The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-04 00:00:00

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LONDON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1850.

Having observed more than one elaborate attempt
to depreciate the character of the Magyar revolution by
maligning its illustrious leader, we would here most
earnestly commend to the scrutiny of the dispassionate
a very remarkable and interesting account of " Louis
KOSSUTH and his Family," penned by a Hungarian
lady, one CAROLINE MaarroN, and now first pub-
lished in the current number of Bentley's Miscellany.
From this authentic narrative it will be discerned
that, so far from the ex-Dictator of Hungary being
a Terrorist, as some have most audaciously insinuated,
his amenity of disposition has carried him at times

even to an excess of weakness ; and that, so
far from his being, as others have yet more
infamously pretended, a dissolute and debauched
Lothario, rereleriirg his wife miserable by his profli-
gacy, he is a man of the most domestic habits, and
one whose noble qualities have as much endeared him
to his spouse as to his fatherland, and to a vast pro-
portion of his contemporaries. The biographical
chapter in which these facts are recounted is no fan-
ciful sketch, no mere effusion of a romantic enthu-
siasm. It is the truthful emanation of gratitude. It
is the outpouring of a woman's heart, at once gentle
and heroic, overflowing with love for the friend, ad-
miration for the patriot, and reverence for the
philanthropist. The tribute here offered to
Louis Kossura by his countrywoman and ae•
quaintance, CAROLINE MARTON, is preceded by a
note such as must set at nought the incredulity of even
the most pertinacious and bigotted antagonist. This
note is nothing less than a brief prefatory assurance
of the authenticity of the contribution, from the hand
of THERESA PULSKY, the gifted wife of the Hunga-
rian Ambassador, the friend of the Marquis and
Marchioness of LANSDOWNE. And here we must take
occasion to remark that, notwithstanding the abrupt
tiefeat of the Magyars, and the consequent dissipation
all their intoxicating visions of independence,
FRANCIS PULSKY, the Envoy and Minister Plenipoten-
tiary to England from the revolutionary Government of
Hungary, has ever since that lamentable catastrophe
been labouring still undauntedly and gallantly in the
cause of his betrayed country, using in her behalf, at
any rate, the pen of trutb, now that the sword of
heroism has been broken by the dastard hand of a
traitor. Dejected he must have been, almost heart-
broken he must have been on first hearing of the
utter downfill of his colleagues, when be received in-
telligence of the murder of the noble BATTHYANI,
and cif the generous Kiss, and of so many other dis-
tinguLhed martyrs of patriotism ; when he
witnessed the ineffectual slaughter of so many
aspirants fur the emancipation of the Mag-
yars ; when he saw the treason of GORGE;
nod heard the melancholy news that KOSSUTH the
Great and Good, the Avatar of Hungary, the Libera-
tor of the Hungarians, had been compelled (to employ
the elevated. phrase of NapouzoN) to close, for a while
at least., his political career like TUEMISTOCLES. Dis-
mayed by this abrupt avalanche of miseries, FRANCIS
rCISKY was, nevertheless, not disheartened. His brave
temperament and unconquerable energy revived after
the first agony of his many and grievous disappoint-
mente; and, seeing that his diplomatic duties were
ended simultaneously with the, incursion of the Cos-
as under PASKRWITCH, he saw also that his talents
might be dedicated not ineffectually to watch over
tae good name of his race and of its conspicuous
statesmen, and to guard the judgment of England, in
reference to that' race and to thole etateemen, from
being warped by the sophisms and the audacity of
their calumniators. In this labour of love, in this
tat, honourable to him as a man and as a patriot, as a
politicise and as a contributor to historical literature,
tie has been nobly aided by his ardent and gifted
partner—her industry having been scarcely second to
that of her husband, that industry which we are
he-re soliciton,, however inadequately, to comme-
morate. Their native land ground down under
th:• san-euinary vengeanee of Austria, their
friends scattered abroad in foreign countries,
or worse than the', shot down in the market-
pleee like military crfininale, or hung upon the gal-
lows like convicted felons—Fereects PULSICY and his
lady, THERESA FIB:SKY, have never during all that
agonizing period of calamity rerixed in their endea-
yours to vindicate the maligned champions of Hun-
gary, and, of course, great amongst the great, chief
amongst the chieftains, Louis, I‘OSSUTH, the ex-
Dictator of the Revolutionary Government.
From these antecedents in ri.gard to the
Huogaitivn Plenipotentiary, it becomes interest-
ing to observe at the bead of the sketches to
which we would here direct particular attention,

