The Sun.
London, England, 1850-01-29 00:00:00

with 1803 and ending only with 1828, having ex-
tended over a period of no less than a quarter of a
century. To pronounce any opinion on the papers
which throughout that interval emanated from his
own hand individually would be little less than an
impertinence at this particular time, when his
honoured ashes are not even as yet sepultured, and
would, moreover, be an effort of criticism
wholly and entirely superfluous, seeing that
their merits are universally recognised, having
elicited the panegyric of all the chief
literary organs in the United Kingdom. Collected
together in three noble and inestimable volumes,
these works, forming altogether a perfect repertory
of learning, eloquence, and criticism, have been, some
time since, published in a splendid edition by the
Messrs. LONGMAN ; and we doubt not that the unex-
pected demise of the illustrious author will lead to
their re-issue in a more popular form, for example,
in a one-volume edition uniform with those recently
issued of the works of SYDNEY SMITH and the essays
of THOMAS MAcArray. Whenever consulted,
those brilliant effusions of the fancy, the book
lore, and the intellectual judgment of FRANCIS
JEFFREY cannot but excite sentiments of admiration
at talents so versatile, information so copious
and dissimilar, eloquence so fervid and classical, wit
so keen, subtle, and sparkling, taste so exquisitely
refined, and learning so repeatedly yet so unosten-
tatiously exhibited. It was the appreciation of
these remarkable abilities, and the recognition of their
generally judicious and magnanimous employment
which deadened literary jealousy and disarmed poli-
tical opposition. Hence it happened that, not-
withstanding the duel with MOORE and the
attack on BYRON, the distinguished critic
to whose manes we are dedicating these
syllables of deserved and spontaneous homage,
acquired and retained the friendship, not only of those
bards of immortality, but of almost every one of
their illustrious contemporaries.;
Chosen Lord Rector of Glasgow University in
1821 ; made Dean of the Faculty of Advocates of
Scotland in 1825 ; elected to a seat in the Imperial
Parliament, first for the burghs of Forfar, Perth,
Dundee, Copal., and St. Andrew's, in 1830 ;
secondly, in 1831, for the borough of Mahon, where
he succeeded Sir JAMES SCARLETT , afterwards Lord
ARINGER ; and, thirdly, in 1832, far the city :of
E linburgh, as the representative of which capital
FRANCIS JEFFREY remained two years in the House
of Commons, with his colleague Mr. A DERCROMDY)
now Lord DUNFERMLINE—he was, in 1834, on the
death of Lord CRAIGIE, appointed one of the Lords
of Session, having previously, in 1830, been nomi-
nated Lord Advocate of Scotland. Throughout
the discharge of his duties in these several
posts he obtained for himself a respect similar
in degree to that acquired by him amongst
his own immediate circle by the dignity, the ardour,
and the devotion manifested in all his domestic rela-
tions. Married in 1802, to CATHERINE, a daughter
of the Rev. Dr. WnsoN, of St. Andrew's, FRANCIS
Lord JEFFREY, on her decease was subsequently
united, in 1813, to CHARLOTTE, a daughter of CHARLES
Winrus, Esq., of New York, and grandniece of
JOHN WILKES, the celebrated democrat and alderman
of London. Particulars such as these, uninteresting
with regard to the msjority of mankind, are of immense
interest in connexion with a personage like Lord
JEFFREY ; and they will not fail to be preserved for
the contemplation of posterity—the chips and straws
embalmed in the amber of his reputation.

Thirteen months since, on the 2Sth November,
1848, the Hon. Member for Glasgow addressed a
letter to his numerous and influential constituency, in
which the clearest and most statesman-like views of
the fiscal and financial reforms, so urgently re quired
and anxiously desired by the overtaxed, overworked,
and under-fed pppulation of the United Kingdoms,
were distinctly and intelligibly put forward. There
were no specious fallacies, or ad captandum argu-
ments contained in that admirable epistle. Ic was
directed to the reason, rather than to the pas-
sions and prejudices of the people. It did
not propose to render Great Britain an Utopia,
or to attain an ideal perfection, such as never existed
save in the excited fancies of some
-day-dreamer
—but it dealt with stern realities. It regarded things
as they were, and not as they ought to have been. I
did not contemplate the restoration of the golden age,
when " the lion should lie down with the lamb," and
"swords should be converted into ploughshares." It
did not suggest an universal disarmament or a ge-
neral submission of all international disputes to the
awards of peaceful arbitration. It did not propose
that taxation should be dispensed with, faith broken
with the public creditor, or our great
national establishments carried on and maintained
without any adequate provision. It was in every
respect eminently practical. Abuses, although of
ancient standing, which had flourished during suc-
cessive ages, were thoroughly and unsparingly ex-
posed. Th 3 wheat was sifted from the chaff, and it
was shown how our national expenditure could he
materially reduced, without impairing the efficiency
of our national establishments ; how the most impo-
litic and inequitable imposts might be either altoge-
ther abolished, or so far modified as to greatly alle-
viate the pressure, and render the burden tolerable to
those whose galled sides (sere wincing under the un-
equally distributed weight.
Its principal recommendation, its chief excellence,
consisted in its very simplicity. There was nothing
that could not easily be accomplished, which the
talented propounder would not himself be prepared
to carry into operation, if invested with sufficient
power—if appointed the financial Minister of this
mighty empire. Others might put forward schemes
calculated to embarrass the Government, or displace
the Ministry, but Mr. MICGREGOR made no proposi •
tion that could possibly injure the Liberal Cabinet,
to which he rendered a general and most disinterested
support.

It is by no means surprising that :a docu-
ment so framed, and of such consummate ability,
should have attained the most extensive publicity.
It wag, we believe, reprinted_in extenso, or at least in
substance, by journals of every shade and variety of
political feeling, and " wafted on the wings of the
press throughout the length and breadth of the land.'
It was subsequently published in the form of a pam-
phlet,* with introductory remarks and explanatory
' notes, which, as it justly merited, received a ready
' demand. Circumstances prevented the full discus-
sion in Parliament of the New Budget, but there can
be no doubt that it will form the basis of many ame-
liorations that will from time to time be introduced
and receive the legislative sanction.
This year the Honourable Gentleman has addressed
another, and no less useful epistle, to the inhabitants
of the important district he so ably represents in the
popular branch of the Legislature, and which, with a
due regard to the democratic principle, and the " ex-
tension of the suffrage," which the rapidly approach-
ing session must witness ere its termination,., he has
directed " to the electors and non-electors of the city
of Glasgow." It is of a totally different
character and tendency from that of last
year, but we venture to predict that it
will not be received with less approbation, or have a
lower circulation than its predecessor. The former
indicated sound and practical ameliorations in the
existing fiscal and financial systems that might readily
be carried into effect. The present is essentially
" Conservativc" in its nature—" Conservative," not
according to the old Tory cant, that meant dogged and
pertinacious adherence to ancient prejudices, and a
stubborn and obstinate resistance to the removal
of abuses of long standing, of " aged vices,
grey iniquities" but a firm and unflinch•
ing determination not to relinquish the free•
trade policy, which has fortunately been adopted by
a large and' decisive majority of the representatives
of the people, with the general concurrence and as-
sent of the community.
Mr. MACGREGOR is resolved that that there shall
be no retrogression or reaction—that the nation shall
not be deceived by the fallacies of the Protec-
tionists—that there shall be no resuscitation
of monopoly. He has, therefore, entered
into a calm consideration cif the entire
question of protection, more especially as it relates
to a " bread tax," and duties on the importation of
foreign corn, and la a concise history of the enact-
ments relating to the food of the people, and by the