The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-26 00:00:00

swe-p away 74 statutes which had for their object to in-
terfere with the exercise of labour, and he hoped the
House would consider this matter well before Friday
next. He would entreat the Right Hon. Baronet oppo-
site, while he was surrounded with his present difficul-
ties, to give his attention to the best means of putting
an end to the great competition which at present existed
for labour, and to consider whether other legislative
measures could not be adopted that would have the
effect of removing the sources of commercial distress. In
the present instance he fully concurred in the course
adopted by the Government. He hoped Hon. Gentle-
man would consider well before they would adopt or
sanction any restrictions which would tend to limit
or cripple the trade and commerce of the country.
Mr. T. BORTHWICK trusted that the Noble Lord
the Member for Dorsetshire would afford every facility
to the House for gaining information with respect to
the course he intended to pursue, between this and
Friday. •
Mr. C. BULLER wished to make a few observations
on the interpretation put upon what he said the other
night by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. The Right
Hon. Baronet had taken advantage of one expression
which had fallen from him (Mr. C. Buller), and which
he had subsequently explained. The Right Hon.
Baronet had misunderstood entirely what he said, and
after misquoting his speech, he drew inferences from it
that left the House and the country under a most erro-
neous impression. What he (Mr. C. Buller) said
was, that a new state of society had arisen owing to
the accumulation of great masses of unskilled labourers
in the large towns, and that consequently it would be
wrong if they were to legislate now upon the same prin-
ciples as those upon which they did formerly, and that
on this account he should support the motion.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said her Majesty's Govern-
ment had adopted that course which they thought
would be most in accordance with the views of the ma-
jority of the House, and were willing to make every con-
cession short of a sacrifice of their own conscientious
convictions. If he understood the Hon. Member for
Liskeard aright, he had stated that this question should
be looked upon not in an abstract light, but that they
should consider it as the first step in a bold and novel
system of legislation, and that the principle was not to
be limited to this measure alone, and consequently that
he was ready to follow up the new principles and
abandon the old. He would further state that he was
ready to carry legislative interference with labour
to the fullest extent, as far as he could con-
sistently or without risking a greater evil. The
Hon. Gentleman had protested against the remarks
which had been made upon his speech. The object of
the Government in introducing this measure was to try
whether such a one would be likely to give satisfaction
to the country, and in doing so, he thought they were
performing one of the first and highest duties of a res-
ponsible Government.
Lord SANDON said he hoped the Noble Lord would
acquiesce in the course proposed by her Majesty's
Government to withdraw this Bill, and bring in a
new one. He thought that the House was in favour of
such a course, and thought it would be better if they
were to reserve any expression of opinion on the dura-
tion of the period of labour in the factories until this
new Bill was brought in. When the Bill was first
brought in, her Majesty's Government attached much
less importance' to it than they did now. He would en-
treat them to reconsider this proposition—to consider
the direction in which the public sympathy was now
turned—to consider the feeling which was rising up
amongst manufacturers themselves, and to consider whe-
ther it was safe to postpone, from year to year, the final
settlement of this question.
Mr. {ORRISON said that he believed, in his con-
science, that a Ten Hours' Bill would not only be in-
jurious, if carried, to the labouring classes, by lowering
their wages, but he believed that- it would prove fatal
ultimately to the cotton trade, which constituted almost
the whole of the export trade of this country. He said
the cotton trade, because the cotton trade was widely
different (with respect to the operation of this Bill) to
the silk, the woollen, or the linen trade—all of which
trades were better established, and better able to bear
competition, than the cotton trade. In the silk-throwing
trade' our machinery was superior to that of the fo-
reigner ; in the woollen trade the advantage was not so
striking ; but in the linen trade, owing to the inventions
which had been recently introduced, more especially by
Mr. Marshall, we were enabled not only to beat other
countries, but, he understood that some of our manu
facturers had actually established houses for the sale of
linen in Hamburgh. But the persons connected with
the cotton trade had to contend with a growing coins
petitor. In America, not merely in Massachusetts, but
through the whole of the United States, cotton mills
were continually rising up. Any attempt to limit the
hours of labour in this country he looked upon as a fetal
blow to their export trade. Although at present our
trade was in more activity than for some time past it
had been, yet he thought there were symptoms which
appeared to him to indicate that the present aspect of
our trade would not continue ; and he had no doubt that
before the next session of Parliament, the country
would see his prediction had been verified.
