The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-26 00:00:00

viting us to give our opinion on certren questions connected
with the affairs of Italy. We answered that dispatch through
Lard Ponsonby. Those dispatches and the answers were
laid before Parliament. Afterwards we received a dispatch,
said to contain some important denials of a design which was
imputed to Austria with respect co the affairs of Italy, that
ought to have been also laid on the table of the House. In
the first place, it was a denial, but there were transactions
gciog on which came to our knowledge, which led us
not to attach to those denials the credit to which, per-
haps, they were entitled.—(Cheers.) But there were
overt acts—as the occupation of Ferrara, and the in-
timation to Tuac my that any changes, even of the Na-
tional Guard, would be resented and made the pretext of
a military occupation of the territory—and other things going
on, which led us nut to attach much value to the dispatch
containing those denials.—(Loud cheers.) But if the Aus-
trian Government felt in any way aggrieved, where was
Count Colloredo? And ifhe was asleep on his post were the
eyes of Prince Metternich also shut?—(Cheers.) What
would have been easier than for Count Colloredo to have
called upon me and insisted that I should bring that dispatch
before Parliament ?—(Cheers.) But he did not, and no com-
plaint was made from February, when the dispatch was
received, to August when it was moved for in the House of
Lords.—(Cheers.) With regard to our policy with respect
to Vienna, I utterly deny the charge that we have ever advo -
cated, supported, or encouraged revolutions.—(Loud cheers. )
It has been the fate of all men who have advocated tempe-
rate reforms and constitutional improvement to be run at
as the champions of revolution.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") That is the easiest way of putting them down.
It is the received formula—it is the established doctrine of
Governments. " Never mind," say they, " the real revolu-
tionists; we can' deal with them. The dangerous man is
your moderate refornier, and the only way to get rid of him
is to set the world at him by calling him a revolutionist."—
(Loud cheers.) There are revolutionists of two kinds in
this world—those violent, hot-headed, unthinking men who
fly to arms and overthrow existing Governments, reckless of
consequences, without regard to the misery they create, who
inundate their eountry with blood, and draw down upon the
innocent the most direful calamities. Those are revolution-
ists of one sort.—(Loud cheers.) But there is another kind
—those blind-minded men who, animated by antiquated pre-
judices, and goaded by groundless apprehensions, dam up the
current of human improvement, until the restless elements of
accumulated discontent bear down all opposing barriers, and
overthrow and level to the earth those very institutions
which a timely application of renovating modification would
have left whole, strong, and enduring.—(Loud and long-
continued cheering.) Such revolutionists are those who
call us revolutionists.—(Cheers.) It was not to make
revolutions that Lord Minto went to Italy—went at the
. request of the Governments of Austria and Naples to offer
oar mediation between the parties at issue.—(Loud cheers.)
'I
come now to the war in Lombardy. It is said that we
• ought to have prevented the movement of the Sardinians into
_Lombardy. Those blue books, if you will read them, will
.show that we applied every argument likely to have force
with the Sardinian Government to prevent them from taking
up arms against Austria,and it was not until after the revo-
Con broke out that the Austrians were expelled from Lom-
bardy in a way which could only have been the result of a
panic. It was after that, when the King of Sardinia was
_ invited by the people of Lombardy, and when they were al-
, most entirely freed from the Austrian troops, that lie went
to their assistance. Ido not mean to say that his conduct
was right, but at the same time there may be feelings and
circumstances which will at least explain the conduct no
. one can justify, and which we must condemn. - (Cheers.)
He was appealed to by his own countrymen, and he
. might feel that if he resisted that impulse it might be
sufficient to overthrow , his own throne. That was not
a circumstance which justified him in acting so un-
, justifiably towards. a neighbouring state; but it ought
. not to be left out of the' consideration of the case.
