The Sun.
London, England, 1850-11-11 00:00:00

N°.18,138.] LONDON, MONDAY - :-'NING 7 NOVEMBER 11, 1850.

LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN
RAILWAY.
TENDERS FOR ADDITIONAL CARRIAGES.
The Directors of the London and North-Western Railway arc pre-
pared to receive TENDERS for 150 CARRIAGES, to be built ac-
cording to a Drawing and Specification, which may be seen at Eus-
ton Station on Tuesday next, the 12th infant.
Tenders must be sent in on or before the Evening of FRIDAY, 15th
Noycm her.
The Directors will meet to let the ContracAn SATURDAY, the 16th
instant, at Euston station.
By order of the Directors,
CIVO.
..4. E. STEWART, secretary.
Euston Station, Ncvernber
9, 1

FLOOR CL OTHS,
Best Quality Warranted - - 23. 6:1. per square yard.
Perqan and Turkey pattern . 2s. Od, do. do.
Common Floor Cloth - - - 27% Od. do. do.
Japanned Folding-screens from 30s.
Cocoa-Ohre Mats and platting.—lndia Matting, Plain and Figured
JOWETT, Manufacturer, 532, New Oxford-street.

110, YA L PO t. YTEOHN RI INSTITUTION.
.Le.) Lecture on the Ballad Music of England, by Mr. George Bar-
ker, with illustrations from the most popular Composers every Even-
ing (except aturilay) at Eight e'clock.—Lecture on the Hydro-
Electric Machine, by Dr. Bachhoffner.—Lecture on Chemistry by J.
H. Pepper, Esq., illustrating the Ancient Fiery Ordeal and the Han !-
ling of Red Hot Metals. —Model of Weston's Patent Nova-Motive
Railway, at work daily.—Dissolving Views illustrating some of the
Wonders of Nature, daily at Half-past Four, and in the Evenings
at a Quarter to Ten; also a Series, exhibiting Scenes in the Arctic
Regions and Ceylon, daily at One s'clock.—Diver and Diving-bell,
/cc., &c. . _ .

Admission, I s.—Schools, Half-price.
Open daily from Eleven till Five o'clock, and every Evening (ex-
cept Saturday) from Seven till Half past Ten. •

LORD MAYOR'S DAY.
THE RETURN.

Shortly before three o'clock the procession left
Westminster Hall, and being again fairly launched on
the bosom of Father Thames it returned to Black-
friars-bridge in the same order as before. Shortly
after it had passed Westminster-bridge an accident
occurred at the stairs leading to the Waterman's Pier
there, which at one time it was feared had proved
fatal to several persons. It was in every respect si-
milar in its nature to what took place some years
since at Blackfriars-bridge, and owing to which se-
veral lives were lost. The wooden bridge, which leads
from the stone steps to the floating barges, from which
passengers embark on board the steamers, suddenly
snapped in two, and in an instant some eight or ten
persons, some of wbom were females, fell through.
Fortunately the tide was out at the time, or possibly
some of the persons might have been drowned, as was
the case when the like accident occurred at Black-
friars-bridge. As it was, it was feared that some se-
rious injury bad been inflicted upon them, as the
height, from which they fell was about four feet, and
the place beneath them was a sort of paved ground.
We are, however, happy to say that, with the exception
of some bruises and bemudded apparel, the individuals
in question escaped wonderfully well.
The Lord Mayor returned to Blackfriars at a few
minutes before four o'clock ; and the procession being
reformed, passed through New Bridge-street, Lud-
gate-hill, St. Paul's Churchyard, and Cheapside, to
Guildhall. The only addition to the cavalcade was
the Lady Mayoress, who preceded the Lord Mayor in
a magnificent state coach, just built for his Lordship
by Messrs. Laurie and Maser, of Oxford-street.
This equipage was greatly admired.