L n-cl STANLEY said that his Noble Friend (the
Member for Liverpool) had made two complaints
against her Majesty's Government, in both of which he
(Lord Stanley) thought his Noble Friend was labouring
under a mistake. In the first place, his Noble Friend
explained that her Majesty's Government, some time
ago, appeared to attach no value to this question. Yet
now he said they tried to magnify it into a matter of
vast importance. Now his Noble Friend must recollect
that her Majesty's Government, from the first, had de-
clared in a most emphatic manner that it was their in-
tention to oppose the motion of his Noble Friend the
Member for Dorsetshire. He believed they were gene-
rally supposed to be sincere in that determination,
seeing that they were deprived in consequence, upon this
question, of the ability and support of his Noble Friend
the Member for Dorsetshire. Now he (Lord Stanley)
thought this would show that the Government had not
treated this subject as of a matter of slight importance.
There was no difference with respect to the principle be-
tween his Noble Friends and her Majesty's,Government.
They admitted the principle of interference with factory
labour; but there was a material difference with respect
to detail upon one important question and one involving
important consequences. lie (Lord Stanley) believed
that those consequences would be fearful to the opera-
tives and to the manufacturers of this country. He be-
lieved that the very parties for whom the Noble Lord,
the Member for Dorsetshire, had taken so deep an in-
terest would be the very parties that would suffer most.
from. his proposition, should it be adopted. This was
his (Lord Stanley's) conviction as to the result, either
now or at any future time, of his Noble Friend's princi-
ple: He confessed that the Government would be de-
hiding the country if they did not strongly express their
opinion—not founded upon temporary circumstances, but
founded upon general principles and the condition
generally of the manufacturing interests of this
country—that it would not be safe—that it
would not be wise—that it would not be prudent to
hold out any expectation as to what they might do this
year, or the next year, or that what they did not do
next year they might do the year following. He be-
lieved, that upon reflection it would be seen by those who
supported the Noble Lord, and he believed that it would
be seen by the labouring classes themselves, if they de-
liberately considered this subject, that if the proposition
of the-Noble Lord were to be carried, it would inflict
irreparable injury on those whom the Noble Lord espe-
cially wished to serve.
Mr. HAWES thought no one ought to complain of
the tone and-manner In which the Noble Lord had ad-
dressed himself to this subject.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
• Hawes) had objected to the Government Bill when it
was first introduced, because it (lid not embrace the sub-
ject of adult labour. Ile had, however, been glad to see
the Government turn its attention to the subject, seeing
that sooner or later the condition of the labouring
classes of the country would force itself on their atten-
tion. If the restriction of the hours of labour were to be
followed by a reduction in the amount of wages, the Go-
vernment had it in their power to adopt measures at once
which would, by their operation, compensate the labour-
ing classes for the loss they might sustain from the reduction
in their wages. He therefore felt no apprehension on
the ground of any reduction in the amount of the wages
of the operatives who were to be affected by this Bill ;
for if such reduction were to take place, the working
classes of this country would then have a stronger claim
upon the Government for those measures which would
have the effect of compensating them for their loss.
Those were the general grounds upon which he thought
the system of ten hours might be adopted without any
tear of injuring the manufactures of the country. The
system of interference had been tried since 1833, and it
was followed by a great augmentation of the commerce
and manufacturing capital of the country. The experi-
ment had been tried, and had succeeded, and he was of
opinion that the ten hours' system must be combined
with other measures which would leave trade unfettered.
Mr. AGLEONBY said that the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for North Lancashire had, in his opinion, justly
proved that the present question was one of detail, and
not of principle, and he had also set aside the question
of Jack Cade legislation.—(Hear, hear.) lie for one
was not afraid Of the term, and he thought too much
had been made of it.—(Hear, hear.) When he heard
the term it did not strike him as anything peculiar. lie
believed the Right Hon. Gentleman who had used it
would rather that he had not done so, but hard words
broke no bones. He acquitted the Right Iron. Gentle-
man of any feeling of disrespect when he used it, and he
must say that he heard with admiration the straight-
forward, candid, and manly speech which he had made.
