The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, WNW')N, Tn URSDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1868.

PROGRESS OF IMPEACIEIIEvT.

On the Friday night., when the Senate decided
that Andrew Johnson had no legal right to remove

the Secretary of War, and the motion to impeach
the President in the House had been referred to the
Itecnnstruction Committee, Washington continued

in a state of excitement never equalled even in that
sensational city. Through the thronged streets the
wilde-t fabrications circulated freely. Gen. Grant
was said to be in arrest; Stanton to have been

ejected at the point of the bayonet; a strong force
from Maryland was moving on the Capitol ; the
South had risen ; Pennsylvania was organizing in
support of Congress ; and the Western States were
gathering their forces. Such was the strained ex-
pectation, that few slept, but among that few was
Andrew Johnson. In the War-office Stanton re-
mained fortified, Congressmen passing continually
in and out. The house of Thaddeus Stevens was a
Republican headquarters. Telegrams were flying
to and fro, and the instruments were incessantly at
work. The march of every relief was mistaken at
the W ar-office for the military party of ejection.
The sleepers awoke with a start, and the watchers
were kept constantly on the qui vice. At seven
o'clock on Saturday morning, William A. Pile
of Missouri, carried the warrant, granted by
Justice Cartter of the Supreme Court, for the
arrest of Adjutant-General Thomas to United
States Marshal Gooding, who with a sheriff
and bailiff arrested General Thomas while at
breakfast. He was brought to the Court-house,
and liberated on bail of 65,000 to appear for exami-
nation on Wednesday. Thomas proceeded to the
White House, and, instructed by the President,
again attacked Stanton in the War Office. He
found Mr. Stanton surrounded by his friends, and
in reply to a request for an interview he desired
him openly to state his business. On this a collo-
quy of the " No you shan't," " Yes you shall," style
followed, which ended in Thomas leaving the de-
partment, when General Grant entered. " I am
surprised," he said chaffingly to Stanton, "to find
you here, for I thought you would have been driven
to my headquarters for protection." Thomas then
proceeded to take counsel with his law adviser, and
afterwards had an interview with the President,
who, it is reported, upraided him for his weakness
in not ejecting Stanton. Thus inauspiciously
opened the anniversary of the Birthday of the great
Patriot, at a city to which he has given his name—
a circumstance that has raised a superstitious feel-
ing in many who can recall coincidences not unsi-
miler during the past few years on this great Ameri-
can holiday. The crowds that for many hours had
thronged the streets now pressed towards the Capi-
tol, where the steps and grounds were black with
the solid mass. The Chamber of the )louse
overflowed, and the corridors and lobbies were
impassable. The farewell address of Washington,
presented by a Democrat, was ruled out of order.
About 2 o'clock Mr. 1 haddeus Stevens, from the
Committee of Reconstruction, arose and read the
report proposing the resolution already given. It
was noticed that every Republican member of the
Committee had signed the report, and all were
therefore prepared for the unanimity afterwards
displayed in the Republican ranks. In conclusion,
Mr. Stevens waved his right to speak, and Mr.
Brooks, Democrat of New York, arose to defend
the President. He was followed by Messrs. Spald-
ing and Bingham, of Ohio, who explained why they
had opposed impeachment on the last occasion,
while they voted for it now. A despatch from the
Governor of Illinois was read representing the
people of the State as excited, and demanding im-
peachment. The House decided to take the vote at
5 p.m. on Monday, and adjourned at 11.15 p.m.
In New York the gold speculators carried on their
operations, forcing up the premium to 143 f, and
thus ended the last great American festival of Wash-
ington's birthday. A still more sacred day fol-
lowed, checking the operations of the rival fac-
tions. Yet all through Sunday, Stanton remained
fortified in the War Department, where he
was visited by Grant, among many friends,
who assured him, if matters passed to an ex-
tremity, of military support. General Emory,
commanding the Department of Washington, fur-
