The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-19 00:00:00

the most important towns in the empire, namely, Man-
chester. I ens glad to see my right b n. tt the member
for Manchester in hs piece. I an cure he will net di-pute
the ecceracy of my statement. I field that the Rev. Dr.
MOKerrove stated, in his examiratien before the commit
tee upon the Manchester and Salford Edueta,tion
that there were 30,100 children in Manchester who
were neither at school nor at work. (Rear) I had
an opportunity of conversing with him on the subject
about a week ago, and he informed me that the state of
things has become rather worse since that evidence was
given. I have before the a memorandum of a report
which was given to me a few days ago by a clergyman
who is much estee ned by all those who know him for
the exemplary manner in which he discharges his spi•
ritual duties in the great town of Manchester —I mean
Canon Richson, the rector of the parish of St. Andrew's.
That parish is only of the extent of 97 acres, upon which
there is a population of 13,000. Canon Richson's re-
port states that, of the population between 3 and 16
years of age, 431 per cent. attend Sunday schools, 25
per cent. are at work, 29 per cent. attend day schools,
and 46 per cent. are neither at school nor at work ; the
result being, as he assures me, that not less than 1,200
children in that single parish attend no school whatever.
I appeal in the most temperate manner to every gentle-
man in this house, even to my strongest opponent on
this subject, to say whether such a state of things ought
not to be remedied. Ido not undervalue the present
system. I acknowledge the benefits that it hair con-
ferred, but I ask whether there is anythingrin it which
can cope with the evils to which I have briefly adverted?
I wish to deal with the house with the most perfect fair-
ness, and I therefore at once avow that I desire to esta-
blish reigious freedom and toleration with reference to
the education of the people. (Hear.) lam in favour
of local contributions in support of an object which is
interesting to every home in England, and I want to
establish local management and control of the funds so
raised. When the right hon. gentleman the member
for Manchester addressed the house in favour of the edu-
cational bill which he introduced two years ago, he stated
that in his opinion the division of the British public into
three great parties on this question WaS fatal to legislation.
The three great parties to whom he adverted consist,.
first, of the religious party—that is to say, those who are
io favour of combining a religious with a secular educa-
tion—of whom I am one ; next of the voluntary party ;
and, thirdly, of the secular party. He said that
no measure on education could be passed until two of
those great parties united, and that those who were most
likely to unite were the first and the thirdly mentioned
parties. So far as one great locality—viz , Manchester,
is concerned, such a union has taken place. The bill
which I desire to introduee has been prepared with the
co-operation of a very large committee consisting of very
able men, and representing in equal numbers those two
great parties—the religious and the secular parties if I
way so call them—who, I am thankful to say, now act
cordially together. Tee bases upon which they have
consented to act are briefly these : Those Who are favour-
able to religious teaching have consented that the rates
should be expended for the benefit of secular schools,
while the secular party hive consented to a low the rates
to be applied in support of those schools in which reli-
gion is taught. The secular party yielded on one con-
dition only—namely, that the money contributed by the
ratepayers should not be applied directly to doctrinal
religious teaching. I cannot help here stating what in
my opinion are the real objects of the secular party.
In my humble judgment they made a most serious mis-
take in adopting that name. I believe that they ought
rather to have called themselves the separate party, be-
cause their object is not to prevent religious instruction
being imparted to children, but to impart secular educe-
Lon only through the medium of the schoolmaster, leav-
ing religion, which they consider too sacred a matter to
be mixed up in ordinary schools with secular education,
to be taught by a more appropriate instructor. The
most eminent leaders of the secular party are as deeply
impressed with the necessity of religious instruction, and
as zealous for its spread, as those who belong to the reli-
gious party. I admit the force of their objection to reli-
gious education being imparted by the ordinary school-
master, but my opinions are on the opposite side. I
think that religion ought to be mixed up with the whole
system of education from infancy. (Elear.) But before
hon. gentlemen make up their minds to condemn the
secular system I beg them to look at the report
of the Rev. Mr. Brookfield, given in the very lest
minutes of the Council on Education, and which was
placed in our hands in the course of last week. Mr.
Brookfisl I its a clergyman of the Church of England,
and his report thews with great force the evils which
arise from the imperfect system which he describes.
After giving a report of the very absurd answers which
the children gave whoa" he examined in the Catechism
of the Church of England, he says :
" It grieves me, who am not prone to use such words—
it grieves me to think how this daily half-hour, which is
usually spent in learning the Catechism by rote, and with
such poor success, might have been spent in learning small
portions, such as the Lord's Prayer, the Commandments,
and the duties towards God and ourneighbour, thoroughly
and well and with intelligence, and how in the course of
those years which result in such grotesque results as I have
recited almost every recorded word of the Redeemer might
have been stored in the memory, norar to be forgotten."
