The Sun.
London, England, 1850-04-29 00:00:00

fajoun .zlll2t.

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 29, 1850.

A question of the deepest and most vital import-
ance to the tranquillity and security of the Anglo-
Indian Empire will to-morrow evening be brought
under the consideration of the British Senate. Sir
EDWARD COLSIIROOKE has given notice that he will
then
move for a " Select Committee to inquire into
the rights of succession of the allied and dependent
Princes of India." Every exertion will unquestion-
ably be made to avoid. discussion, and to get rid of
the inconvenient topic by
the House"
wind. The ordinary
emphaticallywill
ruse of " counting out of
be resorted to, and we would
uae time
they
ofy
chosen representatives of the
peoplehou d a n
that attend
apathy,h in
the intention, in order that they
s and
in d
shouldtheir pploact,esby
othneirthceulpaolae cicasion
negligence
permit the august assembly of which they are mem-
bers to be brought into contempt and disrepute by
the success of an expedient so stale and paltry.
It is the noblest characteristic of the British Par-
liament that it is ever ready to attend to the remon-
strances of tiv.; oppressed and injured, however lowly
and humble, that every well-founded complaint shall
receive an anxious and attentive consideration. Any
alleged violation of the existing laws, or any acknow-
ledged deficiency therein, to meet a particular case,
will be fully investigated, and ample justice
done to the aggrieved parties, and this, not
only where they have received actual damage, but
where there is reasonable cause to suppose
that such may be inflicted at any future
period. The love of justice is deeply im-
planted in English hearts, and nothing will more
powerfully excite the public indignation than any
indifference to that sacred principle. If " might
could prevail over right " on any occasion, or under
any circumstances, the constitutional rights and Tiber.

ties of the community would be seriously endan-
gered. But so long as the dictates of honour and
integrity are respected in the Legislature—so long as
everything in any degree savouring of tyranny and
oppression be sternly and firmly repressed—so long
will the chosen representatives of the people be
rewarded by the respect and admiration of their
respective constituencies—so long will they maintain
the high position they have attained, as the first
deliberative assembly in the civilized world.
The parties now claiming justice at their hands,
now appealing from the partial and prejudiced de-
cisions of the Board of Directors, are, however, no
mean or helpless body, whose entreaties could be
despised or rejected with impunity. They are the so-
vereign chiefs and princes of India, wielding de-
spotic authority within their own dominions—power-
ful for good or evil, and capable of being useful allies
or formidable enemies. Individually they would be in-
capable of resisting the British force, and separated and
divided by mutual suspicions would fall easy victims ;
but if once their fears are excited for their common
safety, if once united, by a sense of general danger
from the unjustifiable aggressions and grasping policy
of the Anglo-Indian Government, a combined and
determined opposition may be organized that would
imperil the very existence of our Oriental dominions,
and which, under the most favourable circumstances,
must occasion sanguinary and expensive wars, more
injurious to British interests than any territorial ag-
grandizement or increased revenue could possibly
compensate.