—(Hear, hear.) For himself he would not be bound by
old systems, but would act as altered circum-
stances required. There was a curious difference in
the reasons of those who supported the Govern-
ment from those on which the Government themselves
brought the measure forward. He could understand the
reasons upon which the Hon. and Gallant Member for
Westminster and the Hon. Member for Montrose acted,
for they protested against all interference; but the Go-
vernment had interfered, and their whole proceedings
were founded on interference. He considered it was the
duty of the House to interfere to protect those who were
under the undue control of others. He did not think
that they ran any risk of endangering the manufactures
of the country by reducing the hours of labour from
twelve to ten, but it was no doubt a matter of very
grave importance. He could not go the length of the
Bight Hon. Baronet, in saying that twelve hours was
the point up to which they were justified In interfering.

Sir J. GRAHAM said the Speaker was so just and
invariable in enforcing the rules of that House, that he
had been unwilling to interrupt the Hon. Gentleman in
the speech which he had delivered. Raising, as he had
done, a question in reference to the administration of the
Irish Poor-law, on a motion for going into Committee on
the Mutiny Act, he would not encourage a further
violation of those rules by following the Hon. Gentleman
in his remarks. Suffice it to say, that he hoped there
would be no delay in presenting the returns for which
the Hon. Gentleman had moved, in the course of the pre-
sent session. With respect to the antecedent sessions, as
the orders were dropped orders, it would be necessary
for the Hon. Gentlemen to renew them. With respect
to the operation of the poor-laws in Ireland, he had
already stated that if it should be the wish of Irish Mem-
bers to have a Committee appointed to inquire into that
subject, a motion to effect that object would not be op-
posed by the Government.
Captain PECHELL was proceeding to say that the
Right Hon. Gentleman had not answered his Hon.
Friend's remarks in reference to the employment of the

Mr. E WART said he was one of those who were in
favour of an Eleven Hours' and he thought if the
Government had adopted the compromise of eleven
hours they would have satisfied all parties. He would
interfere with the rights of labour, so far as to give
protection to women and children, who were unable to
protect themselveS. The Noble Lord opposite said
that the manufacturers of Lancashire would be satisfied
with an Eleven Hours' Bill. The Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for Liverpool, and others, signified their intention of
supporting such a proposition. He was therefore sorry
the Ciovernment did not adopt it. Thore was a time for ,

compromise, and he was afraid the Government had naval force in Ireland in the collection of the poor-rates,
acted most unwisely in allowing it to pass by. die when
would support the Government in that measure, but ; The SPEAKER said he bad not interrupted the Hon.
after their stern declaration to-night, he could not sup- Member who had made this motion, because it was ims
pert them. , possible to say that he would not conclude with an
Dr. BOWRING said he did not agree with the Hon. ' amendment to the motion for going into Committee ;
Member who had just sat down, that an Eleven Hours' bat as he had concluded without making any ,such
Bill would give the satisfaction he seeined to think it amendment, the Hon. and Gallant Officer would be quite
would. There was a great diversity of opinion on the I out of order in making any remarks on the subject of the
subject. From all the information he could glean, a great Irish poor-law.—(Hear, hear.)
majority out of doors was unfavourable to interference. MUTINY BILLS.
Among the workines classes there was such a desire to The House then went into Committee on the Mutiny
have the experiment of a Ten Hours' Bill tried, that he Bill
believed the Government must interfere. His own opi- Captain PECHELL referred to the employment of
nion was certainly opposed to interference, and he be- the Comet and the Stromboli on the river Shannon to
lieved the time would come when those who opposed assist in collecting the poor-rates.
legislation on the subject, would be looked on by the Sir J. GRAHAM said the facts were these :—On the
working-classes as their best friends. He believed the coast of Galway there was a formidable, organised, and
experiment must now be tried, but he was afraid the protracted resistance to the payment of poor-rates; and,
working-classes would rue the consequence of their own at the instance of the Lord Lieutenant, two steam-boats
wishes. He believed it would prepare the way for a were sent to the Shannon to assist the civil power.
fearful and frightful crisis, and he thought the sooner it He was quite prepared to justify the proceeding, under
came the better it would be for the country. the circumstances which gave rise to it.
