The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-18 00:00:00

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ONDON, WEDNESDAY EV ...,
,
t.,..: NING S
117 NIF SEPTEMBER 18, 1844. PRICE sd.
._....
. ...

ROYAL MAIL STEAM-PACKE
COMPANY.
Incorporated by Royal Charter.
The COURT of DIRECTORS of the ROYAL MAIL STEAM-
PACKET COMPANY hereby give notice, that a GENERAL MEET-
ING of the PROPRIETORS of this COMPANY will be held at the
London Tavern, Bishopsgate-street, on THURSDAY, the 10th day of
October next, at One o'clock precisely.
E. CHAPPELL, Secretary.
55, Moorgatc-street, London, Sept. 18, 1844.

MAGNAY, MAYOR.—A COURT of MAYOR
and ALDERMEN, held in the Inner Chamber of the Guilt-
hall of the City of London, on Tuesday, the lith day of September,
1844, and in the eighth year of the reign of Victoria, of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland Queen, &c.
Resolved unanimously, That, in accepting the resignation, by
Anthony Brown, Esq., of the the office of Alderman, this Court desire
to record the high sense they entertain of the great talent and fidelity
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of London. MEREIVETIIER.

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"t4nr:ric/VlEnlArorltasakt-110tennIF-C4bett-gt-22;001deme)ensiwkr

this day, WILLIAM UPCOTT, Esq., in the Chair, it was resolved
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The COMMITTEE of the lIEPTAPLEMION LOTTERY for
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(Signed)
September 11, 1E44.

EDWARD PAGE, Secretary.

110TAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
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Now ready, in a neatly-bound pocket volume, embellished with
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TWO OLD MEN'S TALES,
"THE DEFORMED," and " TIIE ADMIRAL'S DAUGHTER,"

Forming the New Volume of
THE STANDARD NOVELS
• AND ROMANCES.
This Collection now contains the following, among many other ce-
lebrated Werks of Fiction, each complete in one pocket volume, em-
bellished with Engravings, price 6s.:— -
J. FENIMORE COOPER.—The Pilot, The Spy, The Water
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G. P. It. JAMES.—Darnley, De L'Ormo, Philip Augustus, Hoary
Masterton, The Man-at-Arms.
THEODORE HOOK.—The Parson's Daughter, Maxwell, Jack
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Miss AUSTEN.—Sense and Sensibility, Emma,
hfansfleld Park,
Northanger Abbey and Persuasion (in one vol.), Pride and Pre-
judice.
MORIER.—Hajji Baba, Hajji Baba in England, Zohrab.
Sr E. L. BULWER.—Eugene Aram, Paul Clifford, The Last Days
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Captain MARRYAT.—Peter Simple, Jacob Faithful, Japhet in
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Miss JANE PORTER.—Thaddeus of Warsaw, The Scottish
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MAXWELL.—Stories of Waterloo, My Life, The Bivouac.
Mrs. TROLLOPE.—Vicar of Wrexhill, Widow Barnaby.
THOMAS COLLEY GRATTAN.—The heiress of Bruges, Jac-
queline of Holland.
Mrs. GORll.—Mothers and Daughters, The Soldier of Lyons.
MARRIAGE. INHERITANCE. DESTINY. _

...... -___._.
Any of which may-be had separately, and of all Booksellers.
The Next Volume, to be published with the Magazines, at the end
of September, will contain
THE TWO ADMIRALS.
A Tale of the Sen.
Ry J. FENIMORE COOPER, Esq.
Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street.

LAMERT ON DEBILITY, NERVOUSNESS, AND ALL
DISORDERS ARISING FROM EXCESS, &c.
" He who ih pleasure's downy arms
Ne'er lost his health er youthfu Icharma,
A here lives, and justly can
Exclaim, in me behold a man!"
Just published (in a sealed envelope), Tenth Edition, price 6d.,
or sent by post, free, to any address, Ss. ~
ELF-PRESERVATION : a Popular Essay On
L those concealed disorders originating in youthful excesses,
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afflict the' Weak, the Sedentary, and the Delicate. With Practical
Observations en Marriage, and on the Anatomy, Physiology, and
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their perfect Restoration.
Sy SAMUEL LAMERT, Consulting Surgeon
9, BEDFORD-STREET, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON,
Matriculated Member of the University of Edinburgh, Honorary
Member of the London Hospital Medical Society, Licentiate of
Apothecary's Mall, London,&c.

