The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-13 00:00:00

itself, it was most edifying to listen to such displays
of eloquence as were found in the speschees of Mr.
LOWE, Mr. MILL, and Mr. HORS3IAN. Mr. HARDY
had, indeed, no easy task before him in coming for-
ward to reply to their overpowering torrents of re-
proach, and their fervid denunciations of past and
present Governments in their policy towards Ire-
land. Perhaps, upon sober reflection, however, it
may be found that the right hon. gentleman had
more sense on his side than his hearers
may have imagined, and notwithstanding the
disadvantages under -which he laboured
in following these giants of debate, he
certainly contrived to show that their desires and
demands were unreasonable, since they were so
hastily pressed forward, and urged at a time when
the Ministry was new in office, and when moreover
the House of Commons is not in a condition to
undertake such a comprehensive task as that of the
Irish Church question. We cannot see, however,
that the right hon. gentleman was at all pre-
judiced in his views, for he did not deny
that something should be done, only ho depre-
cated the undue haste with which some
speakers bad put forward their propositions. To
judge from the tone of the debate, it would not
seem as if the Opposition leaders were very anxious
to take up the decided strain of argument in which
some of the debaters have indulged, for no vehe-
ment harangue or impassioned earnestness has
been found among their ranks, and all those who
have addressed the House have been of that class,
who can afford to say a great deal, because they
are not responsible for their words to any party,
and cannot have their words quoted against them
at inconvenient seasons. Perhaps a good deal of
the unsatisfactory nature of the debate now before
the House is due to the course taken by Mr.
MAGUIRE in introducing so bitter a spirit
into the discussion. Mr. HARDY very
properly complained of this as doing no service to
the cause, and being apt to confuse the real state of
things with theos accounts, which were more
visionary than real.
We do not think that the right hon. gentleman
put the case badly before the house, when he said
that Lord RUSSELL had been many years in office,
and yet had always found some reason for putting
this question ; therefore the present Government
were not bound to take it up and settle it at once.
If we want inconsistency, we have only to look
at the course taken by the noble earl him-
self, for in 1865, when Lord GREY made
certain proposals, he scouted them, but the next
year, when in Opposition, he took up the line
of argument he had condemned when in office. No
wonder that, in reviewing these episodes of his
career, Mr. HARDY should ask, "Are we to
derive our teachings from the noble lord, and are
we to be guided by the same rules of prudence
which he says prevented him for two years from
grappling with the question which he now wished
to settle ?" There was a good deal of truth in what
the right hon. gentleman said about the zeal which
always seized their opponents when the Conserva-
tives are in office. Last year they were called
upon to settle some of the most complicated
matters that can affect the country, and now
they are expected to deal forthwith with the
land, the Church, and education in Ireland. This
is unreasonable, to say the least of it, and
though there can be no doubt in the minds of those
who have carefully examined the question that
some great changes and improvements are neces-
sary, the present is not the fitting time to introduce
them, and neither the Government nor the House
of Commons can reasonably be expected to settle
them at once after the summary fashion recom-
mended by some. It is always a great deal easier
to find faults than to suggest remedies, and we can-
not but think that those who have so vigorously
denounced the wrongs of Ireland have abstained
from explaining at all clearly what those in
authority were to do in dealing with the question.
Lord RUSSELL has said, in the excitement of his
new-born zeal, " but let them not lose an hour,
let them immediately affirm the principle ;" but
those who advocate their views now tell the Govern-
ment that one principle must prevail in Ireland
and another in England and Scotland. In fact the
subject is too important to be dealt with in such a
hurry, and the House will do wisely to refrain from
jumping at conclusions, for the subject, though not
new, is difficult. Mr. GLADSTONE, in his graphic
way, set the difficulties of the case very clearly before
the House some few years ago, and the time which has
elapsed since has not lessened the labour or removed
the awkwardness of the work then urged upon him.
Perhaps the right hon. gentleman may favour the
House with his views to-night, and if so we shall
know what his present notions are ; but no doubt
the opinions he expressed in 1865 will not differ
very much from those we may now enumerate.
We are glad at any rate that the House itself
seems disposed to treat the question now before it
in a fitting manner, and that there is no factious
attempt being made. As for the excitement infused
into the debate by this singular ability and great
earnestness of isolated speakers, that cannot in-
fiaence events to any remarkable extent or impor-
tant degree, and sound though some of their views
may be in the abstract, they are yet unsustained by
expediency at present. The new Parliament will be
the fitting place for determining the settlement of
many Irish difficulties ; but even then we should
hope that a more moderate spirit may prevail than
that which has animated the chief speakers in this
debate, because it is not the way to deal with a
complicated question affecting general principles
and national interests to excite passions and awaken
prejudices. When men feel deeply they must
express themselves strongly, but they must not
exasperate and seek to make their remarks effec-
tive at the expense of clear reasoning and solid
sense. Besides, most questions have two sides to
look at, and in overlooking some considerations, and
in giving undue importance to others, they do not
always put the case quite fairly before their audi-
tory, who may be misled by their eloquence and
earnestness. At any rate, the Irish have no cause
to complain that they have been treated with
neglect in the House of Commons, and that their
cause has been slighted, for they have been met
in a kindred spirit by all those who are really
anxious to promote the welfare of the country, and
remove some of its grievances.

There appearance of her MAJESTY in her natural
position as head of the Court and leader of fashion-
able society cannot fail to give deep and general
satisfaction. In every respect it is an important
gain, for it shows that the QUEEN herself is able to
shake off in some degree the cloud that has so long
oppressed her, and, although the sense of her sorrow
and bereavement is no doubt continually present
with her in revisiting the scenes of former gaiety,
she is able to take that degree of external interest
in the affairs of daily life without which she cannot
adequately fulfil all the duties of her high position.
A drawing-room may be in itself an unim-
portant affair, but a great part of our life
is made up of trifles, which only gain
importance by the numbers they influence, or the
interest they evoke. A wide circle of persons, all
more or less occupying an influential position in the
world of London life, are affected by a drawing