nished double guards. The President sent for
Emory to ascertain the truth of a report that
Stanton had ordered a force of regulars to be in
readiness for service, and this was made the foun-
dation for another alarming series of fabrications.
Messages continued to fly along the wires. Go-
vernor Geary, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed to
Senator Cameron, " The news to-day has created a
profound reaction in Pennsylvania. The spirit of
1861 seems again to pervade the Keystone State.
Troops are rapidly tendering their services to sus-
tain the laws. Let Congress stand firm." The
Missouri Republican Convention, in session at
Jefferson city in that State, pledged Missouri to the
support of Congress. The President was not with-
out congratulatory despatches, receiving as many as
his opponents, and numerous Democratic clubs in
Philadelphia and New York announced their readi-
ness to march to Washington at a moment's warn-
ing, while the services of the Maryland States troop,
about 10,000 strong, were tendered. The President,
however, adhered to his purpose not to go outside the
civil power, and to get the question speedily before
the Courts he directed the Attorney-General to apply
next day to the Supreme Court for a writ of quo
warranto directed to Stanton, to show cause why
he held possession of the office of Secretary of War.
He also decided to nominate Thomas Ewing, of
Ohio, heretofore a Republican, for Secretary of
War, and prepared the necessary Message to send
to the Senate. Monday opened with a violent
snow storm, yet thick as the flakes came the people
cal the Capitol, being picked in th • galleries, lobbies,
corridors as sardines in a tin, an 1 notwithstanding
the weather, a large additional force of police was
required to open a way for members to their seats.
Dark and cold as it was outside, the living mass
within made the atmosphere stifling, and in the
crush the usual deference of Americans for women
was forgotten. Though Mrs. Stanton claims success
for the cause of the Revolution, the ladies were left
to battle for their rights in the snow and mud out-
side, and if the small propor. ion of them that
gained admittance be taken as a test, they came off
but second best in the struggle "of every one for
himself." The programme had been arranged in
caucus, and Impeachment Ashley opened the de-
bate. Mr. Johnson, he said, had appointed the
worst rebels to office ; was responsible for the
massacre at New Orleans and Memphis, and for
all the Union blood that had been shed in the
South; had prevented reconstruction; had la-
boured to get the electoral votes of the Southern
States for himself, with intention, failing in that,
to precipite a revolution on the country. Im-
peachment of this man was demanded by the
country. Mr. Boyer (Democrat) said that
the Tenure-of-Office Act did not apply to E. M.
Stanton, who had been appointed before the passing
of the Act ; moreover, the Act was without doubt
unconstitutional. Mr. Blaine (Republican) said
that the President had openly and plainly violated
the law, thrown down the gauntlet, and dared Con-
gress to the issue ; and Congress could not shrink.
Mr. Washburne (Republican), of Illinois, had long
opposed, for reasons of policy, the impeachment of
the President ; but he could not longer resist the
performance of that solemn duty. He proceeded
for 20 minutes to denounce the President and his
advisers as "red-handed rebels," " filthy creatures,"
" low reptiles," &c. Mr. Woodward (Democrat),
who has been a judge, offered a legal argument ; he
essayed to show the President had violated no law ;
that the Tenure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional ;
and that to impeach the President for the removal
of Mr. Stanton would be " worse than a crime—a
blunder." Mr. Wilson (Republican), chairman of
the Judiciary Committee, said that to yield now
would be to make the Executive supreme ; iu his
opinion the President had violated the law ; Mr.
Johnson was a criminal, a disturber of the public
peace, and must be removed. The President had
previously rushed upon his own destruction. The
President's plea that he had removed Stanton in
order to test the legality of the Tenure-of-Office
Act, was preposterous. Mr. Woodbridge (Repub
lican) reci ed various Acts of the President described
as unlawful, and said that Mr. Johnson would
be removed, and if riot should follow the old volun-

