The Sun.
London, England, 1868-08-11 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 11, 1868.

BARON VON BEUS7.

We published last week Baron von Beast's
despatch in answer to the Papal Allocution on
the violation by Austria of the Concordat, and
on the introduction of laws in direct contra-
vention to the inherent rights of the Church.
This despatch bears every characteristic which
distinguishes the worst class of modern states-
men. It ventures to reprimand the Pope for
protesting against laws on which the new insti-
tutions of the Empire repose, and to regret
that the Court of Rome did not take into
account the warnings which it had received
from the Austrian Government. It is evident
that Baron von Beust thinks that Rome ought
only to be too grateful that the new laws
guarantee to the Church the possession of her
property in Austria ; and only interfere with
such insignificant matters as the spiritualrights
of the Church and her guardianship of the souls
entrusted to her charge by Christ. The Aus-
trian Chancellor, after the fashion of his kind,
thinks it a matter of no concern that anti-
' Christian laws are imposed upon a Catholic
people, that civil marriage is introduced, that
Catholic education is jeopardized. But be-
cause the Pope has a different idea of his duties,
I and of the rights of the Church, Baron von
Beast is indignant. He tells the Pope that if
he had maintained silence on the new laws, or
only made a formal protest, the hostility of the
Austrian Liberals would have been restrained
within its narrowest limits, and have been
easily appeased ; but now, on the contrary,
the attacks directed against the Church, the
clergy, and the Pope are redoubled in their
rage. The Minister of Catholic Austria says
that the Government might have done worse,
might have been as bad as those other Govern-
ments of whose conduct the Papal Govern-
ment has had to complain. Have we, asks
the Prime Minister of Austria, laid hands upon
the territory or possessions of the Church ?
Have we oppressed the Catholic religion and
its ministers ? He does not say, indeed, that
he has introduced principles such as cut to the
I root the Christian character of the country, and
completely alter its relations to the Church.
Baronvonßeust sets little store bythese things.
So long as the property of the Church is not
laid hold of, he thinks there is no real ground
for anything beyond a mere make-show of
reprobation. He is consequently startled out
of his self-satisfaction when he finds that the
Pope is in earnest about things spiritual, and
visits the Austrian Government with severe
censures, such as the Austrian Chancellor
deems meet only for spoliators of Church pro-
perty.
Austrian Liberalism has been singularly
fortunate in securing the services of Baron
von Beast. He is just suited for the purpose
to which they put him. He has none of the
violent hatred of the Church characteristic of
bond fide Austrian Liberals. He would like to
I preserve it as an instrument of Government in
his own hands. To make it subservient to his
views he would like to eliminate from it its
soiritual notions and its subordination to the
Holy See. Of course, its property would not
be touched, but only such, to Baron Beust,
insignificant things as its spiritual rights. The
' Austrian Liberals are confident also that the
, Prime Minister is just the man to humour
the Emperor, and to make him believe that a
, reconciliation is possible between Catholicism
I modified by the diplomacy of Baron von Beast
and the Liberalism which is now in possession
of supreme power. But this dream, this hope,
, partly affected and partly due to the natural
' self-sufficiency of Baron von Beast, has been
II rudely disturbed by the Papal Allocution which,
in spite of every effort of diplomacy, has publicly
condemned the Austrian Government in terms
which cannot be explained away. Hence the
ill-concealed vexation of the Austrian Minister
and the threat in which he indulges if a "storm
break out in Hungary against the legitimate
I influence of the Court of Rome, which will
be as strong," he hints, "as that which has
broken out on this side of the Leitha."

