The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-07 00:00:00

ADVERTISEMENTS INSERTED in ALL THE TIIIIEE PAPERS, Morning, Noon, and Night, thereby insuring a TOWN and COUNTRY CIRCULATION, at ONE CHARGE.

HIGHf.JND SOCIETY OF LONDON.
A GENERAL COURT of this CORPORATION will he
held at the Freemasons' Tavern, on SATURDAY, the 17th instant.
Dinner at a Quarter before Seven precisely.

Field Marshal his Royal Highness the DUKE of CAMBRIDGE,
K.G., President, in the Chair.

Members of the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland and
of the Branch Societies of Madras, Bombay, Nova Scotia, Aberdeen,
Ec.c., are adintsible without introduction.
Members desirous of procuring admission for Visitors will have the
goodness to apply to the Secretary. Member's tickets may be pro-
cured at the Tavern. GEORtiE BAIN, lion. See.

EAST INDIA HOUSE, EETIRrARY 2, 1844.
THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the EAST
INDIA COMPANY do hereby give Notice,

. .
That a SPECIAL GENERAL COITET of the said COMPANY will
be held by adjournment at their house, lu Leadenhall-street, on
WEDNESDAY, the 21st instant, at Eleven o'clock in the Forenoon,
pursuant to the following Resolution, viz.:—
" To the Honourable the CHAIRMAN of the COURT of DIREC-
TORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY.
" HoNoraAntE SIR,

"We the undersigned Proprietors of East India Stock request
that a Special General Court may be convened at the earliest period,
to take into consideration the following Resolutions proposed to be
submitted to them :

" I. That from the Printed Papers recently laid before the Proprie-
tors on the subject of Sinde, it is the opinion of this Court that the
proceedings of the Government of India which ended in the dethrone-
ment, exile, and imprisonment of the Amcers, and the seizure of their
country and private property, were uncalled for, impolitic, and unjust.
" 2. That this Court does tlierctbee most earnestly recommend to
the Court of Directors the immediate adoption of such steps, by repre-
sentation to her Majesty's Government, or otherwise, as may cause all
practicable reparation to be made for the injustice already committed,
and enforce the abandonment of a line of policy inconsistent with
good faith, and subversive of the interests of the British rule in India.
" We have the honour to be,
" Honourable Sir,
" Your obedient Servants,
" J. SULLIVAN,
" WILLIAM J. EASTWICK,
" JOSEPH lIUME,
"CHARLES FORTIES,
" lIARYIORD .TONES BRIDGES,
" JOHN. POYNDER,
" ARTHUR J. LEWIS,
" A. HOGG, •
" THOMAS MARRIOTT.
" London, January, 16, 1844."
JAMES C. MELVILL, Secretary.

LONDON AND WESTMINSTER BANK.
A Notice is hereby given, that the ANNUAL GENERAL
MEETING of the PROPRIETORS of this COMPANY will be held at
the BANK, in Lothbury, on WEDNESDAY, the 6th day of March
next, at One o'Clock precisely, to DECLARE a DIVIDEND, and
for other purposes.
At this 'Meeting Three Directors, viz., P. M. Stewart, Esq., M.P. ;
Frederick Barmester, Esq., and Henry Harvey, Esq., retire by rota-
tion, but being eligible for re-election, offer themselves accordingly.
By order of the Board,
JAMES W. GILBERT, General Manager.
Lothhury, .Tan. 22, 1844.
The Books will he closed to prepare for the Dividend from the 19th
of February to the 10th March.

T MARTIN RICHARD PLATTS, at present
and for one year and nine months past, residing at 37, Great
Pulteney-street, Golden-square, in the parish of St. James, Westmin-
ster, and county of Middlesex, and being a painter and glazier, do
hereby give notice that I intend to present a petition to the
Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street, in the city of London, pray-
ing to be examined touching my debts, estate, and effects, and to be
protected from all process upon making a full disclosure and surren-
der of such estate and effects for payment of my.inst and lawnil debts ;
and I hereby further give notice that the time when the matter of the
said petition shall be heard is to be advertised in the London Gazette
and the Morning Sun newspaper one month at least after the date
hereof, as witness my hand this 23d day of January, in the year of
our Lord, 1844. INL R. PLATTS.
Witness, John J. Spicer, 38, Camomile-street, Bishopsgate, London,
Attorney for the said Martin Richard I'latts.

its IN

TO COOPERS, HOOP MOSE ERCHANTS, AND DEALE
R WOOD.
MESSRS. ADAM MURRAY and SONS will
SELL, by AUCTION, at Oarraway's Coffee-house, Change-
alley, ConditlL on FRIDAY, February 16, 1844, at Twelve for One
o'clock precisely,
57 BUNDLES of PIPE HOOPS, 991 do. of PUNCHEON, 831
do. of HOGSHEAD, 231 do. of BARREL, 176 do. of KILDERKIN,
195 do. of FIRKIN, and 328 do. of HALF-FIRKIN HOOPS, all of
the best quality, and now lying at Cotton's Wharf, Tooley-street.
Also about 8 Tons of tine BRAZILIAN ROSEWOOD, lying at the
West Quay, London Docks.
Catalogues may be had at °Runway's; and of Messrs. Adam Mur-
ray and Sons, 47, Parliament-street.

SOILED LINENS.—The SAMPLE LINENS
of those celebrated makers Knox and Co., for Irish linens, and
Beverage and Co for table linens, have been contracted for by
BROOKS and WIGHTWICK, in the Borough. These linens are
soiled only by showing to the trade as samples ; they are specimens
of the best made by these celebrated manufacturers, and are now
being sold at half the price of the same goods when clean. Splendid
damask table cloths, three yards long, 7s. lid. each ; two yards
square, each 2s. 9d. ; fire yards long superb damask cloths, suitable
for the table of the nobility, 20s. each ; fish napkins, 2s. 6d. the
dozen ; finest damask napkins, yard square, the dozen, 10s. 6d. ;
Knox's extremely fine Coleraine Irish, twenty-six yards for 255. ;
stout and serviceable, twenty-six yards for 205., usually sold at Is. 6d.
per yard ; and a large lot of linen sheeting, commencing at 4s. 6d.
the, pair, without a scam. Samples of these linens Kent by horse and
cart to any part of town, or forwarded into the country if written
for, from Brooks and Wightwiek's extensive establishment, 106,
High-street, 'Borough, facing the end of Union-street. The premises
being three hundred feet deep, country drapers will find it to their
advantage to call at the wholesale warehouse in King-street.