teer am 2y would hurry to the defence of Congress.
The Roz, tnii Table, in a leader condemning the ex-
treme acti molly of the President's assail-rots, which
it asserts n taterially weakened their cause, gives the
following ,extracts from the debate :—" The un-
grateful, det ;picable, mean, traitor President," said
11Ir. Farnaw orth, of Illinois, " turned his back on
the men whc' elected him and the friends who rallied
round hit n. He turned his back on loyal men, in-
cluding those in Tennessee, who supported him, and
went over- to the party be had fought not only in
the ballot ;-box but in the field. 'Who is this Anitrew
Johnson, that he should set himself up against Con-
gress, the courts, and the people? By what autho-
rity did be take upon himself to oppose the law
passed iu ac .;ordauce with the constitutional forms ?
Was it hem tuse God gave him more brains and
moral character and a clearer judgment than he
had given t,o other men ? Let this llouse and the
Senate tea,cl.l Andrew Johnson that there is a power
stronger tha n the President, namely, the power of
the people, whose representatives were speaking
here to-day;" The same gentleman, in the even-
ing, resumed his remarks, and concluded his speech
by expressing- his belief that the Senate had patriot-
ism and firnoness enough to convict Andrew John-
son, and to _remove him from the office which he
had so long disgraced. The nation had been too
long disgraced by this accidental President,—
by this man who had been made President
by the assassin's pistol. He should be re-
moved if it cut short his term by only one day, and
should be sect down to posterity degraded, and in-
capable of holding any office of trust or profit under
the Government of the United States. Mr. Kelley
observed that he and his friends " were about to
arraign the great criminal of the age and the coun-
try—a man who had been for two years plotting
with bloody and deliberate purpose the overthrow
of the country's institutions. This day two years
the President had appeared in the streets of Wash-
ington, surrounded by a rebellious rabble, and had
pointed out by name Senator Sumner and Mr.
Stevens, of Pennsylvania, as objects of the lawless
mob whom he then hailed as friends." Mr. Logan
asserted that " the President stood before the couu