the declaration formally made by THERESA. PULSKY,
that they " are from the pen of a Hungarian lady
who lived on terms of friendly intercourse with the
family of KOSSUTH." That assurance alone would be
a sufficient voucher for their integrity, did not the
internal evidence offered by the descriptions go far to
corroborate the statement of Mrs. PULSKY. "At
Pesth and Debreczin," says the latter, she (CARO-
LINE Marmots) had constant opportunities, during
the great Hungarian struggle for independence, not only
of forming the personal acquaintance of many of the
most distinguished men remarkable in that period, but
of gaining an insight into the ecenes and events in
the midst of which she lived." Consequently any
narrative from her hand must necessarily assume an
irresistible aspect of attraction, even if we were not,
in addition to all this, assured that " her sketches are
drawn with a conscientious regard to accuracy and
truth, however much their colouring may owe to
the enthusiasm of their writer." "As faithful pic-
tures of life," says Mrs. FuLsxr in conclusion,
" they will, I have no doubt, be regarded with general
interest." Of this there cannot remain a question,
especially seeing the ardour with which the people
of E:.gland sympathise with the cause of the Hunga-
rians—that sympathy having been conspicuously re-
vealed in the charivari accorded to the woman-flogger
HAYNAU by the working people of Bankside, by the
generous subscriptions poured in to the relief of
the Magyar refugees, and by the warmth and
unanimity which both the nation and its represen-
tatives in the House of Commons displayed last
session in their estimate of the conduct of Viscount
PALMBRSTON. For it cannot be denied that, coupled
with the whole. of his gallant and sagacious policy,
the noble speech delivered by that great statesman in
reference to the Hungarian movement went far towards
kin fling the enthUsiasm which led to the triumphant
issue of the motion of Mr. ROEBUCK. Ailiare of this
ardour, therefore, on the part of the Eogligh, multi-
tude in behalf of the brave Hungarians—an ardour
in the reasonableness of which her MAJESTY'S
Foreign SeCretary most fully and cordially coincides
—we • are satisfied that Mrs. PULSKY is right
in thinking that the sketches of '" KOSSUTH and his
Family" here referred to will be " regarded
with general interest." From these sketches it-will be
seen that the charaCter of Lours KOSSUTH is not one
furbished up into evanescent brightness, ve-
neered with superficial virtues, or lacquered with
showy and unmerited panegyric—but that his quali-
ties are those of a real great man, a hero, not of
sham but of reality, an orator, not of words but of
ideas, a conservator of property though a democrat,
a conservator of life though a revolutionist. And
the greatness of this man, though conspicuous, it will
be seen, from these private and authentic revelations,
is in a great measure inferior to his goodness—a
goodness revealed in his domestic career as a citizen,
and in his public career as a statesman. When
these testimonies to his loveable nature, as well as
to his resplendent genius, have been perused, the reader
will no longer marvel at the earnest pathos of those
sentences with which the Hungarian lady closes her
exquisite tribute to the Hungarian Liberator.

" One consolation," she says, "lightens the weight of
misfortune allotted to Kossuth. Torn though he is from
his country, it remains faithful to him. In spite of un-
exampled severity and of the most jealous watch, every
wave of the Danube carries messages of love from
the Hungarian people to Kossuth's Asiatic prison.
The Hungarian pe.isants communicate in whispers
the tale of • Kossuth's return. The danger of pro-
nouncing his cherished name endears it still more.
Whether our trials are to be measured by months or by
centuries—whether Eternal Justice grant Kosauth a
return to his country, or doom him to breathe his last
sigh amongst strangers, one thought of prophetic truth
will cheer him—his remains will repose on Hungarian
soil l"

Words of affectionate admiration like those are
the sweetest rewards of patriotism, and may go far
even to alleviate the miseries of exile and the sorrows
of a lofty and betrayed ambition.