and commercial men, and the statesmen and people
had ever been jealous of the glory, and power, and
prosperity of the navy.—(Loud cheers.) No think-
ing man would refuse to agree in the sentiment or a
popular writer of the present day with regard to the
British navy—he alluded to it as a noble service which,
of all the instruments by the English Government,
was the most impotent for mischief and the most
Powerful for good. The immediate predecessor of
the present Lord Mayor had had the privilege, upon
a late festive occasion at York, of being present
when the toast of "The Navy" was given, and on
that occasion the illustrious Prince who was present
expressed himself with sterling good sense and ge-
nuine patriotic feeling, in a manner which would go
far to increase the feelings of loyalty, respect, and
regard entertained for the Royal Family throughout
these realms. The Lord Mayor of York, in proposing
he army and navy, said that the best guarantee for
peace—which they were all anxious to maintain—that
their best guarantee and security was the known ca-
pability of Great Britain to resent and resist an injury,
from whatever quarter it might be offered ; and he
was proud to think that the navy had not gone back.
He had heard many stories and criticisms upon the
state of the navy, but he believed when the hour of
trial came, they would have the hearts and fibres of
British oak ; they would find the hearts of their ma-
riners as loyal and as brave as the old veterans of
Camperdown, and the gallant and glorious heroes of
the Nile and Trafalgar.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir J. BURGOYNE briefly returned thanks on behalf
of the army. _ _ _

The LORD MAYOR said the next toast he had the
pleasure to propose was one in which they were all
deeply interested—it was, " Prosperity to the City of
London and its Trade."—(Loud cheers.) He was sure
be need not make' any statements to them to induce
them to believe that the enterprise and public spirit of
that great city would always enable it to remain the
emporium of the trade and commerce of the world,
and although they had already made a transition
from an old system to a new one, which was always
attended with difficulties, yet he was satisfied that the
enterprise and energy of the citizens of London
would always enable them to stand prominent before
the world as the chief representatives of trade and
commerce.—(Loud cheers.)
The toast having been duly honoured,
The LORD MAYOR again rose and said,—l am
now going to invite you to !pay a mark of respect to
my Right Hon. Friend the late Lord Mayor.—
(Great cheering.) His conduct during the past year
is before the world. The citizens of London can
testify to the upright, and honourable, and indepen-
dent manner in which he has discharged the duties of
Lord Mayor, and his conduct is in every way worthy
a chief magistrate of this great metropolis. I beg,
therefore, to give you " The Health of the late Lord
Mayor."—(Great cheering.)
Mr. Alderman FARNCOMB (the late Lord Mayor)
returned thanks. He assured them that it was with
peculiar pleasure he rose to thank them for the great
honour they had done him in drinking his health. If
he had only deserved their commendations, that was
with him above all other considerations. He would
never forget the very great kindness he had ex-
perienced during his year of office, and begged to re-
turn them all his sincere thanks.

The LORD MAYOR—It becomes my duty now
to propose to you a toast which I am sure you- will all
receive with acclamation. I believe there never was
a period when it was more acceptable to this company
to receive the representatives of foreign powers than
at the present period, when we are at peace with all
the world.—(Loud cheers.) I will just take the
opportunity of saying, that on the last occasion of
being in this hall, I had the honour of sitting opposite
his Excellency the American Minister ; and he did
me the honour to say that if he lived, and if I would
give him an invitation, he would be sure to be here
on this day.—(Heat, hear.) Allow me to say that
his Excellency has now fulfilled his promise. lam
delighted that he is here today, and that with his
colleagues he has done us the honour to be pre-
sent. I beg to propose to you " The health of
the Foreign Ministers," and to assure them in your
name, that the citizens of London will be always
ready to give them a hearty welcome.

