The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-28 00:00:00

N'tiitnias _lit

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 28, 1844.

The House of Lords did not sit yesterday.

In the Commons, Mr. MINTZ moved the second
reading of the Birmingham Corporation Bill, which was
opposed by Mr. DUGDALE, and on a division the motion
was-rejected by a majority of 10. The Bill consequently
was thrown out.

In answer to a question from Mr. E. RICE, relative to
the appointment of Commissioners on the Dover Har-
bour of Refuge, Sir ROBERT PEEL said he had that day
signed six letters to naval officers, requesting them to
act 'upon the Commission.

Lord SANDON asked Lord ASHLEY to state what
course he intended to pursue with regard to the Fac-
tories Btll. Lord ASHLEY said he would offer no oppo-
sition to the withdrawal of the Bill, but on the un-
derstanding that the Government would immediately
introduce another Bill, and 'take the discussion on an
early day after Easter.

Sir .TAMES GRAHAM gave notice that on Friday he
would move, that the Order of the Day for the House
going into Committee on the Bill be discharged, and that
he would then move for leave to bring in a new Bill.
On the House agreeing to this course, he would move,
that the Bill be read a second time on Friday, and
printed, and that the second reading be fixed for an
early day after Easter.

The further consideration of the report on the County
Coroners Bill was postponed till after Easter.
A brief discussion took place on the Masters and
Servants Bill, which was opposed by Mr. DUNCOMBE,
Mr. FERRAND, and Mr. HumE, but it lead to no result.
The second reading of this Bill, it would appear, is also
to be postponed.
Lord WoRSLEY, on account of ill health, postponed
his motion on the Commons Inclosure Bill till the 24th
of April, and the Ilouse adjourned at Six o'clock.

Who has not heard of the " Song of the Shirt,"
which, if THOMAS Hoop had never written any
other song, would have immortalised him. Who
that has read it, can forget these lines—
"Oh Gon! that bread should be so dear,
And flesh and blood so cheap."
In these two lines the whole question at issue be-
tween the Pro. Corn-law and the Anti-Corn-law
supporters, is comprised. .Bread dear—labour cheap :
the interest of the owners of the soil! promotee—
that of the labodrer disregarded. RENT—RENT—
RENT !—the motive power ; all other considerations
made subservient to it.

This is, alas, too true a picture of the present state
of matters in England. It is a state of society which
cannot be vindicated, which cannot be justified ; but
which is, nevertheless, strictly the fact, strictly true,
and " pity, indeed, 'tis true."
111 the philanthropy lavished upon the condition
of ,the 10.bouring classe3 in this country, is but
mockery, so long -as that grand remedy for all the
evils which the working classes have to endure,
namely, the repeal of those laws which make corn
dear, and restrict the employment of labour, remains
untried. Bread cheap labour dear would be
a -far more natural state of things, and a far
more beneficial one, than the present. The
" Song of the Shirt" might be made a text,
from which humane legislators might hold forth ;
and the misery which the poor feel, in the state of
society that now exists, might be averted, if real
philanthropy prevailed, in place of that spurious be-
nevolence which takes the place of genuine charity.
The House of Commons will waste night after night
in discussions as to the number of hours that the fac-
tory labourer shall work, regardless altogether of the
time requisite for him who earns his money by piece-
work to labour, in order to procure the necessaries
of life.

.The dearer bread is made by artificial means, the
longer time the labourer is compelled to work, in
order to gaits the material for existence. And yet
all the energies of Parliament are directed to limit
the hours of labour, and at the same time to make it
necessary for filo labourer to toil the longest possible
time in order to procure bread for his family.
The Anti-Corn-law League has done great things,
but it has still greater achievements to accomplish
before it brings the dictates of common sensito bear
upon the legislation of this country.

An eccentric, but not unamusing, article, appears in
the Post of this morning, on the subject of " Mr. JonN
CADE"--all Sir ROBERT PEEL respectfully calls that
great practical philosopher—and his political principles.
The object of our Contemporary is to show that, for
the last hundred and fifty years and upwards, the House
of COMMOBS has been, to all intents and purposes, a
close follower in Can's footsteps, and that a pm-