We have repeatedly directed the public attention

to what had been considered the bold " experiment"
of introducing the Scotch system of banking into the
metropolis: The Royal British Bank was established
for the purpose of supplying a serious want to a
large and influential portion of the community, of
affording much required accommodation to very
many, who bad previously been partially excluded
therefrom by the stringent and inflexible regulations
of the existing establishments. It was, unques-
tionably, an " experiment," for no attempt had pre-
viously been made to carry into practical operation,
in London, the principles which had so long been
acted on in Scotland with the happiest results to
a!1 parties connected—to the bankers, who received
fair and remunerative profits on the amount of capital

employed, and to the industrious population of the

country, who were never refused the assistance their
necessities required upon showing the object for
which it was required, and fair security for its repay-
ment. The advantages of good character were in-
deed fully experienced in that country, where " an
honest name was more valuable than coined gold,"
and much of the agricultural and manufacturing
prosperity of the country was owing to the valuable
aid provided by the Scottish banks to the industrious
classes, and to the wide and extended basis on which
credit was placed in North Britain. The "experi-
ment" was not, however, a vast one; the clear-
headed and intelligent men who devised the under-
taking plainly perceived that the fundamental prin-
ciples of trade, and of banking as a branch of
it, are, and must be, the same in the south-

ern as in the northern part of the island,
and that the mode of giving practical effect to
those principles, which proved so sound and bene-
ficial in one portion of the kingdom, could scarcely
fail of success in the others, if judiciously and fairly
tried. They, therefore, unhesitatingly tried the "ex-
periment." The necessary capital was speedily sub-
scribed, a royal charter was obtained, and the Bri-

tiah Bank started into existence under the most fa-
vourable auspices.
It is, we are happy to say, no longer an " experi-
ment." The extraordinary facilities offered by the
new concern were fully appreciated, and an amount
of business was obtained that surpassed the most
sanguine anticipations of the projectors. Although

thoroughly convinced of the soundness of the
principles on which it was conducted, it could
scarcely be expected that public confidence—a
plant of slow growth, easily retarded—would have

immediately been obtained ; it was so, however.
Numerous customers flocked •to the bank ; several
branches have been opened in districts much requiring
the accommodation, and the concern was placed upon
a substantial foundation, that at once placed it on a
footing with the oldest and best regulated establish-
ments. The monthly statement of the liabilities and
assets, which were freely rendered, showed a steady
and rapid progression, that must have proved most
satisfactory to the managers, the shareholders, and
the clients of the bank.

The boaid, however, do not merely continue to
afford the facilities which it promised to its cus-
tomers. It exhibits a laudable anxiety to extend
then wherever it can do so with safety. It will not
permit itself to be trammelled within the narrow
bounds_of former_ usages whenever an opportunity is
shown by which it can take a step in advance of its
contemporaries. A notification has just been pub-
lished of its intention to introduce a new feature in
banking, so simple and safe to the bankers, and at the
same time , so advantageous to the cgs:milers,
,that it
is only astonishing that it should have been so long
disregarded. Indeed, the absence of such a regula-
tion can only be ascribed to the holy horror of all
modern innovations, for which the great majority of
the banking community are so conspicuous. The
diredtors announce that, " with the view of affording
depositors with the Royal British Bank the means
of making their deposits therein available and useful
to them at all times and in all places, either for the
purpose of immediate payments or of guarantees for
the performance of future obligations, the Court of Di-
rectors have resolved to avail themselves of the privilege
of their charter, by which, pursuant to the statute
of the 7th and Bth Vic., c. 113, they are empowered
to make and issue promissory notes on behalf of the
corporation. They intend these notes for the use of
such depositors as may prefer the same to the ordi-
nary pass-books, or of any other persons who may
desire:to purchase such bills for remittances or other
objects in business. The notes will, at the option of
the depositor or purchaser, be for any sum in pounds
not under five, and payable at any date not exceeding
months to the party receiving the same, or his nomi-
nee, And to the order of the nominee. They will be

transferable by endorsation, and, of course, negotia-
ble ; and the corporation may, under the sta-
tute (section 22), 'be sued thereon as fully
as in the can of any contract made at.d
entered into under the common seal.' They will
bear interest, or the same will, at the option of the
depositor or purchaser, be paid in advance at the date
of issuing. The rates, for the present and until fur-
ther notice, will be for all periods from two to four
months, one per cent.; from four to six months, two
per cent. ; and for six months, three per cent. per
ansum ; and on all notes of six months, and for sums
of 100/. and upwards, the stamp duty will be paid by
the Bank."