toast was drunk with the greatest enthusiasm.
His Excellency the American Minister (Mr. LAW-
RENCE) returned thanks. He said—l came here,
my Lord Mayor, hoping to have had the pleasure
of meeting a large number of my colleagues, many
of whom I knew, if they were here, were older than
myself, and would respond to any sentiment that
might be given by your Lordship. In that expecta-
tion, my Lord, I find myself disappointed, and I con-
fess to you that I am somewhat embarrassed. Be-
sides finding myself the senior on this occasion, it
seems, from the good memory of your Lordship, that
on the last occasion—the only occasion on which I
ever had the honour of dining is this hall—it gave me
great satisfaction, as I well remember, to sit opposite
his Lordship. His Lordship now reminds me that I
then made a promise, without however knowing that
he was to be Lord Mayor, that I would make a
speech whenever he should be Lord Mayor. That
pledge, besides the duty devolved upon me, he now
calls upon me to redeem; and I beg your Lordship and
this distinguished company to accept the grateful
thanks of my colleagues and myself, on behalf of the
countries we severally represent, for the great honour
you have done us in drinking our healths upon the
present occasion. My Lord Mayor, it is good for us,
representing foreign countries, to come up here
to this hall, devoted as it is to the great objects
for which it has been occupied almost time out of
mind—that is hospitality—the great purposes of the
city of London, whether civic or for the purpose
of carrying on the government of the City. We
should be recreant to our duty and our interests if we
were not to appreciate the compliment of being in-
vited to dine on this time-honoured occasion with the
chief magistrate of the mightiest city that does exist,
or probably ever did exist, on the face of the earth.
—(Cheers.) My Lord Mayor, I urn here in this
great city of London, which is the banking and clear-
ing house of the world. And what has created this
great city ? My Lord Mayor, it is the genius of com-
merce. London was made and created what she is
through the instrumentality of commerce, and by the
honour and integrity of those who have been the
hankers, and merchants, and tradesmen of the city of
London.— (Great cheers.) My Lord Mayor, what I
have already said with regard to the city of London
is but a small part in my estimation of what really
belongs to her—([-Tear, hear.) This city is the home
of freedom. Tne city of London has been distin-
guished for her devotion to the cause of civil and
religious liberty.—(Vehement cheering). Where was
it, I ask, that the first stand was made against the
Royal prerogative of collecting ship- money ? Here,
in the city of London, by that immortal man John
Hampden. Were was it that the proscribed
Members of Parliament took refuge? It was in the
City of London, under the protection of the Mayor,
aldermen, and citizens of this great metropolis. My
Lord Mayor, it has 'been the home of freedom, and
I hope it always will be the home of freedom, in re-
ligion and politics.--(Great applause.) I did not rise,
my Lord Mayor, to do more than tender to you my
acknowledgments on behalf of my colleagues and
myself for the great honour yon have done us to-
day, but I cannot sit down without a single word for
my own country—a single word for a nation and a
people who have a common ancestry with your own
—who have the same blood, a common language, the
same religion, and the same laws.—(Cheers.) I
cannot, I say, my Lord, take my seat without say-
ing a single word on the intimate social relations ex-
isting between the United Kingdom and the United
States—relations which tend so much to the peace and
interest of the world—l mean the relations of mutual in-
terest, and if anything could be stronger, it is the fact
of both of us being of the Anglo-Saxon race, and
reared in the same Protestant faith.—(Loud cheers.)
With the same great talent and thought working out
the great plan of Providence for the salvation of the
world, I ask you, then, if we are what I have repre-
sented both nations to be, as regards their social rela-
tions—l ask you what is there that should disturb
this peace and harMony that exists between us
(Tremendous cheering.) I can only say, on the part
of my own country, and I pledge 23,000,000 of
people, governed by the Anglo-Saxon race and laws
—I pledge them as I do myself, that the feeling which
exists there is the same as exists here, and that we are
all of us interested in the prosperity and happiness of
the city of London. My Lord Mayor, 1 congratu-
late you on being elevated to the important position
which you now hold. I congratulate the citizens of
London on having lived under the government of
equal laws well administered, and I can only wish
that the mantle of those that have preceded your
Lordship may fall and sit as gracefully on your
shoulders as on those of any of your predecessors.
The Loan MAYOR then rose, and said that he was
honoured to-night by the presence of a distinguished
guest, the Lord High Chancellor of England, and he
was sure that the citizens of London would feel proud
at receiving his Lordship in that ball. He believed
the Noble and Learned Lord was a citizen of London
by birth—that he bad been educated at one of the
publ►c schools—that he took very high and distin-
guished honours, and he had since deservedly received
the seals of her Majesty. He was sure they would
all rejoice at seeing his Lordship' among them that
evening, and it was his anxious desire that he might
be spared many years to enjoy his reward.—(Cheers.)