,Well, Sir, the Austrian Government sent to us to ask our
mediation between them and the people of Lombardy, and
in the course of the communications which took place it
was at first opposed, as the basis of an arrangement,
• that Austria should relinquish all right and title to Lora-
.. bardy. We thought at the time that had not been ac-
cepted, and we suggested that she should relinquish the
• Milanese territory also, . and our opinion was borne
out by facts, for when they declined entering into
the negotiation the Austrian Government sent an
- agent to the Milanese, confirming their offer to the re-
:, lenquishment of Lombardy, and the proposal was
rejected by the Milanese. The Austrian Government
was most anxious to bring about some-such arrangement by
, which they would be only called upon to relinquish Loin-
„hardy. But our opinions proved the soundest, and they
were eventually approved, not only by Austrian statesmen,
but by all the leading men in Germany. It was admitted
that an arrangement upon the bases we proposed would have
.been conducive as much to the interests of Austria as to the
. , pater parties concerned.—(Cheers.) But it is said that Lord
Miifto made these revolutions. Why, by the admissions of
_ . the Honourable Member (Mr. Anstey), whose intercourse'
with Italy and whose high authority in foreign matters enti-
, ' tle his word teethe greatest attention, Lord Minto was in-
. yited by the Pope himself. ' Lord Minto-went at the express
desire of the Pope, intimated not only by the nuncio at Paris,
.- • Imit in higher and more private communications. It was not
a little curious that the wish* expressed by the Roman Go-
, vernment would seem to -point to Lord Minto as the person,
.they had in their.eye at the time. We were told that the
~,.. Pope ,was .desiroas of improving the administiative institu-
tions of his country, but that he found" great-difficulty, both
t , ileternally and' externallY, in catrying out his views, and
that he would be glad to have the advice of some person
—a, capable person— and the support also of the represen-
tative of England. It was well known that the state of
the law did not admit of our sending a Minister, but we
,-, were told that it would be very acceptable if we sent a
~ coefidential agent—some person in the confidence of the
-Government—a man of rank—a man conversant with the
,
,• , institutions of this, country; and especially a man who might
~ . add* diplomatic experience.. If a form of words had been
~... framed to describe Lord Mints, it could not have been done
_ ,More correctly:--(Cheers.) Lord Minto went; but Lord
_ * Minto did not go so far as to advise a constitution. He
. knew that the foundation of representative government must
, be laid before the superstructure could be built; and at
Turin, at Florence, and at Rome he advised nothing but ad-
, ministrative reforms, which, as far as they were adopted,
had borne fruit.—(Cheers.) But when Lord Minto was at
Rome there happened to break out a civil war between Na-
ples and Sicily. Beth parties had applied to Lord Napier,
their own Charge d'Affaires there. The Sicilians founded
their application on the former connexion between England
' and Sicily, and Naples upon the well-known friendly dis-
positions of England towards their country. Lord Napier
did not accept the office. He said he would not go to Sicily
to make proposals, unless he was permitted to offer such
terms as he knew would be accepted. The Neapolitan Go-
' rernmont did not give him that authority, but, knowing that
Lord Minto was at Rome, they expressed an ardent desire
that he should come to Naples. I had previously instructed
Lord Minto that he might go on to Naples in
the event of the Neapolitan Government manifesting
an anxiety that he should do so.— (Hear, hear. )
Finding that they did entertain such a desire, and that
their anxiety in that respect had been expressed, not only
through Lord Napier, but subsequently in a more
official and more positive manner, by mettasal of
a Government courier, who was dispatched for the express
purpose of requesting his presence at Naples, Lord Minto
e consented to repair thither with all convenient expedition.
The object he had in view, and the mission he was invited
to fulfil, was that of exereising his good offices between the
Sicilian and the Neapolitan Governments. The reply which
he gave to those who solicited him to undertake the task
was this—" I will go - and go with pleasure if I can be of any
use to you; but I know something of Sicily, and remember
I forewarn you that, unless such and such terms are aeTeed
• to, my good offices will be of no avail."—(Hear, hear.)
There was nothing that it was in the power of a man so cir-
cumstanced and so actuated, to attempt that Lord Minto left
unattempted. From five or six o'clock on the
evening, of his arrival, till one or two o'clock on
the following morning, he was closeted in council with
the' King and his Cabinet discussing the terms of the
arrangements to be proposed to the Sicilians— (Hear,
hear)—and that, forsooth, was an uncalled-for interference
-(Cheers and laughter)—and we are to be told that Lord
lilinto's object in going to Naples was not to do a service to
the King, but rather to inflict a treacherous wrong by
secretly encouraging the Sicilians to separate themselves
efeom the Crown, of Naples.—(Cheers and laughter.) What
happened? He expected that the terms which he was
authorised to, propose should not be made known at
Palerrno before his arrival. He not unnaturally attached
considerable importance to his being the first person to ex-
plain those terms. - (Hear, hear.) He did not wish them
to be made public before his arrival lest they might be
run down and condemned, and made the subject of unfair
commentary before he was in a position to vindicate
them, and to explain the reasons why they had been pro-
, pOsed, and why they ought to be accepted.—(Hear, hear.)