It is impossible not to perceive the beneficial re-
salts that will follow this step, which must speedily
be imitated by other establishments. A person pro-
vided with notes of this description will have an un-
questionable guarantee for any transaction in which
he may be Engaged. Many persons would refuse to
accept cheques from a perfect stranger who would
gladly receive a bank bill. Persons going to the
country to make purchases were, therefore, obliged
to draw out their money, and to carry it with them
in the form of bank notes, which was attended with
considerable inconvenience, so far as the banking ac-
count was concerned, particularly in establishments
w here interest on balances were allowed, and
also with danger of loss of the entire money,
from the numerous depredators who lie in
wait for the unwary. It will also form an excel-
lent and unexceptionable mode of transmitting money
by post. We can see no possible objection to the
practice which will enable parties, while they have
money lying in the banks, to carry distinct and un-
questionable evidence thereof along with them,
which can be negotiated at any moment without risk
to the party accepting the security, and which, unless
used, will not disturb the banking account. The di-
rectors of the Royal British Bank have thus acquired
an additional
.claim upon the gratitude of the mer-
cantile and trading community of the British
metropolis.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday

The PRESIDENT of the Republic reviewed the troops
at Versailles on Wednesday. The following is the
semi-official notice of the review:—

" The President of the Republic, notwithstanding the
bad weather, went yesterday to Versailles to pass a re-
view in the Plaine de Satory. He was accompanied by
the Minister of War, by General Changarnier, Com-
mander-in-Chief of the First Military Division, and by'
General Roguet, his Aide-de-Camp. The troops con-
sisted of two brigades, one under the orders of General
Renaud, comprising the 14th and 37th Regiments, and
the 3d Chasseurs it Pied ; the other, under General
Sauboul, the 24th and 27th Regiments, and the 10th
Chasseurs it Pied ; each brigade was accompanied by a
battery of artillery. General Neumayer commanded in
chief. The troops manosuvred with admirable precision.
After the review the President gave a collation to the
officers and noncommissioned officers, and caused 13,000
rations to be distributed to the soldiers. The President
was received with great enthusiasm by the troops and by
the spectators. The President returned to Paris at
about five o'clock. M. Horace Vernet was present at
the review."

The Opinion Publique and the other Legitimatist
journals, which are under prosecution for the repub-
lication of the article which appeared in the Corsaire
on the subject of the conduct of the PRESIDENT in
treating the soldiers, reiterate their remarks on the
subject, and declare that they will not be deterred
from speaking out by prosecutions or threats of pro-
secutions. The Ordre, which is the organ of the
Orleanist party as represented by MM. TRIERS and
ODILLON BARROT, and which is as averse to Legitimacy
as it is to Imperialism, has the following on what
certainly looks more like an attempt to tamper with
the fidelity of the army (if we admit the truth of the
statement of the Ordre) than anything that has yet
occured. The Ordre says—
" At the first review at Versailles the 623 Regimant
of Infantry had just received orders to leave the garri-
son of Versailles fur distant quarters; it is known that
the regiments take their turn in coming to Paris, where
pay is higher and the residence more desired. The 62d
bad already filled a period of three years, from 1842
to 1845—it was amongst the most ancient of those
in garrison in the Ist division, it had then naturally
received from the Minister of War an order of de-
parture. During the defile at the review this regi-
ment cried unanimously, not 'Vive Napoleon,' but
Vise l'Empereur.' Another regiment, less ancient than
the 62d, namely, the 4th, had cried but little during the
defile. It has been ordered to leave Paris for Lisle in
place of the 62d, which has just been ordered back in
place of the 4th. An order of departure given to a regi-
ment before a review, and revoked subsequently to it, is
something unusual; another regiment, sent to the pro-
vinces i❑ place of one more ancient, is something extra-
ordinary. It was ou the very eve of the day fixed for
its departure that the C2d received the counter order to
remain, and that the 4th received nut xpectedly the
order to leave on the following day. The favoured regi-
ment is the one that shouted, and the disgraced regiment
the one that did not shout. The public, which has fol-
lowed with great attention the details of the review, has
felt much uneasiness at the attitude of each regivat nt—
the public draws from the fact we have just described,
as well as from others that preceded it, the consequences
which they irresistibly suggest."
The division in the Legitimatist camp, occasioned
by the issue of the Wiesbaden circular, still con-
tinues, and M. DE LAROCIIFJAQUELIN has addressed
the following " confidential" letters to several of his
friends, for the purpose of accurately explaining his
reasons for adopting the line of proceeding he has
done :