This appeal to the ultimate tribunal has not been
made until every other resouree had been exhausted.
Repeated remonstrances have already been addressed
to the Court of Directors and to the Proprietors of
East India Stock by some who have rendered the
moat important services to the Company, and who
have acquired large fortunes and great experience
during prolonged residences in Hindostan. For
the last few years, since the erroneous and
mistaken line of policy now complained of was first
entered upon, Mr. R. SULLIVAN and many efficient
and distinguished coadjutors have let slip no oppor-
tunity of exposing the " career of harshness, selfish-
ness, and injustice which has shaken the confidence
of every principality throughout India in British
probity and honour," and of endeavouring "to ar-
rest the progress of encroachment upon the hereditary
and indefeasible rights of the tributary and dependent
states, with which we have formed alliances ;" but
in vain. The magnates of Leadenhall-street have
opposed a stubborn and pertinacious resistance to
every attempt to awaken them to a sense of equity.
They have endeavoured to meet the powerful cases
to which their attention was directed with sneers and
ridicule, and have passed by, as utterly unworthy of
notice, arguments which they were incapable of an-
swering or rebutting. In this most injudicious
course they have, we regret to say, been sanctioned
and supported by a majority of the proprietors, who
flippantly decided, on questions of the nature and
merits whereof they were wholly ignorant. In this
manner were the claims of the cruelly-persecuted and
deeply-injured PaurAufs SUSAN, and of his youthful
heir and successor, the de jure Raja of SATTARA,
slighted and set at nought, and the usurpation of
his dominions by his affectionate friends and
faithfal allies, the Honourable Company, sanctioned
and confirmed. In this manner have resolutions
been passed by which the Company " virtually as-
serted its right to confiscate for its own benefit the
territories of any native prince of India whom it
should have pronounced to have died without heirs."
They have thus directly invaded one of the most
sacred customs and highly cherished privileges of
the Hindoo law. They have refused to recognise the
" right of adoption," which was never controverted
until within the last few years, and to claim the old
feudal rights of lords paramount over independent so-
vereigns, with whom they have entered into solemn
treaties to succeed to the sovereign inheritance on
the failure of direct heirs of the blood. The treaties
are thus openly violated and set at nought, or, what is
almost tantamount thereto, the more powerful party
claim to interpret the, disputed clauses, and to take
part as prosecutors and judges in their own cases.
It is, as we have said, but recently that this mon-
strous doctrine has been promulgated. The entire
tide of precedents had formerly flowed the other way.
But in 1848 the subject-was again brought under the
notice of the supreme Government at Bombay, who
dealt with the matter as if it were entirely new,
overlooking all former decisions on similar points.
This extraordinary judgment was approved by the
directors, and subsequently confirmed by the Court
of Proprietors, specially convened for the purpose. It
has naturally excited the deepest and most painful
sensations in the minds of the native powers,
who are equally astounded and enraged at the
audacity and injustice of these iniquitous pretensions.
They had previously seen similar questions mooted,
but in fifteen out of sixteen cases that had occurred
between the years 1826 and 1846, the decision bad
been in accordance with equity, and diametrically
opposed to the:more recent assumption, which, indeed,
was never put forward until the accession of the Earl
of ELLENZOROUGH to the Governor-Generalship of
India. Many statesmen had previously used the
clearest and most intelligible language in speaking
of the rights of the native chiefs and princes. In-
deed the doctrine was so fully recognized
that even where the party had been guilty
of grave offences, the innocent heirs were not
punished, or held in any degree responsible for the
criminal acts of their " adoptive fathers." None had
spoken more distinctly and more unequivocally upon
this topic than the late lamented Earl of AUCKLAND.
That distinguished nobleman had used these remark-
able words respecting the ease of the Raja of
OORCHA, in which the broad principles on which the
British Government in India should ever act were
fairly and lucidly explained

" I cannot (said the Governor-General), I cannot for
a moment admit the doctrine that, because the view of
policy upon which we may have formed engagements
with :native princes, may have been by circumstances
materially altered, we are not to act scrupulously up to
the terms and spirit of those engagements."

And again :
"I have referred to our treaty with the Raja of Oor-
cha, and I find that its preamble commences in these
words:—' The Raja of Oorcha is one of the chiefs of
the Bundelkund, by whom, and his ancestors, his present
possessions have been held in successive generations
during a long course of years without paying tribute or
acknowledging vassalage to any other power.' And the
treaty formed with the Raja is designated as one of
friendship and alliance,' the territory, which from
ancient times had descended to the Raja by
inheritance, and is now in his possession,
being guaranteed to the said Baja, his heirs
and successors. Upon words so distinct and
positive as these I hold it to be impossible to raise a question,
and I am of opinion, therefore, that the Raja of Oorcha
must be regarded as one of those sovereign rulers who,
according to the very proper rule laid down in the letter
of Sir Charles Metcalfe, of 28th October, lii37,
is entitled to make an adoption in his own discretion which
the British Government is bound to acknowledge, provided
that
lsuch" * • adoption be regular and not in violation of [fie`
Admitting the right of the Raja for the
reasons which I have stated to adopt an heir, I am not
disposed, after much reflection on the whole subject, to
mix up our recognition of that right with the sapient
consideration of the punishment that may be duo to
him for unwarranted opposition to the British power."