VORY TABLE KNIVES, 11s. per dozen.
DESSERT, Os.; CARVERS, 3s. Gd. per pair.
TABLE. DESSERT. CARVERS.
doz. doz. pair.
3.t-in. handsome balance handle ..•• Oct. 14s. Oct. 6s. Gd.

4-in. balance handle, largest and best
made ............ ..... .• • • 20s. Od. l6s. Od. 7s. 7d.
Ditto with Watson's Alahata Plate
P'ilfft3 t
handle., equal to silver •• • • 225. 6d. 18s. Od. Bs. fsl.
Fortes
h
heyeprtric,e
ro;fmtkheedalp,orNe.e.
Tiese. houses have- r
for
minent for their
Cutlery, which is always exchanged, if not approved.
Fruit Dessert KIIIVeS Watson's new Alahata Plate, with French
Forks and ivory Handles, 2/.55. per set 0124 pieces ; ditto with carved
ivory Handles, or with Albata ('late Handles and Blades, Albert
Pattern, 21. 10F. per set of 21 pieces.
C. Watson's Sew Alabata Plate possesses the following superiority
over all other mixed metals :—A perfect sweetness and purity, a rich
and silvery appearance, and great durability. Strong Tea-pots for
Six Persons, 245. each; ('ruet Frames, with for richly cut bottles,
225. each; awl is manufactured into every other article for the table
and sideboard. rapier Maellie Tea-trays, 356. a set of three up to
Ten Guineas.

LAMPS.
BRILLIANCY AND ECONOMY IN LIGHT,

C. WATSON'S houses, 41 and 42, Barbican, and 16, Norton-
ton-Folgate, contain all the most approved Lamps of the day. 1.
Palmer's Candle Lamp, which requires no snuffing, 9s, 6d. 2. The
Medium Lamp, to burn a 3-wick candle seven hours for twopence,
255. each, complete Magnums, giving a splendid light, 425. Solar
Lamps, now so much used, to burn common oil without smoke or
smell, 225. 6d., and upwards.
His Illustrated Catalogue and Price Current is just published, con-
taining a detailed list of his justly celebrated AlNita Plate, &c.,
which may he had gratis and'post-free, on application at hls ware-
houses, 41 and 42, Barbican, and 16, Norton-Folgate.

TIIE 'TOILET of BEAUTY furnishes innu-
merable proofs of the high estimation in which GOWLAND'S
LOTION is held by the most distinguished possessors of brilliant
Complexions. This elegant preparation comprehends the preserva-
tion of the Complexion both from the effects of cutaneous malady and
the operation of variable temperature, by refreshing its delicacy and
sustaining the brightest tints with which Beauty is adorned.

ROBERT SiIANV, London, is in white letters on the Government.
Stamp, without which none is genuine. Prices 2s. fid., ss. Gd.,
quarts Bs. Gd. Sold by all Perfumers and Medicine Vendors.

PUBLICATIONS.

Tnst puhli,lletl, price One Shilling,

CURRENCY EXPLAINED, in REFUTA.
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STATE OF IRELAND, price Is. lid.,
AJUNIOR to his " SENIOR," on an Article
in the "Edinburgh Review," on the State of Ireland and the
Measures for its Improvement.
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EXCLUSION OF cATHoucs ntom .JURIES.
THE TABLET, of SATURDAY NEXT, will give
a SUPPLEMENT, containing a MB REPORT of the MEET-
'NO at the FREEMASONS' TAVERN, held on WEDNESDAY the
7th inst. Also, the SPEECHES of O'CONNELL and OTHERS, on
the State Trials, for "Conspiracy"
Orders received by all Newsmen and Booksellers.
(Mice, 3, Bridges-street, Strand.

Adelaide-street, Tralaigar-square.
SAINT JAMES'S; OH, THE COURT OF
QUEEN ANNE.
A New Work by Mr. AINSWORTH has been commenced
in " Ainsworth's Magazine."
" This Work promises to be the best the Author has pro-
duced."—Britannia.

"The sketch of the Court and Cabinet of Queen Anne i$
:.ceellent."—John Bull.
See also Post, Sun, Globe, Examiner, Literary Gazette, &c.
London, John Mortimer, Adelaide-street.

Just published, 12th Edition, price 2s. 6d., in cloth or sheep,
(10,000 copies),
THE POCKET PRAYER BOOK
London : Sold by Simpkin and Marshall; Hamilton and Co.
Longman and Co. ; Sherwood and Co. ; Seeley ; Hatchard ; Nisbet
and all olia Book,ellurs.

PUBLICATIONS.

UPPLEMENTS GRATIS,
WITH THE DISPATCH.
In consequence of the immense demand for the DISPATCH
and SUPPLEMENT of Sunday last, containing a flail Report of Mr.
Shell's most brilliant Speech, the Proprietors of the Dispatch,
apprehensive that numbers of persons, who may be desirous of
obtaining copies of their Journal, may be disappointed.
unless provision be made to meet such demand, have
printed a great number of extra papers to keep on sale ; and
as, when these are disposed of, others will not be obtainable, an
early application is suggested, as the Suppletnent which accotn-
pau►ied the Dispatch of February 4, will be necessary to bind
with those Supplements that are to follow ; so that when the
great ►rational trial is concluded a perfect history of the affair
(including a biographical sketch of Mr. O'Connell), which may
be bound, or otherwise preserved as a matter of reference, will
be in the possession of every purchaser of this Journal, the
proprietors of which, anxious to render the account perfect, will
present (gratis) a Supplement each Sunday during the progress of
the trial, and another at the conclusion. containing all the proceedings
up to the Supplement given on Sunday last. That of Sunday next will be
comprised in 48 columns, the same size as the Dispatch. and contain
a verbatim report of the most eloquent speeches of Mr. Whiteside and
of Mr. O'Connell.
Orders for the Dispatch are received by every News Agent and
Bookseller in the kingdom ; and by Mr. Wood, at the Office, 139,
Fleet-street.

PUBLICATIONS of the SOCIETY for the
EMANCIPATION of INDUSTRY.
Now Ready.

AN ESSAY O'§—MONEY, ITS ORIGIN
AM) USE. By JOHN TAYLOR, Author of " Junius Idcn-
fled." Third Edition, revised. Price 2s. 6d.
AN
~ ESSAY on the STANDARD and MEA-
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-IURRENCY FALLACIES REFUTED, and
k..) PAPER MONEY VINDICATED. Second Edition. Price
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CATECHISMS of the CURRENCY and EX-
CHANTIES. A new Edition, Enlarged. Price 4s. cloth; or,
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THE MONETARY POLICY of ENGLAND
and AMERICA. Price One Shilling.
" It is necessary your gold should be coined, and have the king's
stamp upon it, to secure men in receiving it, that there is so much
gold in cacti piece. But it is not necessary that it should have a
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THE MINISTER MISTAKEN; or, THE
QUESTION of DEPRECIATION ERRONEOUSLY STATED
by Mr. lIUSKISSON. Price One Shilling.
" Our forefathers, who sought comfort in proverbs, used to say,
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_
Niebuhr.
CURRENCY EXPLAINED;
in REFUTATION of the LAST FALLACY of " THE
TIMES," Nov. Bth, 1843. By VESUS. Price Ono Shilling.
London Samuel Clarke, 13, Pall-Mall East, and to be had (by
order) of all Booksellers.

