The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-23 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDA. Y EVENING,

wishes and to the truth, I will immediately remove i
your residence, take the child under my
own eye, and superintend the expenditure of
the money for GOD'S glory." In pursuance of the
determination thus expressed, he endeavoured to ob-
tain possession of the infant's person, to remove it from
the roof under which it had been sheltered and pro-
tected when deserted by him. A petition W2S ac-
cordingly presented on behalf of the infant, praying
" that some proper person might be appointed to be the
guardian, and to have the care of the infant during
his minority—that proper directions should be
given for his maintenance and education, and that
the father and his agentssabould be restrained from ap-
plying for any writ of habeas corpus for the
purpose of obtaining possession or custody of the
infant, and also from taking forcible or other means
of obtaining possession of, or otherwise interfering
with, him," and an order has been made substantially
in accordance with this prayer.

We have stated that " the principle of interference
has thus been carried further than on any former oc-
casion." According to the common law the father
alone has legal power over his children, which power
he may exercise until they attain the age of 21 years.
He is entitled to their custody and care, and
may retake them if they are removed from him. He
can obtain a habeas corpus for their recovery, and
bring actions of tresp ass against parties taking them
away from him.
The Court of Chancery, however, in some degree in-
terfered with this right. In WELLESLEY v. Duke of
BEAUFORT it was held, that where children had pro-
perty within the jurisdiction the Court would interfere
to withhold the custody and education of
his children from a father whose conduct,
as by living, in open adultery, had been
grossly criminal. But Lord ELDON declared that
"there was no jurisdiction where the children had
not property for their maintenance." Now, in the
present instance, the petitioner has no property,
neither was there any gross or open immorality even
alleged against Mr. Tuomss. His religious opinions, and
more especially his state of spiritual serfdom, was all that
could justify the decision. The 2d and 3d Victoria,
chap. 54, did not apply, for, although the child is
under seven years of age, the mother did not apply,
and the judgment, was pronounced on totally dd.
ferent grounds. The judgment has, therefore, over-
ruled all former precedents, although we confess
that we most earnestly desire that it may be affirmed
and maintained to the fullest extent.

An earnest' appeal having recently been addressed
by the poor-laiv'union surgeons to the public, and
more particularly to: that aggregate organ of public
opinion over which we, as one of its members, exer-
cise the responsible functions of journalism, we feel
ourselves impelled to respond at once, however briefly,
from an appreciation of the united influences of
justice, prudence, and humanity. The document to
which we would here direct popular attention, as
affording the exposition of a great grievance to the
community, an enormous cruelty to the destitute,
and a lamentable indifference to the over-toil and
under-remuneration of an important body of medical
practitioners, appeared in our columns as recently as
the 17th instant, and has doubtless also been distri-
buted widely throughout the country, through re-
publication in those of our metropolitan and pro-
vincial contemporaries. This direct reference of the
matter to the consideration of the Press and of the
Population is formally authenticated by the signature
of Dr. HODGILIZ4I, the chairman, and of Mr. LOED, the
zealous and indefatigable secretary, of the Poor-law Me-
dical Convention : and hence the general multitude will
feel itself compelled to place implicit confidence in the
accuracy of statements which-must otherwise have
appeared altogether incredible. With ourselves the
melancholy particulars referred to,. although suffi-
ciently startling on their reiteration, excited no sur-
prise comparable to that which must inevitably be
experienced on their perusal by the mass of the
community. For those mournful facts have be-
come long since familiarised to our apprehension
in consequence of our previous and sedulous regard to
the revelations made during the course of this very
laudable movement.

According to the statements signed and counter-
signed by the Chairman and Secretary of the Poor-
law Medical Convention, the appeal now addressed to
the public generally has been necessitated in conse-
quence of the practical inattention to the question of
all the administrative and legislative authorities
of the United Kingdom. Petitions to Parliament
have proved unproductive of any improvement,
whatever. Deputations to the Right Honourable the
Secretary for the Home Department have been found
equally ineffectual towards the remedy of the griev-
ances personally complained of to that Administrator.