These were the views of an able and honest states-
man, of one who occupied, at various periods, no in-
considerable positions in the national councils, and
one who enjoyed the respect and confidence of his
colleagues in the Ministry at the period of his lamented
death. But these just principles are now wholly dis-
aanlly.the
regTaordethdoasend
wdehsopisdeedsirbey trhuellEiansftolrmndaitaioCnomonp
cases we would commend the admirable speech of
Mr. SULLIVAN to the proprietors of East India
fully
talented reported
Sn
Tthei
The Sun
k , o n tohfe the 7 t 9 At
hp
instant.
Is, t which
Twhaast
gentle-
man indeed brought forward an immense mass of
information on the occasion, and the clearest and most
unanswerable arguments in favour of the conclusions at
which he had arrived. Nothing was omitted that could
be desired ; but, as we have already stated, the pro-
prietors supported the directors in the unjust and in-
judicious line of policy which they had determined
on following. Nothing, therefore, remains but an
appeal to the honour and integrity of the Imperial
Parliament, and that appeal will be made to-morrow
evening. No immediate decision will be asked for.
It is not desired that Members should pronounce
final judgment upon a question respecting which
many must be in comparative ignorance; but in-
quiry —full and ample inquiry—is demanded, with
a view to future legislation; and we cannot suppose

that such a request can be rejected by a body of un-
prejudiced and honourable gentlemen.

Elsewhere in our impression of this evening will
be found printed the sixty-six clauses constituting the
Metropolitan Bill for Extramural Interment, recently
introduced into the Legislature by the Government.
To the pernicious principles lurking in this pro-
posed enactment we would most earnestly beseech the
attention of the community—satfsfied, as we are, that
unless the Bill undergo a radical alteration in Com-
mittee, its effects must prove most prejudicial to the
interests of the population. Several times already
we have expatiated upon the evil consequences certain
to result from an enactment so erroneously contrived ;
yet it is impossible for us to abstain from all allusion
to its baneful characteristics upon the occasion of our
submitting to the notice of the readers of The Sun
the whole framework and substance of this Ministerial
measure. Hence, we find ourselves compelled to
revert again to the matter previously discussed in these
columns, even at the risk of an apparently superfluous
repetition.
Once more, therefore, we must be permitted to
particularize the various clauses of the Bill in regard
to which we have previously specified our objections.
Briefly then, those clauses are numbered-4, 6,7, 8,
9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22,
25, 39, 46, 48, and 49 in all twenty-two
' clauses collectively. For individual comments
upon those clauses, the curious are referred to the
leading columns of this journal, dated Saturday, the
20th, and Monday, the 22d instants. Therefrom it will
be perceived that the Cabinet are disgracefully endea-
vouring to propitiate the favour of the clerical party
in behalf of their projected innovation by subordi-
nating the interests of the people to those of the
ecclesiastical establishment. Than this we are per-
suaded from experience that nothing can, by any pos-
sibility, be more detrimental to the cause of hu-
manity, of morality, of justice, or of true religion.
For the direct consequence of such a pro.
ceeding must naturally be to compensate the
clergy for depriving them of a loathsome system
which has hitherto proved most profitable to them-
selves, while generating disease amongst the multitude,
fearfully increasing the extent of the annual morta-
lity, and dissipating many of the nobler instincts of
our nature—those instincts which invest death with
sentiments of a peculiar sanctity. We appeal to
Reason, and we ask if such a mode of truckling to ec-
clesiastical authority is calculated to elevate the
opinions of the masses in regard to the Church Estab-
lishment ? We appeal to that sense which is upper-
most in society—the sense of the common decencies
of existence, and we ask if such a method
of purchasing the right of seemly sepulture is likely
to enhance the amount of the popular veneration for
our ecclesiastical functionaries ? So far from the
Bill in question being of this tendency, it must be
apparent that the disclosure and recognition of the
intentions of the Government will militate inevitably
against the interests of.the clergy, by rendering their
wealth and their power yet greater objects of unpo-
pularity.
No doubt of it, the mere circumstance of her MA-
JESTY'S Ministers bringing in a Bill for the organiza-
tion of a system of extramural interment, is one,
considered irrespectively of its precise details,
in which the people of England may find profound
cause for exultation. Let the ostensible boon, how-
ever, be scrutinized, and the rejoicings of the multi-
tude will very speedily become hushed. The popular
intelligence will recognise, on glancing through the
proposed enactment, that the apparent benefit is of a
nature calculated to prove a source of serious incon-
venience and, disadvantage immediately it is at-
tempted to be carried into operation. Simply,
then, it should be recollected that the present
scheme has been forced upon the reluctant acceptance
of the Government by the force of a great movement
from without, a movement commenced by an ener-
getic citizen of the metropolis no less than twelve or
thirteen years ago, and subsequently taken up by the
medical profession, and pushed forward by the co-
operation of a numerous and miscellaneous body of
sanitary reformers. At length, we say, the force of
this generous agitation has compelled the Ministry
to acquiesce in the necessity for improve-
ment—the present Government measure has been in-
troduced into the Lower House of Parliament—and
parties begin forthwith to congratulate themselves
upon the prospect thereby presented to them of the
immediate realisation of all their hopes regarding a
rational system of extramural interment. A momen-
tary examination of the Bill suffices to scatter all these
brilliant illusions of the fancy into notbingne3s,
leaving in their stead a fear for the serious
and evil consequences of the innovation. For,
very naturally, we ',become dismayed on perceiving
that the whole of the administrative power of the in-
tended cemeteries must ultimately pass into the
' grasp of the ecclesiastical authorities, in consequence
of the miserable contrivance of the whole measure.
By such a mistaken and most pernicious arrangement
the Bill in its operation would be rendered
altogether nugatory—conferring power upon those
very individuals who should be especially
restricted from interference in a matter of emolu•
ment. According to certain clauses, already parti-
cularised by ourselves, it should be remembered also
that rates are to be levied by the governing board,
and that governing board ecclesiastical in its ulterior
character I What do the ratepayers of the metro •
politan districts think of such a prospect as that ?
We doubt not they will find it anything but
agreeable.
Nay ! we are very far, indeed, from having speci-
fied the whole of the many serious objections
capable of being brought forward against the
projected scheme of the Government. In its very
title the Bill is most exceptionable, the words of that
title indicating clearly enough the intention of the
Cabinet and their clerical allies—shall we say indi-
cating the project of Sir GEORGE GREY and the Lord
Bishop of LONDON—namely, that of reserving the
power of opening or closing any graveyards (no
matter even if full to repletion) en or near London!
Now, such a reservation as this, it must be quite ob-
vious, is entirely incompatible with the notion of
any really good and effectual reform in the way of
organizing a system of extramural interments. All
intramural burial-grounds, without distinction, should
be peremptorily closed by the enactment, saving and
excepting, of course, the vaults of such great national
edifices for the entombment of the illustrious, as West-
minster Abbey and St. Paul's Cathedral. Otherwise
the improvement will only be specious and apparent.
Another change required in the Ministerial scheme,
to render it beneficial to the entire community,
is, of course, the extension of the desired benefits
from the metropolis to the rest of the populous towns
and cities throughout England. As it is, however,
we leave the Bill in its present state for the con-
sideration of the multitude, satisfied that its evil
character will be at once recognised, and sanguine
that the pernicious clauses enumerated in the
columns of The Sun may undergo a wholesome
revision in Committee.