Mr. MITCHELL said that the adoption of the ten Mr. MORE O'FERRALL thought that the present
hours would prove ruinous to that branch of manufac- was not the proper time to discuss the Irish poor-law,
tures which consisted in spinning yarn. The result of and he would not, there"ore, enter into that subject.
it would be that many persons would be thrown out of On the discussion of the clauses,
employment, or that the manufacturers would lose one- Sir H. HARDINGE said there was a novelty in this
sixth of their profit. He believed that ultimately the Bill, inasmuch as it gave power to the Secretary-at-
loss caused by the reduction of the twelve hours to ten War, in certain cases, to convert barracks, or parts of
would fall on the working-classes themselves. barracks, into military prisons.
Mr. ESCOTT must say that if the question before The Bill having passed through Committee, the House
the House had been whether the measure of the Noble resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and the re-
Lord (Ashley) was for the relief or injury of the port was ordered to be brought up to-morrow.
people, if he wanted an able witness to prove that the The House then went into Committee on the Marine
measure was injurious to the people, he would cite the Mutiny Bill.
Hon. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bowring), who stated Sir C. NAPIER complained that the punishment of
that the measure was in itself ruinous in principle, and marines employed on shore was not sufficiently defined.
if carried into operation would be deeply injurious to the There was another object to which he wished to call the
people, and yet the Hon. and Learned Gentleman stated attention of the Government. It was to this peculiarity
that he would be a strenuous advocate of that measure. in the Mutiny Act, that the punishment of death should
Dr.BOWRING—The Hon. Gentleman misapprehends be suffered for every crime, or such other punishment
me.—(Order, order.) as a curt-martial might choose to inflict. Now, in
Mr. ESCOTT would state, in a few words, why he
many cases it occurred that it was necessary for the
voted against the measure of she Noble Lord. He had officer in command of a ship to inflict punishments ac-
certainly thought that the Bill of the Government was a cording to the rules and practices of the navy,
salutary measure, though not perhaps proceeding upon and he wished that the last clause of the Act
a principle which could be altogether considered should be so framed as to make those rules
sound—(Hear, hear)—but still it was a measure and practices the lawful guide, without reference to the
for the improvement of the existing state higher penalty of death. As at present, the practice
of the law. He (Mr. Escott) had come down to the served no purpose of example. He himself remembered
House fully prepared to give every attention to the a case, where a court-martial had, under the Mutiny
arguments of the Noble Lord ; and, he must say, that Act, sentenced a man to death, but recommended him
his principal reason for opposing the Noble Lord's mea- to mercy on account of a wound in his head. The
sure was that, in his speech in support of it, the Noble punishment was commuted to fourteen years' transporta-
Lord produced no argument, from first to last, to show tion. This punishment was never known in the ser-
that the measure when carried into operation would be vine, and it had no effect whatever in the way of exam-
for the benefit of the people. So far from it, that the
plc. He recommended that the Articles should be so
Noble Lord expressly stated, that he would not argue
modified as to leave it is the power of a court-martial
upon the commercial view of the question—that whether
the pecuniary interests of the people would be promoted on the spot to determine the amount of punishment.
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that the subject had
by his proposition was a question which he would not been referred to the Admiralty before. The Gallant
discuss. He (Mr. Escott) must further say, not that Officer was aware, that when marines were employed on
the measure of the Noble Lord, if carried, was in itself
shore on foreign service, they were in a very different
revolutionary, but the statements and arguments
position to that of doing duty on board.
with which it was brought before the House. Mr: MORE O'FERRALL said, that the same diffi-
were, in themelves, decidedly revolutionary. The eulty alluded to by the Hon. and Gallant Member for
chief argument, indeed, seemed only to embody a threat Marvlebone had been experienced in the employment of
of violence if the alleged grievances were not removed. the Marines in the relief service in Spain, and he
With respect to himself, he felt it his duty to say that thought it ought to be removed.