digious number of his most zealous disciples may
I still be found gracing the Conservative benches.
"By virtue of its Constitution since the 'year 1688,"
says the Post, " the House of Commons has been
a giant JACK CADE. Since that memorable period, the
most valuable forms of property have, in truth, been
stripped of all security by the direct agency of the
House. Was CADE a revolutionist ? The constitution
of St. Stephen's is the spawn of revolution. Did JACK
CADE propose to confiscate the possessions of the rich ?
Since 1688 the House has been chiefly occupied in pil-
laging the poor. In 1688 the Commons robbed the
Crown of all the prerogatives of sovereignty. Subse-
quently they robbed the Crown of its possessions in
land." It is in the two last sentences of this notable
passage that our Contemporary's animus breaks out.
He cannot forgive the House of Commons for its
injustice and audacity in having ventured to inter-
fere with the sacred doctrine of—what POPE calls—
" the right divine of kings to govern wrong." He is in
arms to resent its tyranny in having dared to cashier
JAMES 11. Though the matter is one of such long
standing, yet the Post is just as irate as if he had
himself been one of the leading organs of Absolutism in
the year 1688: We suppose we shall next find him
defending the encroachments of a TIBERICS and a
CALIGULA on the rights of. the Roman senate and
people ; or launching the heavy thunders of his indig-
nation at the head of the democratic DEMOSTHENES for
having opposed himself to the despotism of PHILIP of
Macedon. The Revolution of 1688 has long been a
sore subject with our eccentric-minded*Contemporary.
He sees nothing in it but a flagrant breach of good faith
and just:ca on the part of the Leg'slature. He passes by,
as a matter far beneath his lofty consideration, the no-
torious fact that JAMEs 11. was a violator of all the
laws of the realm ; tffat he trampled upon liberty of
conscience, treating the people just as if they were so
many brute beasts to be dealt with according to his own
sovereign will and pleasure ; that he promoted discord
among the different religious sects in the community for
the purpose of furthering his own fanatical views ; and
that he was only deprived of his Crown when every
other means of reclaiming him hadbeen tried and found
utterly unavailing. Had this Royal tyrant—this
gloomy, ferocious bigot, who, except in intellect,
was a perfect. fac-simile of PHILIP IL, and whose nit-
turenever felt one redeeming touch of humanity ;—had
this anointed vagabond been allowed to remain in unmo-
lested possession of his throne, the commonest rights of
Englishmen would have had no existence but in fiction;
Popery in its most disgusting and intolerant form, would
have been the dominant religion of the country; other
LATIMERS, and RIDLEYS, and CHARMERS would have
been burned at Smithfield, and other BONNERS and
GARDINERS would have been found to exult in their
martyrdom. But our Contemporary can see nothing
of all this ; in his purblind view JAMES the SECOND
had a perfect right to do what he pleased with his
subjects—to decimate them even, if it suited his caprice
to do so ; and the House of Commons was bound in
honour, common sense, justice, and law, slavishly to
submit to the caprices of its Royal master. For having
scornfully repudiated all idea of such base submissions
in 1688, and for having, from that time to the present—
more especially of late years—kept a watchful eye on
the rights of the people, the House of commons is
sneered at by our Contemporary as neither more nor
less than an assembly of JACK CAPES I

According to accounts from Madrid, of the 20th, the
QUEEN, with her mother, was expected in that capital on
the 23d. The Madrid journals bring no news of the
slightest interest. and the intelligence from the pro-
vinces is nearly of the same character. In a Barcelona
paper we find the following description of the executions
which had taken place in that town :—" The execution
of the conspirators was particularly solemn. The Con-
gregation of the Blood,' with the holy crucifix, assisted
at the execution, which took place in the presence of an
immense crown. Four men were shot."

On the Madrid Bourse, the Three per Cents. were
done at 351 for cash, and 361 at 60 days ; and the Five
per Cents, at 231 at 60 days.