THE MIRROR of LITERATURE, AMUSE-
MENT, AND INSTRUCTION. •
The SECOND VOLUME of THE MIRROR, for the Year 1843, is
now completed. It is splendidly Illustrated, and will he found to
comprehend a vast variety of Historical and Scientific Information;
while -Original Fictions of great. interest, Voyages and Travels,
Poetry and Satire, are not wanting. Some of the most striking
Historical Talcs which the season has produced, tales not composed
of maudlin sensibilities, but valuable illustrations of the annals and
manners of former days. Translations of Standard Works of French
and German Authors by the ablest hands, for " The Mirror" ex-
clusively, have also within the same period adorned its columns.
It may safely be affirmed that the Volumes of " The Mirror" for the
year 1843 present more rational entertainment and solid information
combined—more to gratify the eye, and improve the mind, than any
rival publication. The general varieties which, for more than twenty
years, have received the stamp of public approbation—historical
facts, amusing anecdotes, graphic .descriptions of remarkable loca-
lities and celebrated edifices, ancient and modern, will successively
appear, with Embellishments of a superior order.
All communications to be addressed to the Editor, care of Mr.
Mortimer, Adelaide-street, Trafalger-square ; where books for
review and advertisements are received.

ONDON AND COUNTY BANK.
JLA G. STURT informs his Friends and all interested, that he has
survived the attack made upon him by W. A. Coombe, Esq., of
Gravesend, and W. Hawes, Esq., the Chairman of the London and
County Bank—(vide report in " Ilerapath's Railway Journal ")
and in a few days will return the compliment with interest. In
the meantime his position appears to he this—that he has published
various charges reflecting upon the practices and position of the Bank
In question, which every six months, for the last three years, have
been declared to be false : it is now officially admitted that his state-
ments have brought down the Shares upon which 151. has been paid
to 71. Ergo, his falsehoods are believed before the Bank officials'
truth ! ! !

attempt to effect, even a legal object by means that are con-
sidered illegal; and thus a "conspiracy" is spelt out by the
construction put upon the means that are used to attain
the object sought, however legitimate that object may be.
It has been admitted, even by the Crown, that in this case there is
ro privacy—no secresy, nu definite agreement to do anything
whatsoever; but, above all, no secret agreement—no secret society
—no private information. It has been admitted by the Crown
that there has not been even otie act of private communication,
that everything was openly avowed, published to the world, that
this " secret conspiracy" has no Secresy at all. What a monstrous
thing it would be to hold that that was a conspiracy which every-
body knew of—everybody heard of, and three-fifths of the people of
this country were engaged in ! And what was the evidence of
those conspirators assembling together? That Mr. Such-an.one
attended at such a meeting—that Mr. llarrett attended at a certain
meeting, and that Mr. Duffy attended once or twice—that I,
myself, attended; and this is the way the charge of conspiracy is
to be spelt out! Is it common sense that this could be denomi-
nated a conspiracy ? Conspiracy ! Where was it made When
was it made ? How was it made ? Was it made in winter, or in
summer, in spring, or in autumn ? Was it made on a holiday, or
on a Sunday, or on week-day ? Tell me the hour—the week—
the month —the year it was made P In which of the three

quarters of the twelve months did thi gestation of this conspiracy
commence ? Who proposed it ? Who seconded it ? Who was
present at it ? I don't know whetherit was said that I was present
at the concoction of this conspiracy, or this agreement, private or
public, or who else was there. When and where did it take place?
Ought I not, at all events, to have the advantage of being able to
prove an alibi ?—(Laughter.) No, but you must go over nine months
and toss up which time or place you may select. I want to know
whether this agreement was in writing or in mere parole ? I want
to know has any person told you, Gentlemen of the Jury, if an ac-
tion at nisi prius was pending, and you were to try it, and that that
action was for the recovery of a 10/. contract, could it be possible
you could find one way or the other upon such vague evidence as
that adduced in this case? I remember it was said of a Judge who
has long since passed away, that, in a case for the recovery of 101.
before him, one of the counsel observe t that, although the evi.
donee was not sufficient in a civil cietc,Wwould bellulte sufficient
in a criminal case, in his Lordship's Ceurt,—(Laughter.) Do you
not believe that if there was a conspiracy, it would be proved, and
that the only reason it was not proved is because it did not exist ?
The Attorney. General told you it did exist—that it must have
existed ; but this is all imaginary, and you are called upon to rind
me guilty if you " imagine" that this agreement was entered into.

I don't want to speak of the talents of the Attorney-General. I
admit the ingenuity—the talent and the industry with which he
conducted this case, He was eleven hours—eleven mortal hours—
(A laugh)—detailing the facts of it to you. What did he tell
you the conspiracy consisted oft He made a long statement, and
when he came to the end, he told you to go back to the beginning,
find out the conspiracy, and what it consisted of.—( Laughter ) I
say, Gentlemen of the Jury, without the least affectation, if any
gentleman could have found evidence of a conspiracy, it would have
been found by the Attorney-General. Yes, he took eleven hours
to throw all that garbage into your box. " There." said he, "is
the Pilot and the Nation for you, and make out a conspiracy." I
remember, on the Munster Circuit, the celebrated Mr. Egan was
once engaged for a defendant. The case had been stated by a Mr.
Hoare, a gentleman of dark appearance. Egan was sure of his jury
—(A laugh)—and on behalf of his client he merely said—" Gen-