Regardless of threats, looking only to the
great. Christian truths which it is his duty to
uphold, the Vicar of Christ breaks through
the meshes of diplomacy, sets Liberalism,
even though under the shelter of a minister
such as Baron von Beust, at defiance, and calls
upon the Catholics of Austria and Hungary
to be true to the great principles of religion, and
to obey the laws of God rather than those of
men.—Westminster Gazette.

qualities of head and heart, he ought to know
better—is Dean Stanley• Any one reading his

lecture on the murder of Becket in his

Memorials of Canterbury ' might suppose
that the Saint died because of a squabble be-
tween the sees of Canterbury and York, and

because he excommunicated the Brocs for

poaching on his manors and docking the tails
of his rses and mules. The Dean's con-

ception of S. Thomas of Canterbury is worthy
of being placed side by side with the Becket
of the Ingoldsby Legend of the Prior of
Birchington.' It might seem invidious to no-
tice what, after all, is only a lecture ad popu-
lunt, if it were not a type of a whole class of
compositions which tend perhaps more than
any other to falsify the truth of history. The
fact is worth dwelling upon.
"It is said that all languages in their infancy
are sensuous. To barbarians all abstractions
are concrete, and all ideas are images. In
their High Dutch,' says Gustav Freytag of
the Germans in uncivilized times, as it rolled
sonorously, with varied, harsh inflexions of
voice, from their lips, there still clung to nearly
all the words the primitive sensuousness of the
expression, just as when it was first educed
from the soul. Abstractions, words for con-

ceptions, unclothed of all sensible image were
almost wholly wanting.' It seems as if lite-
rature in its decrepitude returns to primitive
infancy. Images take the place of thought.
History, becomes picturesque, and nothingmore. When the weary soul has given up the
search after the truth, which is the right key
to the understanding of the great world-drama,
it takes to vivid painting of the outside of facts.
Very beautiful are Dean Stanley's pictures, for
instance, of the Council of Nicrea. The ches-
nut woods, the sloping hills, the tranquil lake,
the snowclad Olympus looking over the scene,
—the whole landscape is before us. Then we
have Arius, ' tall and -thin, in his long coat
with short sleeves, and his hair in a tangled
mass,' confronted with Athanasius, ' the small
insignificant young man, of lively manners and
speech, and of bright serene countenance.' We
take in all these details, and are thankful. The
reader is bewitched with the diorama un-
rolled before his view ; but if he recovers from
his intoxication, and asks for the inner mean-
ing of it all—if he begs for the truth wrapped
up in all these images, Dean Stanley's answer
is, that there was absolutely none. ' When we
perceive the abstract questions on which it
turned—when we reflect that they related not
to any dealings of the Deity with man, not
even, properly speaking, to the Divinity or the
Humanity of Christ, nor to the doctrine (for
all these points were acknowledged by both
parties), but to the ineffable relations of the
Godhead before the remotest beginnings of
time, it is difficult to conceive that hy inquiries
such as these the passions of mankind should
be roused to fury." According to Dean Stan-
ley, the question was one of words. Now,
I maintain that this is simply untrue. The
question was whether Christ was eternal God.
if `before the first beginning of time' (I am
using the Dean's words) ' the Son was not,
then Ho was not God.' Surely this is not so
very unintelligible a question. Is God an ab-
straction ? What the Arians denied was no
less than the Christian conception of God.
Surely it is perfectly conceivable that indig-
nation should be roused when a party of men
calling themselves Catholics not only denied
the first elements of the faith, but did their
best to force their views upon the Church.
Furthermore, the honor of Christ surely justi-
fies a little enthusiasm. It is only when the
sad infirmity of the dreamy latitudinarianism,
which has not the courage to believe, has
seized upon the mind, that the heart ceases to
burn about a Chriit, who is too shadowy to be
worth fighting for. To represent the question
as unimportant is simply to speak what is un-
true. For Heaven's sake, let us have a little
solid truth, instead of all his lively untruth.
Chesnut groves and vivid photographs are but
poor substitutes for a real knowledge of the
bearings of the great contest.
S. Thomas has fared like the champions of
the Christian idea of God. Here also the
grand inner motives of the combatants are
ignored and concealed; and we have in their
stead a picture of the event. In this case,
however, the offence is greater. The picture is
so cleverly managed, that a strong light, falls
precisely on those parts which make it vulgar.
Now I submit that this is to falsify history.
If the relative position of events is altered—
if what in the acting of the very deed was
thoroughly in the background, is, on the con-
trary, put into the front, then I maintain that
the picture is false. There is an old German
painting of the Virgin. in which the artist has
put two dogs into the foreground. Now, even
granting the fact of the presence of the dogs,
we should hardly call the picture a real repre-
sentation of the event, if the animals were
painted to the life, and the graceful form of
the Virgin was only dimly seen in the dis-
tance. Thus, to make history true, little things
must keep to their place, and great things
must not be slurred over. By a wilful neglect
of this rule, the narrative becomes positively
false. It is a cheap and easy artifice; for in all
events, however great there are many things
common-place and out of keeping with our
notions of dignity. The reality aims at neither
the romantic nor the picturesque. All death-
beds, for instance, have degrading details,
though death is the grandest, event of life,
Much more is this true of a murder, and even
of a martyrdom : and it is an unworthy trick
of writing to attempt to take away the sym-
pathy of the world from heroism, because the
victim does not wrap his robes about him with

