The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-06 00:00:00

Gentleman the Member for Sheffield), " why could
not justice be got without any graduated scale of
fees ?" Why should not the courts of justice be open
to every claimant without fee or reward ? Every
man is coppelled by the law of society to relinquish
a certain portion of his natural liberty, to contri-
bute a certain portion of his income, howsoever
derived, of his earnings, however scanty, to
provide for the public expenditure and the
support of the national establishments. In return, he
is to receive " protection to person and [property."
As an equivalent for that which is taken away, he is
to be secured in the full and unqualified enjoyment of
the residue. Such is the constitutional theory, but
what is the practice ? He cannot have recourse to the
public tribunals for the enforcement of any demand,
the protection of any right, without having to'provide
for exooitant fees, thus having to pay a second time
for that to which he is entitled in return fer the taxes
for which,he is liable.

Every conscientious reformer, every man anxious
to do justice to his fellow-subjects, should endeavour
to abolish the entire system of " fees" for justice.
Let every public officer be remunerated by a salary
proportioned to the services required at his hands.
Let hinl be, paid, and liberally, but not exorbitantly'
and let those payments be provided from the national
Exchequer, which will in time be replenished by the
general contributions of the people, when every man
in the community will ray for the support of our es-
tablishments secundum statum etfaeultates.

Under the title of " A Career in the Commons,"*
a very excellent work has just made its appearance,
and we refer to it here rather than among our
critical notices, because its contents are more of a
political than of a literary character. In a
series of letters purporting to be addressed to
a young Member of Parliament, the public ques-
tions of the day are discussed in a liberal and im-
partial spirit, and thus, although the work is avowedly
addressed to a Member of the Legislature, it is, in
fact, better adapted for general perusal. At a period
when the Administration of the country is so greatly
influenced by popular opinion, it is not only expedient,
but it iaa matter of vital importance to the national wel-
fare that the people should be so duly acquainted
with their "rights " as to be practically qualified to
perform Their duties. There is at present a great deal

of talk about many matters, regarding which there is
little real information abroad, and, perhaps, even less
genuine interest. In the calm, deliberate reasoning
of the letter .writer above alluded to we find little
fine sentiment, and no clap-trap. The broad princi-
ples of popular justice are the groundwork

of his arguments, and his deductions are,
for the most part, logically exact. We

do not entirely agree with some few of his theories ;
but, as a whole, we cordially commend the volume
for its sound sense audits practical wisdom. Rightly is
the " young Member" reminded that " the question
of questions—the great matter for consideration, both
within and without the walls of Parliament, is the

condition of the mighty mass of the people. Let us,"
writes his judicious friend, " write, speak, vote,
agitate as we may, to this plain proposition we must
come at last—are the myriads of labourers, spinners,
workers in wood, iron, and brass, the pale artisan and
the stalwart ploughman, well fed, well clothed, well
lodged, contented, happy, and attached to their native
soil ? We may sing God save the Queen,' and
Rule Britannia' till we are weary ; we may toast
' the sovereignty of the people,' and ' the freedom
of the press,' but our melody and conviviality, our
fervour and declamation, are all vain, empty, and
frivolous, if we forget what is sometimes called ' the
condition of England,' or, in other words, the wants,
necessities, and sufferings of our toiling fellow-coun-
trymen." No one can gainsay the truth of the above.
The difficulty, however—the " difficulty" of all
statesmen, as " Ireland " was of Sir ROBERT
PREL,—is how to afford a satisfactory response to
such inquiries. " Truly," writes Mr. HARLE,
"we have a redundant population. Great Britain
and Ireland swarm like a hive ; but the parallel goes
no further. The bees are abundant, but the honey is
by no means equally proportioned among the myriads
that hum around it." The measures here advocated
as a means for reforming the evil of the present state
of things, and promoting the welfare of the commu•
nity, are full of practical excellence. The good effects
of free trade are dilated on, and it is admirably and
truthfully shown, that "abundant commerce, which
means abundant employment, is a necessary ingredient
in the comfort and happiness of a dense population
like our own." In order to facilitate which, it is
observed—