IRELAND.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, M.P., handed in the following
,ums from America :—Rochester,'United States, 20/. ;
Nlaryland, 221. ; Cumberland, Allegany, 221. ; and
Wilmington, 191. Also different sums from various parts
f Ireland.
Mr. O'CONNELL read a letter from Mr. John Macna-
rnara Cantwell, ene of the traversers' attorneys in the
late Government prosecution, handing in his subscrip-
tion, and declaring his adhesion to the Association as a
Federalist. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman moved
the insertion of the letter on the minutes, and said, that
though Mr. Cantwell joined the Associationperely as a
federalist, he was fully entitled to join their ranks on that
footing. He was gratified at having that opportunity
.of
declaring their readiness to concur with Irishmen of
every shade and party in politics, who went the length
with them of giving to Ireland and to Irishmen the pro-
tection of a native Parliament. Without a Parliament
.vhich would give Irishmen protection—which would
.tive Ireland to the Irish—there could be no security
Tor the continuance of any protection or prosperity that
they might acquire. Taking it in that view, they would
embrace federalism, and heartily concur with those whom
they could not induce to accompany them further.
Mr. SMITH O'BnueN would take that public oppor-
tunity of stating, that, at the great national banquet, to
he given on Thursday next, the " Repeal of the Union"
was one of the toasts that it was intended should be
proposed.—(Hear, hear.) Ha made that announcement
because some doubt seemed to be entertained in certain
quarters on the subject. As far as ha was personally
concerned, he certainly would not, at the present crisis
)f Irish affairs, assent to take the chair at any public,
dinner at which the repeal of the union would not be a
recognised toast ; and he believed he was justified in
saying, on the part of Mr. O'Connell and the other ex-
prisoners, that they would not attend at any dinner at
which that toast was not intended to be drunk.—(" Hear,
hear," from Mr. O'Connell, and cheers.) He should at
the same time say that every true federalist was at
perfect liberty, consistently with his principles, to drink
the toast of—the repeal of the union. They had many
gentlemen of that class in the Association who were ad-
mitted merely as federalists ; and the same feeling
which prompted them to join the Association, ought to
enable them to attend the national banquet to be given
in commemoratign of the _liberation of Mr. O'Connell.
—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. O'Cortitil said; though it was rather irregular
for him to speak again at thattmoment, he trusted that
he would be allowed to express his entire concurrence in
what his esteemed friend by his side (Mr. S. O'Brien)
had just stated.. He would not receive the highest com-
pliment that could be paid to man (and there could be nn
compliment higher than the invitation to the national
banquet, to be given on Thursday), that would compro-
mise for a moment the repeal of the union.—(Cheers.)
The repeal of the union meant a repeal of an Act of
Parliament passed in the year 1800, by which the Irish
Parliament had been annihilated, and, therefore, he
should say that a federal Parliament, giving the manage-
ment of their national affairs to Irishmen, was one that
he was quite ready to receive. He was convinced that a
Parliament would work well for Ireland, and if it did
not he was convinced it would give them the means of
working better.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. O'Connell con-
cluded by handing in 251. from Liverpool.
Mr. T. M‘NartErr (barrister) handed in a sum of
money, and then proceeded to address the meetiag. He
regretted illness alone prevented him from taking any
part in the proceedings of the Association since the oc-
currence of that event, which had filled the hearts of
Irishmen with joy and exultation. Had it been the lot
of Mr. O'Connell to remain in gaol, the accession of
such men as their chairman, and the many concurring
circumstances which were daily inspiring them with hype
and confidence, would have been the source of consola-
tion to him, but he was happy to say they were the
brightest ornaments of his triumph.—(Cheers.) This
triumph was not one over a party or a faction but over
that monstrous unmeaning document which they called
an indictment, and by which they thought to crush the
liberties-of this country. They had restored the trial by
jury that noble institution which was the palladium of
theit political liberty. But for the liberality of the Irish
pe*e, which enabled them to bring their case be-
fore "the highest tribunal, a precedent would have
been established, which might have proved more fatal
to thbliberties of the two countries than standing armies
or.tcoercion' bAls.—(Cheers.) Their triumph would in
future prevent Government from cramming their jury
boxes with convenient consciences to swear away the
liberties of Irishmen. He believed they possessed the
materials for the formation of a country, and it re-
mained but for Irishmen to call them into existence.
The Learned Gentleman concluded amidst loud cheering.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN rose and read the following
notice :

DUBLIN, SEPT. 15.
MEETING OF THE REPEAL ASSOCIATION.