References of the matter to the Poor-law Board
having turned out not only quite as unsuccessful,
but having been actually followed of late by supple-
mentary orders from that board, tending materially
to enhance the amount of an evil al-
ready sufficiently burdensome, the Society
constituted for the purpose of agitating
for reforms in the distribution of medical relief to
the pauper population, in the supervision of that re-
lief, and in the examination of the officers employed
in affording it, have deemed it requisite to beseech
the consideration of the multitude to an evil con.
templated by the Legislature and disregarded by the
Government.

A ready cognizance of the exact nature of the
grievances complained of may be obtained from the
simple but touching and comprehensive peti-
tion some time since submitted by the
medical officers of unions .in England and Wales to
the Commons House of Parliament. From that peti-
tion it will be observed that the defects in the exht'-
ing system are thus epitomised. First, in the dif-
ficulty of obtaining orders for medical relief from the
relieving officers in cases of sudden illness, of acci-
dents, or of midwifery—a difficulty which must obvi-
ously tend to increase the mortality, not merely among
the pauper population, but among the poor
and industrious classes indiscriminately. Secondly,
in the frequent refusal and general uncertainties of
remuneration to the medical officer for his attendance
on a poor patient under such circumstance?, and the
consequent hardship either to the patient, the medical
officer, or both together—a result deplorable to con-
template, seeing that it must, in many instances, tend
to increase the sufferings of the destitute and to
lessen the exertions of the practitioners. Thirdly,
the undue restriction on the medical officer, in re-
ference to his power of ordering the necessary ali-
ment for the cure of his patient, and the frequent
neglect of such orders when given—a restric-
tion and a neglect as cruel to the unfortunate
patient as it is unfair to the medical attendant.
Fourthly, the want of the requisite inspection
over the working of the system by intelligent
and duly qualified physicians. The introduc-
tion of the last mentioned paragraph in the enu-
meration of the defects of the prevailing sys-
tem appears to us to indicate very forcibly
the unselfish and disinterested philanthropy
out of which the present agitation of the medical
body has emanated. In endeavouring to place the
poor-law medical officers in a position more befitting
their character as gentlemen, and more justly appor-
tioned to their labours as alleviators of the ills of
humanity, the Medical Convention is also solicitous
to place them, as they are not now, in a situation of
responsbility. This is but, just, and fair, and
honourable. While the sufferings of the poor must be
more carefully attended to, so as to insure their diminu-
tion, the compensation of the medical officers of the
different unions should be accompanied by a security
for the full and careful 'performance of their duties.
What is actually desired to be introduced by way of
improvement by these medical officers throughout the
kingdom is very readily particularised. Instead of
their payment being made partially from the
money raised' by way of poor-rates, they are
solicitous that it should be made henceforth
entirely from the Consolidated Fund. Instead
of the remuneration being in the average
2s. 7d. per case for the country districts, and Is. 6/d.
for the metropolitan districts (ranging from the
maximum at the Pocklington Union of 14s. 41. per
case, down to the niinimnat of 3d. per case at the
union of Newton Abbott), they would fain see it
fixed at an average in town end country of at least
seeing
. pe r ct ahsaet 7s— ee.m moshteaudndeinsiabplayia reasonable,rthe
police, and 'nO
sum
perss than 13s. 7d. per head
fur the sick felons in the hulks and prisons.
Instead of the present fluctuating mode of appoint-

ment and removal, they would see things contrivE din,
such a manner that the appointment of a meejeal
officer to a district should he permanent, and su'nject
only to be rescinded by the President of the iToor-
law Board, or by the director of a board sp«,&.ally
appointed, upon proved charge of neglect of iiuty,
gross malpractice, legal sentence inferring disbc notir
or crime, or other valid cause. Instead of witaaessic g the
perpetuation of the present scheme of irresponsil )iiity,
they would have it arranged so that a general board
should be established for the superintendence Of the
duties of the medical officers of unions, under 'a chief
medical director and a sufficient number of n edical
inspectors, to protect both the interests of the -public
and the profession.