" (CONFIDENTIAL.)
" Paris, Sept. 29, 1850.
" Sir,—The noise of the deplorable discussions which
I have had to support has, no doubt, already reached
you. My friends are my judges; and I must submit to
them the reasons of my conduct, in order that they may
well understand them.
" The clearness of the declarations contained in the
Opinion Publique, and in the Union, no longer permit
me to hesitate. The circular is at the present dry the
avowed work of the persons who have taken the collec-
tive name of M. do Barthelemy.. These journals an-
nounce that it will not be disavowed by them.
" It is of importance to me, above all things, clearly to
establish my position in your eyes. Have I not, during
five weeks, done all in my power to destroy the re-
ports of divisions between us ? I knew, never-
theless, that my proposition of an appeal to
the nation' was not understocd, and was not ap-
proved. I knew that the men who represented a policy
which I had nogutbtahulweb
al
publication,i ygsedf o r
al l ou toe dn
evene
ww edr
ue
tbi
so
w;n
but
uyu
tr
oelfd vcaiost
nhf a
-r
fconfidence
cwahui
y
dence, made to thousands of .persons, of that circular
which has so greatly afflicted U. .I had determined on
obeying every direction which would not compromise
the principles which rule those of France. But who has
broken that truce of silence which I had faithfully re-
spected? Can the responsibility of that division he im-
puted to me? Does it not belong entirely to those who,
since the commencement of the month of September,
have sent it into all the departments, into Belgium, into
Germany, and who have had it published in the provin-
cial journals several days before I knew of it?
" I have committed the error, they say, of opposing
that circular; I ought to have supported it, without
complaining of the painful attacks contained in it, and
which were so evidently directed against me.
" I should certainly have done so if I was the only
one concerned; but after the first moments of a
too just consternation, I thought that the flag of
the • national right' having been thrown into the
enemy's camp by hands which were at least
imprudent, I ought to devote myself to go and
recover it, and to place it once mere in the hands of the
Prince to whom it belongs. I fully expected the conse-
quences of this sacrifice, and accordingly no pain has
been spared to me. What would have arrived if no one
bad sacrificed himself ? Now that this noble flag is
once more raised, it does not depend upon me to deter-
mine if it is to be followed !

"I have for a long time past suffered too much; I have
acquired too sad an experience to think of even taking
the place of anybody; but I cannot consent to follow
those who raise a new party, which I have never known,
and which compromises the name of the august Prince,
by attributing language to him so wide from that which
I have heard from his lips.
" Persons hope to mix up a personal question with
the highest political ones in the discussion which still
continue. I hear the objection without ceasing, and
solely made, of the appeal to the nation, and the choice
of the confidants of the Count de Chambord. Most cer-
tainly, the Prince has an undoubted right to place his
confidence where he thinks fit; and besides, those per-
sons who have been named have each their own species
of importance.
" The appeal to the nation was not a doctrine, was
not a system; it was a means—nothing more, nothing
less. It offended no person, no principle; it in no re-
spect implied the negation of the sacred rights of tradi-
tion.ameansTheany one
ai I
n, in question might no d itibt be con-
sidered had;
have
eld
nueriitdhoeurbateadidlyneforrwmritthteant
opinion of them; but
anything which authorises a condemnation of doctrines.
Have I not lately, g
maintainedgt?d
t
principle that there are againstnicl:rtihgehttriibune
right?'
sired to bring to a close the c, ntested point which has
disturbed the world for the last sixty years. I wanted,
as I stated, to re-establish by the national consent the
ni
ig
o
ipalnrnntodiepinvtoehasvete_cdraiatgnhi I:aiihttsent euhogcfeettlsphsrheai
anrltycii iun ;on f oort, tbh earer hhi tss ef h ine nation
,
principle
eth pretendsofLegiti to
Legitimacy
raocuoindtheryp—ut
to the vote.