This day the attendance at the Repeal Association
was as crowded as upon the former occasion whet
Mr. O'Connell appeared for the first time after his
imprisonment. The enthusiasm was as great, and
the same anxiety was exhibited to behold him. About
half-past twelve o'clock, the leading members of the
Committee, Mr. John O'Connell, M.P. ; Mr. Smith
O'Brien, M.P. ; Mr. N. Maher, M.P. ; Mr. Barry,
barrister ; and Mr. M‘Nevin, barrister, took their
places at the Association amid loud cheers. The)
were followed by Mr. O'Connell, and the enthusiastic
greetings which burst forth on his appearance, which
were renewed again and again, could only be at
length suppressed by his intimating his intention to
address the Association. Upon his motion, the chair
was taken by the Hon. George Rely Hutchinson.
Mr. HuTertissoia observed that, though a young
member, he was still an old repealer, although not so
old as their Liberator.—(Cheers.) From the moment
he had been able to form an opinion on the subject, and
after having studied the history of his country, he had
decided in his own mind that the measure the most dis-
astrous that had ever been entailed upon this country
had been the legislative union bebween England and
Ireland.—(Cheers.) Some five and-twenty years had
passed over his head since he had come to this opinion,
and every thing that had since occurred had only tended
to strengthen that opinion, and increased his determina-
tion to do the utmost that lay in his power in doing
away with a measure that had entailed so much o.
misfortune and disgrace upon his country.—(Hear,
hear.) How often had he, when stretched upon
the -bed__ ef sickness, wept'. over the wrongs per-
petrated on Ireland by the English Government, and
how often had he read with delight of the means pro-
posed by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman for the re-
peal of the union, as those calculated to be the salvation
of their country. The union had been imposed upon
them in a moment of weakness. It was perfectly well
known to every person who had studied the history of
the period, that the rebellion of '9B, if not got up, had
been fostered by the Government of the day, and the
worst means were resorted to for the purpose of carry-
ing that measure. Bribery to the greatest extent had
been practised—intimidation was enforced, and all the
guarantees of the constitution were done away with, and
that for the purpose of carrying this most iniquitous
measure. Their country was reduced from a country
into a province. The greatest promises were held out
to them. Commerce was to be extended, manufactures
to be encouraged, fisheries were to be made to flourish.
and it was promised that they should be placed on an
equality with England in all their commercial transac-
tions. So far from these promises having been realised,
the measure had entailed upon them political degrada-
tion, and upon the people the greatest social misery.—
(Hear, hear.) During the period of five-and-forty years,
which the union had now lasted, England had given
them Coercion Bills—it had given them Arms Bills, it
had suspended the habeas Corpus Act, for the purpose
of putting down the expression of public feeling.—
(Hear.) And what had been the result of all this ?
That they had in a great measure'been deprived of their
political liberties, and the country reduced to the lowest
state of impoverishment. And why was all this ? Be-
cause from the moment that the union took place, as
a matter of course, the gentry of the country aban-
doned it ; their farming interests decayed, their
manufactures were ruined, and the tradesmen of that
great city were reduced to the lowest state of
misery. But this was not all. There was not fair
competition on the part of England with respect to
their commercial transactions. A system of fraud
was resorted to for the purpose of spreading abroad the
notion that Ireland was a country in which it was im-
possible for a man to live, and in which capital could not
be safely placed ; and thus capital was prevented from
being embarked in commercial enterprises in Ireland.
Such was the state to which the country was reduced,
that, he declared, on landing ten years ago at Kings-
town, for the purpose of presenting his wife—a foreigner,
to his family, that his cheek was suffused with shame
and indignation on seeing the miserable and degraded
state of the peasantry; for, instead of seeing a popula-
tion decently clothed and fed, he found none but miser-
able and starving wretches. It was not necessary for
him to enter into an explanation on this subject, but
Dublin, as he looked at it, reminded hitn of Versailles,
a place built for 80,000 inhabitants, and occupied but by
30,000. For such a state of things the remedy had been
found by the great Liberator, under whose guidance he
had the honour to place himself, and that was the repeal
of the legislative union between the two countries.—
(Choers.) It was he who had formed, and given life to
the Repeal Association, and animated it with his own
vigour. During the imprisonment of the Learned Gen-
tleman it had been guided by another gentleman, who
was then there—(Cheers)—but then, when they were
thus proceeding in a course of conciliation, it was said
by their opponents, the Whigs, " Why seek for repeal?
--we are ready to increase the number of representa-
tives—we are ready to increase the number of the con-
stituents in counties and towns of Ireland—we are will-
ingAgtos
w build
excellent for
you
to give you a large grant for public education, and to
d
the root of the evil. One of the evils of increasing
the number of representatives would be, to add to the
number of absentees, and having some fifty or sixty
thousand pounds more spent in London, and withdrawn
tom Ireland. It was evident that these measures, how-
ever excellent, would not affect that which was the pur-
pose of that Association. At least such was his opinion
of them, if he did not greatly mistake their views. It
was impossible for any one of all these measures to re-
store them to their manufactures. None of them afforded
the means of doing justice to the country, and of raising
it from the degradation in which it was now plunged.
The people of England, he remarked, were beginning
:0 discover how difficult it was to manage the affairs of
the three kingdoms. The English Parliament had quite
enough to do to attend to its own affairs ; and the con-
iequence was, that at the end of the session many Bills
had to be laid aside, or were passed in the most slovenly
manner. There were only two courses open for the Eng-
lish Government—either to proceed with further steps of
coercion, or something which was still more dangerous,
in his opinion, and that was the arrival of the Whigs in
power, and the using on their part of bribery and
treachery. The Whigs had always professed great
things ; but he did hope that forewarned was forearmed,
and that now, if this attempt were made, it would not
succeed; but that determined they would stand together,
al blessingsconciliatingnotn t ofu e ll wd.—(Cheers.)ith
Tdcee
and never abandon the cause of repeal. There were two
reasons why they must succeed. One was that they
would net resort to violence, but continue in the course
which their great leader had marked. The second was,
that the holy wat in which they were engaged called
thea Almighty.
peace
andl perseverance,
nconclusion,he
said
liht couldeht SECRETARY havinglreadthe minutes of the last
lay's proceedings,
Mr. O'CONNELL rose and handed in 41. Os. 6d. from
Edinburgh, and in doing so said he would avail himself of
that opportunity of calling the attention of the repeal
wardens of Scotland to the existence of secret societies
amongst the Irish there. He was very sorry to learn
that they had formed societies under the detested name
of Ribbonmen," for he had known Ribbonism do more
mischief to the cause of Ireland than any other faction
whatever. They had also is Scotland other secret so-
cieties under the name of " United Irishmen," and he
believed also of " Rechabites." It would be necessary
for the repeal wardens of Scotland to take care that the
names of any repealers who may belong to these asso-
ciations shall be at once erased from their books. It
was astonishing that people who were so shrewd as the
Irish should persevere in maintaining secret societies,
which
beproductive of mischief: His coun-
trymen
general but too ready to boast of what
they n
They never put a
bushel over their good deeds, and seeresy in any of their
c ows couldiedree
considered
en only l
their good actions. y
societies or meetings, therefore, proved that their object
could not be good or beneficial. He felt it due to those
deluded men, to let them know that every one of them
who joined a secret society rendered himself liable to
and bloodsuckers. at the, mercy of spies The Honour-
warning them against joining the secret
nvaetil,ld the suspension
ad placed himself
at it be referred
to the general committee to prepare an address to the
t,:bf
tnehs
eap ons
drt
at
Lan tedi
aoi
nrnng be
odyr
dtGhe
eer l
taal wne
dmoaaf
nr theeths oell
then
ntmi do
0,
O'CoNNELL read a letter from Mr. John
Augustus
ahnideh he had alluded.
9of Bunowen Castle, apologising for his
absence at this critical but auspicious ns wore carried unanimously.
societies
SootcHotoiNotwl
s moment. It was
with regret ho had to state that it was a dangerous ill-
ness that deprived them of the very able assistance of
Mr. O'Neill.
Mr. O'CONNELL bore testimony to the worth and ser-
vices of Mr. O'Neill. He had been a Conservative and
in Orangemen, and had joined them at a moment when
Ireland.
such accessionOaliNei
li
Mr. WILSON GRAY handed in 201. from Detroit ; and
said that, being a member of the press, and not a member
of the Association, he regretted he could not move the
insertion of the names of the subscribers in the books of
entitled
wto the gratitude of the people of
as of great moment. He considered
the Association.
Mr. O'CONNELL said, that being a member of the Asso-
ciation—(Laughter)—and as he intended to continue so
for time, at least till they had a Parliament in College-
green—(Cheers)—he would discharge the agreeable
duty of moving the insertion of the names on their books,
and at the same time move the thanks of the Associa-
tion to the repealers of Detroit for their patriotism and
liberality.