Most of the Paris papers contain articles on the re
sults of the division which took place last Friday on
Lord ASHLEY'S motion for shortening the hours of la-
bour, and, on the whole, discuss the important question
at issue with moderation and impartiality. Even the
Opposition writers throw aside their hostility to England
when they see the general voice of the country roused in
the cause of humanity, and Tories even preferring the
interests of the poor to their political principles. In ad-
verting to the division the Courrier Francais says :
" Nothing is more curious than what took place. The
period of twelve hours, upheld by the Ministry, was re-
jected by 188 votes to 183, whilst, by a sort or compen-
sation, 188 votes to 181 rejected the period of ten hours,
which had previously obtained a majority of 9. The
House would have neither ten nor twelve, and it is not a
caso where two negatives make an affirmative. This
hesitation of the English Parliament is easily explained.
Humanity declares that 12 hours' work exceeds the
strength of human nature. Manufacturing and com-
mercial interests reply that a diminution of labour
involves both a falling off of profit and a diminu-
tion of the general prosperity of the country. After
having yielded to a movement of charity, they now
cling to considerations of self-love and State reasons.
It is not useless to show in what proportion these two
sentiments were exhibited amongst the manufacturers.
Out of 150 from Lanchashire, who sent a deputation to
Sir J. GRAHAM, only 13 accepted the ten hours pro-
posed ; 17 would agree to eleven, and 120 called for the
continuance of twelve hours' labour. They declare that
even with twelve hours they are scarcely able to sustain
the competition with the produce of America and Ger-
many ; if two hours be lopped off, the day would be in-
sufficient. Unfortunately, this consequence is only too
probable ; several workmen declared to Lord ASHLEY
that they would accept the change with terror. Would
they not have the next day to repent it ? Such is,
therefore, the state of the question between the work-
ing classes and the manufacturers—to the one less money
to satisfy the most pressing necessities of life, to the
others less profit. Work, then, your twelve hours ;

wear out your feeble bodies with an over toil, which

expects no old age ; be the devoted slaves of those in-
defatigable machines, which would stand still during

your rest ; let the young generation be worn out in the
service of those instruments of production, which crush,
torture, destroy, like instruments of destruction and
ruin ! War has its food for powder ; manufactures,
peaceful as they are, have their food for machinery in
that class of factory children decimated by a precocious
conscription. However, it is not in vain that humanity
raises her voice, for the words of Lord ASHLEY have
roused England ; and a part of the English Press, let us
render justice where it is due, examines the matter with
courage."

The National makes the following remarks on the

subject :
" With the present Constitution of England, there is no so-
lution possible for even a slight amelioration of the condition
of the working classes. For what is the real question under
discussion 1 To reduce by two hours a day's work, already
very painful and very long. To give two hours' rest to
women and children already worn out, to respond to the cries
of a population which suffers and sinks, to satisfy those sen-
timents of humanity which always exist in the heart of even

those nations where selfishness lias its most brilliant altars.
Was thisso enormous a matter? And yet the whole manu-
facturing community takes alarm, and capitalists are in com-
motion. They speak of emigration, and cry out that there
is a design of ruining manufactures. Profits and losses are
calculated before the House of Commons, and it is asserted that

this reform threatens the British Constitution. The speakers
affirm, figures in hand, that these two hours taken away de-
prive the capitalist of the only profit of his production. The
greatest interests of business are placed at stake, the duration
of the English nation is attached to the measure, and the
prospect of an irremediable misery for the wretches whom it
is intended to. protect is pointed out I And the House, hesi-
tating and uncertain, decides and undecides in the same even-
ing, declaring that the present situation appears to it in-
tolerable, and that it can neither declare in favour of it, with-
out offending humanity, nor destroy or ameliorate it, without
giving a shock to all the interests of manufactures. Are we
then too severe, when we accuse the constitution of a- society
where such results are officially stated in the face of the
whole world ? And would to God that this frightful struggle
between capital and labour was peculiar to Great'l3rituin !
But let any one look round him here, and cast his eyes for a
moment on our own territory. We are well aware, and
we declare it.with pride, that the odious abuses which the
late discussion has brought to light in England, will not be
met with here to the same degree. Thanks to our revolution
thanks to the sentiments of equality spread amongst us, there
are certain things Impossible in our country. But is there
nothing to be done to render the condition of the labouring
classes amongst us less wretched?"
The Moniteur announces that by a Royal order, dated
the 3d instant, on the report of the Minister of Marine and
the Colonies, Rear-Admiral Laplace has been appointed to
the command of the station of the Antilles, in place of Rear-
Admiral
Moges ; and Rear-Admiral Hamelin has been ap-
pointed to the command of the station of Oceania, and the
western coasts of America, in place of Rear-Admiral Dupetit
Thouars. By another Royal order, dated the 17th, Rear-
Admiral Turpin is appointed Major-General of Marine at
Toulon, in place of Rear-Admiral Hamelin.

The following are additional extracts from the
papers :

"On the 27th ult. M. Durand, responsible editor of the
Nation, was condemned by default to six months' impri-
sonment and a fine of 6,000 f., upon a process founded on
articles published in that journal on the 28th of October,
28th and 30th of November, and 14th and 15th of December
last, against the reigning dynasty. M. Durand having moved
in arrest of judgment, and obtained a new trial, the case
came to a hearing on its merits yesterday before the Court
of Assizes. The result was a conviction IT the jury upon the
articles of November and December, and his re-condemnation
by the Couit to the same penalties—of six months' impri-
sonment, and a fine of 6,000 f.
The National states, that—
"A great number of Ministerial Deputies have quitted
Faris since the vote on'the Secret Service Money. Every
option which could place the exiltence vf the Cabinet in

danger is now decided, and nothing remains to prevent those
men from returning home, who, when in Paris, arc not easily
satisfied."