AFTERNOON EXPRBSS MAIL TO IRELAND.—POST-
OFFICE NoTicE.—On and. after Wednesday, the Ist of
May, newspapers, as well as letters, will be forwarded
in the bag for Ireland which is dispatched by the
Express train leaving the Euston-square station at
5 P.m. (Sundays excepted). Letters and newspapers
for this dispatch must be posted at the receiving-offices
in London before 2 r.m.,—at the Branch-offices in Lom-
bard-street, Borough, Charing-cross, and Old Caven-
dish-street, before 3 P.M.,—and at the General Post-office.
St. Martin's-le-Grand, before 3 30 r.ar., and they will arrive
in Dublin early the following morning.
LYMINGTON, SUNDAY NIGHT.—The nomination
for the election of a candidate to represent] this borough in
Parliament, in the room of the Hon. Captain Keppel, is to
take place on Monday, and should a poll be demanded, the
election is fixed for Tuesday. Mr. Hutchins, who was re-
jected at Soathampton in 1841, was early in the field on the
Liberal interest. He is fiercely opposed by Mr. Andrew
Stuart. a Protectionest, but up to the present moment the
success of the latter is considered doubtful. A very close
contest is anticipated.
We believe we are in a position to affirm that the
negotiations between the Courts of London and Madrid, re-
lative to the renewal of diplomatic relations, are now virtu-
ally and satisfitctorly (?) concluded.— Post.
DEATH OF MRS. EDMUNDS (MISS M. CAWSE).—_
We have to announce the death of Mrs. Edmunds, better
known under her maiden name of Miss Mary Cawse. She
died on the 14th instant, after but a short illness, of bron-
chitis, leaving a family of six children to lament her loss—
the profession, too, has lost a bright and amiable ornament.
Miss Cawse received her musical education under Sir G.
Smart, and rapidly gave promise of those abilities which at
an early age placed her in the foremost rank of our English
singers. For several years no concert was complete without
the aid of Miss Cawse and her sister.