Mr. H. GRATTAN seconded the motion, and wished
in doing so, to ask their Chairman whether he had heard
of any communication or announcement from the Go-
vernment of compensation to his Hon. and Learned
Friend and his brother prisoners for the great injustice
done them, or of redress to the constitution of
their country, that had been so grossly violated in
their persons? He saw in the late proceedings an im-
provement on the old principle of one law fur the rich
and another for the poor, for he there saw that the
Government had one law for England, and another for
Ireland. He was determinei never to sleep in quiet, or
to feel a moment's peace of mind, until he saw signal
punishment inflicted on the perpetrators of such out-
rages on the constitution. He would say that it was
impossible the proceedings that had taken place in the
law courts in that country could be justified. It was,
he would say, folly to suppose that the Recorder, sitting
in his court, could not know or find out who it was that
had stolen the jury list. Would the people of England
then assist them in insisting on the impeachment of the
Ministers and the others concerned in such injustice ?
He would maintain that the proceedings that had re-
cently taken place bad brought disgrace on the adminis-
tration of justice, and that no man could at this moment
enter the Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland, and feel
for an instant that his life, his liberty, or his property,
was safe under such management as they saw there car-
ried on. If such proceedings had been attempted in Eng-
land, the perpetrators know that their heads would pay
the forfeit of their crimes. After some further remarks
in a similar strain, the Hon. Gentleman continued to
state that he would intentionally abstain from referring
to other exciting topics that pressed upon his mind, and
that prudence cautioned him against approaching. Ile
then quoted the opinion of Lord Erskine on the value
and importance of maintaining inviolate the sacredness
of trial by jury, and expressed his decided opinion that
the rebellion of 1798 had been intentionally fomented and
brought about in Ireland by the Government of the day,
for the purpose of effecting the legislative union between
the two countries.

" The Committee of the Loyal National Repeal Asso-
ciation propose to award the following sums as prizes for
the best essays written in support of a repeal of the Act
of Union :

" For the best essay £loo
Second best 75
Third best

" The essays are to bo sent to the Secretary of the
Repeal Association before the Ist of January, 1845 ; the
name of the author not to be attached to his essay, but
to be sent in a sealed envelope, bearing some fictitious
signature corresponding to a similar signature attached
to the essay.
" The Committee will not examine the letters of the
unsuccessful competitors.
" The Committee will not hold themselves bound to
award the prizes, or any of them, unless the essays sent
in by competitors shall be of such a character as to
render their publication advisable, with a view to the ad-
vancement of the cause of repeal. The Committee re-
serve the right of publishing the prize essays at the ex-
pense of the Association, without the interference of any
claims of copyright.
" It is suggested that the authors should state and re-
fute the arguments which may be advanced against the
establishment of a domestic legislature for Ireland; that
they should state fully the arguments for repeal; that
they should develope a form of executive and legislative
constitution calculated to secure the happiness of the
Irish people, and to promote unity of feeling between the
constituent parts of the British empire; that they should
illustrate the international relations which they propose
shall hereafter subsist between Great Britain and Ire-
land, by examples taken from the existing institutions of
other countries; and, in particular, that they should
examine how far 1-ic consti;ution rof ,Norway,, and its
connexion with Sweden, may serve as a model for the
new constitution of Ireland; that they should describe
the piobable consequences which Inv be expected to
result from a repeal of the union—pointing out the
dangers to be apprehended, and the means by which
those dangers may be averted. ,
" N.B. These'suggestions ate not obligatory, and are
meant only to intimate the sort of essay which the Com-
mittee consider would be most useful.
_ _ _