Letters from Naples of the 17th inst. announce the
arrest of Messrs. BOZELLI and DE AUGUSTIN'S, two dis-
tinguished men for their literary works, of M. CHARLES
POEM°, the son of the celebrated Deputy and orator of
the Neapolitan Parliament of 1820, and of two nephews
of General PEPE.

The Courrier Francais states that Lieutenant-General
PIREE, who was lately superseded in the command of the
9th military division, having published the correspon-
dence that had passed between him and the Minister of
War, had been ordered to repair to Lille, and constitute
himself a prisoner for twci months in the military prison
of that city.

The French funds fell considerably on Tuesday, the
Five per Cents. closing at 121£ 60c., and the Threes
at 82f. 75c.

THE BOURSE--TUESDAY, MARCU 26.

First Highest Lowest

Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents ...• • 121 80 .. 121 80 .. 121 30 .. 121 30
Four-and-a-Half. • • ll O.. 110 .. 110 .. 110
Four per Cents 105 30 .. 105 30 .. 101 30 .. 105 30
Three per Cents..• • 83 5.. 83 5.. 82 90 .. 82 90
Banff of France....... 3OBO • • 3080 .. 3080 ..3080
Laftitte BanY,ll,ooof. Sharesll2o ..1120 ..1117 50 ..1120
5,000 f. Sharessl2o ..5120 ..5120 ..5120
Belgian Bank'. 660 .. 660 .. 657 50 .. 657 50
1841...... • • 1082 50 ..1082 50 ..1082 50 .•1082 50
Belgian Fives,•• lO5l .. 105} .. 105} .. 105}
1840

1842
Spanish Active ..... •••• • • • 331 • . 34 .. 331 .. 34
Passive 6} • . 6/ .. 6/ • . 6/
Threes .. .. •• • • .... 36/ .. 361 • • 361 .. 361
Neapolitan .. 102 .. 102 .. 102 .. 102
Roman .

St Germain
Versailles, R. 8.•• • • • • .

RAILWAY SHARES.
. ..... 850 .. 850 .. 850
.. 400 .. 400 .. 400 ..
.. 245 .. 247 50 .. 247 50 ..
Rouen 910 .. 910 .. 910 ..

Rouen to Havre.. ........ .. 692 50 .. 692 50 .. 690
Orleans . 900 .. 900 .. 900

Strasburg to Bale.. • . • . .. 310
Avignon to Marseilles .. 775

.. 310
.. 775

.. 290
.. 775

RAILWAY SHARES, FOR THE ACCOUNT.
St. Germain ..... ....... 850 .. 850 .. 850

Versailles,R.B.

.. 400

.. 385

850
400
247 50

Rouen .... ...... .. . ...... . 910

.. 250 .. 215
. 912 50 .. 910

Rouen to Havre..

Orleans . 902 50 .. 902 50 .. 895

Avignon•to Dlarsellles• • • • • • 770

- 770

• • 770

910
690
900
290
775

850
385
220
911 25

DEPARTURE OF PRINCE ALBERT FOR GERMANY.—
His Royal Highness Prince Albert left town this morn-
ing, about ten o'clock, by a special train, on the Dover
Railway, to embark for the Continent, on his way to
Saxe Cobourg, to pay a visit of condolence to his
relatives.

Mr. O'Connell left London for Dublin, vitt Liverpool,
by the five o'clock train of the London and Birmingham
Railway, yesterday afternoon. He will attend a meeting
at Liverpool this day, and then sail for Dublin without
further delay. We are happy to state that the Hon.
Gentleman leaves London in better health and spirits
than when he came at the commencement of the session.
Every arrangement has been made for the appeal to the
House of Lords, and Sir Thomas Wilde, Mr. Kelly, Mr.
Austin, and Mr. Sergeant Murphy, have been retained
for the traversers. Some delay took place at the Home-
office, in allowing the usual license for these Queen's
Counsel to appear for Mr. O'Connell, but it was at last
conceded, and he will have the services of as strong a
bar ascould be brought to bear in his behalf.