The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-15 00:00:00

principles of political economy. The State was like a large
.
family—if well conducted it would prosper, if conducted
t would become bankrupt. How many families had been
rained by the conduct of the master, as well as by the mis-
management of the mistress? Now take the State—who
were the masters? The Ministers of the Crown. The con-
stitution required every Minister to take an oath upon enter-
ing office that he will do nothing that shall not conduce to
the benefit of his country, leaving class interests entirely
out of the question. Whatever, therefore, had been done by,
Ministers which was adverse to the interests of the commu-
nity was in direct violation of the sacred oaths of their office,
and what oath could be regarded of higher importance than
those which were intended to influence the Government of a
great country ?—(Hear, hear.) He would ask them to go
along with this association in seeing that the State was ma-
naged like a good family. This argument would come home
to the feelings of every individual, and he would now give
them an instance of the care that was required in governing
the household of a private establishment. Take the case of a
gentleman keeping a carriage —would he allow himself to te
put to the expense of employing five or six coachmen for
that carriage? No—he would not engage more servants
than were necessary for the purpose. This same principle
he wished to see applied to matters of the State, and it was
the object of this association to attain so desirable an
end.—(Hear, hear.) For the last 25 years there had been
seven officers in the navy far every one that could be con-
veniently employed, and the desire of the Radical Reformers
was to remove all such absurdities, and to reduce the public
expenditure to the lowest amount that would be found
adapted to satisfy the requirements of the country. A great
deal had been done already, and reductions had been made
in almost every department of the public service, but there I
was room for still greater retrenchments.—( Hear, hear.) A
few years ago he found such a superfluity of expenditure
that In halt been anxious to promote reductions, believing
that pounds, shillings, and pence, coming to the pockets of
the community at large, were the best means of commanding
the attention of the public to their own rights and privi-
leges. He had been a financial reformer from his first
entry into public life, and he had found that changes could
not be effected without change of Government. The House
of Commons was the governing power of this country, but
it did not represent the people; and it was because he
had always entertained this feeling that he had been a con-
stitutional reformer. Lawyers told them that the great
authority of this country was Sir William Blackstone, and
that distinguished person had stated that every man ought
to be in the House of Commons either by himself or by his
representative. Nothing in his (Mr. Hume's) opinion could
explain away this simple proposition, which he believed to
be founded in truth and justice. Let them go back to the
earliest periods of our history, and they would find that
the great mass of the people were the rulers. It was on this
ground that he believed they had the power—with the press
to aid them—of carrying out the reforms contemplated by
this association. Amongst the improvements which had
already been effected in the taxation of this country was
the reduction of the postage duty—and he held that mea-
sure to be one of the greatest social reforms which had
taken place since he had interested himself in political
affairs. This ought to be followed by the removal of all
--axes on paper, as well as those on advertisements and
ale diffusion of knowledge; and if he had 40 or 50 years
to live, he should hail the accomplishment of so desirable
an end as an evidence of progress which few at this moment
could anticipate. - (Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman who had
just addressed them had alluded to the necessity there was
for promoting public education, and upon that point he (Mr.
Hume) would observe that with a free and enlightened
people there never could be barbarous and brutal laws. It
was because the people had been allowed to exist in a state
of ignorance that they had endured the abuses which they
now complained of. He agreed in the opinion expressed by
Mr. Fox, that the day was now dawning when knowledge
would be spread far and wide throughout the country, and
that they should have an Education Bill which would be the
means of giving instruction to the whole community. Place
the crown on the apex of a pyramid, would they render the
object more beautiful by narrowing or extending the base?
Let them spread the basis of knowledge, and enable the
people at large to judge what was right and what was wrong.
They could not all sit in Parliament. It was not desired
that they should; but means might be adopted to place
them in a situation to decide which were the fittest men for
their representatives. Now the present Government had
voted to the Duke of Cambridge an income of 12,000/. a
year, which was equivalent to a sum of 223,000/. ; and he
would ask whether any one in this room would have granted
such a sum for such a purpose? Did they believe that, if
the people were properly instructed, any man who voted
for that grant would have found his way into the House
of Commons again ?—(Hear, hear.) It was to guard
against these evils that he was anxious to see the repre-
sentation extended. Why was it that during a period
when other nations were shaken by revolution this country
had enjoyed comparative safety and quiet? Because they
had carried out the first principles of reform, which gave to
the people consequence in the security of their laws.—
(Hear, hear.) When he first entered Parliament the taxes
of the country amounted to 16,000,0001., of which
1,000,0001. was appropriated to a sinking fund ; and at the
present time they were raising 58,000,0001.—(Hear, hear.)
Amongst the abuses they had to contend with was the ex-
istence of unequal taxation; and he was most anxious that
a state of things should be brought about which would com-
pel each man to contribute a fair and just proportion.
When he commenced his career as a public man, the taxes
were paid by the industry of the country. This had been
greatly altered, but there still remained much to be done
before the people could have the satisfaction of knowing
that the Government of the country was carried on for the
advantage of the many, and not for the benefit of the few.
If there was one thing more than another which he desired
to see achieved by the people of this country, it was that
that they should be secure in the enjoyment of the fruits of
their labour. He looked forward to the time when there
would be no taxes but such as were required to mainfain the
position of the country, and when all useless or sine-
cure places would be removed. In former times Parliament
consisted almost exclusively of the landed aristocracy, and it
was impossible for any person springing from the people to
obtain a seat, and even now it was necessary that a man
should be worth 300/. a year before he could be admitted as
a Member. This was an absurd rule, and ought not to be
suffered to exist in a free and enlightened country. Having
owed his seat, in stormy times, to the working classes, when
he was supported by the trades aesociatior s in the boroughs
he had represented, he counselled all those who were now
coming forward in the cause of political reform, to persevere
in endeavouring to secure to the people their just sights.