tlemen of the jury, you are not, in deciding this case, to he influ-
enced by the dark oblivion of a brow."—(Laughter,) A Learned
Friend sittil.g near him said, " Why, Egan, what do you mean ?
that is nonsense you have been speaking." "To be sure it is,"
said Egan, but it is good enough for the jury."—( Laughter.)
So eleven hours are good enough for the jury. It is nonsense to
speak of satisfying them as to the fact of a conspiracy. I remem-
ber, after Hardy was tried for high treason, the anniversary of his
acquittal was for a long time celebrated by a dinner; and one of
the jury, whose health was regularly proposed, always made the
same speech. " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen," said he, "
will tell you why I acquitted Mr. Hardy, Mr. Sergeant Scott
took eleven hours to state the case ; and ten days were spent in
endeavouring to prove it. Now, I knew no man could be guilty
whose guilt it took such a long time to show."—(Laughter.) Re-
member that, in this alleged conspiracy, there is no secresy im-
puted—nothing is left to conjecture—the entire is before you ;
and, therefore, as you know it all, there never was a cause in
which the Attorney-General was less entitled to the benefit of any
surmise by a jury. Why, before the trial, the hall of the Courts
was full of rumours of the existence of a dark conspiracy and of
the disclosures made by persons who were said to have betrayed
the conspirators. No less than seven persons were pointed out to
me as having betrayed the secrets and plans to the Government.
One was pointed nut as having been seen going to Mr. Kemmis,
the Crown solicitor, another as having been to the Castle, and a
third, as having been at a certain house, not far from your (Mr.
Brewster's) residence in Merrion-square—no Jesus than seven
persons suffered in their cha-acters by these rumours of
treachery on their parts. I merely said, " Don't mind these
reports—what can they disclose when there is nothing to
betray ? They may invent, but they have no secrets of ours
to disclose." Now, I ask you, when you Mlle into that box,
did you net expect to have heard something you had not
heard before ? Did you not expect to hear some conversation—
some plan of the traversers influencing and contradicting the na-
ture of their public acts ? If you did expect it, was there ever dis.
appointment so complete and unmitigated ? \Vhy, throughout the
city, in the clubs, when the Attorney-General's case was closed,
everybody said " Is that all ?—why, we knew all that before."
'Tis a conspiracy! Yes, Gentlemen, what has become of these se-
cret plans, the proofs of this dark conspiracy, these " Gorgocs,
hydras, and chimeras dire"—what has become of them ? They
have not been exhibited to you, because there was nothing to dis-
close. This is not a case merely confined to the charge of conspi-
racy; it is a Ministerial trial, to see whether this Ministry, with
their conciliation peliey—with their proposal for an extended Fran.
chise in Ireland, are to retain office, or whether we are to have the
Whigs again, promising a good deal and doing nothing ?—(Laugh.
ter.) This is the real question to be tried_ You, therefore, see
that no men could have stronger motives for proving their case to
the fullest extent. \Vhy, then, did they fail in producing evidence
to show the secret plans of a conspiracy ? The reason was clear—
because they had nothing to betray. It is impossible the Govern.
ment could have failed to discover all the secrets and plans, if any
existed. They had influence enough to induce persons to betray.
They had the patronage in the Post-oflice, in the revenue police,
and especially in the constabulary, to offer for information. Yet
they procure none. Why ? Because there was nothing to betray
—and you know it. Well, then, what is the evidence? Well, if

there was nothing new, what was, the old evidence ? The life of an
old coat, they ray, is a new button.—(Laughter.) They have stitched
up their case with the newspapers which they have flung before
you. If you had heard it charged that I had entered into a pri-
vate conspiracy, you might have said that I had entered into a
private conspiracy in my old days, calculating on being Caved by
the secresy and fidelity or
-- my co-conspira•ors. But there is
nothing ofd private conspiracy charged against me. I therefore
ask—not only those who know my sentiments better than you can—
but I ask you, who know me principally by the calumnies of those
opposed to me—if, from your opinion of my character, you deem
me such an idiot or blockhead as to enter into a conspiracy to the
ru nof a cause dear to my heart, and for which I refused, my
Lords, the appointment of Master of the Rolls ? It was a ques-
tion whether I had not refused the office of Chief Baron before it
was offered to me—(Laughter)—but as to my having been offered
the appointment of Master of the Rolls there Is no dispute. No ;
it was not to be supposed I would compromise the cause to which
I am-devoted, now just at the closing years of my life,
and on the
eve of entering into eternity, where I shall receive that awful
judgment which cannot now be long postponed. You cannot be.
here that I would have the cruelty to enter into a conspiracy—the
folly to enter into a conspiracy_. the absurdity to enter into a
conspiracy—l ask you as Irish gent. men to put
your hands to
your hearts, and say if you can believe it of me. No;
your verdict may imprison me—but It will not take from me the
consciousness of my own innocence, and the conviction that there
us not a man would pronounce that verdict who would not be
convinced of his mistake.
Perhaps the Attorney-General wants
you to believe this—that I was a conspirator without knowing it. I
say without knowing it, for there it w-ts in open day. Yes, you
must, to believe anything against me, believe that I was a con-
spirator ignorant of the conspiracy ; and that is the question
for which you are selected to try me. In the technicalities of
law I could say, even in that there could be no guilt, for there
is no guilt without a guilty intention. But I scorn to make
points of lase upon matter so plain to common sense—so obvious,
and, I trust I may say, so irresistible. There is something curl.
ous in this sweeping conspiracy of the Attorney-General. Gen-
tlemen, it has been so powerfully put to you, that I should
not repeat it—that there would be an end to every great move.
vt
mcnt of human institutions if you were to concede to the /
torney-General that conspiracy which he has neither stated nor
proved. It is a new kind of conspiracy. Some exceedingly saga.
cious person has dreamed of it—this imaginary conspiracy rest-
ing upon your conscientious imagination, but having no other hed
so-
lidity whatsoever. Would the slave-trade have be-n ever abolished
if the present Attorney-General's doctrine of conspiracy had been
law—if the Judges sitting in the King's Bench had given their sanc-
tion to it ? Never did a more formidable party exist than the West

Indira) party. Government might have searched all the newspa-
pers of the day and found evidence of their guilt, of their accumu-
lated guilty. If their acts had been a Ictinspirac Nhy were they
not indicted for a conspiracy ? Why .vas not Wilt erforce ind cted
for a conspiracy ? lie might ham stood, as the humble individual
before you stands now, accused of a conspiracy, because he put an
end to the slave.trade. Blessed be Heaven ! the measure was not
suffered to be carriei until I had some pArt in it. Well, next to
abolition of slavery, what was done? What would have become
of Reform in Parliament ? Is there a man of the Whig aristocracy
—were there not meetings held in Birmingham and elsewhere—
were there not hundreds of meetings held---would the reform in
Parliame::t have gone as far as it had done—would the additions
promised in the King's speech have gone as far as t hey have gore,
if the meetings had not assembled in several thousands, to petition
for it I There is then Catholic emancipation. There was a most
eminent lawyer at the head of the profession at that day ; and the
present Attorney-General will not suppose that I mean any &a-
respect to him when I say that he was superior to him—cer-
tainly he was his equal. He was an eminent lawyer, and he
had as conscientious an antipathy to Catholic emancipation
as any man could have. I do not believe there was a more
decided opponent to that measure—l do not believe there
was a more decided opponent to it than was William Saurin. Ile
was an eminent lawyer, and he watched and saw, as he thought, the
law violated. Ile was defeated in one trial, but succeeded in

