The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY E`V-ENING, MARCH 9, 1857.

able, to the Country, through the Constituencies
—what (briefly and simply) are the pi. ominent
foreign achievements recently effected, or now in
process of being effected, under the auspices of
Lord PALMERSTON'S Government?
There is the Persian "War, for example. Well
—so bold and decisive has been the course pur-
sued by the British authorities in regard to the
Court of Teheran, that within a very 'brief period
from the abrupt seizure of Bushire and Karrack,
the SHAH has yielded to the demanas of England,
announced to him through his 1 epresentative
FERIIKH KKAN, his Minister Plenipotentiary 1
Then again there is that wretch ed, long stand-
ing, apparently interminable Greek Embarrass-
ment ! Welt—there, too, Lord :PALMERSTON'S
Cabinet has so far contrived judic icusly that mat-
ters really appear at last, in spite of: every obstacle,
to be gradually approaching something bearing
the semblance at least of a satis factory termina-
tion. The final departure on the 28th ult.
of the restricted but sufficient Anglo-G-allic
Army of Occupation preparing the way for
the labours (already commenced) of: the diplomatic
Commission at Athens, Presided over—by whom 7
By a Greek Diplomatist? By a Bussian Diplo-
matist? By—even—a French Diplomatist? No—
as if in solemn assurance, or deliberate guarantee
that the deliberation shall at any rate have the
most desirable " tendency "—tia.e Commission
inaugurated at Athens has for its President no
other than Her Britannic MAJES TY'S representa-
tive ! That laborious, liberal-minded, and con•
scientious ambassador, who has now for eight
years, eight momentous and most responsible
years, been watching with such jealous
and vigilant care over British interests in the
classic capital of two of the Crowned Satraps of the

Russian AUTOCRAT !
If again in regard to the government of the
Two Sicilies, the joint interposition of Imperial
France and Monarchical Britain„ has proved no
other way effective, it has in a very marked manner
vindicated both countries from the:odium otherwise
inseparable even from powers who would merely
connive in silence at the harsh, acid cruel, and in-
human policy upheld at Naples by King
FERDINA ND.

If, moreover, the combined mediation of the
Western Allies, with a view to the settlement of
the Neuchatel Difficulty, has not even yet
arrived at a definitive conclusion—at any rate
Lord PALMERSTON'S Cabinet is exonerated from
the crime of consenting to witness the triumph of
Prussian aggression and the violation of the in-
alienable rights of the Swiss Confederacy.
As to the chivalrous, patriotic, and energetic
policy of Lord PALMERSTON in regard to the
Chinese Question—that we all know is literally,
absolutely, and immediately THE source of the en-
thusiasm in favour of the Government now spread-
ing, more or less widely, throughout the whole
electoral population. Considering all which—it
must be perfectly obvious to every really dispas-
sionate observer that, so far as regards his Fo-
reign Policy, Viscount PALMERSTON may appeal
with confidence to the constituencies fora favour-
able -verdict upon his Administration.