" As a general principle, it may safely be assumed,
that the less we interfere with lubour, trade, and wages,
in legislation, the better. This is supposing, however,
that the world was composed of sensible economists, and
that Legislatures, fir the first time, were called upon to
consider the mighty topics of labour, trade and wages.
Economical science is of comparatively modern origin;
and finds, I am sorry to say, in the coarse of its in-
quiries, errors innumerable committed by legislators,
before Adam Smith was born, or any other great autho
rity had written on the topics which Adam Smith so
admirably matured. In point of fact, you, al a legis-
lator, have now to argue on the best modes which Par-
liament can adopt for leaving labour alone, for un-
shackling trade, and for permitting naps to find the
level which supply and demand naturally assign to them.
Members of Parliament, in old times, legislated on these
matters in profound ignorance; and the difficulty now is,
to rectify and unlearn the monstrous mistakes which
so many bad laws and foolish statutes have taught all
classes of our people.

" With a great demand for commodities, we may
reasonably assume, the workmen engaged in the pro-
duction of those commodities will be in possession of
a tolerable share of the comforts cf existence. Hence,
as I have said, in your capacity of legislator you must
encourage trade, and abrogate all statutes which go to
cripple or embarrass it. After you have removed all
restrictions from trade and commerce, and allowed them
to ebb and flow as circumstances determine, you, as a
legislator, have done your duty. You, as a legislator,
cannot create trade or commerce. They are beyond the
reach of Government discipline; and the prudent course
is, to leave them to the skill, energy, and industry of
the capitalist* and labourers who are principally con-
cerned. This, at first sight, seems a plain elemental
truth; yet nations, and people without number, at this
moment, are totally unable to perceive its beauty and its
strength."

After having done his part towards increasing the
employment and cheapening the food of the people by
the removal of restrictive laws, the legislator is di-
rected to turn his attention to the hardly less essen-
tial elements of popular well-being and comfort con-
nected with the dwellings of the people. " Our
ancestors," writes the Mentor, " rejoiced in crowded,
dark, narrow, undrained streets, and that they died
there is certain and indisputable ; but how they lived,
or moved, or had their being, is a social problem
which we find it exceedingly troublesome to solve.
Our ancestors were miserably watched, miserably
paved, miserably sewered. One cannot wonder at
the ravages made by sweating-sickness, plague, small-
pox, and co forth. 'We must remember, however, that
our population increases at the rate of a thousand a
day, and with modern increase of population we have
modern pestilence, like cholera, influenza, and Irish
fever." In dwelling upon this part of the subject,
the injurious effect of the window duties is necessa-
rily brought under consideration, and we are led to
infer that the "Young Member's" vote appeared in
the recent minority. Such subjects as these, which
so closely concern every individual member of the
community, should be calmly and studiously con-
sidered by each and all, and the "Letters" now before
us are thus possessed of an especial value in
our eyes, as containing a popular exposition of
B
a most popular theme. Beautifully is it la-
mented, in allusion to the "marks" in the
register,l2hn he ein‘h
ee thatt ‘ the cross, whichiey a
form es
roe m annd love, ycent u es
s
gn olywp, in
hie nhsiteahn ct
tells
15 innumerable, nnnf mab
earlyer nl ee,g
ltehnet si anrdtl ip g
mental o-
n-
capacity." In reference to this momentous subject
of education we find the following remarks on a sub-
ject just now so deservedly engrossing public at-
tention :--

" Newspapers and periodicals are mighty materials
fur educating the people. Oblige rre, if you please, by
voting for the removal of the few taxes now remaining
on knowledge, and its diffusion. Manfully give us;your
aid in repealing the penny stamp on newspapers, the
duty on advertisements, and the duty on paper used in
printing and writing. Let the human mind go free.
We may behold, it is true, trash of all sorts; but the
very education for which we are struggling will enable
us to put down an impure, and destroy a corrupt, press.
Ws have, happily, sound, vigorous intellects, as wall as
depraved and soulless wielders of the pen and the press.

"A Career in the Commons; or, Letters to a Young
Member of Parliament on the Conduct and Principles
necessary to constitute him an Enlightened and Effi-
cient Representative." By William Lockey
Longman*.