another ; but did the wildness of his imagination call Catholic
emancipation a conspiracy ? I was prosecuted for words spoken
by me; my Learned Friend near me ( Mr. Sheil, who sat next to
Mr. O'Connell) was prosecuted for words spoken by him ; but that
Attorney-General never dreamed of terming the alleged offence a
conspiracy. Yet were not the ingredients used in agitating fur
Catholic emancipation the same as for repeal ? Had we not our
county meetings, our provincial meetings, and a simultaneous meet-
ing ? On the 13th of January, 1829, did not all the Catholic
parishes in Ireland meet on one day ? Why, indeed, that could
have been wrested into evidence of a conspiracy, if anything could,
for upon one day, every parish in Ireland met, and upon one day
they all expressed their determination to persevere in their exer.
00116 until Alley obtained religious equality. No man dreamed of
turning that into a conspiracy. It was reserved for the glory of the
present Attorney-General to introduce this doctrine. He has found
out what none of his predecessors could possibly find out. At the
present moment there is a very serious question in agitation in Eng.
land. There was the Anti-Corn League ; they say, and I say, that
their object was to produce cheap bread for the poor, and to in.
crease the number of persons employed. But I am not going into
that question, we have enough of our own; we know that they
and the Anti-Slavery Society collected money from abroad, as well
as at home—that they have used the boldest language, language
for which he said that the Rev. Mr. Fisher accused them of two
crimes—promoting assassination and incendiarism. Gentlemen,
we are free from even the accusation of this. But what is this
precedent to be given for ? Is it to be said men with the autho-
rity of this Court, or any part of the Court, are to be sent over to
England to put down the glorious struggle there, which
would give men markets, and give corn in exchange fur
manufactures, and give cheap bread to the poor ? Is that lo

be turned into a conspiracy ? Ah, no! The Englishmen were
safe in the glorious integrity of the jury. box. There there would
not be a single juror sworn upon such a trial as this wino had been
educated in strong opposite opinions to the accused. In England,
whoever differed with violence and upon principle with the tra.
versers would not 14e sworn upon the jury. No, they are safe.
The angel's wing mounting from the pure jury-box protects
them from it. I should be mocking you in telling you that
the English would be in danger; and do you protect us as an
English jury would protect them, and I will be satisfied. Now let
us come to the machinery of the evidence brought forward to sus-
tains this case. I told you there were two classes of evidence—if
I am not wrong in using the worst—brought forward by the At-
torney-Gencral—monster meetings and newspaper publications. I
will take each separately. lam not here to deny that those meet-
ings took place—on the contrary, I admit that they did, and that
they were monster assemblages, consisting of tens and hundreds of
thousands. It has been somewhere said, that the magnitude of a
meeting alone would make it illegal ; but I give so little of weight
to such an assertion, that, not thinking it worthy of refutation, I
shall not stop to discuss it. But lat once admit that those meet-
ings took place, and I will ask you, Gentlemen of the Jury, was the
life of any mars, woman, or child—nay, of any animal—lost at
them ? You unanimously answer there was not. Was any one
struck or injured in the slightest degree at those meel.ings ? You
unanimously answer " No." Was any female, young or old, ex-
posed at them to any outrage or indelicacy of conduct ? You
answer, " Not one." Was there one shilling's worth of property
lick riging to any individul destroyed or injured ? You also answer
unanimously in the negative. Oh yes-1 forgot—l have, perhaps,
exaggerated here ; for a policeman, in coloured clothes, was put on
the table, who swore that at Tara the crowd went near committing
the violence of overturning an old woman's gingerbread-stand.—
(Laughter.) Now, is it not strange, an extraordinary thing, to tell
me that I infuriated the people to such an extent by those assem-
blages, that they were on the very verge of rebellion , while their con-
duct is so exemplary, and their courtesy to each other such, that not
even an accident occurred on any of those occasions ? There is
not, Gentlemen, a country in the world, except our own, where such
meetings could have taken place with the same results ; and there
' is not in the world a people who could have conducted themselves
in such an exemplary mariner, except the persecuted arid calum-
niated people of Ireland—that " filthy and felonious multitude,"
as the Times called them. Gentlemen of the Jury, they will abide
your verdict patiently. They may disapprove of it, as men usually
do of a verdict adverse to their feelings and wishes ; but there will
be no violation of the law, whatever your verdict may be, and
whatever may be the fate of tine humble individual who addresses
you, and who boasts that he is the educator of the Irish people in
the lesson of legal, peaceable, and continuous political exertion. But
it is said, Gentlemen of the Jury, that large meetings necessarily
lead to intimidation. Do they? Gentlemen, ask yourselves that
question. Were not all the magistrates of the various districts in
which those meetings occurred witnesses of them, and most of those
who remain in the commission of the peace, and unfavourable t 5
repeal ; and why were they not produced ? Why were not all
the clergymen of the Established Church—why were not all the
most timid persons, whether in pantaloons or petticoats, produced
to bear testimony to this intimidation ? Why, because they
could not conscientiously swear that they had endured the
slightest apprehension. Thus, with the most ample opportunities
of adducing the most abundant proofs of intimidation if it existed,
there was an utter absence of evidence, and did not that absence of
evidence speak trumpet.tongued ? I tell the Attorney-General,
that having at his command witnesses of the most unimpeachable
character, if those meetings were productive of any dread to any
portions of the public, he utterly neglected his duty ins not producing
them, if they could have deposed to such a statement. But not a
particle of such evidence has been produced, for the sufficient
reasons—that it did not exist. if those meetings were dangerous to
the public peace, why not proclaim them ? If we were seditious,
why not worn us? And, when they were at length proclaimed,
after having been permitted for months to proceed without a hint
of illegality, was not the proclamation at once obeyed? Yes, we
were branded as conspirators—yes, conspirators, obeying the law
and enforcing it. These meetings were not illegal ; they were
peaceable meetings, suited to the yurposes for which they were con-
vened. If it had been at one, or two, or three, or ten of these
meetings this peaceable conduct was observed—if it had been
only at a few of them that this conduct distinguished the be-
haviour of the people—it might be said to be casual. But,
no, it was the same at them all ; they were peaceable by de-
sign. We have received the same answer—peace—in reference
to every one of them. The Government knew of those meetings ;
everybody knew of them ; and why were they not impeded if they
were illegal ? I am not one of those who say that the Attorney-
General endeavoured to entrap persons into criminality. I say no
such thing. Ido him more justice. Ido not say that he did not
prosecute or interfere, because there was no ground for prosecuting,
because there was no ground for interference. Ido not utter one
word of reproach or calumny to him. lam told, my Lord, that a
few minutes ago I used the equivocal word " design," in reference
to the peaceableness of those meetings, but I only used it in its
true meaning. The designs to be peaceable existed before one of
those meetings took place. It exists now, and it will continue to
exist on the part of the people. When I spoke of design, I spoke
of the education of the Irish people—that education which taught
them that the only way to obtains valuable ameliorations was by
acting peaceably and in strict conformity with the law. I have now
done with those meetings, and I ask you, Gentlemen of the Jury,
what evidence are they of the existence of a conspiracy ? I leave that
matter to your consciences—to your integrity, as my countrymen.
What care I about your political opinions—what care I about
your political sentiments ?—you bit know that you must
answer before your Maker for your verdict. Well, as I said be-
fore, I will leave those meetings and come to the next evidence as
to this conspiracy, which is, the newspapers. Don't imagine I
am going to detain you canvassing the sentences in them ; that
has been very ably done already. There is not the least proof that
I ever saw any one of those newspapers—there is not the least
proof of :any connexion between me and any of those newspapers.
It will be seen by their dates that at the time tine very harshest
paragraphs appeared in them I was not even in town. But it is
proved that at the Associations I distinctly disavowed that any news-
paper was the organs of our body. It is said that we circulated