The LORD CHANCELLOR said—My Lord Mayor, I
return you my very warm thanks for the kind man-
ner in which you have introduced my name to the
company. All the members of my profession who
know anything of the customs of this great city
ought to feel deeply interested in its welfare ;
for the city of London has very frequently
been the first to discover and encourage
talent and merit in the members of my pro-
fession. The first step to honour is the discrimination
of talent, and some of the greatest men that England
ever possessed have taken that first step to honour by
the discrimination of the city of L endon. I therefore,
in common with every member of my profession, feel
the greatest satisfaction and pleasure in attending
your festivals and witnessing your prosperity ; but,
my Lord Mayor, I have also peculiar reasons, which
you have adverted to. I am not one of those who
have obtained my freedom by birth. I obtained the
freedom of the city of London ,hy servitude. I
honestly served my apprenticeship in the Worshipful
Company of Turners ; but the sort of turning-lathe
I adopted was that of the quill—an instrument which
has produced as singular transformations as that of
any turning-lathe; and I think that I myself am not
the least striking instance of its wonderful transfor-
mations.—(Hear, hear.) It is also true that in one of
your great establishments in this city, I, in common
with my valued and Learned Friend, the Lord Chief
Baron, received my education. There I first imbibed
those feelings and that affection for, the Reformation
which became endeared to me as
my understanding
ripened, which I learned to value, and continue to
value, as intimately connected with civil and religious
liberty—a Reformation which, I am sorry to say, at
this time calls more than ordinarily on every true-
hearted Protestant in the empire to maintain inviolate.
It calls on every true-hearted Protestant to main-
tain and defend it against enemies within and ene-
mies without.—(Loud cheers.) There are some who
have thought it right to depart from that simplicity of
Christian worship which our divine Saviour adopted
and left us an example of, and who seek to approxi-
mate as near as possible to Romish forms, and would
almost seem to invite that very invasion with which
we have been recently threatened and visited.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) You are called upon to
watch the progress of that invasion. Protestant Eng.
land is now informed that she has come under a
Roman Catholic hierarchy. The hymn of triumph
for an admission to an equality of civil rights and
liberties has given place to a note of defiance, and we
now witness an aggressive assumption of spirtival
authority in the Papal manifesto which the people of
this country will not tamely submit to.—(Tremend-
ous cheering.) Considering the language of the docu-
ment to which I refer, and considering the truly
Romish construction which some attempt to put upon
the oath of supremacy, it would seem as if some were
acting in fulfilment of the ancient prophecy, that the
cardinal's cap would equal the Crown of the Queen of
England. If any such event is anticipated, I would
answer them in the language of Gloucester—" This
cap we will tread under our feet, in spite of Pope and
Church adventurers."—(Great Applause.) I thank
the city of London for the knowledge and love of the
Reformation which it inculcated in me, and I
beg now to return my hearty and sincere thanks
for the compliment which has been paid me.
I hope, my Lord Mayor, as you have begun in peace,
so your mayoralty will end in peace—that you will
gain renown for your hospitality, and the manner in
which you have shown how the arts of peace may
conduce to the happiness of all.—(Hear and cheers.)
The LORD MAYOR then rose, and gave, " The
Health of her Majesty's Ministers," many of whom
had that night honoured them with their presence.
, He was not singular in believing that her Majesty's
Ministers were sincerely anxious to promote the wel-
fare of all her Majesty's subjects. This he was sure
of, that they were quite resolved to maintain the
British Constitution in all its integrity; and he was
satisfied also, from a letter that had lately been writ-
ten by the Prime Minister, that they had a guarantee
from his Lordship that the Protestant Church and
civil and religious liberty would be maintained in this
country.—(Loud cheering.) He was sure they
would rejoice that they had an opportunity of testify-
ing to her Majesty's Ministers that they wereesnxious
to do all in their power to maintain peace and tran-
quillity at home, and unity with Sovereigns abroad.
He gave them " The Health of Lord John Russell
and her Majesty's Ministers."—(Loud and general
cheering for some minutes.)
Lord J. RUSSELL, on presenting himself, was re-
ceived with a renewed burst of cheering. He said—
I return my most grateful thanks to the Lord Mayor
.and this distinguished company for the honour th,y
have done•ns. I trust we deserve the praise he has
been pleased to bestow on our endeavours to protect
the best interests of the country ; and it is a source of
great satisfaction to us that at this moment the tran-
quillity of the country and the general state of trade
betoken a state of well-being and comfort which we
cannot but look upon with the greatest gratification ;
and, gentlemen, if', as I am sorry to say, souse of the
powers of Europe seem disposed to interrupt this
peace, which has happily prevailed for so many years,
ctt t
rest
can
w o e n
those may
have
no
who b e
hesitation
es successfulitati
nwantonlyo in
I can only say that the best endeavours of her Ma-
jesty's Government will be applied to preserve that
erers,e
r heiaerg.) war.—(Hear,
that endeavour—and that, at all events, a deep and
peace—thatg ae ra
dv yt responsibilityt
hi
sry, e
o
w e
un
trust
will t that
pinrceuereuthei
eemegisertiheast we ar.—re (
H pa v
of
terms
sh reef-
amicable relations with all the countries of the
world, and that we trust that those
relations may be
maintained. The Lord Mayor, in speaking of any
merit which her Majesty's Ministers may lave, has
alluded to the declaration which has recently been
made on my part.—(Hear, hear.) I can only say,
gentlemen, that that attachment to •the religious
freedom of this country which I have hitherto felt,
will always continue to animate my breast, and that
it will be my duty to maintain 'to the utmost of my
power the supremacy of our Sovereign—(A loud and
general burst of cheering)— dthe religious
an
of the people, from • whatever quarter they may be
assailed.—(Renewed cheering.) Let me add, how-
ever, one thing further. When perils much more
grave, much more imminent, impeeded over this
country, a wise, princess, who at that time
ruled her destinies, thought fit to call to her
aid all those, whatever might be their religious
persuasion, who were faithful to the Throne,
and were true to the interests of the country.
Such was the conduct of Elizabeth in times of as
great danger as ever occurred to this country. Such
conduct, I ray, is worthy of imitation ; and I believe,
with the religious liberty established in this country,
persons of all religious persuasions, while obeying the
dictates of their conscience as to the mode of worship
they think right to adopt, will rally round the insti-
tutions of the country, pay a grateful homage to the
Crown for the protection they receive, and rejoice
that they live in a land where freedom is general, and
I may say is permanently established.—(Applause.)
Gentlemen, I thank you for the honour you have done
me and my colleagues in drinking our healths on the
present occasion, and I fervently hope that the pros_,
perity of this city may continue, and that it may not
only be distinguished by the immensity of its
lation and the greatness of its trade, but celebrated as
the most free and enlightened city on the face of the
globe.
The LORD MAYOR then gave " The Marquis of
Lansdowne and the House of Peers.
The toast was received with great applause.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE returned thanks on
behalf of the members of the House of Peers present
and those who were absent, for the honour that bad
been done them. On behalf of that body he ventured
to say that they had never shown themselves
indifferent to the commerce and welfare of the city
of London. Although they did not pretend to
create or originate those impulses that were given to
public opinion ; so, on the other hand, they were not
contented servilely to follow them. He would say
with regard to that great movement, of which the
commencement had taken place under the mayoralty
of the Right Hon. Gentleman's predecessor, but
which must be brought to a consummation in his own,
that the numerous foreigners that would be attracted
to the city, although they would find many things to
wonder at in our arts, manufactures, and inventions,
yet they would find nothing more admirable than the
institutions of the country, and more particularly the
municipal institutions of London over which the Lord
Mayor presided. In coming to this country they
would witness not only an exposition of arts and in-
dustry, but they would see the institutions of the
country, and would find reason to admire their energy
in all things, in things material and things immate-
rial, in things religious and things moral, which dis-
played in the highest degree the noble minds and
powerful energies of the peoplethis country
of
(Cheers.) The Noble Lord concluded by proposing
" The health of the Lord Mayor, whose year of office
promised to be one eventful in the arts of peace, pros-
perity, and commerce."
The LORD MAYOR briefly returned thanks for the
honour conferred on him. He observed that there
was no country in the world in which there was such
implicit obedience to the laws, and he attributed that,
in a great measure, to the way in which the laws
were administered by the learned judges of the land.
They were honoured to-night by the presence of
several of those judges, and be was sure it must be a