try to-day the violator of public law ; and it was
the duty of the House to decide whether he was,
and if so, what course should be taken to punish
him. There bad not been a reconstruction law
passed by Congress which Andrew Johnson had not
laid a ruthless hand upon and obstructed. Ever
since the apostacy of that man, two years ago, he
had in every possible way obstructed the execution
of the laws. He had not only insulted the nation
by his conduct and disgraced his high office,
but he had dragged in the slime and filth of
demagogism the Presidential robes of office."
Fernando Wood, of New York, in a lengthened
speech, condemned the course of Congress, and
depicted the evils which must result from persis-
tence in impeachment, the social disturbances, the
collisions at the polls, the increase of taxation, the
argumented decay of commerce, the depreciation of
American securities, the growth of contempt for
law, ending iu general civil war. Thaddeus Stevens,
in the best speech of the day, closed the debate,
being too weak to read it himself, he asked permis-
sion for it to be read by the Clerk. He charged
" Andrew Johnson with attempting to usurp the
powers of other branches of the Government ; with
attempting to obstruct and resist the execution of
the law ; with misprision of bribery, and in open
violation of laws which declare his acts misde-
meanours, and subject him to fine and imprison-
ment ; with removing from office the Secretary of
War during the session of the Senate, without the
advice or consent of the Senate, and with violation
of the sixth section of the Act entitled An Act
Regulating the Tenure of Certain Civil Officers.'"
The impeachment question was purely political ;
Congress is acting in the interest of forty millions
of citizens. If the charges against Mr. Johnson be
true, he is guilty of atrocious usurpation ; but, if not
true, Congress is guilty of a cruel wrong. Reviewing
the facts from the commencetnen t of Johnson's Presi-
dency, he supports the necessity of impeachment. At
five o'clock the vote was taken, the rules having been
suspended, and amidst a profound silence the clerk
called the names. Excuses were made and noted
for a few members absent, and it was clear that the
Republicans would act in a solid phalanx. Samuel F.
Cary, of Ohio, was the only one of the party who broke
away from the ranks. It was doubtful how Thomas
E. Stewart, of New York, would vote, but he went
with the Democrats. Speaker Colfax descended
from his chair and voted in the affirmative, assert-
ing it to be a duty he owed to his constituents. The
announcement was then made that the Impeachment
Resolution had been passed by 126 ayes to 47 nays.
Thaddens Stevens again rose, and moved that the
vote be reconsidered, and the motion to reconsider
be laid on the table, which was done, the subsequent
proceedings following quickly, and as matters of
course. Thaddeus Stevens and John A. Bingham
were ordered to go to the bar of the Senate, and in
the name of the House of Representatives and of all
the people of the United States to impeach Andrew
Johnson, President of the United States, of high
crsmes and misdemeanours, and acquaint the Senate
that the House will in due time exhibit particular
articles of impeachment and make good the same.
A committee of seven members, consisting of
Messrs. Boutwell, of Massachusetts; Stevens, Bing-
ham, Wilson, of Iowa; Logan, of Illinois; Julian,
of Indiana ; and Ward, of New York, all Republi-
cans, were appointed to prepare and report the
articles of impeachment, and were given power to
send for persons, papers, and records, and to take
testimony under oath. After a session of eight
hours and a half an adjournment of the House closed
the proceedings. While matters were thus pro-
gressing in the House, the Senate had assembled
at 12 o'clock, when a message was received from
the President, based upon the resolution of the
Chamber denying his right to remove Mr. Stanton.
This message accompanied the nomination of
Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, as the Secretary of
War. The President herein discusses the laws
bearing on the appointment and removal of
Cabinet Ministers. He refers to the Act of
1789, which provides that whenever the Secretary
of War shall be removed the duties of the office
shall, during the vacancy, devolve upon a chief
clerk. Others are cited, and subsequently passed,
showing the President's power to fill vacancies,
as also that the power of removal is recognised
by statutes. He demonstrates the necessity
for a President's holding such power ; he
then touches on the Tenure-of-Office Act, which he
admits prohibits the President in one section from
removing a civil officer without the consent of the
Senate, providing for temporary suspension only
during the recess. The Act contains a proviso that
Cabinet officers are to hold office during the term
of the President, who appointed them subject to
removal, by and with the consent and advice
of the Senate. Andrew Johnson argues that he
did not appoint the Ministars now in office,
who were nominated by Mr. Lincoln, therefore he
has the right to remove them without the consent
of the Senate, as the Act intended to limit his
power justifies this course. He concludes his
Message with these words :—" Although I have
been advised by every member of my Cabinet that
the entire Tenure-of-Office Act is unconstitutional,
and therefore void, and although I have expressly
concurred in that opinion in the veto message which
I had the honour to submit to Congress when I re-
turned the bill for reconsideration, I have refrained
from making a removal of any officer contrary to
the provisions of the law, and have only exercised
that power in the case of Mr. Stanton, which, in my
judgment, did not come within its provisions. I have
endeavoured to proceed with the greatest circum-
spection, and have acted only in an extreme and
exceptional case. I have sought carefully to fol-
low the course which I have marked out for myself
as a general rule, faithfully to execute all laws,
though passed over my objections on the score of
constitutionality. In the present instance I have
appealed, or sought to appeal, to that final arbiter
fixed by the Constitution for the determination of all
such questions. To this course I have been im-
pelled by the solemn obligations which rest upon
me, to sustain inviolate the powers of the high office
committed to my bands, whatever be the conse-
quences merely personal to myself. I could not
allow them to prevail against a public duty so

c ear to my own mind and so imperative. If
what was possible had been certain, if I had ben
fully advised when I removed Mr. Stanton that in
thus defending the trust committed to my hand,
my own removal was sure to follow, I could not
have hesitated, actuated by public considerations of
the highest character. I earnestly protest against
the resolution of the Senate which charges me in
what I have done with a violation of the Consti-
tution and laws of the United Stater." The Senate
considered the matter for a short time in secret
session, and referred General Ewing's nomination
to the Military Committee. In the meantime
General Lorenzo Thomas had again made a dash
at the War Department, where the indomitable
Stanton still remained entrenched. Much the same
controversy again occurred—" Yes, I will." " No,
you shan't." After the interview General Thomas
proceeded to the apartments of various subordi-
nates, requiring all letters and communications to
the Secretary of War to be sent to him. This Stan-
ton countermanded on peril of instant dismissal,
and, Thomas again defeated, sought shelter under
the President's wing in the White House. All
day long messages flowed to and fro from
Washington to the extremities of the Union.
Meetings had been gotten up in various places,
and Legislatures were busy discussing resolutions.
New Jersey went in favour of the President, Cali-
.
torma followed suit, the Pennsylvania Senate
favoured impeachment, the Union League Clubs
fired salutes in various cities in honour of the course
of Congress. In New York a military organiza-
tion was attempted, and a society formed, called the
Andrew Johnson Club, in which 4,000 names were
enrolled, when the police entered the premises in
Broad-street, arrested two or three, and seized the
papers on the plea that a breach of the peace was
threatened.