But the Neapolitan Government had sent privately before-
hand to their friends in Sicily an intimation of the conditions
. which Lord Mitito was abou; to submit. They had been
already canvassed; examined, discussed, and condemned by
both parties. Tois'Lor I Minto discovered, and with it the
fact that the news of the French revolution had reached
Sicily.—(Hear, hear.) The effect of that intelligence
on the minds of the Sicilians was manifested by this, that,
whereas they would have cheerfully acquiesced a few hours
previously inuony fair arrangements that the Neapolitan
Government might desire to offer, they now desired to be
au independent state, and refused to listen to any terms
whatsoever —(Hear, hear.) When Lord Minto, just as he
eyes about to land, heard that such was their intention, he
said, " No—l came here on the part of the King of
'Sicily, and unless on my landing I am received by men
. who avow I
avow illemselves,to be subjects of the King of the Two
similes will riot land at all, but will go back to Naples."
(Hear, hear.) The
o; actuated by feelings of defe-
rence and respectrettero le, actuated
and not relishing the idea
that he should rto Naples, offered to discuss
the matters at issue in' a far spirit, and undertook that if
it could be arranged to their own satisfaction, and with
security to their liberty, they
would continue to be loyal
subjects of the King of Naples; and
this, we are to be told,
was a revolution of our designing! The Sicilians unfortu-
nately refused to accept the advantageous terms which at
. that moment the King of Naples was willing_ to grant them.
The intelligence of the French revolution had turned their
heads, and they refused to listen to any terms; but surely it
cannot be said that that was any fault of ours.—(Hear,
Sicilyofthsictil,
y, and bei. hear.) It is brought as a charge against us that we made
ng
known to the Courts of Sardinia and
in the event
of the Duke of Genoa being crowned King
in actual possession of his throne, we would acknowledge
him as a rightful sovereign; but I cannot see what there is
in that accusation.—( Hear, hear.) At that time it was' the
general opinion' not of the English Government only, but of
the Neapolitan Government itself, that there was no chance
of the King of Naples recovering possession of Siciliy. In
this state of things there was no reasonable ground to expect
• that the King of Naples would be able to win over the Si-
cilians by kiudness, or to subdue them by force. Events
have proved that we, and all others who held that opinion;
. were mistaken ; but certain it is that the opinion was of
general prevalence, and there appeared to be but one of
'two courses open—either for the Sicilians to declare them-
selves a republic, or t o maintain themselves as a monarchy,
and to select some Italian prince to be their sovereign.—
( near, hear,) If all that we were anxious for had been the
advantege of the King of Naples himself it wc uld, no doubt,
Kaye
been for his benefit thet the letter alternative were
realised, but we did riot exert ourselves to bring round
either result. Oar good offices were never fully and
. fairly accepted, bet doubts and difficulties arose which
prevented their leading to any practical result. How
uefair, then, is it, in the face of these circumstances, to
represent that our object was to incite the population to
revolution, and then to abendon the victims of our
, treachery. Why, Sir, we took a course which, of all
others, was the best calculated to prevent revolution;
and the whale object, purpose, and motive of cur inter-
-4 poeit:on from the first was to put a stop to revolution,
and to render it i.nposeible by reconciling antagonistic,
and conflicting parties.—(Hear, hear.) In pursuing this
course we have adopted a line of conduct which a ear
~e-t , 0 not 'to deserve condemnation, but ratherpp tos
(....,,,—,--g,u.,it..,1 beilcharacterised as becoming the dignity and
re'.;) ...'"?." A' is great empire.—(Cheers.) With regard to
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f-- n • -en . eh arose with respect to Turkey, Ido not
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pursuedineucorse vets. open to censure for the
.iii%Lit v'tl have left l '
An appeal was
consenting to the appeal that was
glade to- the 4,2.
§ultan.—(Hear, hear.) A.
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