gratification to them to know that in the way which
the laws were administered afforded universal satis-
f4ction throughout the land. Whether rich or poor
—the most miserable culprit or the highest nobleman
—whenever justice had pronounced her decree, he had
never heard the decision questioned. He gave them
" The Health of Lord Campbell, and her Majesty's
Judges."
The toast having been duly honoured,
Lord CAMPBELL said her Majesty's judges return
you their most grateful thanks for the honour you
have done them in drinking their healths, and they
are exceedingly indebted to the Lord Mayor for
the kind manner in which he proposed it. Having
said so much, perhaps the most expedient course
would be for me to sit down, for I have observed .that
there is only one topic in the present state of affairs
to which you are disposed to listen—(Loud cheers)
—and to that topic it does not belong to me by any
means to allude. I have the honour to hold a distin-
guished office in one of her Majesty's courts of law,
and it might so happen that his Eminence Cardinal
Wiseman, and his Holiness Pope Pius the Ninth,
might be tried at that bar.—(A. laugh.) If his Erni-
nece and his Holiness should appear in my hall, then
they may depend on it that they will have an impar-
tial trial.—(Great laughter and cheers.) My Lord
Mayor, you have said that justice is equally adminis-
tered to persons of all conditions in our courts, and
if the Pope himself appeared in his triple crown before
me he would receive the same justice as if he were
an humble parish priest. Gentlemen, I will only
further add, that we have heard with great satisfac-
tion the praises bestowed upon us by the Lord Mayor,
and I can assure you that the good opinion and con-
fidence of our fellow-subjects is the best reward of
our labours. I believe that the pure administration of 1
justice in this country has been its glory for more
than a century, and I hope that in our time that glory
will not depart from us. It gives us great satisfac-
tion to feel, that from the remotest time down to the
present day, there has been a familiar and friendly and
cordial and affectionate intercourse between the judges
and the Corporation of the city of London. We are
now associated with you in that high court over which
you, my Lord Mayor, preside ; and I need not say
how much satisfaction it gives us that this more inti-
mate connexion affords us the opportunity of partak-
ing of your splendid hospitality. I am sure all my
brother judges are animated with a wish that the same
friendly feeling may continue, and that the same in-
tercourse may subsist between the judges of the land
and the magistrates of London.