those newspapers, but the effect of that evidence amounts to this
only—that those who subscribed a certain sum of money allocated
a part of that money to the choice of a newspaper—they selected
what newspaper they pleased. The newspaper sent to them was
their own choice, and you will recollect, Gentlemen, it was that pro.
claimed that not one of them was the organ of the Association. It
is also said they contained libels ; if they did, why were not the
proprietors of them punished ? You will recollect, my Lords, when
we sent those newspapers, according to the directions given to us
by the parties, those newspapers were subject to the libel
law ; if there was libel in them, it was the province of the Attor-
ney-General to prosecute the publishers : but it Is not proved that
we circulated that which was libellous. The fact is, the Attorney-
General would have prosecuted in these cases, if he had thought
it worth his while, and he did not. What, after all, have those
newspapers done? Of what have they been guilty ? Of pub.

fishing a parcel of speeches, which I question if any of them
would be remembered if It was not for this trial. It is giving
fictitious and absurd importance to these newspapers. But they
are charged with exciting the people to riot, violence, and tumult.
Did they ever produce It ? Was it proved that it flowed from
any of them ? No; they stand in that respect acquitted. The
Attorney-General himself has admitted the peaceable nature of my
intentions, and nothing conld be more fair than the reading of
those portions of the newspapers which showed this. My mottoes
of peace were proved over and over again in this Court. I
belong to a Christian persuasion, the principle of which is, that
no quantity of advantage—no quantity of profit to Church or
State, not even Heaven itself was permitted to be attained at the
expense of any one crime; and that no sin could be justified
or palliated by any amount of advantage, however consider.
able. My Lords, it has been proved sufficiently in the news
papers—and, had it not, it is perfectly well known—that no
man ever possessed so much of public confidence as I do.
I will say " possess it." No man has so unremittingly as I
have obtained the confidence of the Catholic laity of every
class—not only those who are our party, and may look to a
change for amelioration, but the Catholics of the middle classes—
the higher orders, the Catholic clergy, and the Catholic episcopacy.
I have obtained their confidence by the assertion of the principles
which I have stated—by the sincerity with which I have enter.
tamed and announced them. A Catholic, lam pleading before a
Protestant jury, in the presence, I may say, of the monarchs and
people of the earth ; and I implore of you to consider whether
you will tarnish all your fellow countrymen, including many Pro.
testants of the first respectability, by any verdict which would
seem to doubt for a moment the perfect sincerity of the doctrine
of my whole life—the pride and boast of my existence—the coin-
fort and consolation of my declining years, and my hope for a
higher and more awful tribunal. You, therefore, cannot believe
that I would desert every principle of my life, and enter into a
conspiracy utterly inconsistent with everything that has yet oc-
curred in my public conduct. But it is not upon these grounds
alone that I rely. There have been other incidents in my politi-
cal career which will enable you to form a better estimate of my
intentions and sentiments. There is not one of you, Gentlemen of
the Jury who does not, I presume, remember the fearful system
of combination which prevailed eight years ago in Dublin. It
is bald that I am ready to sacrifice principle to popularity—
who dares to say it ? Could I not have easily made myself
popular with these combinators ? I opposed them publicly
—I stood alone-1 opposed them at the perilof my life; and I owe
the protection of my life at the meeting held in the Royal Ex-
change, at which many operatives differing from me in religion and
politics attended, to the protection of the police. You will find, too,

my perpetual opposition to Ribandism. Has not m y condemnation
of Ribandism been read over and over again ? Have not my warn-
ings to the people—my denunciations to the police, calling upon
them publicly to stop the progress of the evil system—been pub.
lished to the world? and, if I were in a conspiracy, should I not
have been glad to have been assisted by other conspirators ? If my
object and my end were iniquitous, should I not have had an ad-
vantage in that iniquity by rousing the Ribandmen upon my behalf
in the various parts of Ireland ? I had great influence, and I could

have used it in this particular. You have the fact that I did not
do so before you. It has been read to you over and over again. My
discountenancing the Riband societies is notorious,—nay, more,
my resistance to all secret societies—my constant denunciations of
them, are before the world. Take these things into your considers.
Lion, and say, if you believe in your consciences that the
man is a base hypocrite who, without any worldly motive what.
ever but adherence to principlt, opposed and flung away all
the instruments that could tarnish his cause, however useful
they might be. There is another point, if you have remarked my
public life, must have struck you perhaps differently, but you
must have observed that I opposed it at the risk of my life and the
loss of my popularity—the present system of poor_law. With the
influence I possess, could I not have raised the poverty of Ireland
against its property if I chose, and insisted that all those who
wore rich should feed those who were poor ? No; I saw the
danger which the measure.threatened to property, and at the risk
of popularity—taunted by many and many a sincere friend—bit.
terly sneered at by many men who had joined me, I consulted my
conscience, I consulted the real nature of a provision that makes
more destitute than it relieves, and is at an expense so enormously
great that the very expenditure itself would give poor_law relief.
I knew it was not appropriate to Ireland; but am bound to say, '
that since it passed into a law, I have not given it any opposition.
I look back to the time when I was unpopular with those whose
favour I was most anxious to conciliate, and in whose estimation
I was most desirous of standing high. To this part of my life& I
appeal in answer to this foul charge which has been brought
against me. You recollect—for it was given in evidence—the
manner in which I answered young Mr. Tyler. You mem.
ber, too, the manner of that answer, and you saw the nature
of it, from what was given in evidence by Mr. Bond Hughes.
And here, my Lords, let me say a word with respect to
that gentleman. • I was among the number of those who took
steps against Mr. Hughes, convinced, as we then were, that lie had
sworn falsely. (I am delighted I mentioned his name, for it gives
me this opportunity of doing, him justice.) I now openly state
that I never saw a witness give evidence in a more manly, straight.
forward manner; and I am thoroughly convinced that it was a
mere mistake which he committed, and into which any honest man
might have fallen. This declaration is not part of the case, but I
trust your Lordships will not think it quite irrelevant or unneceo.

