The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-19 00:00:00

THE TEN HOURS' BILL.

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It is quite dear that, however much Lord Ashley and
some-other advocates of a diminution in the hours of
labour may be influenced by feelings of humanity, a very
large number of those who support a Ten Hours' Bill do
so from very different motives. Amongst these motives
we believe one of the most prominent is 'a motion,—
which, however absurd, is very sincere,—that the Legis-
lature can so regulate the hours of labour, and the con-
sequent production of manufactures, as to raise prices,
and consequently advance the interests both of manu-
facturers and workmen. This is evidently the opinion
not only of parties who take a prominent part in the ten
hours' agitation, but also of the great body of work-
people who, join in it, who flatter themselves that the di-
minution of the hour's hrlabour will cause an increased
demand for.their services, which will bring them all into
full employment, at advanced wages. Of course, if this
opinion is well founded with respect to factory labour,: it
must be equally so in reference to all other employments;
and, consequently, if the present attempt should be suc-
cessful, we may look for an interference on similar
grounds, with the labour of artisans and workmen of all
descriptions, and especially in those branches of em-
ployment in which, from any cause whatever, there
happens to be a superabundance of labourers. If these
cannot be all profitably employed for twelve hours a day,
the new philosophers will say that they ought to work
ten, or eight, or six, or such other reduced number of
hours as may be fourid adequate to the desired end of
furnishing the whole with employment ; and we may ex-
pect that the Legislature will be, if not very profitably,
at all events very fully, engaged in regulating the hours
during which tinkers and tailors, and shoemakers, and
all. other handicraftsmen and workmen, may be per-
mitted to labour in their respective vocations, con-
sistently with the new principle of interference.
Amongst the parties who would be likely to set up ur-
gent claims for the interference of the Legislature in this
respect, we know of none who could make out so good a
case as the agricultural labourers ; whose numbers, it is
well known, are more. in excess than those of persons
engaged in any other employment. If the condition of
cotton-spinners and power-loom weavers can be im-
proved by shortening their hours of labour, and increas-
ing the number of persons required to perform a given
quantity of work, why not try the experiment upon
labourers in husbandry ? It is clear that, with their
present term of labour, there is not.work for all ; and
therefore we would recommend to the Hon. Member for
Oldham, or some other Member of Parliament, who
takes the same view of the question, to consider the pro-
priety of bringing in a Bill to restrict them to eight, or
to six, or to four hours a day, with the view of trying
how far such a change would tend to improve their con-
dition. If diminution of labour is a good thing, let
them have plenty of it.
We are aware that some of the farmers would be dis-
posed to allege, that they could hardly afford to pay
their present rate of wages for ten or twelve hours'
labour ; and that, if restricted to six or even to eight
hours, they must either diminish wages in the same pro-
portion, or give up their farms. We do not, however,
see any difference in this respect between them and
cotton spinners ; and, if the restriction of labour in the
one case will prove generally beneficial, it can hardly
fail in the other.

Perhaps, however, as a diminution in the produce of
labour is to be the great panacea for national distress,
the best plan would be to pass an Act of Parliament for
tying up the left hand of every labourer, for fear he
should perform too much work ; and, if that should not
be sufficient, let him labour with both hands tied to-
gether, which will surely answer the purpose.
We recommend this plan to the serious consideration
of those gentlemen who advocate the Ten Hours' Bill on
grounds of commercial advantage.—Manchester Guardian.

THE LATE FIRE sT\N CLERKENWELL —Wednesday
morning a fire broke out, at No. 5, Upper Rosoman-street,
Clerkenwell, which was *ended with circumstances of a
very distressing character! no less than fifteen persons, who
resided in the house, having been deprived of every article
of furnitUre and clothing, and reduced to a state of total des-
titution. A subscription has since been opened for their re-
lief, and it is to be hoped that the public will not be back-
ward in rendering assistance, and that such a sum will be
raised as will enable these poor people to obtain both a home
and clothing. Mr. Drayton and Mr. Tidmarsh, of 30, Upper
Rosoman-street, will receive subscriptions, and afford every
information relative to this very distressing case. _
THE PEER AND THE TAILOR:The/4/0777/e states,
that the Marquis de Louvois, who died a short time since,
passed at his estate all the time that he could spare from pub-
lic affairs. One day a travelling carriage arrived at the
village of —. The traveller, who was ill-tempered, found
fault with the postillions, and insisted on seeing the post-
master. A man appeared at the post-house, modestly attired ;
he addressed the traveller as follows : " I shall wait on you
instantly, I only require time to put on my full dress coat as
a Peer of France: The postmaster was the Marquis do
Louvois, and the troublesome traveller his tailor, who had
realised a large fortune.