Such are the reasonable claims advanced by the
medical officers of unions throughout .England
and Wales ; and, beholding the treatment
they have hitherto been subjected to, we can
scarcely feel surprised at the indignation with
which the Honourable and Reverend SIDNEY Go-
DOLPHIN Ot'BORNE, writing upon the old system, ex-
claimed :—" It is time this farce was played cut ;
the public are getting disgusted with it, the medical
profession is degraded by it, it outrages humanity,
it is indefensible on any of the principles that
are usually held to be just." Time enough, indeed,'
is it, that this grim farce should be brought to a con-
clusion. Pray heaven that its close may be effected
in a manner at once rapid and permanent.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.
We have received the Paris Journals of yesterday.
The debate on the Electoral Bill was adjourned,
after speeches from General CAVAIGNAC, M. VICTOR
Huao, and M. PASCAL DUPRAT, against the measure,
and of M. JULES DE LEYSTERIE in favour of it.
The speech of General CAVAIGNAC produced a
deep impression.; calm, lucid, and unimpassioned, it
was one of the most logical arguments in support of
universal suffrage that was ever presented. The
General laid it down as a principle that the suffrage
belonged to the person, and not to the domicile, and
on that foundation argued against the justice and the
policy of the proposed restrictions.
Having attacked the right of meeting, the freedom
of the press, and universal suffrage, the Government
has now violated' the right of petition. M. Bosse'',
Procureur of the Republique at Neufchateau, has, by
order of his superior officers caused a petition to the
Assembly against alteration in the'electoral law .to be
seized sa as to prevent its presentation.
We extract from the Morning Herald of this day the
following admirable exposé of the base and nefarious in-
trigues of the reactionary party against the greatness of
England, to which, we are sorry to say, too many of
our own aristocracy have lent and are lending them-
selves, remembering only that they are aristocrats,
and forgetting that they are Englishmen,:—
"The counter-revolutionary journals, to give them
their right designation, have received the mot dordre
that Lord Palmerston is about to fall in consequence
of the general indignation of the people of England
on the subject of the Greek question. Let Lord
Palmerston fall, by all means, but let not his fall be
isolated from that of his colleagues. Should the Eng-
lish Cabinet be broken up, let it be done on the ques-
tions of internal policy, for a greater danger could not
happen to England at this moment than would arise
from the defeat of the Whigs on the subject of this
fraudulent rupture, fraudulent in design, as fraudulent
in its execution, which has been attempted rather
than carried by the present French Cabinet, at the
instigation of the counter-revolutionary party.
Take the most honoured of England's Conservative
statesmen—take the great Duke, and he would
find himself, if placed at the Foreign-office, obliged
and necessitated by an imperative sense of high
honour and patriotism, to discountenance and oppose
the notorious designs of this same party, in whose
way Lord Palmerston stands as an obstacle. -What
would be the consequence ? I'Vhy this ; that the self-
same counter-revolutionary party, checked in its
movements and irritated because checked, would soon
raise the cry that all parties in England, Whig and
Tory, were alike jealous of France, and were equally
opposed to her legitimate ambition ; they would ex
cite the passions of the country against Englishmen
of all ranks and ()lasses, and would render war with
England inevitable. Such would be the consequence
of a change of Government in England on the iso-
lated ground of a question between Lord Palmerston
and General Lahitte. Our position at present as
regards French parties is of the best and happiest
kind. The moderate Republican party, the middle
classes, whether they be Republican or Monarchical
in the free constitutional sense, and the people at
large are well disposed towards England. You need
only consult their journals to feel convinced that
such is the case. The feeling has been growing
since February, 1848, because the revolution gave
the country an opportunity of testing the sincerity
of British principles on the score of non-
intervention in the internal politics of other
countries. That feeling grew stronger as the
British flag was seen to favour constitutional prin-
ciples, even as distinguished from those of a repub-
lican character, while the protection of Turkey in
the Hungarian question raised the fame of Great
Britain in that delightful way which excludes jea-
lousy and envy from the contemplation of glory.