sary. Again, with regard to American assistance, what was my
conduct ? I informed the Americans that the Irish people would
not take any support from them which could in the slightest degree
prove disparaging to their allegiance to the Sovereign of these
realms; this will be still more strongly impressed upon your minds,
when you recollect my conduct on the slave question, and when
you have heard my indignant denunciations of slavery. The ad-
vocates of that horrid traffic were on the alert—the Southern
Statcs were collecting subscriptions, and large sums of money
had been accumulated in Carolina to assist tine Repeaters. Did
I shrink from doing my duty on the slave question then ? I)id
I not denounce as enemies to God and man—as culprits and
criminals—the infamous upholders of that trade ? Did I not
compare to pickpockets and felons, and express in the most
forcible language my denunciation and abhorrence of those
who carried en an execrable traffic in human beings ? Oh,
Gentlemen, if I were indeed a hypocrite, should I not have given
them a few smooth words, or glossed over them in the language of
cuuciliation ?—but my heart is, and ever has been, actuated by a
love of liberty and humanity, and the-y do not speak the truth who
say that I am, or ever have been, a hypocrite. You have had it
in the newspapers, Gentlemen, that we were offered assistance from
France. You have heard that the democratic party in France,
headed by Ledru Rollin, proffered us their assistance and support.
That party hates the English nation most of all—the ferocious
hatred of England, which, perhaps not without reason, when they
remembered Waterloo, the French nation entertained, is concen-
trated in the party of Ledru Rollin. Did I ask the support of his
party, or frame the answer in such a way as could he construed
into encouragement ? No, I took the firm tone of allegiance and
loyalty. I rejected his support—indignantly rejected it. I
cautioned him strongly against coming over to this country. Is
this the way to prove my hypocrisy ? Should I have so acted had
I been indeed a hypocrite ? Even the present Monarch of
France I have not attempted to win over. I have refused the
slightest assistance from him; nay, more, have hurled defiance
at him. The Attorney-General, with great ingenuity, intro.
due es a report of a secret committee of the Irish House of Com-
mons, in the year 1797, with respect to the United Irishmen, into
the case before you, to show that we were acting on their plan.
Was there the slightest comparison between them and the Repeal.
ers ? Assuredly not. The United Irishmen were looking to assist.
arse from France—had emissaries there; winds!, perhaps, French
emissaries were travelling through this country, acting on their
plan, looking for French aid, looking for armed force and violent
revolution ! Oh! Gentlemen, it was directly the reverse of ours.
It may be said that I speculated upon the restoration of the elder
branch of the Bourbons to the throne, and that I expected llenry
V. to be king ; but really, Gentlemen, I should be very sorry in-
dead to wait for the repeal till that event takes place.—(Laughter.)
I do not conceal my opinion that Europe will not be perfectly safe
till that branch of the family be restored to the throne. They have
a better title than any other monarch. No, a better title than that
of our gracious Sovereign does not exist ; but they have a better
title than the present King of France. From that King I have
refused the slightest assistance. Nay, more, I hurled my in.
dignation against the man who had delivered over the chil-
dren of France to be instructed by infidel professors. You
have now seen ntv antagonism to the French—'tie capable of
proof. You have seen my conduct with respect to the
Chartists. They were in arms—up in insurrection through.
out England—crowding in thousands and tens of thousands through
all her manufacturing towns—their doctrines were spreading—
their disciples increasing, for there was something fascinating for
tho poorer classes in the principles of the Charter. It purposed a
violation of all property—its followers were numerous—they
offered me aid. If I were a hypocrite, should I have refused it ?
I denounced them—l denounced their doctrines-1 drove them
from Ireland—the people were so much opposed to it, that the
Chartists absolutely committed an outrage upon the Irish at Man-
chester. It has been read to you that the moment we discovered
that a Chartist had joined toe Association, his money was returned
to him, and his name struck off the list of members. If my object
were insurrection, think you I should have acted so ? Gentlemen,
do place yourselves for one moment in my situation. Good Heaven!
if you wished for an armed outbreak and insurrection, would you
not wish for strength ? Would you not conciliate those who were
the advocates of force ? I)id Ido so with the Chartists ? Did I
not meet them anti hunt them out of Dublin—of Ireland—although
there were none of the dangers in their doctrines, none of the
penalties attached to Ribandism ? My Lords, I do firmly declare
that if I had not opposed Chartism it would have passed
over and spread front one end of Ireland to the
other. Thank Heaven that I did resist it ; and, whatever be.
comes of this trial, I shall ever rejoice that I kept Ireland free
from this pollution. There is another matter to which I wish to
call your attention—my constant, consistent allegiance to the
Sovereign—that you find in all the newspapers. Iler name is
never mentioned but with respect ; and when I had to make a
speech in some degree derogatory to the respect due to a Royal
lady—you find me making a distinction between her and her Mi.
rosters. I made that clear distinction, that constitutional dis-
tinction, and I do complain somewhat of the Attorney-General's
conduct here. lie had no right to say that there was a particle of
disloyalty in those remarks. If I did not make any distinction at
all, it would have been quite open for him to comment on that
speech ; but what becomes of the asset lion that I have been guilty
of disloyalty in the remarks that I made, when I did draw a marked
distinction so often that the repetitions was almost nauseating?
Thank Heaven! there is nothing to attaint my loyalty, nor has the
1 attempt ever been made. That I have proclaimed in language
which admits of no dispute. I have come to that time of life
at which it could do me no good, or procure anything for me,
to boast of my loyalty ; but there is not an expectant in
this Court, who could have more frequently or strongly expressed
it. Ido complain that the Attorney. General behaved unfairly in
the remarks he made on this subject. lie read the Queen's speech,
and also, on the authority of a newspaper, stated that I had used
the expression •• Judy took an unfair advantage of us,'' in speaking
of her Majesty. Now, I said it was the Ministers' speech—and it
was of the Ministerial scolding I spoke, when I used that expres-
sion ; to that I referred, and nothing else ; anti I slid say, that,
in not allowing us to reply, " Judy was unfair—she did not let us
make an answer," speaking of the Ministers and of their speech.
I have to complain here that I have been badly treated. I mean
the Learned Gentleman no discourtesy, I do not wish to say any-
thing harsh—but I tell him that it is utterly false that I ever used
such a word with reference to her Majesty. I disclaim, abhor, and
hate—despise the man who could use such language with reference
to her Majesty. I have never been accused of discourtesy to the
gentler sex, who form so minor of our happiness ; and, least of all,
could I apply such terms to one who is at once our beloved Sove-
reign, and of a sex which forms our chief comfort and consola.
Lion. I have detained you longer than I thought respecting my
public conduct. To you I leave it, but having in reserve the
consolation of knowing, that though my mans may be feeble, my
talents confessedly small, and my energies declining, my ardent,
my enthusiastic, and burning love of Ireland and of liberty is un.
quenchable; it is a portion of my very vitality, and furies the
entire of my political interests. Well, public meetings took place;
they must have an object—and so they had—their object was a
repeal of the union. That it was a bad or injutious object, 1
utterly deny ; it was a most useful object, and I shall prove to
you that there is not a man ins this Court—tine neutrality of the
Bench alone excepted—that ought not to become a Repealer. Be.
fore I sit down I hope to make Repeaters of acme of you.—(Great
laughter.) lam quite sure of this—that it is your duty, and if it
is your duty, will it not be your pleasure, to join me ? I shall now
tell you what I mean to do. I mean first to demonstrate that the
English Parliament has, from the remotest period at which she
possessed the power, governed Ireland with a narrow, jealous, re-
strictive, and oppressive policy. By way of parenthesis, 1 would
-jest beg of you to recollect the history of the woollen manufactures
of Ireland in the reign of a Monarch whom you are not die.
posed to condemn. I shall next demonstrate in succession
' • ' • - '