Unfortunately the higher class of merchants, manufactu-
rers, and capitalists had deserted their cause, and they
were left to tight their own battle. Look at this city—
where were the members of the corporation? Where were
the men of property, whose influence might be beneficial
to their interests? They were all away with the Whigs.
They called themselves reformers, but only to the extent of
the Whig., who were n ) reformers at all.—(Hear, hear.)
He strongly approved of the Freehold Land Association,
the object of which was to enable every man to acquire for
himself an independent vote in spite of the present system,
and upon this point he flattered himself that the landed in-
terest were about to undergo the pressure of the screw.—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman then
proceeded to observe, that the reforms which had already
been effected were nut yet seen, but they were beginning to
be felt. In proof of this he called attention to the caricature
in the last number of Punch, which represented a monu-
ment to the late Sir Robert Peel, composed of cheap bread,
and showing that every class of the community derives some
benefit from the repeal of the corn-laws. This was one of
the happiest efforts of that facetious caricaturist, and, at the
same time, one of the most truthful.—(Cheers and laughter.)
He had only to add that he hoped the young men who were
now coming forward would not suffer themselves to be led
away from their purpose. He was always sanguine himself,
because he believed that the principles he advocated could
not be shaken. As long as he remained amongst them he
would continue to be the constant advocate of reform, and
he was quite convinced that nothing would tend more mate-
rially to secure reform than the promotion of general educa-
tion, aided by the efforts cf this association.—(Cheers.)
Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was loudly cheered, followed.
He said—l have but a very few words to address to you
after the animated and able speeches you have heard to-day,
especially after the sterling discourse of my Hon. Friend
Mr. Hume, whom I may well call the father of reform.—
(Cheers.) I cannot suppose that any arguments can be re-
quired from me to impress upon you the propriety and the
necessity of your uniting earnestly with this association in
favour of financial and Parliamentary reform.—(Hear, hear.)
My Hon. Friend Mr._ 1-fume has dwelt at some length on
the subject of political economy. Now, political economy
and financial reform I take to be this—that as expenses are
necessary to carry on the government of every state, the
people should be put to no more cost than is absolutely ne-
cessary for that purpose.—(Hear, hear.) That being con-
ceded, then comes the question, who was to judge of what
expenses were absolutely necessary, and that question
brings us at once to Parliamentary reform ; fur the only
constitutional answer that can be given is " the people.—
(Cheers.) The members of this association, of which I
am proud to be one—(Hear, hear)—have been accused by
their enemies of being revolutionists, and of entertaining a
desire to subvert the Constitution. I altogether deny that
there is any truth in that accusation. I say that we are
anxious for the maintenance of the constitution of the
country in its original integrity—we are, in fact, what our
enemies pretend to be, "Conservatives"—(Cheers)—that is to
say, we desire to conserve whatever is worth preserving, and
to get rid of all that is vile, oppressive, and corrupt.—( Hear,
hear.) We are attached to the constitution of England ; but
we say that according to the present system the constitution
is made into a lie.—(Hear.) It pretends that the people
enjoy their rights as freemen—that they are fairly and truly
represented, and that through their representatives the laws
are made by which the country is governed—when, in point
of fact, it is not the people but an oligarchy that rules the
land.—(Loud cheers.) These,then, are our only two objects
—that the people shall not be compelled to pay any tax
which they ought not to pay; that is, any tax that is not
absolutely necessary; and secondly, that the taxes which
are necessary should not be imposed in a manner to press
unequally and unfairly on any class—(Hear, hear)—and that
it shall be the voice of the people expressed in Parliament
that shall decide what expenses the State shall
(Cheers.) I will not detain you further, seeing so many
veteran reformers present, who will again elucidate the
subject much better than I can do, if, indeed, further eluci-
dation be necessary.—(Hear, hear.) I may, however, be
permitted to assure you that I was most anxious to attend
this great meeting—a meeting which must inspire with
feelings of cordial satisfaction every man who is really ear-
nest in the noble cause in which we are engaged. I was
most anxious to be present here to-day; and, although I
have been suffering much in health since the close of the
session of Parliament, I have made a point of coming up
from the country, as your Hon. President knows, for the
purpose.- (Cheers.) I will only add that I shall be at all
times ready to do all in my power to further the objects of
the association, the attainment of which will, I believe, re-
sult in the enjoyment of their fair share of political liberty
by the great masses of the people, and by giving to those
on whom the burden falls a voice in the levying of the taxes
to meet the expenditure of the country, tend to economy in
the State, and the promotion of the general welfare.
Colonel Timmesoer, who spoke to the same resolution,
said, it would be out of place if he were to come before
them with anything like a prepared speech, or to attempt
to go over the various topics which had been presented to
their notice by preceding speakers, nevertheless, there
were some points which lied been enlarged upon in respect
to which he could not deprive himself of the opportunity
of expressing the joy with which he had heard such senti-
ments brought forward. The fiat speaker they had heard
had warmed his he irt, as he knew he had theirs, when he
exhorted them as Englishmen not to give up that sympathy
which they ought to feel for those who at that moment
were strugglisig for liberty in all parts of the world.—(Hear,
hear.) Wes it any merit of ours that this country had
been the foremost in the struggle for liberty? Was it not
rather the bounty of Providence in giving us good ancestors,
who had done so much of the great work before us that little
was left for. us beyond the charge to go on and perform our
fair proportion of the duty, in order that future ages might
not have it to say of us—those were ,the men who lost the
opportunities their forefathers gave into their hands. He
bad heard it said that a pea was never thrown into the sea
at China without its being felt in some way or other at
London-bridge. That was no doubt true, and depend upon
it there was not a man who lost or won anything in the
great struggle for freedom going forward at this time with-