transferred to the pockets
of the money lenders. That one pursuit will
flourish, but all others will be crippled and discou-

raged.

The entire taxation of the country urgently de-
mands revision. The doctrines of Free Trade
must be developed by the reduction or abolition
of indirect imposts. But the enthusiastic disciple
of ARTHUR YOUNG, the supporter of additional
duties on tea and sugar, will scarcely pursue the
course indicated by the people unless driven to it
by unequivocal pressure from without. The
fiscal reformers have all their work before them,
and if the good seed be sown in due season
there can be no doubt that it will bring forth
an abundant harvest to rejoice the hearts of the
people.

The fate of Mr. L. KING'S motion shows that
the Parliamentary Reformers cannot slumber at
their post, while the obstructive disposition. of
Lord CRANWORTII points out the necessity for im-
mediate and energetic action on the part of the
legal reformers. Economy and retrenchment is
always a popular cry, but we want sound economy,
not a penny-wise-and-p9und-foolish policy. Let
war to the knife be proclaimed against every-
thing approaching to a job ; but let the fell effi-
ciency of the national estatlishmonts be main-
t tined, so that wars May be averted, by being
in perfect readiness for any alternative. These
are the general features to be regarded by the
electors. There- are other minor details also to be
taken into aceouut, and which we may hereafter
refer to. As we have it ited, this is the time for
action. The People must at once—

" Awake, arise, or be for ever fallen !"

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE is entitled to public
gratitude. His Industrial Schools Bill may be
susceptible of improvement in matters of detail,
but, as a whole, it is a good bill, with a most) de-
sirable object. That object is to invest the State
with power to step forward and rescue a destitute
and helpless section of the community from want,
ignorance, pollution, crime, and misery. The case
is this. In all our large towns there are num-
bers of children thrust out of doors to beg, or
set adrift in the streets by the desertion or
death of their parents, to fend for themselves
as best they may. Houseless, foodless, without
any to care for them and teach them what is
right, the destiny of these poor outcasts is no
mystery, to call for au CEntrus to unriddle it.
The recruiting serjeants of crime, ever on the
watch, speedily pounce on the victims thus deli-
vered over to them, win their confidence by af-
fected sympathy, seduce them to their crimping
dens, give them food, and lodging, and instruction
gratis, and then turn them out daily to practice
the lessons they have received, to the serious cost
of society and their own ruin, the State all the
while standing by powerless to interpose between
them and their pitiable fate. Thus the ranks of
crime are continually reinforced, and by large
numbers. Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE would put
a stop to this btate of things—bow, we have
broadly indicats-xl.

To speak more plainly—what he proposes is
something like this. By the provisions of his bill
the police are to be empowered and instructed to
forestall the recruiting berjeants of crime, and
when they discover a poor little outcast adrift on
the streets convey him or her to a suitable recep-
tacle, where he or she will be properly cared for,
and receive such instruction as may be needed to
enable either to emu an honest living. In the
case of orphans, the cost of such provision and
education is ta be defrayed out of the poor rates.
When the parents of the children are living the
cost of the keep only—the inhuman wretches who
are able having to pay for the support of their
neglected offspring. In no instarics is the ex-
pense of maintenance to be taken from the poor
rates to exceed three shillings per head, which
is the maximum cost per head of children in
workhouses. The education, in all cases, is
meant to be gratuitous. This, Sir STAFFORD
NORTHCOTE describes as the characteristic princi-
ple of his bill.

A good measure What exception can be taken
to it ? " Oh," cries one, " there is danger, of
two evils, parents will be tempted to forsake their
children. Children, or little strays,' may be
arrested whom their parents are able to bring up
properly and would be reluctant to part with."
" 011," cries another, " the bill does violence to
the voluntary principle !" " Worst of all," cries
a third, "it will be an engine for proselytisation !"
There is some little feasibility in the first objec-
tion. We have only to turn to France as a proof
of this. These "stray" children are taken up by
the pollee and carried to a reformatory without
much inquiry either respecting, or on the part of
their parents. But the first of these evils is by
no means inherent in a measure of this sort, and
special prevision can readily be made against it. To
a large extent the requirement of 3s. per head for
the children's support will keep alive a useful in-
terest in both parents and officials ; and where
proof is brought forward of the parent's ability
and willingness to train up his child with reason-
able propriety, no objection need be made to its
being returned to him in order to do so.
As to the remaining objections, we are loth to
deal with them. With whatever favour we may
look on the voluntary principle, or however much
we may object to proselytisation, the outcry about
either seems sadly out of place here. The volun-
tary principle and proselytisation, in connection
with the rescue of poor deserted orphans, and
worse than orphans, from the stony streets
—from the Artful Dodger and the villan-
ous FAGAN 1 It moves one's sincerest pity
to hear the words in such relation to
the voluntary principle, and the sectarian long-
ing, that leave them free to wander into any den
of infamy they list here, and to HEAVEN knows
whore hereafter. Is it meant, it surely cannot
be, that these poor children shall be left to perish
until the voluntary principle is established, and
sectarian rivalry is merged into zeal for one
Church ? We really cannot afford to wait for the
Millennium ! Then the children are on the streets
--on the very brink, so to speak, of perdition.
There the State goes further, in the person of its
officer on the look out for then, and steps between
them and the crimp of iniquity. Laying its hand
on the poor wanderer of the street, we fancy the
State Exclaiming, " You are mine I will not
wait until you have g- it the rot of criminality, and
are fit for the reformatory to look after you.
Prevention is better than cure. Forsaken
by your parents and friends you shall
find both in me. You are hungry, I will feed ;
you—houseless, I wild shelter you—helpless, I
will sunport you—ignorant, I will instruct yet.
Without any one to teach you how to live
henes.tly, that task shall be mine. I will have
you taught a trade, and so instructed as to follow

it with perfect credit." The poor outcast is
rescued. FAGAN murmurs in his den—the cries
of " a violation of the Voluntary principle ;"
" sheer proselytisation," reach his ear. What
does he think—what has he got to say, then ?
It would not be difficult to guess ? For our part
we know of no principle, whether described as
human or Divine, worthy of a moment's respect
when intervening between a helpless child, left to
wander on the stony streets, and its rescue from
and moral ruin. At the
starvation,sam etime„
aporilgluhttiotnhing should be done as equa-
-1 ably as possible.

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