the course taken by the Government in opposing the Captain PECHELL thought it very hard to punish a
Noble Lord's measure, was_ the only one that could be man who on shipboard fell asleep upon his watch after
taken consistently with their own honour, because the a hard day's work, as a sentinel in the army who fell
only course consistent with the true interests of the asleep at his post.
people. Mr. HERBERT said that an alteration in this respect
Dr. BOWRING explained that he had stated his own had been extended to the marines.
views on the subject, but that from communications The clause was agreed to, the House resumed. the
which he had with the town which he represented, he Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit
was convinced that nothing but an experiment would again to-morrow.
persuade the working classes of the erroneousness of The Indemnity Bill was read a third time and passed.
their views upon the matter. The Gold and Silver Warehousing Bill was read a
Mr. BROCKLEHURST was at a loss to know why second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday
this Bill should be introduced at all. No person had pe- next.
titioned for it ; but now when it was brought perma The International Copyright Bill was read a third
nently before the country, it assumed a very serious time and passed.
aspect. For his own part, he viewed with great alarm The report upon the Dean Forest Bill was brought up
legislative interference with labour ; and, with respect to and agreed to.
The Night Poaching Prevention Bill passed through
manufactures, he thought they had been doing man
unwise things for several years past. In consequence Committee, and the report was ordered to be brought up
of our unwise legislation, the growth of 'manufactures to-morrow. •
was fostered in countries which otherwise never would CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS.
have dreamed of such a thing. He had voted for the Sir ROBERT PEEL said that in the course of last
ten hours' measure, because he thought it the better of session, when the Bill for the trial of Controverted Elec-
the two courses proposed, though he did not approve of tions was mentioned in the House, he had undertaken
many of the doctrines of the Noble Lord (Ashley.) to propose the appointment during the present session
However, he trusted that, on Friday next, the measure of a Committee of the House, to inquire if any amend-
which would be introduced would be such a one as he ment could be introduced into its mode of proceeding.
could support.
In fulfilment of that promise he hid now to move
The SPEAKER then put the question that the order of that a Select Committee should be nominated for that
the day for going into Committee on the Factories Bill purpose. He proposed this measure merely for the pur-
be read, far the purpose of postponing it to Friday next, pose of considering whether any amendment could
which was agreed to. he made in the present course of proceedings, and not
POOR-LAWS (IRELAND;. with a view to discuss and report as to the jurisdiction
On the Order of the Day fur going into Committee on itself. The important question of the jurisdiction ought
the Mutiny Bill, in his opinion to be carefully reserved for the considera-
Mr. FRENCH rose, pursuant to notice, to call the , tion of the House itself. He had no wish to hinder
attention of the House to the neglect of the Poor-law Hon. Members from discussing this great question in
Commissioners to furnish returns ordered by the House the House, but he wished to confine the object of the
in a reasonable time. proposed Committee to the suggestions of amend-
The SPEAKER said that if the Hon. Gentleman ment in the existing system as it stood. He
meant to bring forward his motion as a case of privilege, had endeavoured to make the Committee as fair
it would he a most unusual course before an order of the and as useful as possible by placing upon it
!louse had been madd. that the returns should be fur- those who were looked to as authorities, and who would
nished forthwith. When such an order was made, and come prepared to assist in rendering the existing sys-
the returns were not in accordance with it furnished tem as perfect as possible. He did not see any neces-
forthwith, then it was competent for the Hon. Gentleman situ for entering into a statement, or inviting discussion,
to bring forward his motion on a question of privilege. and he should, therefore, content himself simply with
Mr. FRENCH said he should take care nut to do any moving the appointment of a Select Committee, to in-
thing irregular, and he would very shortly state the quire and report, whether it would-be desirable to make
reasons which induced him to complain, and which led any alteration in the law at present in force in respect
him to the belief that the delay in furnishing to the trial of Controverted Elections.