The LORD MAYOR then rose, and gave " The
Health of Lord Palmerston and the House of Com-
mons," complimenting the Noble Lord upon the talent
he had displayed in the management of the foreign
affairs of the country.
Lord PALstuanorr, who, on rising, was received
with loud cheers, said—l beg, in my own name, and
in behalf of that great and noble assembly with whose
name you have done me the honour of coupling mine,
to make our most sincere acknowledgments for the
flattering manner in which you have noticed the
House of Commons on the present occasion. It is
indeed natural that the connexion which exists between
the House of Commons and the city of London
should be present to the minds of those in this
Hall on this occasion, for the House of Commons
is the guardian, if I may say so, of po-
litical liberty, and this Hall is the centre of that
commercial principle which is identified with the city
of London.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it cannot be
doubted that political liberty and commercial pros.
perity naturally go hand in hand, for without politi-
cal liberty commerce never prospers; and where
there exists commercial prosperity there you will
always find that intelligence, that activity, that spirit
of inquiry, and that independence of mind which are
the best elements of political liberty.—(Enthusiastic
cheering.) In these days, when we see nations in-
volved in internal and external struggles which they
have undergone to secure their political rights, it is
a proud consolation to us to feel that we are tran-
quilly enjoying, as an inheritance from our forefathers,
those invaluable blessings which others are pur-
chasing at the expense of their dearest blood.—
(Loud cheers.) And indeed, gentlemen, there is
an analogy between this venerable Hall in which
we are now assembled and that glorious constitu-
tion of which we are so proud, for in this Hall the
foundations are ancient, the superstructure is solid
and durable, but nevertheless, although reared by
hands in former aged, it has been adapted to the
wants and habits of the day, and does not refuse the
enlightenment of the age in which we live.—(Hear,
hear) But, gentlemen there are, other lights which
shine upon us beiides those I have just alluded to.—
(Cheers.) There are ornaments that grace this board
independently of those which derive their merits from
antiquity. We are here surrounded by numberless
bright eyes and highly. adorned graceful forms, whose
merit lies in the youth, and not in the antiquity of
their existence—(Cheera and laughter)—and that con-
sideration le•ids we to anticipate a wish which I am
persuaded is felt by all who hear me, that we shall
drink " The Health of the Lady Mayoress."
• The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm.
The LORD MAYOR acknowledged the compliment,
and proposed "The Health of the Sheriffs, Mr. Alder-
man Carden and Mr. Hodgkinson."
Mr. Sheriff CARDEN returned thanks.
The next toast proposed was " The Attorney-
General and the Bar of England."
The Attorney-General (Sir J. ROMILLY) returned
thanks.

The next toasts were, "The City Members and
Mr. Masterman," acknowledged by Mr. MABTERMAN
and " The Aldermen of the City of London and Sir
Peter Laurie," acknowledged by Sir PETER LAURIE.
The LORD MAYOR said he had now to propose the
final toast on his list, " The health of the Recorder of
the City."
The Recorder (the Right Hon. STUART WORTLEY)
begged to express in the warmest terms, but the
fewest words, the deep gratitude he felt for the honour
done him. To be associated in this country in the admi-
nistration of justice, where the bench was revered, was
a high honour, but to receive that honour from so great
a community as the city of London was a still greater
honour than the mere judicial distinction ap-
pertaining to an administration of the law.
Oae of the chief privileges of this city was the ap-
pointment of its own judge, and in being selected to
fill that office he assured them he felt the responsibi-
lity which devolved upon him. He would try to
repay the confieence of the citizens of London by en-
deavouring to emulate the bright example of his pre-
decessor.—(Applause.)
The principal guests then retired to the council-
room, where tea, coffee, and other refreshments were
served up. The Lord Chancellor and Lady Truro,
the American Minister, and several of the elite of the
company remained till near midnight.
Mr. Harker officiated with his usual efficiency as
toast-master.

