The Sun.
London, England, 1844-07-16 00:00:00

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
METROPOLIS IMPROVEMENT BILL.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
Clause 18 was agreed to, after a short discussion.
On clause 19 being proposed,
Mr. HAWES moved that it be expunged.
The Earl of LINCOLN supported the clause.
After a short conversation the clause was agreed to.
Clauses 20 to 33 inclusive were, after a few verbal
amendments, agreed to.
Clauses up to 51 were then adopted without discussion,
except on verbal points.
The CHAIRMAN then reported progress and obtained
leave to sit again.
The. House then adjourned till half-past five o'clock.

The House resumed at Half-past Five.
Messengers from the Lords brought down certain Bills.
REVENVE COMMISSIONERS' REPORT.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER pre
rented the Report of the Commissioners of Revenue
Inquiry, which he moved to be printed. As the evidence
contained matter tending to criminate individuals, he
thought it would be better that the evidence should not
be printed, but it would remain upon the table for Hon.
Members to refer to.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE thought that neither the House
nor the country would be satisfied without the publica-
tion of the evidence. How could they tell whether or
not the report was well founded unless the evidence were
published ?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
the evidence would remain upon the table, so thnt Hon.
Merpbers could refer to it at any time.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked why it could not be
printed for the use of Members ? In the case of petitions
containing supposed libelous matter it was frequently
the case that they were printed for the use of Members
only. Wy could not this course be adopted in the pre-
sent instance ?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought
it would be better to adopt tqe course Which he had pro-
posed. The evidence would be accessible to every
Member of the House, and they would avoid the risk of
giving a great deal of private information to parties
which they would run if they were to print it.
After a few words from Mr. V. SMITH and Sir D.
NORREYS,
Mr. IT. DUNCOMBE said he should move as an
amendment that She evidence be printed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would in
that case withdraw his motion, and give notice of it for '
to- morrow.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE moved that the debate be ad
ourned.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—No,
nu! I withdraw my motion.
The motion was then withdrawn.
Mr. HEATIICOTE presented a petition from the at-
tornies of Tiverton against the Poor-law Bill.
GRAND JURY PRESENTMENT (DUBLIN) BILL.
Mr. J. H. HAMILTON moved to nominate the Select
Committee on the Grand Jury Presentment (Dublin)
Bill :—Lord Eliot, Sir Ralph Howard, Mr. Young, Mr.
Bellew, Mr. Gregory, Mr. Archbold, Mr. Grogan, Col.
Henry White, Mr. Hamilton, Capt. Taylor, and five to
be nominated by the Committee of Selection.
GARNKIRK, GLASGOW, AND COATBRIDGE
RAILWAY BILL.
_ _ _

The Lords' amendments to the above Bill were
agreed to. _ _

RIOTS IN DOMINICA,
Mr. HAWES said he wished to put a question to the
Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, on the sub-
ject of the late riots in Dozninica. He had received a
letter, which stated that in consequence of some mis-
understanding on the part of the black population, as to
the object of taking the census, a riot had taken place,
in which those persons had been treated most disgrace-
fully. It was stated that 150 men had been arrested
and dragged to gaol; that three had been killed and
nine wounded; and that one had his head severed from
his body and placed on a pole. He believed that mar-
tial law now existed, and what he wished to ask of the
Noble Lord was, whether a dispatch, which was written
in 1839, had not continued in force?
Lord STANLEY said that on the 3d of last month a
disturbance had taken place in the island in consequence
of an absurd notion on the part of the blacks that the
census of the population about to be taken was for the
purpose of taking some steps to restore them to
the condition of slaves. He believed that the
revolt was principally owing to some refugees
from the French and - other colonies. The
disturbances continued for four of five days, but they
were put down at last, and he had no doubt that martial
law would be put an end, and that the persons who
were taken would be tried by the ordinary tribunals.
The despatch of 1839, to which .the Hon. Gentleman
had referred, was appli:able only to Jamaica.
THE SLAVE TRADE.
Viscount PALMERSTON said that he wished to
make a few observations on the slave trade itself,
before he entered upon the motion of which he had given
notice. It was a subject of great importance not known
to that House, and it still continued to engage the atten-
tion of Parliament and the country. Many of the most
enlightened men on both sides of the House and out of
the House had exerted their talents to put an end to
slavery, and they at length succeeded in rescuing this
country from the foul stain of slavery, but that great
result was not completed without much labour.
They must, therefore, look with tenderness on the errors
of other countries who had not yet resolved to follow in
their footsteps, remembering the long and painful efforts
Which it had cost them to wean themselves from such
pursuits.—(Hear.) If there were those who had con-
tracted relations with them, the object of which was the
suppression of the slave trade, they would make themselves
participators in the crime if they relieved them from the
engagements into which they had entered. The in-
vestigations which had taken place, with their disgusting
details, had brought round the minds of men in this
country to determine that England at least should
adhere to such treaties. The details were well nigh
forgotten, though perhaps all men had a general
notion that the slave trade was a cruel thing, that
it was barbarous to tear men by violence from
their homes, their families, and their country,
to transport them across the sea, and to doom them to
pass the remainder of their short lives in pain and toil,
under the lash of a foreign tyrant ; though these things
were known and felt by all, yet he believed there were few
also at that time of day had any adequate conception
of the cruelties of which the slave trade was the cause. It
was difficult to make, with any degree of certainty or cal-
culation, of the number of persons who were annually taken
to the islands and continent of America, for the purpose
of being consigned to slavers-. The returns for which
he was going to move would, it was true, furnish some
information, but that information was received from
their own consular agents.—(Hear, hear.) The Govern-
ments of the countries into which these negroes
were imported, published no returns. Although those