" The appeal to the nation was not a royal question.
That question belonged to France, which t,utle; s and
which! 'denies that her revolutions were free and well-
considered acts of her will. In monarchical principle,
the King cannot be a matter of contestation; he dues
not belong to himself; he is the sacred depositary of
rights belonging to the nation. The hereditary prin.
aiple is one of those rights. I have never forgotten that
such is the crave.

"In leaving to France the liberty of discussing her
interests, her future prospe;:ts, and the most certain
medt:‘ of insuring the stability of her insdtutiuns, she
would come quit, naturally to understand them. In a
ration the step from conviction to execution is not a
long ()rte..

' You have seen in ray two 1, Vera the exposé of my
principles, such as you were acquainted with fur many
years past; but I must add some categorical explana-
tions, in order that you may understand still more com-
pletely why I declared myself against that senseless act
which Is so completely opposed to the opinions of Franca',
and which has made us lose in ono day the fruits of
twenty years of struggling.
"Read that circular; it makes the Prince the chief of
a party. Henry IV. was in that situation when, at the
head of his faithful troops, he conquered his Crown, with
his arms in his hands; but the circular commits an
anachronism, for it only reckons on the employment of
pacific means, and means of conciliation. How does it
commit the mistake of placing the Comte de Chambord in
face of the adversaries of his principles? How can
that language, which is attributed to the Prince, be
conciliated with that beautiful language which he made
use of only last year at Erns—' If I should become
the King of a party, I would no longer be King of
France.'

‘-l-Political liberty is summed up in an elective Assem-
bly, by whatever name called. The circular annuls the
necessary independence of the representatives of the
nation, by forcing them to submit, under penalty of
seism and indiscipline, to the rill of five persons, who
notify to us their pretended powers.
t. The press has certain rights; they are wrested from
it arbitrarily, and it must obey.
"There can no longer, even out of the press or of the
national representation, be found a new d'Assars, who,
in face of a sudden eventuality, can cry out, A.moi,
Auvergne and die in saving his cause.
"I repeat the truth which I have already advanced—
all moral and legal responsibilities are displaced; and it
is with the deepest grief that we behold carried towards
exile the responsibility of the new faults which may be
committed. Was it not my right and my duty to protest,
when I beheld so many principles and so many hopes
compromised?
" I know too well how difficult it is to act well. The
injustice of one's old friends is always the most poignant;
but a man must know how to support it. It is the great-
est that one can be subjected to in the defence of one's
political faith.
"I disdain to reply to the accusations of those who
affirm that I now burn what I once adored, and in-
sult what I once so much loved. There is pride of such
a character, that it effaces duties in certain men; they
place thcir own merits above their conscience. I have
more modesty. lam aware that I have for myself only
my good intentions. I should be too culpable were Ito
forget the obligations which are imposed on me by the
tombs amidst which I was born,
Whatever may be the fate of this manifesto, which,
in my firm conviction, will deeply afflict the heart of the
Prince whom others have so strangely compromised, I
have considered it my duty to submit to your judgment
the appreciation of my conduct.
" Receive, Monsieur, the assurance a my most de-
voted sentiments.

" HE. DE LARCCHEJAQUELIN."
PARIS BOURSE, OCT. 3.—Latest Prices—Five
per Cents., 92f. sc. ; Three per Cents., 57f. 5c.;
Bank Actions, 2,270 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Ocr. 3.
Boulogne and Amiens, 81/2—Dutch Rhenisb,3%—Namur
and Liege, ;1/2—Orleans and Bourdeaux, 2%—Paris and
Strasburg, 7% Rouen and Havre, 10% Tours and
Nantes, 334,