The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-25 00:00:00

M. Tillers rose and said—l have no right to ask
an adjournment till Monday; but still it is my wish
to state to the Chamber my opinion of the state of
the country.—(Loud cries of " Hear," " Vote," Go
on," in the midst of which several members quitted
their places.)
The President then put the question that the
debate be adjourned till Monday, which was carried,
and the Chamber adjourned at half-past five.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—SITTING or JAN. 22.
The President took the chair at a quarter past one, but no
business was transacted until two.

All the public tribunals were crowded.
M. Cremieux laid on the table the following amendment in
the last paragraph of the address : —After the words—" Yes,
Sire, your family is truly national; between France and you
the alliance is indissoluble, your oath and ours have cemented
that union ;" this amendment proposes to substitute the follow-
isg, for the expressions employed by the committee :—" That
work of national greatness and sovereignty—our revolution of
July—disdains impotent manifestations. In placing your
dynasty on this constitutional throne, it placed your rights
on the imperishable guarantee of the independence and the
wealth of the French people. By punishing the violation
of sworn faith,' it consecrates for ever in France the sanctity
of oaths."
The following amendment on the same paragraph was pre-
viously presented by M. de Lasteyrie :—ln place of the
words—. The public conscience brands with reprobation guilty
manifestations,' to substitute the words, " Public reason has
dose justice is rash projects and vain demonstrations."
The order of the day was the adjourned discussion on the ad-
dress (fourth paragraph, referring to the foreign policy of the
Government).
M. Thiers ascended the tribune. lie commenced by saying
that some of his remarks on the address in the bureau had net
been properly interpreted, and he should therefore then explain
what he really meant. This he could do while discussing the
part ef the address at present under discussion. He should
commence by inquiring what results had been obtained by the
Ministry to be an equivalent for the sacrifices they had made,
and in doing so he should carefully avoid everything likely to
produce a personal discussion between the Minister of Foreign
Affairs and himself. What had particularly produced the alli-
ance between England and France was a certain sympathy of
principles that urged them to unite, though frequently torn by
opposite interests. He instanced the cases of Belgium, which
both France and England were unwilling to allow to return
to Holland. Poland, which England and France both
agreed should be held as a nation whose existence was
guaranteed by treaties. He also referred to their opinions
on Italy, as connected with Austria, and their support
of the revolution in Portugal and Spain, as proof of the
same influence drawing the two nations together. From 1830
to 1836 the good feeling between the two countries had gra-
dually increased, but from the latter -period it had begun to
decline. He then referred to the state of the alliance between
the two countries in 1836, particularly with respect to the
Spanish revolution, and declared that that country had been
abandoned by France, and her affairs had been laid hold of by
England. From that period he dated the commencement of
the coolness, which had gradually increased until 1840, the
French cabinet having from 1836 to that year received cheek
upon cheek, until he had himself arrived at office. The Hon.
Member them drew a sketch of the steps his cabinet had taken
to repair the errors of his predecessors, and bring back the
alliance between France and England to a more healthy con-
dition. He declared that, notwithstanding M. Guizot's pre-
sent great desire to adhere to the English alliance, he
had declared when he (M. Thiers) held office, that such
an alliance was most dangerous, for if England and
France joined together, the - rest of Europe—Austria,
Prussia, and Russia—would be against them. He denied,
altogether, that this alliance presented the same guarantees of
peace at the present time, as when the two nations were allied
before 1836. Previously to that period there appeared to be
no deobt in Europe that the two kingdom's were really well
united, but since then it had been evident that they could fall
out about matters when important or the contrary. Pease, it
was true, was certain to be preserved, not because of the al-
liance, but independently of it Europe was tired of war,'and had
become prudent in consequence. Russia, which might be feared
more than other Powers, could do nothing to break the peace,
on account of Poland. He, therefore, inferred that the alliance
of the two kingdoms was not necessary to preserve peace, as Pd.
Guizot had declared. He allowed that the alliance was useful
to a certain point, but what he wanted to impresson the Cham-
ber was, that it was of far less efficacy now than before 1836, anO
that it was not of that importance insisted on by the Ca-
binet. He doubted if a grave question, such as that of
Italy, or Switzerland, or Constantinople, should arise, that the
alliance would be found of any material advantage. For his
part, too, he must declare that he looked on the Whigs as far
better to have to deal with than the Tories in grave matters.
The latter were very agreeable for mere personal intercourse,
but he should prefer the Whigs in any really important
questions that might present themselves, as they had far pore
real sympathy with France.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable
Gentleman then referred to Spain, and declared that the
declaration of the Government, that France and England
had came to an understanding relative to Queen
Isabella's marriage appeared to him but indifferently
borne out ; for the agreement amounted to nothing
further than this, that certain princes of the reigning family ID
France were to be excluded from pretending to the young
Queen's hand ; thereby yielding all that England required,
and getting nothing in return. As to the commercial interests of
France with Spain, as long as the Government of the latter
country should allow English produce to enter, as if a treaty
had been passed between Spain and England, the alliance of
England and France would remain firm and constant ; for
England had all she could possibly demand or hope for. Was
this state of things to be changed? He should not like to de-
clare that their " cordial understanding " would still continue
to exist. As to the East, the influence of France had been
formerly exclusive amongst the Christian populations; yet
now, by their alliance with England, they had lost that infu-
ence in part, the very first principle of the union of the two
countries being to act together, and of course, each having the
right to exercise the same share of influence. They, there-
fore lost, rather than anything else, by this course, as far as
the East was concerned. He then referred to Greece, and
maintained that the intimate union with England did not exist
ea this point, inasmuch as England had urged oa the
people to revolution, whereas the French Cabinet had heard
of the event first in Paris, according to the acknowledgment
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He declared that the
Cabinet had gone against the feeling of the country in their
conduct respecting the right of search ; and when forced by
the will of the country, expressed by the Chamber, to promise
to enter into new negotiations on that question, the Minister
had reserved to himself the choice of time for so doing ; yet,
after the lapse of a ear, all that he could bring before the
Chamber in proof sty his having kept his promise, was the
simple statement that the English Ministry had been per-
suaded to reconsider the matter. He doubted much that after
another year the affair would be further advanced than it was
at present. The Hen. Gentleman then concluded with a bril-
liant peroration, in which he warned the Chamber of the
danger of placing too much confidence in the alliance between
England and France, and called on the Ministry to act towards
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M. Guizot rose to reply, lie simply peak of
enter on any question of recriadnation v
had just spoken of the state of
of the Hon. Gentleman wthoe
the condition of the country in
things in 1844, and refgentleman
was
in
office ; but he should
1844), when that Hon. As that Hon. Gentleman had blamed
matters important to the nation. He might follow the example
wbehry?did he not produce his
refrain from doing so..
The reason was that
before
nehrtaevh doneetihde dConn
Chamber?
e very same is the Cabinet,
bhowtiewhtn(aitYPtl.haaenld.pniaffrniTesinanyttwCaimotanner. It was not, in fact, a question of
principle, properly so called, but one of tact, of manner, of
acting, of savoir faire. So at least be (M. Guizot) under