the returns had been both systematic and intentional Mr. GISBORNE said, he should have been gratified
on the part of the Commissioners. Returns had been if. upon the present occasion, the Right Hon. Baronet
ordered by that House on his motion, and he had a right (Sir Robert Peep had stated what he thought of the,
to get those returns, and he insisted upon getting them. present law from the experience they had been enabled to
The returns ordered by the House on the 12th February, have of it. The object of the Bill had been to remedy
1843, were for the names and local situations of each of that which had certainly become a crying evil, and it
the union workhouses in Ireland, which had not a suf. was a question of interest to ascertain how far in the
ficient supply of fresh water. On the 4th of March Right Hon. Baronet's opinion an amendment had been
following, no return having been made, he took occasion effected. For his (Mr. Gisborne's) part, he was inclined
to complain of the delay, and to point to it as a contempt to think there had been some amendment. He had that
of the authority of the House, and to move that Mr. morning looked at the Journals of the House, to find, as
Nicholls and Mr. Lewis, the Commissioners, should be well as he could, how far party feeling might be supposed
called before the House to answer for their contempt. to have influenced the decisions of Committees. He
Afterwards there was a return made, professing to be found that twenty-five Committees had decided conform-
that which he moved for, but it really was not so. On ably with the politics they were supposed to entertain;
the 11th of August, 1843, he moved for the names of and that eight had decided contrary to the opinion
the Assistant Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland, the supposed to be entertained by them. He was also bound
names of the respective unions to which they were to state that in the latter Committees there appeared to
attached, and the number of their attendances at each be much less conformity in the political opinions of its
union workhouse during the preceding six months. members than the former ones. There was one amend-
That return could have been made in six hours. On ment in the practice of the Committees which he thought
the 6th February in the present session, he moved for a might be introduced with special advantage. He was
return of the names of the places where police soldiers no lawyer, but he understood that in a common law
were employed in collecting the rate, and specifying the action a party could give notice to his opponent that if
number of men employed, and the amount collected. he did not admit certain points he should
No return, however, of this kind had been made. He then prove them at his (the opponent's) expense.
thought that those delays might be attributed either Now this practice might be advantageously admitted by
to pressure of business or to accident, but when he the Committee, for it would effect a great saving both of
reflected that the continuance of the useless expense time and of money. There were other points which
of that despotic Commission rested entirely upon presented themselves to his notice, but as the House
the state of ignorance in which the Government had seemed indisposed to discussion at that time, he would
been kept as to the real operation of the poor-law, and not enter on them. He hoped, however, that on the Corn-
the opinions of the Irish people upon it, the conviction mittee there would be some Hon. Gentlemen who had
forced itself on his mind that the delay in presenting, suffered in these matters, for, as they best knew where
those returns had been, on the part of the Commis- the shoe pinched, they would best assist the Committee
shiners both wilful and intentional The returns in coming to sound conclusions.
he had called for this year, if honestly and cor- Mr. COLLETT hoped the House would adopt some
rectly given, were calculated very much to undeceive the course to save Members from persecution. He had
Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the some time back been declared by a Committee of
Home Department, as to the real state of affairs in Ire- that House duly returned to serve for the present
land. Should the Right Hon. Gentleman, by any acci- Parliament for the borough of Athlone, and he
dent whatever, he cared not what, arrive at the truth, thought the matter was at an end, and he should
he (Mr. F.) was convinced, from the Right lion. he subjected to no further - annoyance. lie had,
Baronet's clearness of mind and firmness of purpose, however, been forced before another Committee,
there would be a speedy end put to both Commission who, on the 7th of this month, had again declared him
and Commissioners in Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman duly elected "to serve in the present Parliament" for
then, in reference to his motion for a return of the the borough of Athlone, and he was again threatened
number of soldiers and police employed in the collection not merely with another petition against him, but with
of the rate, read an account in which it was stated, that an annual attempt to wrest his seat from him.
in February last, at a place called Bellow, 700 soldiers Sir GEORGE GREY thought the Right Hon. Ba-
and police were marched to meet the peasantry, who, ronet had pursued a very wise course in keeping the
to the number of 300, armed with pitchforks, &c., had question of jurisdiction for the consideration of the
assembled to offer the most determined opposition 'House itself, and confining the labours of the Select
to the collection of the rate, and even resolved Committee to the consideration of amdndments in the
on waging war to the knife, but that fortunately, practice and proceedings of the Committees on Contro-
owing to the humane exertions of a magistrate in the verted Elections.
neighbourhood, Captain Kelly, of Fairfield, the colli- Mr. FRENCH hoped that neither Ministers nor ex-
sion was prevented, and the people peaceably dispersed. Ministers would be allowed to sit on the Committee.