The popularity of England happens to stand now in
the way of the great plot for the destruction of the
Republic, and the object of the counter-revolutionary
party is to destroy that popularity, and convert it
into hatred, because, for the final Carrying out of the
great scheme in view, it is England that must be
stricken. It is notorious that the two branches of
the Bourbon family are reconciled. It is notorious
that the throne is destined for Henry V. It is no-
torious that ,for the sake of giving popularity to the
restoration, of dazzling the army, and captivating the
people an aggrandisement of territory will he at-
tempted. The unaccomplished treaty of Charles X.
with the Emperor of Russia will be taken up, with
the aid and alliance of Austria. The great question
of a united Germany will be smothered under the
weight of Russian, Austrian, and French bayonets.
The map of Europe will be new modelled, and England,
driven from the Continent, driven from the Medi-
terranean, invaded in India, invaded at home, will
have to battle for her existence. Yes, such would
be the infallible and inevitable consequence of a
forced change in the foreign policy of Great Britain
on the sense of a successor to Lord Palmerston,
coming in on the principle of countenancing for the
smallest fragment of time this Absolutist plot for a
fresh barbarian invasion of the Continent. What
is Lord Palmerston—or what is any
man, when re-
garded with reference to the unparalleled crisis in
which Europe is placed at this moment ? How
miserable would mere party . tactics seem at such a
time. Let one unsuspected, independent journal, at
all events, allow the truth to be spoken in its co-
lumns at a moment when God knows too great a por-
tion of the,- influential press of England is under
foreign Inspiration. The task of exposing this plot is
but too easy. It needs only to be stated to carry
conviction to all minds not obfuscated by party, or
lured by the blandishments of expelled and runaway
statesmen bringing their poor baggage of imaginary
state secrets and fanciful hopes to the back offices of
thunderers of the press. It is said that Lord Pal-
merston -stands in the way of a counter.
revolution—but only for him all the Cabinets
Of Europe would come to a harmonious un-
derstanding for the overthrow of the Fr ench
Republic . and the restoration of the monarchy.
Taking the question in this simple way, it' looks
specious enough, fur it presents a desirable object
prevented by one obnoxious man. Allowing, how.,
ever, this new holy alliance to be justifiable, exclu-
ding from it all suggestions of conspiracy against the
rights of a particular people to settle their own govern-
ment, yet does any man believe that matters would
debaucher
rest with the return of Henry V. and the inevitable
lazy y, and profound
dissimulation, with only one principle, that of abso-
lute government, in the most antiquated sense of the
word, and only one vigorous passion, that of un-
quenchable hatred of Great Britain. We are cer-
tainly on the alternative of two convulsions. The
schemes and falsehoods of the counter-revolutionary
party have, exasperated the country to a degree
that, in our terror of consequences, we should wish
them success, if we did not know that the first con-
sequences of the victory would be a general war,
and war at the expense of England. The conse
quence of the overthrow of the counter-revolu-
tionary party might be, it is true, to lead to a
war of principles, in which England would have to
play the part of mediator and moderator; but the
restoration beginning in the total destruction of
liberty of every kind would lead to a war of territory.
Such are the alternatives before us. If peace is to be
secured at all it can only be done by England taking
up the most firm and resolute attitude—that horrible
heresy of the Cobdens and Brights, that England
cannot and will not go to war, will, if not destroyed,
inevitably lead to the most hu iiiliating or the most
costly results. To such mawkish, peddling trash we
owe already the complications that have sprung up in
the Mediterranean. It has encouraged the insolence
of every petty despot, and lowered the high conside-
ration of England in the eyes of nations. The truth
should be told, that for sake of the honour of Eng-
land, there is not a nobleman or merchant who would
not send his plate to the Mint—that no sacrifices of
persons or property would weigh for a moment with
the British people. Had such language as this been
used by British Members of Parliament we should
not now have to put forth the strong mond our fleet
to destroy a prejudice of so paltry and dishonouring a