the dignity of the Virgin in the Greek tragedy.
It was an artiticewhich we might have expected
from Mr. Fronde, but which pains us in Dean
S tanloy.
Even if the old Adam had come out in S.
Thomas during that terrible scene, it would
not have been wonderful. That the martyrdom
was well-nigh "an unseemly brawl" we utterly
deny. Dean Stanley has managed to make it
appear so by the shabbiest ingenuity. He has
laid stress upon and thrown into prominence
things which formed so small a part of the
event that they are hardly noticed by the spec-
tators. Even these he has distorted. S. Thomas
knew that death was inevitable, and he came
to meet his murderers, offering himself as a
victim for God's Church. His only wish, how-
ever, was to die in his own cathedral, before
God's altar and at the foot of the crucifix. Ac-
cordingly, when his murderers tried to drag
him out and despatch him in secret, he resisted.
At this moment occurred the circumstance of
which the Dean has made so much. Herbert
of Bosham says : Taking hold of the other
knight by his coat of mail, he shook him off so
strongly that he almost threw him on the pave-
ment.' This our author converts into the fol-
lowing words : In the scuffle Becket fastened
upon Tracy, shook him by his coat of mail,
and, exerting his great strength, flung him
down upon the pavement. So insignificant
a part of the deed was this circumstance, that
not a single spectator mentions it ; it was
known long afterwards by Tracy's own con-
fession. It is this which the Dean of West-
minster exaggerates, and on which he makes
the event so turn as to give him a right to call
it a scuffle and a brawl. Again, he makes the
Archbishop, heated to anger by the fray,'
use a coarse epithet.' But does Dr. Stanley
know what word S. Thomas used ? We sus-
pect not ; for he does not cite Gamier, the only
French contemporary author, for the circum-
stance ; and the Archbishop did not speak.
Latin. This, however, is of little consequence.
The crime itself of Reginald was not such as
would admit of being spoken of in the society
of ladies in a drawing-room. S. Thomas, how-
ever, was being murdered, and was not in a
drawingroom. This was precisely a point
in which the great struggle came forth in all
its nakedness, unclothed of conventionalities.
The Church and her excommunications were
the only barrier interposed between defenceless
virtue and lawless power. S. Thomas was
the guardian of Christian morals, and it was
in defence of that very power which enabled

him to protect the weak and to punish the vio-
lent that he was dying. ' Are you going to
excommunicate us all?' was the cry of Fitzurse
at their last interview. Now that the great
champion of virtue stood unarmed face to face
with the licentious nobles, who were the repre-
sentatives of brute force and coarse lust, it
was no time for mincing words. Dean Stanley's
aim is evident. He has wished to vulgarize S.
Thomas. So far his success has been perfect.
His conception of the Saint is thoroughly vul-
gar.
" Unfortunately for himself, he has conde-
scended to argue in a note. He has pleaded
for his client, Henry VIII., in the following
terms : 'lt is this part of the narrative, that
was—not altogether without justice—selected
by Henry VIII., representing him (Becket)
as having fallen in a scuffle with the knights,
in which he and they were equally aggressors.'
For the sake of one so worthy of respect as
the. Dean of Westminster, we wish that these
words had never been written. A more
dastardly and cowardly murder than that of
the Archbishop of Canterbury was never per-
petrated. To make it cease to be a murder,
it would have been necessary to show that it
was not premeditated, and that it arose out of
the expression cited by the document. Never,
however, was murder so deliberately planned.
The four knights cross the sea to kill the Arch-
bishop. They put on their armor for the
purpose. Ruffians and victim alike know that
he is to die. The only difference between them
was as to where it was to be done. Hence,
and hence alone, arose what Dean Stanley
and Henry VIII. call a scuffle. I deny the
justice of the disgraceful plea in every possible
sense."