HOUSE OF LORDS, July 15.
BIRKENHEAD DOCK BILL.
The Earl of STRADBROKE moved the third reading
of this Bill.
The motion was agreed to.
On the motion that the Bill do pass,
The Marquis of SALISBURY moved the addition of
certain clauses, and in doing so made some rather severe
remarks on the conduct of Mr. Mallaby, the solicitor
to the promoters of the Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM thought it was unfair for Noble
Lords to make grave accusations against absent persons.
The Earl of WICKLOW thought the Bill ought to be
sent back to the Committee.
Lord MONTEAGLE thought the Bill a most im-
portant one to the trade and commerce of the country,
and was one which ought to pass with the least possible
delay.
The Earl of HADDINGTON supported the Bill.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it was the
duty of their Lordships to pass this Bill.
After a few-words from Lord STRADBROHE and Lord
BROUGHAM,
The Marquis of SALISBURY withdrew his opposi-
tion, and the Bill passed.
BANK CHARTER BILL.
This Bill was read a third time and passed.
DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL.
Lord MELBOURNE presented several petitions in
favour of this Bill.
The LORD •CHANCELLOR then rose to move the
Commons' amendments to the Bill. He said that, in spite
of the opposition of 'certain Noble Lords and a Right
Rev. Prelate in that House, this Bill had passed through
both Houses of Parliament. Still, however, the opponents
of the Bill were not discomfited. The principle of the
Bill having been adopted by both Houses, it only re-
mained for their Lordships to cqnsider certain amend-
ments, which had been made by the House of Commons.
This was all they had now to do ; but he understood
that a most unprecedented course was about to be
adopted by a Rev. Prelate, which was that the amend-
ments be considered on that day six months. Such a
motion as this would be a slight upon the House of
Commons, and he could hardly think that any Noble
Lord would persevere in such a course. The amend-
ments were not of a complicated character, nor did they
require any very grave consideration in order to under-
stand them. Why, therefore, it should be proposed that
they should be postponed for siX months, especially after
the principle of the Bill had been affirmed by both
Houses of Parliament, he could not understand. The
motion was a most extraordinary one, and one the object
of which could only be to defeat the measure. The
Noble Lord then proceeded to explain the nature of the
amendments which had been made in the Bill by the
House of Commons, and he concluded by earnestly
calling upon their Lordships to give their assent to the
amendments which had been made.
The Bishop of LONDON admitted that the course
he was about to pursue was an unusual one,
and one which was only to be adopted in ex-
treme and urgent cases. This Bill contravened
the dictates of common sense, and was contrary
to the maxims of reason. There was one chance
for the defeat of this measure, and he now intended to
avail himself of this last opportunity of opposing this
Bill. It might be said that he was pertinacious in his
opposition ; but when he found that all the arguments
against the fundamental principles of the Bill had been
unanswered, he thought that pertinacity became a virtue.
He saw that there was a formidable array marshalled
against him in that House, but he was fortified by the
knowledge that out of doors this Bill was looked upon
as a most dangerous one, and one to which the majority
of the judges and of the legal profession were decidedly
opposed. He recollected no question—not even except
ing the Catholic question—upon which the public mind
had been so much agitated. He believed, and out of
doors it was generally believed, to be a measure hostile '
to religious truth, and one which would have a most dan-
gerous tendency. He concluded by moving that the
Commons' amendments to this Bill be taken into con-
sideration on that day six months.
The Bishop of DURHAM did not anticipate that the
danger which the Right Rev. Prelate so much feared
would result from the passing of this Bill. He looked
upon the Bill as a measure calculated to do justice to an,
and to bring the whole body of the Dissenting popula-
tion within the protection of. the. law... Under these cir-
cumstances, he could not fear that. any bad effect would
result from the operation' of this Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM argued that if these amendments
were to be rejected, a conference with the Commons would
be appointed ; and if, in that conference, the Commons
should consent to withdraw the amendments, the Bill
would then pass, and the Right Rev. Prelate would gain
nothing by his motion. Everybody admitted that the Bill
had been improved by the amendments which had been
made, and he, for one, could not see on what pos-
sible ground, any opposition could be offered to
them. He thought this Bill would prove as beneficial to
the Trinitarians as the Unitarians, for it might happen
that a case would be found in which Trinitarians were
holding possession of a Unitarian foundation. He con-
sidered this to be a Bill of peace, and as such he had al-
ways supported it.
The Bishop of NORWICH had formerly looked upon
this Bill as nothing less than a Socinian Endowment Bill,
but he had been deceived, for he now discovered that.
this was not a theological measure, but merely a mea-
sure of justice and of equity. Many others had been
placed in the same situation, and having discovered their
error, had deeply regretted having placed their hands to
petitions which had been presented against the Bill. On
examination he had found that the majority of the peti-
ti, ns upon this subject were in favour of the Bill, and
that those petitions which were in favour of the measure
were signed by very few persons. The question was not
(me of religion or doctrine, but a question of equity and
justice, and it was not for man to separate those princi-
ples which God had joined together. On these conside-
rations he should give his unqualified support to the
Bill, for in doing this he was only acting on that prin-
ciple which taught them to do unto others as we would
they should do unto us.—(Cheers.)
The Earl of RODEN looked upon this Bill as a Bill
of injustice, because it gave a property to persons who
had no right to it. He defended the course which had ,
been adopted to reject this Bill, and contended that many
precedents could be found for it.
Lord COTTENHAM contended that this measure
was strictly Conservative in its principle, for it was
intended to confirm the possession of property to persons
who had held it for a great number of years. He con-
sidered the amendments were a great improvement to
the Bill, and he apprehended that that question was the
only one which they had to consider.
Lord BROUGHAM explained,