_._
" The essays are not to exceed in length 200 pages of
the ordinary size and print used in the reports of the
Repeal Association.
" The Committee, in awarding these prizes according
to the comparative excellence of the essays, will not hold
themselves responsible for the sentiments which they
contain.
" Judges appointed:—Mr. John O'Connell, M.P.; Mr.
Thomas Davis; and Mr. Wm. Smith O'Brien, M.P."
Mr. O'BRIEN then said that the object of the Associa-
tion in giving the notice ho had just road was for the
purpose of directing the attention of the intelligent
minds of this country to all that could be said for and
against the repeal of tho union. They were satisfied
they had truth on their side, and were confident that any
thinking man who weighed the subject with philosophical
impartiality would arrive at the conclusion that the
union should be repealed.—(Hear.) The people had
been listening to arguments why the existing union
should be repealed, but they had not as yet heard what
was to be said on the contrary side, and their object was
to enlighten the people of this country. The question
was an open one, whether they should have a separate
Legislature or a federal Parliament ; whether they
should stand in the same relation to England as Sweden
to Norway. He was glad the leaders of the Association
had not pressed any particular form of Government on
the attention of the people ; their sole object was to
secure that which would be to ensure the happiness and
prosperity of the eoantry.—(hoar, hear.) In England
it was received as an axiom that repeal meant separa-
tion; but he would assert, on the other hand, that repeal
was essential to the integrity of the empire.—(Cheers.)
It mattered little, however, what they thought, as the
event could be accomplished, not through the interven-
tion of English opinion, but by the exertions of Irish-
men. There was a vast difference between the Catholic
question and the repeal. Many had great and selfish
reasons for opposing the former, but every man who had
any regard for their mutual welfare should support the
latter.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Gentleman
then proceeded to point out the many advantages which
a resident Legislature would confer on Ireland—
dwelling on the evils of absenteeism, the constant drain
of money from this country, the removal of the public
offices, and the monopolisation of those offices by Eng-
lish and Scotch, and the unequal representation of the
two countries. He then contended that the fear of losing
these advantages was the sole reason of the hostility of
Englishmen to the repeal, and should, consequently
prove as an argument for Irishmen to seek for it. He
then proceeded to say that the time would shortly come
when the alternative would be proposed to English states-
men—Repeal or Separation.—(Cheers.) For his part, he
would certainly oppose anything having a tendency to
separation, but in spite of the efforts of an O'Connell,
O'Brien, and other -leaders, the alternative would come
—Repeal or Separation. Under these circumstances,
he would contend that the advocates of repeal were the
true friends of the connexion between the countries.—
(Cheers.) It was, therefore for the purpose of enlight-
ening the people that the Committee had come to the
conclusion of disseminating the essays he had alluded
to ; and he would be surprised, indeed, if the prizes that
were proposed did not call forth an amount of talent
that would do credit to the national genius. 'fileHon.
IGentleman then concluded by submitting his motion to
die meeting. t ' . ' • . . -