TRING, READING, AND BASINGSTOKE RAILWAY.
—The dividend of 10s. per share from the assets accruing
under the winding-up of this company, is now in course of
payment on between 5,000 and 6,000 ehares.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of Saturday
and of yesterday.
The ballot for the election of a representative for
Paris commenced yesterday at nin6 o'clock. It is
said that the Government has thrown every possible
obstacle in the way of the voters desirous of procuring
the various voting tickets at the mairies, the avowed
object being to procure per fas aut nefas the return
of the reactionary candidate.
The reactionary journals, while indignantly de-
nouncing as false the statement which appeared in
the National on the subject of the votes of
the soldiers in garrison at Orleans, are now
compelled to admit that those statements are true, and
that the majority of the soldiers did vote for EUGENE
Sus. The Nationulof Saturday, publishes other returns
from the army, from which it appears that 61 have
voted for EUGENE SUE and 22 for LECLERC. The
candidature of M. LECLERC is accounted for by the
fact that his chief clerk is the nephew of M. CARLIER.
He is therefore put forward as the representative of
that most immoral of all systems, the system of the
French police. M. LECLERC is, in fact, the cat's-paw
of the ape of FOUCHE.
M. CARLIER has now proscribed all the Republican
journals. The National, Voix du Peuple, and other
democratic journals contain the following curious
circular :

" The news-venders have just received notice that the
sale of democratic journals, both within and without
doors, is absolutely interdicted. All the efforts of M.
Cartier to prevent the sale of democratic journals will
only serve to increase the number of their readers.
Henceforward every workshop, every wine-shop, every
restaurant, every lodging•house, every place, in tact, in
which the working population assembles, must be pro-
vided, at least, with one democratic journal. We are
ready on our side to make all necessary sacrifices. and
we reckon on the support of our countryman. We will
open a subscription list for the sake of defraying the
gratuitous circulation of democratic journals in Paris
and in the departments."
The consequence of this attempt of the Prefect of
Police of the Republic to give a monopoly to the
Monarchical journals will be to greatly increase the
number of regular subscribers to the denounced
journals, and to cause their gratuitous circulation
throughout France.
The Army budget came on for discussion in the
Chamber on Saturday, and the Legitimatist General
GRAMMONT declared that it might be necessary to
remove the seat of the Legislature from Paris
to some city, inhabited by etres bien pensans.
This was hailed by the Left with cries of " The
mask is thrown off;" which brought up General
D'HAUTPOOL, who hastened to repair the damage
done by the blundering candour of his brother
Legitimatist, by declaring that the Government
never would countenance such an idea. The
declaration will, however, produce its effect at the
Paris election, and will induce many a bon Bourgeois
to pause before he supports the pet of the enemies of
the trading interests of Paris

SPAIN.

Madrid journals of the 23d have arrived.

There has been another row at the Palace. The
KING Consort it appears turned sulky, as he always
does after an interview with Father FULGENCIO, and
declared that on the accoucheinent of the QUEEN, he
should quit Spain and publish a manifesto to the
World. NARVAEZ was sent for, and a Council was
held, at which the KING'S presence was required. He
refused to attend and was at once placed under
arrest. While in durance he was visited by Queen
CHRISTINA, who brought him to the Council, where
he apologised for his conduct and promised to behave
better for the future. There are rumours that he is
merely the tool of certain personages, who, unless
careful in their conduct, may find themselves some
fine morning travelling under guard to the frontier.
MADRID BOLSA, APRIL 23.—Three per Cents., 30
account ; Five per Cents., 12i paper. Exchange
on London, 50 35.