On Tuesday, the 25th of February, the
interest was transferred to the Senate. Shortly
after ten o'clock Thaddeus Stevens entered,
leaning on Mr. Bingham's arm. The Clerk had
announced the adoption of the resolution of the
impeachment by the House. Although scarcely
able to move Mr. Stevens entered the central aisle,
and, leaning on a bench, thus spoke in a feeble

voice :

" Mr. President,—ln obedience to the order of
the House of Representatives we have appeared be-
fore you. In the name of the House of Representa-
tives, and of all the people of the United States, we
do impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, of high crimes and misdemeanours in office ;
and we further inform the Senate that the Hoese of
Representatives will in due time exhibit particular
articles of impeachment against him, to make good
the same ; aid in their name we demand that the
Senate take due order for the appearance of the
said Andrew Johnson to answer to the said im-
peachment."

Mr. Wade replied—The Senate will take order
on the premises ; and a resolution was adopted re-
ferring the Message of the House to a special com-
mittee of seven, when Messrs. Stevens and Bingham
retired. Nothing of importance occurred outside
the House on this day, and it was evident that
popular excitement was rapidly subsiding. Stanton
was no longer attacked in his entrenchments.
On Wednesday Adjutant-General Thomas ap-
peared in Chief-Justice Cartter's court-room, which
was crowded with a highly interested audience, to
an3wer to the charge made against him by E. N.
btanton. It was arranged that Thomas was to go
to gaol, his release to be obtained on a writ of
habeas corpus, and appeal made to the Supreme
Court. This was checkmated by the Judge, who
was Stanton's friend and political ally, dismissing
the case. Thomas immediately instituted a suit for
false imprisonment against Stanton, claiming
13150,000 damages. The Secretary of War re-
mained encamped in his office entrenchment, and
the Adjutant-General made no further attack.
Senators Doolittle and Dixon, Secretary Welles,
several Representatives, and General Thomas had
interviews with the President. The counsel
for General Thomas have compelled Mr. Stan-
ton to supply a copy of the commissionissued
to him as Secretary of War by President Lincoln.
The words are to act " daring the pleasure of the
President for the time being." The excitement con-
tinued to subside throughout the country, and the
impeachers, becoming aware of their strength,
ceased to hurry to and fro in their late frenzy. The
House committee examined Gehs. Emory and Wal-
lace, as well as Thomas. The President met a de-
putation from Baltimore, whom he informed " that
no personal sacrifice was too great for him to bear
in defence of the Constitution ; he was sure the in-
telligence and patriotism of the people would yet
rescue the country from the threatened ruin."
On Thursday and Friday Washington had sunk into
all the repose itever allows itself. Stanton still hung
on to the War-office under the shelter of a double
guard. Indee 1, on Friday evening the building
was surrounded by a cordon of soldiers. His drafts
on the Treasury are honoured, though Thomas had
been invited by the President to attend a meeting
of the Cabinet as Secretary of War, ad interim,
which he did. Many prominent Republicans, among
whom is Grant, urge Stanton to resign, but there is
little probability of this obstinate man complying
with the request. The President applied for a writ
quo warranto to compel Mr. Stanton to show cause
why he holds possession of the War Department,
but the application cannot come up until the
December term of the Supreme Court. On Friday
the President gave Thonias a full commission as
Secretary of War, ad interim.