Several glees were sung in the course of the evening
by a vocal band, under the direction of Mr. Jolly.

Of the various guilds of the corporation who cele-
brated Lord Layor's-day, on Saturday, the Masons'
Company mustered at their hall ia strong force, when,
under the presidency of the worshipful the master,
Alfred Gwilt, Esq., the good old loyal feeling of the
company was most warmly elicited by appropriate
addresses.

[PRICE SD.

Belfast mail has brought the Northern Whig of this
day, which, remarking upon the letter of Lord John
Russell to the Bishop of Durham, says that it was at
first supposed not to be authentic ; but (continues that
journal) " the London Thursday evening papers have
I removed all doubts about the supposed deception, and
it only remains for us to express our astonishment
that such a production has proceeded from the Prime
Minister. It is quite in opposition to his usual acts,
distinguished as they are by moderation and caution ;
and how his views are to be carried out, consistently
with the principles of civil and religious liberty, we
are at a loss to imagine. This letter, however, adds an
iintnen‘e gravity to the question of Papal interference
with England. Either that interference must be
moderated, or Lord John Russell must change his
place ; hut at present the question is whether or not
his Lordship has acted with becoming discretion, and
as a fair exponent of the feeling of England."

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIs DAY.
TIMES.—The policy of the Court of Berlin? at
this important crisis in the history of Prussia and the
fate of Germany defies all rational speculation and
perplexes conjecture itself. For what conclusions
can be drawn from the conduct of a Government
over which, at this moment, no man of firm character
or known principles presides, and which at the very
instant when provident and energetic guidance is most
needed seems tost about without any guidance at all ?
In the last Cabinet Council at which Count Branden-
burgh;presided the proposal of M. de Redo witz to render
the whole army movable, and to call out the Land-
wehr, was rejected, after a struggle which cost one
Minister his place and the other his life. Two days
afterwards that decision was literally reversed, and.this,
as it would seem, by a unanimous decision of the same
Cabinet or of the remaining members of it, under the
personal influence of the King. Tae order of state
for placing these enormous forces on foot actually
' appeared in the Prussian Gazette of the 7th of No-
vember. In addition to the whole regular army, the
first division of the Landwehr (including the male po-
pulation from 25 to 32 years (siege), and the Ist and
2d companies in each battalion of the second division
(including the male population from 32 to 39 years
of age), are called out for active service; and the
effect of this measure (according to the German
papers) will be, that in ten days Prussia may have
480,000 men under arms. In short, it is impos-
sible for the King to have made a mere direct
appeal to the military spirit of the nation; and
if his motive for acceding to this extraor-
dinary measure has been to make a demonstra-
tion calculated to procure for him more honourable
terms of peace, we see great reason to fear that,
whilst this act of intimidation will have no effect on
his adversaries, it will render his own extrication from
the position in which he now stands far more difficult
than it was already. The probability is, that after the
fall of M. Rsdowitz from his seat in the Cabinent tae
still found means to sway the judgment of his
Sovereign and to carry by underhand practices the
measure he had been compelled ostensibly to abandon.
The immediate effect of the measure at Berlin was
rather one of consternation and astonishment than of
exultation, especially as on the preceding day the
Radowith proposal had been negatived. Upon the
Exchange no business was transacted in the funded
securities of Prussia, but her treasury notes fell in-
stantly eight per cent., an excess of alarm which the
case does not justify. The sting of disappointment and
exasperation which the failure of so many hopes and pro-
mises has occasioned among the:Prussians generally, and
especially in the Prussian army, has now, however, '
reached a pitch at which no ono can answer for the
results ; and since the Government has declared its
final resolution to meet the emergency by a levy of
nearly half a million of men, the idea of submission,
or even of compromise, runs the greater risk of being
spurned and scouted by a vain and irritated nation.
It is now too late to reason with any effect on the
causes which have long been tending to bring the
state of Germany to this extremity. In no unfriendly
spirit to that country, but on the contrary, with au
earnest desire to promote its greatness and its peace,
we have uniformly protested against the arrogant pre-
tensions and the impracticable schemes which were
leading to the utter disunion of the Confederation.
That disunion followed as the inevitable result of
false projects of unity, which ignored or destroyed
the independent rights of every state in the
Confederation except Prussia; and from disunion
and bickering we are now arrived at the most
tormidable movements of armies which Europe has