A deputation, consisting of three gentlemen from
Liverpool, here presented an address to Mr. O'Connell,
congratulatory on 'his liberation.
At Mr. O'Connell's request, the reading of the address
did not take place in the Association.
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose amidst loud cheers, and
proceeded to say that it was his duty to call the atten-
tion of the Association to the matters of which he had
given notice on the last day of meeting. They were,
perhaps, too buoyant in their spirits on that day to re-
gulate with care and consideration the mighty concerns
of the nation ; for the concerns of Ireland were now in
their hands.—(Hear, and cheers.) They were arrived
at a period when, if they acted with discretion, and pru-
dence, and propriety, the repeal of the union was not
only certain, but near at hand.—(Cheers.) He even
doubted whether they were able to spoil their cause; in any
case it was in a prominent and a powerful situation, and he
also knew that an awful responsibility hung over them.
The liberty of Ireland was at stake ; the prosperity of
the people of Ireland was at stake ; the restoration to
Ireland of her national Parliament was at stake. All
the blessings that the Constitution can give, and, above
all, the combination of the different sects and persuasions
in one bond of Christian charity and affection, all these
important concerns were now at stake. They had ar-
rived at a time when they could be free if they deserved
it, and conducted themselves accordingly.—(Cheers.)
They were then somewhat more sober than they had
been last week.--(Laughter.) They
.had been, then,
naturally warm with the triumph which they had ob-
tained, but more sober thoughts had come upon them
since. Every thought and reflection which he since had
convinced him more and more that the hour of liberty
was at hand, and that they should be free, if they con •
ducted themselves as freemen ought to do.—(Cheers.)
Their Chairman had said well, that their first duty was
conciliation. They had every encouragement to conci-
liate those who were opposed to them. If they looked
at the transactions of the last twelve months, they would
see that there was springing up at every side a disposi-
tion amongst Irishmen to combine one with another. He
would take his own individual case. When the verdict
was found against him, in a manner which he need not
then describe, there was no triumph exhibited on the
part of those who were called the Orange faction. Then
was no Orange lodge illuminated—no Orange proces-
sion marched forth, in commemoration of the triumph—
there
were no drunken orgies—no toasts of " To hell
with the Pope and O'Connell."—(Laughter.) There
was nothing of that kind done ; but three years ago
the thing would have been very different. It was
bat a little more than that time since he risked
his life in going along the Queen's highway to
Belfast.—(llear, and cheers.) Three years ago tin.
North would have been in a blaze of triumph
at his conviction. Now there was no triumph of tht
slightest kind. Such neutrality, if it went no further,
was a matter that they ought to hail as a harbinger of
better days to Ireland.—(Cheers.) He rejoiced in that
neutrality. He was grateful for it. He thanked tht
Orangemen for their forbearance, and he expressed hie
strongest gratitude to them for that proof that they were
becoming more Irish than they had been formerly, an(
that they, at least to his sense, held out a prospect of
better days for their common country.—(Hear.) But
what had since occurred ? Since he had been liberated
had the popular triumph been marked by any discontent
on the part of those who opposed them ? Had then
been any meeting held to express their resentment at tht
manner in which the ultimate success of the cause of the
prisoners had been attained, or to disparage the conduct
of those through whom that success had been announced?
It was quite the contrary. He was proud to say that he
hai received the congratulations of persons who had bees.
formerly opposed to him, and whose polities were eves.
yet not identified with his. He was proud to say that
many who would formerly rejoice in his conviction, had
joined in the illuminations that had followed his libera-
tion.—(Cheers.) These were excellent symptoms, and
they ought to do everything to ensure a continuance of
them, by reciprocating the kindliness that was extended
towards them by those who were formerly opposed tt
them. But in addition, had they not the most perfee•
tranquillity on the part of the people ? He saw hi,
Learned Friend (Mr. O'Hea) near him, who had at-
tended a case at the Tullamore sessions, reported in the
Freeman's Journal of that morning, which served as an
instance of that feeling. The people had been lighting
a bonfire in a place where the law permitted them ti
light it, when a single policeman interfered to prevent
them. The people at once obeyed him, even though he
was acting illegally, and separated peaceably towards
their homes. The case would come before the Go
verninent, as it could not rest where it then was, but
he mentioned it as showing that the people of Tulle
more were deserving of the warmest thanks of the
country for their conduct.—(Hear, hear.) The first
subject which he had to bring before the Association, in
pursuance of the notice of motion which he had given on
the last day of meeting, was, that it be referred to the
Committee to report on the necessity of holding the
Clontarf meeting.—(Cheers.) He had preceded the an-
nouncement of that subject by describing the increasing
disposition of mutual forbearance among all classes of
the community as one of the strongest motives for regu-
lating the future conduct of the Association in calling
that meeting. His own opinion was, that the Cloister!
meeting was now unnecessary, and he was sure, if it 6
not necessary, it ought not to be persevered in, as it
would be considered to have too much the appearance o'
triumph and defiance. That meeting had been legally
convened—its purposes and its objects were legal, anc
its suppression was unjustified by law and unsanctioned
by any constitutional principle. Need they now vindi
cate that principle ? He thought not ; and that for this
reason, that the indictment itself had done so. The fin
first counts of the indictment declared their meetings te
be illegal, but the counsel for the Crown were obliged.
in open Court, to consent that these counts should 6
pronounced falsehoods, and that they should be acquitted
of the charges of holding illegal meetings. The princi-
ple was, therefore, already established, and they were.
therefore, under no necessity of vindicating it. They
would thus show to their fellow-countrymen, of ever)
religious persuasion, their anxiety to take no step ii
promoting the repeal cause that is not absolutely neces-
sary for its suocess. He would impress this upon hie
Protestant fellow-countrymen. But why should he
mention them, when he had more Protestant gentlemen
sitting near him thanCatholics?—(Hear' and Cheers.)—
They had forty-one monster meetings. They held them
with perfect tranquillity and the absence of the slight-
est breaches of the peace or violation of order. Not
even a single accident occurred at any of them—their
purpose being to show to the British Parliament and to
the people of England the conviction of the great ma-
jority of the Irish nation that their country was misgo
yarned, and that the union ought to be repealed. They
had demonstrated that completely, and, therefore, though
he would go through the form of referring the sub-
ject to the Committee on account of its importance, it,
would be with the anticipation that the Committee would
decide as he had done, that the Clontarf meeting would
not now be necessary.—(Hear, hear.) The next subject
to which he had to refer was the formation of a
Society.Preser-
v,a)tiveedofmen who
He; thoughtuld make
a that
vice of their country, and he thought it would be IN eli
that they should be entirely distinct from and uncon-
trolled by the other. He
wanted to give the principle
wosacrificeso c i ty ought ht
the t o
se btr
f
of fixity to their arrangements, and to remove the im-
pression that any of the institutions of the country evert
to be injured or disturbed by: the repeal of the Act of
Union. If there was one thing that would tend more
than another to inspire confidence, it would be in having
persons of property formed together in an association for
the re-establishment of an Irish Parliament. He agreed
with his friends Mr. Grattan and Mr. O'Brien, that a
continuance of the union would cause a real danger to
property, but he did not go so far as Mr. O'Brien when
he said that he would resist separation
as long as he.
could resist it. For his (Mr. O'Connell's) part he would
never consent to separation under any circumstances,
and he would give up the repeal to-morrow if he thought
it would lead to such a result. On the contrary, one of
his reasons for working for the repeal was, that he was
most firmly convinced that it would be the only means of
maintaining the connexion between the two countries.