THE PRESIDENT'S CONS7ITU2IONAL
AMENDMEIV2S.

_______#._
(From the Anglo-American 2 ime,s)
ANDREW JOHNSON, after a good deal of expe-
rience and reflection, has pronounced himself dis-
satisfied with the Constitution. That ANDREW
JOHNSON should think that the Constitution could
be amended may surprise those who, for years
past, have heard him quote it as others quote the
Bible. After the Tammany nomination the PRE-
SIDENT fell into a trance, and the four following
suggestions presented themselves :—The Abolition
of the Election of the President by the Electoral
College, substituting a direct election by the popu-
lar vote, for which the States should be divided into
as many districts as for the Congressional elections,
the majority of the votes in each, counting one for
the candidate for whom they were thrown, Con-
gress to meet for the purpose of counting the votes,
and to declare that person President who had re-
ceived most, for a term of six years, but to be in-
eligible for re-election. His second amendment
provides for the succession; in the event of removal,
death, or disability of both the President and Vice-
President, the Secretary of State should succeed ;
of the Treasury, failing him ; of War ; of the Navy
and of the Interior ; the Postmaster-General ; and,
finally, time Attorney-General ; which, he con-
siders, might secure the succession for the term
of six years without giving Congress a chance
of interfering, as he holds it to be wrong
that any member of the Legislature or of the Judi-
ciary should as now have any interest in creating a
vacancy in the Executive Chair. The third pro-
posal is to abolish the present system of electing
Senators, taking the selection from the State Legis-
latures and giving it directly to the people. The
fourth is that the Federal judges be appointed for
twelve years only, instead of as now for life.
That a change is desirable we have already de-
clared to be our opinion,. but there are grave objec-
tions to the changes which Mr. JOHNSON proposes.
We consider that the original design regarding
the Electoral College to be good if it could be carried
into practice, but time has defeated the intention of
the framers. However beautiful in theory, there is no
use in adhering to rules which experience has shown
will not work ; but whether Mr. Jonsisost's system
of election would work better has to be tried. A
longer term is an improvement, for reasons we
have before given ; while rendering the incumbent
ineligible for a second term would prevent much
abuse, and make the PRESIDENT more efficient to
the end of his period. At present the nation is not
likely to regard a lengthened term with satisfaction,
for in its mind the office is associated with
ANDREW JOIINSON—the first idea being "what would
have been our position had these amendments been
effected during the present term. We have been
supported and restrained by the knowledge that
there was a speedy end to our endurance, and that
time would recompense us by soon bringing to the
Chair a Representative worthy of the nation, and
enable us to see the last of the Tennesseean as he dis-
appeared for ever into the wilds of bis State." The
succession is not a matter of real consequence,
although it should be well defined, either having
the Executive subject to Congress or else wholly
unconnected, the successor following the Vice-
President not having a seat in either House. The
other two suggestions are after ANDREW JOIIN-
SON'S peculiar turn of mind, and both are as bad
as can well be conceived. Mr. JOHNSON holds the
true Democratic notion, that the voice of the
people is the voice of GOD, though we be-
lieve history shows it to ' be . at least as
often the voice of the Devil. In proposing
the election of Senators directly by thel people,
he forces a comparison between the Houses. Hav-
ing the most complete means of judging what the
men are sent up by the people, and what they are
sent up by the State Legislatures, we naturally turn
to the test. Few will differ from us when we state
that the House of Representatives is an assembly
of which the United States has no particular cause
to be proud ; while the Senate is perhaps the most
dignified and able legislative body in the world.
No comparison could be more damaging to Mr.
JOHNSON'S suggestion, and that he could have made
it in the face of facts patent to all may surprise the
people in England, but creates no astonishment in
the United Statc,s, where he is so well known. The
Senate and the Supreme Court are the two finest
developments of the United States Constitution.
Whatever it has done, this much is conceded, that
it produced a noble House of Assembly in the Up-
per Chamber, and that it seated on the Federal
bench a learned, incorruptible, and able judiciary.
Wherever else we turn, there may be so much room
for improvement that a change is well worth hazard-
ing; but it is a singular fact, and one to which we desire
to draw the attention of our readers, as illustrative
of ANDREW JOHNSON'S character, that he has attacked
and marked out for reform the two bodies not only
the most perfect of which the United States can
boast, but which we believe to be unequalled tlse-
where. We pointedly remark on this, for we have
more than once alluded to what Americans call the
" cussedness" of his nature, and here it is illus-
trated. He has exactly hit the very nail on the
head which would destroy the virtue of both these
bodies if his proposals were adopted. What
makes the Senate so good is that the members
are in truth the cream of the people carefully skim-
med. They have gone through the testing process,
and not only have they been elected by the people,
but have been selected from among the elected. Mr.
JOHNSON would destroy this, leaving the people to
shovel up the 'Senators themselves. Now we can
understand why a man like ANDREW JOHNSON
should prefer such a mode of election. To him, and
to such as he is, it means a career. As a dema-
gogue, and as a bold partisan leader, he is a power ;
but in no other way could he have a chance. his
courage, his obstinacy, and his extreme views carry
a mob; but cull the intellect of that ►nob, and put
ANDREW.JOHNSON among them, and he is nowhere.
But although this applies to his proposal of
electing both the President and the Se-
nate, he required another way in which to
destroy the Federal Bench. On it the judges sit
for life or good behaviour, and he would limit the
tenure to twelve years. If we desired a compari-
son we have it at hand. The judiciary of some of
the States is notoriously corrupt. That .of New
York, for instance, presented a marvellous scene
during the Erie and Vanderbilt war ; but this is
the attraction, we presume, to ANDREW JOHNSON,
who knoWs that the chief reason of the superiority
of the Federal bench is the independence ac-
quired by the security of tenure. We presume,