that the transactions of 1782 were intended to be a final
adjustment, and that it was then intended and agreed that
the Irish Parliament should be established for ever ; that
the greatest prosperity followed from the protective influence
of that Parliament, after having achieved its independence, and
that the union was forced upon the Irish people against their
consent, by the most criminal means. I shall next show you in
detail the many evils that resulted from the union, and the gross
injustice of the enactment of that statute. I shall show you the
increasing distress and destitution which have arisen from that sta-
tute, and that there is nu probability—l think no possible means—
of restoring prosperity to this country, or of avoiding ultimate sepa.
ration from England, save by the restoration of het Parliament.
The ill-treatment of Ireland by England is so confessedly true as
matter of history, that I scarcely think it worth while detaining
you on that part of my subject ; yet, having beets brought here by
the Attorney-General by reason of my agitation for repeal, I must
defend myself, and my defence is, that instead of looking for any.
thing evil, destructive, or injurious, I am, and have been, perform-
ing the sacred duty of endeavouring No procure the greatest possible
blessing to Ireland--the protection of her own Parliament. lam
too much devoted to the people of Ireland not to be devoted to them
at all risks. 1 have represented the county of Clare, with 250,000
inhabitants; NVaterford, with 300,000; Kerry, with 200,000; Meath,
with 300,000 ; and stood representative of 730,000 inhabitants of
toe county of Cork. I have twice represented the city of Dublin,
and once that of Kilkenny, Duties then fell upon me that belong
to few. My gratitude to the people is boundless. lam their hired
servant. Yes, lam their paid servant; It may derogate from the
chivalry of my situation ; but 1 avow it, and am ready to earn my
salary. I shall begin by showing you the scheme of misgovern-
ment that was pursued by England towards this country, and my
first proof is from a French historian of great reputation at the
present moment—one of the first of the French literati—M.
Thiers, who in his history of the conquest of England by the Nor.
mans says—" The eonqu2st of Ireland by the Anglo-Normans is,
perhaps, the only one that has not been followed by a gradual ame-
lioration of the conquered people. In England, the descendants of
the Anglo-Saxons, although unable to free themselves from the
dominion of the conquerors, advanced rapidly in civilisation, whilst
the natives of Ireland, after five centuries, exhibit a state of uni-
form decline, and yet they are endowed by nature with the most
remarkable aptitude for everything intellectual. Their soil is fer.
tile, but unprofitable—their descendants have been gradually impo.
verished. and this is owing to their proximity to England." There
is a disinterested historian giving this melancholy picture of cen.
turics passing away without improvement, of poverty and des.
Minion increasing, all owing to the baneful influence, he says,
of the English Government. The next authority I shall
cite is that of Mr. Pitt, who, its discussing a commercial
proposition in 1785, made this admission—" The uniform policy
of England has been to deprive Ireland of the use of her own re-
sources, and to make her subservient to the interests and opulence
of the English people." Mit is not my language,but read from news.
papers against me, avowing distinctly that the policy of England
was to use Ireland for her own purposes. My next authority is a
Lord Chief Justice of this Court, wise, in opposing the union in
'99, said—" You are giving up your independence. To whom ?
To a nation which for 600 years has treated you with uniform op-
pression and injustice." These are the words of Thisbe; and if
I had the arranging of this language I could not put it so power-
fully or so strongly ; and by what expressions has it been followed
up? Its the Government pamphlet published in the year '9B, I
find this admission made by Mr. Secretary Coote—" That the
union was the only means of making Ireland too great and too
powerful;" which showed that what Bushe said was perfectly true.
I have, Gentlemen, that great man, in another part of his speech,
in opposing the anion, saying, " that when he stripped the measure
he saw but one question in it, namely, would they give up their
country? It was, he considered, a measure which went to
degrade the entire nation, by saying it was unfit to govern it.
self—a measure which was nothing less than a renewal of the title
of conquest, and the total denial of the rights of nature to a great
nation from the intolerance of its prosperity." NVhen I began to
address you, I said I would show you that it ryas" the intolerance
of Irish prosperity" which passed the union; and if he were here this
day he would have avowed every word of it, for he spoke it in the
; perfect sincerity of his heart. Therefore, I need not go further in
showing you that the best authority, both foreign and domestic,
proclaimed the misgovernment of this country by England, and the
Government's open avowal that the Irish would become" too great
1 and too powerful, if not ridden down by the union." These topics
had passed by and were nearly forgotten ; hat I ens obliged to the
Attorney. General for giving me an opportunity of.teviv big them.
And while on this subject there is another author I shall refer to,
to prole the Mille views upon behalf of the Government, which is