The Sun.
London, England, 1868-08-17 00:00:00

THE IRISH CHURCH.

On Monday last Mr. W. E. Foster, M.P. for
Bradford, appeared before his constituents in
St. George's Hall in that town. Having ad-
verted at some length to local electioneering
topics, the hon. gentleman proceeded to con-
sider the question of the Irish Church. He
wanted a few words with those who are op-
posed to Mr. Gladstone—not merely followers
of Mr. Disraeli, but with the men who agree
with Lord Salisbury, or, if they don't like that
name, those who agree with Mr. Hardy :—" I
want a few words with them. We have strong
arguments on our side. They think they have
on theirs. Now, what is our motive ? Our
motive is that we believe unless we carry out
this measure that we cannot preserve the union
of England and Ireland without—l don't know
there is use in mincing matters—without,
first or last, civil war. That is our motive.
Now, what are their fears ?—fears which I
don't wonder at their feeling if they have re-
ason for them—first, the fear that the interests
of Protestantism will be damaged, and secondly,
the fear that the English Church will be en-
dangered. Now, first a word or two upon our
motive. Our motive is that we don't believe
that the union with Ireland can be preserved
while the Episcopal Church remains the Estab-
lished Church by law, unless we continue to
govern Ireland by force ; and what does that
mean ? By terror. The Irish are a high-spirited
people, and among them civil war may break
out at any moment. Only the other day, Mr.
Disraeli congratulated the Lord Mayor and his
guests on the state of Ireland. I don't congra-
tulate you on the state of Ireland. Mr. Disraeli
and his colleagues did all they could in the
House of Commons to alarm us about the state
of Ireland. But why do I say this will be the
case ? I come to that opinion because, in con-
sidering this question, I have had to look deep
into the real meaning of the union between
England and Ireland. That union is not, in
the minds of the Irish people, and ought not
to be, the conquest of one people by another.
It ought not to mean the absorption of one
nationality in another, but the union of those

two nationalities upon common grounds—upon '
terms of political equality. Can any one say
that while we keep up by force the Episcopal
Church, the Church of the minority in Ireland,
a Church which would be instantly swept away
if Ireland ,was an independent country, that
the union with Ireland is preserved upon
terms of political equality ? All that Ireland
asks in the matter is, that in questions which
specially affect Irish interests Irish feelings
shall be considered, and if Irish feelings are
considered in any matter, or upon any ques-
tion, then most of all upon that question which
lies deepest, and ought to lie deepest in men's
minds—that of religion. If we are to carry
patriots
out the principlee upon which alone Irish
can accept pt the union—that England
and Ireland be united together as England and
Scotland are, and be one imperial country for
imperial purposes, but that with regard to
special purposes the special feelings of each
of the three kingdoms shall be consulted, then
we shall feel that, Irishmen have a right to
say that this is .not a fair union, or that
they will not consent to it so long as we impose
upon them this Church which they dislike.
That was their motive—the °reservation of the
Union by peaceable means, and not by terror,
and not by the necessity of using force.
Now for the fears of the opponents. The
first fear was, that the interests of Protestantism
are in danger,—" Well, now, I care for Pro-
testantism—l hope none of my Roman Catholic
constituents will object to me if I say that
I am as much opposed to their form of
Christianity they can possibly be opposed
to mine—but as
utl don't believe that the interests
of Protestantism have been advanced by the
Protestant ascendant'. I believe they have been
immensely injured. I believe that of all the
schemes you could have set to work to spread
Protestantism in the country you could not
have adopted one less likely to effect that
object than that. The advocates of Protestant
ascendancy have succeeded in damaging the
interests of Protestantism, and the result is,
that whereas in almost every other/ Roman
Catholic country in the world there is a very
strong party of Roman Catholics against the
Ultramontane views which, I am sorry to say,
are now held at Rome—such has been the
effect of our policy in Ireland that there are
few Catholics in Ireland who don't belong to
the Ultramontane party. lam told, " Oh,
you don't know what will happen ; read the
letter of Dr. M‘Neile, and it will show you
that disestablish the Irish Church and you
will have the canon law, with all its per-
secutions and horrors immediately." Does
Dr. M‘Neile suppose that we men of the House
of Commons have no power ? Does he think
that because we are going to make the law
just in Ireland we are going to make it subser-
vient to any religious denomination ? Depend
upon it he will find it will be even more impos-
• sible that the canon law should come in force
in Ireland after the disestablishment than it
was before. I will tell you what it is that does
endanger Protestantism—at least some people
think it does • I am not so alarmed as many
of my friends, the danger to Protestantism,
if there be any, is not the attack upon the
Irish Church Establishment. It is what hap.
pens within the bounds of the English Church
Establishment. What is the great principle of
Protestantism? The principle that the priest is
to have no power—no spiritual power; that the
relation between man and his Maker is not to be

interfered with by another man; that although
man may forgive crime, man cannot forgive
sin. This is the principle of Protestantism.
That principle has been attacked within the
English Church—l am not now talking of
ritualism, or vestments, or incense ; they are
but the signs—but that great principle of
Protestantism has been attacked within the
English Church, and, if there be a danger at
all, that is the danger. I will at once admit
that I don't believe that is a danger to Pro-
, testantism, because I believe that the heart of