As from Mr. Gray Porter's pamphlet on federalism,
in support of the same opinions, and then continued ue
say that the Preservative Society, acting like a kind of
House of Lords, would, when brought into operation, be
most advantageous in removing all false impressions and
alarms from the minds of the landed proprietors of the
country. The third subject which he had to bring forward.
was that of the impeachment of the Ministry. With respect
to the Judges, he thought the better course would be
to have an address to the Crown front both Houses of.
Parliament for their removal, as was the case in the.
removal of Sir Jonah Barrington. That would be the
most constitutional principle, as it would require an in-
quiry before Parliament in the first instance. He had
himself seen two instances in which danger to property
was anticipated, but in which no danger had followed.
When the Catholic Emancipation was first discussed, he
heard in the House of Commons—where Le ought not,
to have been—more than one gentleman dee:ere that
the property of Protestants would be endangereeZ and
its influence shaken to its centre—that claims wouln be
made upon the forfeited property, and that many of the
Roman Catholics had preserved the title deeds to those
lands, if the Emancipation Act were carried. That Act
was carried. The Irish people had carried it, and that
at a time, too, when the supporters of the cause could
not have collected in a fortnight as many gentlemen as.
were now reporting around the table. What was the
consequence ? Had property, he asked, been injured ?
Had the forfeited lands been claimed ? Had Protestant
influence been lessened ?—(Cheers.) No ; none of these
things happened, and no apprehension had ever been .so
futile (except that of the speedy carrying- of the repeal
of the union), as the fear that such things could occur-
-(Cheers.) In opposing the Reform Bill, it was said
that, if successful, it would shake the old institutions of
the country, be the author of many evils, break up the
common law right of representation, and violate those
rights which made property secure. It was said, is
fact, "if you pass this Bill, you deprive every man of
the value of his property by depriving him of the exer-
cise of its rights." The result showed the fallacy of
those fears. As in 1782 the restoration of Ireland to
her rights had, instead of diminishing the value of pro-
perty, just produced the contrary effect ; and it was a
notorious fact, that in no country in the world had pee-
perty ao much increased in value as in Ireland subse-
quent to 1782.—(Cheers.) Now, it was important that
those who thought that the value or stability of property
would be injored by repeal, should become acquainted with
it and he told them emphatically that the repeal would not
injure either one or the other—(Cheers)—but that by it
the Irish people would have the benefit of Irish taxation,
and he did not think that man worth conciliating who
did not think that worth striving for.—(Cheers.) lie
would now come to the address to the people of England,
and the impeachment of the Attorney-General.—(Loud
cheers.) There was no need for him to enter into the
details of the trial ; but he wanted to know this : They
had heard much of English sympathy.—(Hear, hear.)
He was loaded with letters telling him he was wrong. in
fixing en the English people the faults of their governors.,
and that lie should not hare used such harsh language
towards them. Now, ho must remind the English people,-
with all respect, that they had borne with the greatest;
patience with the Times when it lavished the foulest
abuse upon their Irish brethren, and called their priest-
hood " surpliced ruffians—hooded incendiaries—monkish
assassins,"and themselves a" felonious multitude."—(Loud
cheering.) Now, if he called them Saxons, was it not £1
very mitigated term, cornered with the language he had
quoted from the Times, at the period when writing the
Whigs out and the Tories in, which it mainly succeeded
in by exciting a spirit of anti-Irishism and a No-Popery
cry in England.—(Cheers.) Saxon was no term of re-
proach. It was an honoured name, and the purest por-
tion of liberty was derived from Saxon laws and institu-
tions—the Parliamentary system, trial by jury—(Cheers)
—and the shrievalty.—(Cheers.) But even if it were re
disgraceful name, was not " felonious multitude" rather
worse ?—(Loud cheers.) Was not " hooded assassins"
as bad as " Saxon ?" Was not " monkish tyrants" and
" surpliced ruffians" quite as strong as Saxon ?—(Loyd
cheers.) But I'll tell Englishmen what I'll do, said the
lion. Gentleman—l'll make a bargain with them. Let
them forgive me " Saxon," and I'll forgive the compli-
ments of die Times.—(Cheers and laughter.) I will re-
mind you how I was received in England during the dis-
cussion of the writ of error. I was received most kindly,
and cheered in my exertions. Mr. O'Connell proceeded
to eulogise the Covent-garden Theatre dinner, and the
warmth of his reception at various times in England-
He was, he continued, now arrived at the time when he
should test the English.—(Cheers.) There should be no
more discussion, one way or another, as to what their
feelings towards Ireland were.—(Cheers.) On this
question they would either join Ireland or not, and, one
way or another, the public mind would be tested.—
(Loud cheers.) He told England, from that place, that
if she joined them they would do her ample justice, and
would sound her praise in shouts whose echoes
should reach themselves again. They would pray
that she might be great and powerful—that she might
obtain every advantage in peace and victory in war.
—(Cheers.) lie promised them in return the lion heart
and stout hand of Ireland. He promised them her
;lowing intellect and the congregation of her virtues—
her temperance, her morality, her chastity.—(Loud
cheers.) He promised them the whole of these, if they
joined Ireland in obtaining the victory over injustice.—
(Cheers.) Ho had a right to expect it. Supposing that
the Member for the East Riding of Yorkshire and the
Member far Bath, Mr. Wilson of the Corn-law League,
and the proprietors of the Morning Chronicle Advertiser,
and Globe, as well as the Secretary to the League, were
indicted together, hurled into a dock together, not al-
lowed to appear by attorney, but treated like so many
sheep-stealers, and were tried by a jury of their political
)pponents—Mr. Wilson, for instance, by a jury of
tenants of the Marquis of Buckingham, selected by the
Marquis himself—that they were sent to gaol for three