All is now bustle and preparation for the corn-
ing con test in every electoral district throughout
the entire country. Noble Lords, Right Honour-
able and Honourable Gentlemen, have to render
stringent accounts of their respective stewardships
—to explain clearly, distinctly, and unequivocally
the manner in which they have discharged the
important duties confided to their hands. Happy,
indeed, are they who can do so with an easy
conscience, who are haunted by no grim visions
of tergiversation, negligence, or factious votes, to
rise in judgment against them on the all-important
days when they must meet their constituents face
to face, and submit to not over-flattering estimates
as to their conduct. How gladly would intend-
ing candidates refer to their annual visits and
merited votes of approbation from those whose
suffrages they were again soliciting. These matters,
neglected in too many instances by those who only
thought of the passing hour and left the future to
take care of itself, now assume immense import-
ance. "The day of reckoning" is rapidly ap-
proaching, and many will shrink from the ordeal
that must be encountered should they venture to
solicit a renewal of confidence which they have
not merited nor justified.
To the great question that has precipitated the
crisis it is scarcely necessary to allude at any
length. The voice of public opinion has spoken
trumpet-tongued throughout the length and
breadth of the land in favour of English pluck
and English policy. The great fact that "England
loves not Coalitions" will be strikingly exemplified.
Faction will be compelled to hide its diminished
head, or wherever one justly amenable to the charges
may venture—with greater courage than discre-
tion—to appear, a heavy blow and great dis-
couragement will be inflicted. Promises—ex-
press or implied, that long shared the fate of
pie-crusts—will be raked up from the limbo of
broken vows and violated faith to heap shame on
the offenders. Errors of judgment may be for-
given ; the faults of the head be regarded as
comparatively venial ; while those of the heart,
originating in corrupt or improper motives, will
be sternly pronounced inexpiable.
But while there can be no doubt respecting the
primary issue, to be submitted to the Grand Na-
tional Inquest, there are other points of vast im-
portance to the happiness and prosperity of the
community that cannot be neglected or dis
regarded. Fiscal, financial, monetary, le-
gal, and Parliamentary reformers must
take advantage of the golden opportunity
before them. If that be neglected or misapplied,
many years may elapse before another equally
auspicious occasion can fairly be anticipated, and
no really sincere reformer can remain apathetic or
indifferent under existing circumstances. As we
recently declared, Lord PALMERSTON owes some-
thing to the nation. He will receive a generous
and disinterested support, such as, we believe,
was never yet bestowed on any Minister of the
Crown—a support that will render him also the
"Minister of the People"—the object of the
national choice—which no petty intrigues or Ger-
manic influence can displace or set aside. His
gratitude for such unprecedented favour ought to
be certain, and that can only be displayed by
meeting, and if possible anticipating, the popular
wishes. But these wishes should be clearlyexpressed.
There should be no doubt or uncertainty. No
pretext for setting them at defiance. Every can-
didate must be strictly questioned as to his views
on matters of domestic interest, and if not in ac-
cordance with those of the electors, another
equally sound on foreign politics may be found,
who will not be the tool of the moneyocracy, nor
the advocate of unequal and unfair taxation.
The most important, although,: perhaps, the
least understood question, is that of the currency.
As we have repeatedly stated, " a circulating me-
dium, adequate to the wants and exigencies of the
country, is the very life-blood of industry. 2,
Should that great desideratum be achieved, every
man,a n,
able
and willing to exert himself, may
be regarded as independent, for lee will
be certain of obtaining "a fair day's wages for
a fair day's work." But Sir G. C. Lewis has ex-

pressed his opinions in favour of a renewal of the
Bank Charter Act, of the monstrous measure
that has placed industry, bound hand and foot, at
the mercy of the money lenders for a further
term of ten years. Should no change take place
in his sentiments, and should the contemplated
renewal take place, bitter, indeed, will be the
expiation, and great the sufferings of the people.
Trade and Commerce will be paralysed—for their
legitimate profits will be transferred to the pockets
of the money lenders. That one pursuit will
flourish, but all others will be crippled and discou-

raged.

The entire taxation of the country urgently de-
mands revision. The doctrines of Free Trade
must be developed by the reduction or abolition
of indirect imposts. But the enthusiastic disciple
Of ARTHUR YOUNG, the supporter of additional
duties on tea and sugar, will scarcely pursue the
course indicated by the people unless driven to it
by unequivocal pressure from without. The
fiscal reformers have all their work before them,
and if the good seed be sown in due season
there can be no doubt that it will bring forth
an abundant harvest to rejoice the hearts of the
people.

The fate of Mr. L. Mire's motion shows that
the Parliamentary Reformers cannot slumber at
their post, while the obstructive disposition of
Lord CRANWORTH points out the necessity for Im-
mediate and energetic action on the part of the
legal reformers. Economy and retrenchment is
always a popular cry, but we want sound economy,
not a penny-wise-and-pound-foolish policy. Let
war to the knife be proclaimed against every-
thing approaching to a job ; but let the full effi-
ciency of the national establishments be main-
tained, so that wars may be averted, by being
in perfect readiness for any alternative. These
are the general features to be regarded by the
electors. There are other minor details also to be
taken into account, and which we may hereafter
refer to. As we have stated, this is the time for
action. The People must at once—

" Awake, arise, or be for ever fallen !"