conspiracy—that they had watched every co.) urrence,
and by connivance and apparent tranoirtillity, gave con..
fidence to those who were carrying an what was called
a conspiracy, to produce still graver acts, for which they
might be afterwards palled up for punishment.—(Hear,
hear.) But, he believed there was something deeper
still than what he had mentioned. His impression
was that there was 11, much more alarming conspiracy
existing in the minds of the Government, who thought,
or affected to think, that it was tint merely a combina-
tion for the purpose of discu;sing• repeal, but that there
was a conspiracy actually going 'on between certain
members of 'the Repeal Association and the Govern‘
ment of America. A person had been put in conitnunioa-
tion with America—one who was to give information to
the Government that treasonable orrespondence had
been carried on between Mr. Steele, on the one hand,
and the son of President Tyler, on the other. That
impression had been imprinted on the minds of the
people by the language which the Attorney-General
used at the commencement of the trials, The bill
of indictment had been seemly placed before the
Court when the Attorney-General announced that there
would be a second bill of indictment, and in doing so
used language which was well deserving of the attention
of the House. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
stated, on the Bth of November, when the find bill Vas
presented to the grand Jury, that lie " would undertake
to establish as wicked and vile a conspiracy as ever
disgraced this country." He (Mr. Wyse) did nQt know
whether that language was applicable to the first or to the
second bill. With regard to the mode iii which that trial
was conducted he had a right to record his opinion or
the impression-made on hia mind by it, and tut the minds
of the great holly of the people of Ireland,. • ThrQugb all
the proefdings of that trial, awetpl.ng aside the techni-
ciOles of the law altotetkeri there waq ai Qvitrwhelm-