witnessed since 1815, whilst UN-many has seen her
contending Princes and Mini,ters struggling for en
audience and a decision in the antechamber of the
Emperor of Russia! The honour of the country and
of its bewildered rulers is touched to the quick, and
they have to choose between the horrors of actual
war, kindled by themselves in the heart of their own
country and against no foreign enemy, or the igno-
miny .f a political defeat as deep as their ambition
had been lofty and bold. In such a position men are
prone to decide for the worst alternative, because it is
that which is least galling to their vanity and least
painful at the present moment. Tae precise casus belli
which now threatens to divide Germany is the refusal
of Prussia to acknowledge the authority of the Germa-
nic Confederation, as reconstituted at Frankfort; for
whether she opposes that authority by her armies in the
territory of Electoral Hesse, or whether she withdraws
altogether from the Confederation, she manifestly
commits a direct violation of all the treaties by which
the Bund was formed in 1815 and more fully orga-
nized in 1820. The treaty of Bregenz—to which
Prussia is not a party—appears to have provided that
Austria, Bavaria, and Saxony will uphold and if ne-
cessary enforce the authority of the Confederation by
force of arms, and the appeal of the Elector of I.les.e
has given them a legal but a most unpopular and
unfortunate occasion for asserting that authority.
Prussia in opposing the forces of the Diet has in
reality no tenable case at all, for we presume she
does not insist on the validity of rights conferred
by her extinct Union which the Hessian Govern-
ment had abandoned, and she has never pretended
to interfere on behalf of the rights of the Hessian
people. The menacing aspect of affairs has arisen
purely from her own wayward conduct, and if war
ensue the pretext for it on her side must be discovered
afterwards. Her ill-judged and unnecessary advance
into the disputed province has of course rendered her
retreat more difficult, and may become the immediate
cause of hostilities. But though we have long fore-
seen a very disastrous termination to the German
policy of the Prussian Cabinet, which might beve
been averted by the mere recognition of her federal
obligations, there is little in the conduct of of her pre-
sent adversaries which commands our concurrence.
They appear to he actuated by a bitter and vindictive
spirit towards Prussia, which may be accounted for
when we recal the policy of Prussia towards them-
selves in the last three years, but which nothing can
justify; and if their object :really was the restora-
tion and reform of the Germanic Confederation that
result might better have been obtained by
conciliatory language and mutual concessions than
by the hasty advance of huge armies. The lastintel-
ligence from Electoral Hesse confirms in great mea-
sure the conjectures we had made on the distribu-
tion of the troops. It turned out, as we had pre-
sumed, that the right wing. of the Bavarian army,
under Prince Thurn and lan', was marching, by
the pass beyond Bruckenau, upon Fulda, where
it would have joined the corps from Hanau ; but
the Prussians, anticipating this movement, had
advanced very rapidly to Fulda and beyond it, so
that the outposts of the two armies came within
cannon shot of one another, and the junction of the
two Bavarian corps was intercepted. The last
telegraphic dispatch from Berlin announces that
an Austrian corps of Federal troops had entered
the territory of Coburg from Bamberg, and is
supposed to be destined to support the inhibition of
the Diet by marching to occupy and pacify Holstein.
A corps Sc placed would possess itself of the passes in
the Thuringian forest and be prepared to operate on
theimportant line of the Saale, by which Lannes ad-
vanced and where Prince Louis of Prussia fell before
the battle of Jena. So that whether the Federal
generals are merely preparing to execute the orders
of the Confederation in Hesse and Holstein, or whe-
ther they contemplate the possibility of encountering
a more formidable enemy, their dispositions indicate
the plan of an extensive campaign. The effect of the
last Prussian measure for calling the Landwehr under
arms will probably produce some decisive result at
Vienna, Frankfort, and Munich, ,for it will be
regarded as an act of defiance ; and whatever may
be the next change in the fluctuating counsels of
the King of Prussia, we entertain not the least
expectation that the other Powers of Germany will
abate one jot of the cause they have taken in hand.
At any other time we should probably have regarded
the position in which Prussia is now placed as a matter
of serious concern to the continental interests of this
country ; but it is, perhaps, fortunate for ourselves that
neither of these contending parties has any claim on
our sympathy. The intervention of the Diet in sup-
port of the Elector of Hesse is an insult to the people
of Germany, and the conduct of Prussia in the Danish
war has effectually deprived her of the support and
approval of English statesmen. Our sympathy, our
compassion, and our political interests are directed to
the suffering and distracted people of Germany, who
are thus armed—state against state, and province