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE is entitled to public
gratitude. His Industrial Schools Bill may be
susceptible of improvement in matters of detail,
but, as a whole, it is a good bill, with a most de-
sirable object. That object is to invest the State
with power to step forward and rescue a destitute
and helpless section of the community from want,
ignorance, pollution, crime, and misery. The case
is this. In all our large towns there are num-
bers of children thrust out of doors to beg, or
set adrift in the streets by the desertion or
death of their parents, to fend for themselves
as best they may. Houseless, foodless, without
any to care for them and teach them what is
right, the destiny of these poor outcasts is no
mystery, to call for an cEDIPUS to unriddle it.
The recruiting serjeants of crime, ever on the
watch, speedily pounce on the victims thus deli-
vered over to them, win their confidence by af-
fected sympathy, seduce them to their crimping
dens, give them food, and lodging, and instruction
gratis, and then turn them out daily to practice
the lessons they have received, to the serious cost
of society and their own ruin, the State all the
while standing by powerless to interpose between
them and their pitiable fate. Thus the ranks of
crime are continually reinforced, and by large
numbers. Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE would put
a stop to this state of things—how, we have
broadly indicated.

To speak more plainly—what he proposes is
something like this. By the provisions of his bill
the police are to be empowered and instructed to
forestall the recruiting serjeants of crime, and
when they discover a poor little outcast adrift on
the streets convey him or her to a suitable recep-
tacle, where he or she will be properly cared for,
and receive such instructign as may be needed to
enable either to earn an honest living. In the
case of orphans, the cost of such provision and
education is to be defrayed out of the poor rates.
When the parents of the children are living the
cost of the keep only—the inhuman wretches who
are able having to pay for the support of their
neglected offspring. In no instancy is the ex-
pense of maintenance to be taken from the poor
rates to exceed three shillings per head, which
is the maximum cost per head of children in
workhouses. The education, in all cases, is
meant to be gratuitous. This, Sir STAFFORD
NORTHCOTE describes as the characteristic princi-
ple of his bill.

A good measure 1 What exception can be taken
to it ? " Oh," cries one, " there is danger, of
two evils, parents will be tempted to forsake their
children. Children, or little strays,' may be
arrested whom their parents are able to bring up
properly and would be reluctant to part with."
" Oh," cries another, " the bill does violence to
the voluntary principle !" " Worst of all," cries
a third, "it will be an engine for proselytisation !"
There is some little feasibility in the first objec-
tion. We have only to turn to France as a proof
of this. These " stray" children are taken up by
the pollee and carried to a reformatory without
much inquiry either respecting, or on the part of
their parents. But the first of these evils is by
no means inherent in a measure of this sort, and
special prevision can readily be made against it. To
a large extent the requirement of 3s. per head for
the children's support will keep alive a useful in-
terest in both parents and officials ; and where
proof is brought forward of the parent's ability
and willingness to train up his child with reason-
able propriety, no objection need be made to its
being returned to him in order to do so.
As to the remaining objections, we are loth to
deal with them. With whatever favour we may
look on the ♦oluntary principle, or however much
we may object to proselytisation, the outcry about
either seems sadly out of place here. The volun-
tary principle and proselytisation, in connection
with the rescue of poor deserted orphans, and
worse than orphans, from the stony streets
—ft.= the Artful Dodger and the villan-
ous FAGAN ! It moves one's sincerest pity
to hear the words in such relation to
the voluntary principle, and the sectarian long-
ing, that leave them free to wander into any den
of infamy they list here, and to HEAVEN knows
where hereafter. Is it meant, it surely cannot
be, that these poor children shall be left to perish
until the voluntary principle is established, and
sectarian rivalry is merged into zeal for one
Church We really cannot afford to wait for the
Millennium ! Then the children are on the streets
—on the very brink, so to speak, of perdition.
There the State goes further, in the person of its
officer on the look out for them, and steps between
them and the crimp of iniquity. Laying its hand
on the poor wanderer of the street, we fancy the
State exclaiming, " You are mine ! I will not
wait until you have got the rot of criminality, and
are fit for the reformatory to look after you.
Prevention is better than cure. Forsaken
by your parents and friends 'you shall
find both in me. You are hungry, I will feed
you—houseless, I will shelter you—helpless, I
will support you—ignorant, I will instruct you,.
Without any one to teach you how to live
honestly, that task shall be mine. I will have
you taught a trade, and so instructed as to follow

it with perfect credit," The poor outcast is
rescued. FAGAN murmurs in his deli. —the cries
of "a violation of the Voluntary inrinciple ;"
" sheer proselytisation," reach his e tr. What
does he think—what has he got to say, then ?
It would not be difficult to guess ? Ft )r our part
we know of no principle, whether d esc ribed as
human or Divine, worthy of a mine: at's respect
when intervening between a helpless oh ild, left to
wander on the stony streets, and its. rescue from
starvation, pollution, and moral ruin. At the
same time, a right thing should be 4 lame as equit-
ably as possible.

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