The Hon. Gentleman also read, from Dr. Kirwan of the Sir E. COLEBROOKE suggested that Committees
county Galway, a most respectable Roman Catholic should have the assistance of eminent lawyers to sit as
priest, a letter describing the difficulty of collecting the assessors, and assist in declaring the law and making
rates in his neighbourhood, and stating that the unpo- their proceedings conformable to it.
pularity of the tax was so great that, in the Sir R. PEEL said, whilst he thought the House had
parish of Kilallan, no one could be found who better not prejudge the question by going into discussion
would undertake to collect it, and that in con- into it—that he considered the suggestion as to
sequence a collector was obliged to be sent assessors was well worthy the consideration of the
down from the office of the Commissioners in Dublin, Committee. He doubted the policy and propriety
and that he was obliged to be protected in the perform- of placing Members on the Committee, who had
ante of his duties by two -companies of infantry, a troop suffered from these election petitions. The Mem-
of the 10th Hussars, two sub-inspectors of police, and 50 bers that he should propose to form the Committee
rank and file of that body, together with two stipendiary were the following, and he thought the House would
magistrates ; also the forces from the Stromboli steamer, agree with him when they heard the names, that those
the Dee, and another vessel of war, were employed to Members had had a tolerably good insight into the
collect the rate ; and that, notwithstanding all those forces, cases of controverted elections.
and the rate to be collected was under 2001., more The following were proposed as a Committee:—
than one-third of the rate remained uncollected ; and Lord J. Russell, Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Charles
Dr. Kirwan also stated that the collection of every Is. in Buller, Mr. Wilson Patten Sir George Grey, Lord
that neighbourhood cost 1/. sterling—the natural conse- Sandon, The O'Conor Don, Mr. Pakington -Mr.
quence of attempting to force a rate from a population who Hawes, Mr. Hogg, Mr. Escott, Mr. Locke,
Mr. Wynn,
were scarcely above the condition of paupers themselves. and Sir Thomas Fremantle.
The Hon. I ember then read an extract from the writ- The motion was agreed to, after a few words in ex-
ings of Mr. Daly, as to the operation of the present law, planation by Mr. COLLETT.
stating that an armed force was required to carry it out, Mr. R. SCO CT obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
which in his opinion formed one of the strongest con- annex detached parts of counties to the counties by
stitutional objections to it. It was also stated that which they were surrounded.
2/. 12s. a year was the average allowance for paupers; The House adjourned at Eleven o'Clock.
whilst that of the Commissioners was 1,500/. He hoped
that the returns would not be refused.

•
RICHARD DADD.—It has been erroneously stated
that this unfortunate young man would be brought to trial
at the assizes. 'We understand that it is the opinion of his
medicale brain
i,hs ihoweverva, attendantsstti
an that
that heiawtgfarhyetq.
frequently
wieionai
eyl notum remarkable
standsi lnoanr
luminary
fsmo avyni
factsb-hee,o. is
ade thatnza tinesh,d
th
ate
t
re 'gee isnugn
Observer. [Dadd, it will be recollected, killed his father in
a fit of insanity at Cobham Park, the seat of Earl Darnley,
near Gravesend.]
[ADVERTISEMENT.]-..0N THE VERGE OF TEM
GRAVE ; OR. A MIRACULOUS CURE BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS!
—James Langley, a ladies' shoemaker, residing in Allen-
street, Goswell-street, caught a violent cold about twelve
months since, which, being neglected, brought on a swelling
of the logs and feet, pains in the side and shoulders, night
sweats, with inability to keep food on his stomach : indeed,
he was at last reduced to such a state of general weakness
t buten
hanydtdheebilltistye tnhfa
Ht noon
(own ea
yt h,
so upgihltisheecvoeuryld
dlnonnggesreurn‘sivseys;
quickly disappeared, and he is now as hale and as hearty as
ever he was in his life.—Sold at Professor Holloway's Esta-
blishment, 244, Strand (where advice may be had gratis);
theande
by
dalsmoswt
narilti
all respectable vendors of medicine throughout