That I think ought to show us that we ought not too
hastily to condemn the view of those who think that the
schoolmaster is not a fit person to impart religious in•
t•truction t a his scholars. The basis of the arrangement
between the religious and the secular parties is this, that
tile rate shall be granted to every school, that the reli-
gious teaching in the existing schools shall be 1-ft pre-
cleely upon the Fame footing as that which it now rests,
and that every school, whether it be a Church of Etig-
land school or a Dissenting school, shall be allowed to
teach its tenets to the children who attend it, but that
there shall be no violation of conscience, and therefore
that children shall not be compelled to learn the creeds
or Ca.techistne against the wish of their parents. In a
speech which I lately delivered elsewhere I said that it
was most desirable that any new legislation upon this
subject should be in the direction rather of supplement-
ing the existing state of affairs than of attempting to
substitute another system which shoul I be whcely and
entirely new. I have eudeavoured to have this bill
drawn with close attention to that principle. It pro-
poses that the rate to be laid shall, in fact, be a rate
in aid of the existing system ; that the pence
now drawn from the children's pockets shall
continue to be contributed by them ; that the assistance
now granted by the Committee of Council shall not be
interfered with ; but that the difficulty of giving certainty
and permanence to the schools, which now exist, shall
be removed by means of a rate in aid, to be levied ac-
cording to regulations laid down in the bill. At one
time I thought of introducing a provision givinga power
to establish free schools to be supported by this rate ;
but upon rec tnsideration that part of the bill has been
altered. (Hear, hear.) I shoul I myself prefer to see
the general adoption of a free system, but I believe that
at present, at all events, the country is not prepared for
it, and (I think that it would not be wise to introduce
such a system partially by legislation. 'Therefore, the
only provision with regard to the establishment of free
schools con taine'l in this: bill is that the local committee
shall in particular localities, after clear proof of their
poverty has been given, have po er either to establah
free schools or to admit a certain proportion of free
scholars into existing ones. Ido not know that there is
any other important principle of the bill to which it is
necessary for me to advert, with this important excep-
tion, that the framers of the bill are most anxious to
make it perfectly clear that it is not intended that there
shall be atey interference with the management of exist-
ing schools, beyond that point up to which interference
may be necessary and inevitable in order to insure com-
pliance with these condi:ions without the observance of
which the objects of the bill would not be obtained—
(hear, hear)—but that the principle of the bill shall be
with regard to religious teaching perfect freedom of con-
science, and with regard to the management and conduct
of schools that there ehall be no unnecessary or avoidable
interference with existing arrangements. I am quite
aware that I run the risk of being assa led with those
imputations which have been made on former occasions ;
that I may be told that I am promoting an irreligious
plan—(hear, hear)—that I am seeking to destroy an ex-
isting system which works well—(hear, hear)—and am
introducing a measure which, if successful, will put an
end to the voluntary exertions which have done so much.
(hear, hear.) I can only say that, while I feel profound
respect for the zeal and good feelings of those who make
these objections, I feel bound to disregard the objections
themselves. (Hear, hear.) I will not consent to be di-
verted from the line which Rey sense of duty has led rue
entotioake upon this
t
thtiislastulobject by objections which I consci-
foundeesdly. believe altogethervbeentur e
to askof
the
erroneoushons
eaindu n
that
they will in a calm and dispassionate manner sconsidertha
the case of necessity which has been proved, without re-
ference to party or to existingviews—l
this
call them
pwrhejiouhdihcaess.
nowT b
That
eisenthseo only way in which
before Parliament be
nt i o
bn
0,
settled ; and I declare my firm belief as a Christian, as a
Churchman, and as an English politician that if Parlia-
ment' will adopt the principles which I am about to pro-
pose, we shall not only promote the intellectual advance-
ment of the people, but shall do more than we can in any
other way accomplish to extend sound religion
among
them. On the other hand, it this bill do not pass, the
discussion of such a measure can do nothing but good.
I offer it as a contribution in a great cause, and I believe
that the more we discuss such contributions, the more
we analyse and debate this great subject, which teuche,
every home in England, the more we shall soften preju-
dices, remove erroneous impressions, and elicit truth ;
and that then we may hope ere long to arrive at a prac-
tical solution of this great and most important question.
(Cheers) The right bon, baronet concluded by moving
fur leave to introduce the bill.
Mr. W. F. COWPER said that he did not think that
anyone would oppose the introduction of the measure which
the right hon. baronet had with so much perseverance, and
acting from so high a mite of public duty, proposed for
the mature and deliberate consideration of the house. The
right hon. baronet had shown a most conciliatory spirit by
not reproducing his measure of a former year, but turning
his attention to meet the objections of some of his oppo-
n:pntea and introducing a bill which should receive the
anot only of himself and his friends, but also of
omPeeorti those who had previonAly opposed him. Conse-
quently, this bill was entitled to full consideration as being
t hithertoeresult
eoefna
in compromisedi between two parties who had
(Hr,
rreeoct and long-continued opposition lie
each other. Hgeciof
the per) did not at present feel com-
petent toe character of that compromise, but
when the
bill was before it the house would
had been made on
ascertain what
tehjuil
the
t cone7;aelieguis which
instruction theturnine
eachsstas teltidoe.folvrceithof hrtsg
point would be whether, according to the terms of this co.
promise, the master of a denominational school was toore be.
prohibited from giving doctrinal instruction to those
pupils "
who were of the saws denomination as himself. The right
hon. baronet was not very clear upon that point, which