months without a shadow of law to warrant it, as seven
of his friends were—for where, he asked, was the
authority to do it ?—what right was there to do it ?
(Great cheering)—what a cry would have been raised
from one end of England to the others the very stones
in her streets would have raised their voices.—(Tre-
mendous applause.) The English had a quick way of
remedying injustice. Had such a thing occurred there,
the people would have raised one universal cry, and in-
stead of asking for inquiry, would demand where ,was
St. James's or Buckingham Palace ?—(Cheers.) Eng-
land would have vindicated justice, and, turning out her
myriads, she would have driven her tyrants from their
seats, however lofty.—(Loud cheers.) Now, was the
Member for Yorkshire in any way a more free-born
subject than his son John ? As for himself, he was,
born in slavery ; but his son was born free : or was he
not as much entitled to protection as the Member for
Bath ?—(Great cheering.) If not, what became of the
union.—(Renewed applause.) Let the people of England
give up the humbugging idea of deluding Ireland, and
' either join her heart and hand, or allow her to consider
them as her bitterest enemy.—(Loud cheering.) Her
bitterest enemy, he said, because England stood be-
tween them and her oppressors, and would not re-
main neutral. England, however, must now take a
part with them or against them.—(Loud cheers.)
fie effered her :the allegiance of the Irish people, which
would make Louis Philippe tremble on his throne, and
would wipe away the disgrace of Mogadore. But he
had his price. Ile was to be bribed, and his bribe was
justice.—(Cheers.) In return for that he would make
England the greatest of nations.—(Cheers.) He was
amused with a passage of the judgment of the Holise' of
Lords, wherein they commanded that he and his fellows
" should be restored to all that they had lost."—(Cbeers
and laughter.) There was the solemn judgment of the
tiouie of Lords for them.—(Laughter.) How could
they give him back three months of ,his life ?—(Cheers
and laughter.) An inch was a good deal in a *nun's
nose, and three months was something at his time of life.
—(Cheers and laughter.) They might stop the clock,-
but not the flood of time. What could they do ? They
.lould punish the authors of the wrong, whom he would.
be ready to forgive when they acknowledged their
offences. Having alluded to the peaceable state of the
country, and ridiculed the idea of a Coercion Bill, and of
his abstaining from agitation, as recommended in The
Sun, Mr. O'Connell proceeded to argue that he had been
convicted of fifteen crimes by the jury, where only five
were charged against_ him. A gentleman had asked bias
the day the verdict was returned if it was really true,
and on hearing that it was so, he asked hiM(Mr. O'Con-
nell), have the jury convicted you of the murder of the
Italian boy ? No, said he (Mr. O'Connell), because
they were not asked.—(Roarsof laughter.) Having re-
ferred to other circumstances of the State trials, and in-
veighed against Judge Burton and the other judges, the
Learned Gentleman concluded a lengthened speech by a
vivid picture of the triumph of the Irish people when
heir Parliament should be restored to them, amidst the
loudest applause.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN moved a vote of thanks to
Counsellors Mackey and Burke for their gratuitous ser-
vices at the late registering sessions for the city of
Dublin. Through the exertions of these gentlemen a
large majority had been obtained on the registry, and
this fat ought to prove to the citizens of Dublin that
they had it in their poser to rescue the city
from their opponent:. The Hon. Gentleman then went
into the subject of the registry generally, and hoped that
through the exertions of the Association, the country, at.
the next general election, would be enabled to return
from 80 to 100 Members representing repeal principles.
Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion, and observed
that the gentlemen mentioned were deserving the grati-
tude of the Association for the example of disinterest-
edness which they had afforded.
A vote of thanks, moved by Mr. S. O'BRIEN, and se-
conded by Mr. O'CONNELL, was then passed to Mr.
Crean, the assistant secretary of the Association, for the
efficient manner in which he had discharged the duties
of his office during the incarceration of Mr. Ray.
Mr. Daniel O'Connell and Mr. Ray bore testimony to
the efficiency of Mr. Crean.
Passed with acclamation.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he would, on the
next day of meeting, move that a second copy of the in-
structions to repeal wardens be forwarded to each repeal
warden ie Ireland, for the purpose of furnishing the-
constabulary in his neighbourhood.
After some further business had been disposed of, Mr.
O'Connell announced the rent for the week to be 715/.
The meeting then adjourned.
Mz O'Connell does not leave Dublin until this day
fortlight.
PROVINCIAL ADDRESSES to MR. O'CONNELL.
Dun SEPT. 16.—Several additional meetings have
been he," and more have been convened, to address Mr.
O'Connell upon his liberation and triumph.
SLIGO.—On Friday there was a special meeting of the
corporation of Sligo, in the Town-hall, at which the
, Mayor Michael Gallaher, Esq., presided. On the mo-
thin of Alderman Sherlock, seconded by Martin Madlen,
Esq., ex-mayor, an address to Mr. O'Connell was unani-
mously adopted.
CLONMEL.—A very numerous meeting of the inha-
bitants of this important commercial town was held yes-
terday, the mayor presiding, when an address to Mr.
O'Connell was adopted.

" The various positions of Lover, Husband, and Parent, the in-
herent privileges of mankind, are frequently marred and prevented
through the follies and frailties of early indiscretions. To suck,
among others, this Essay addresses itself ; and by its perusal many
questions/nay be satisfactorily adjusted that admit of no appeal even
to the most confidential friend.", —Staffbrd Gazette.
"The design of this work will be tolerably obvious from its title,
and we cordially recommend the author and his book to all who are
coffering from nervous debility and general weakness."—Wakefield
Journal.
Published by the Author, and sold in London by S. Gilbert, 51 and
52, Paternoster-row; Starie, 23, Tichberne-street, Quadrant, Regent
street; Hannay and Co., 63, Oxford-street; Noble, 114, Chancery.
lane; Gordon, 146, Leadenhall-street ; and by all Booksell.grs.
At home every day till Three. and from Five till Eight.