too, that Mr. JOHNSON would like to see all
the judges named by the people, so as fully to
carry out the Reform in which his soul , delights,
though it is not a kindness to give any one a privi-
lege he is incompetent to exercise. What is most
curious about this message is the time chosen for its
delivery. If there be one thing for which ANDREW
JOHNSON is chiefly noted, it is the opportunities he
selects, even more than the nature of the plans he
proposes. Doubtless he " lay awake at nights"
thinking over his amendments, as he says, " for a
long time;" but he waits till the candidates are fairly
started for the White House before he brings for-
ward the result of his cogitations, as if the proper
time for calm deliberation on a change of the con-
ditions of the race was after the " start." Did we
want an instance of the way in which Mr. JOHN-
SON defeats his own ends, we have it here. Of
course at such a time no one pays the slightest
attention to him or his message. We only write
about it as the subject is of interest, and ANDREW
JOHNSON is an historical personage, whose *character,
inexplicable in this country, is not inaptly illus-
trated by these proposals.

The six per cent. gold interest bonds of the Union Pacific
and the Central Pacific railway companies are in good
demand at 102 for the Union and 103 per cent. for the
Central, and interest. Tho following are the comparative
earnings of the Michigan Central Railroad for the second
week in July: -1868, $62,280 ; 1867, $64,853 ; decrease,
$2,573 ; of the Marietta and Cincinnati-1868, $21,053 ;
1867, $21,563 ; increase, $2,490 ; of the Western Union
1868, $15,131 ; 1867, $14,438 ; increase, $593 ; of the
Chicago and AltonlB6B, $97,508; 1867, $91,000 ; in-
crease, 61,508. New 7 per Cent. Gold Interest Bonds are
offered in the markets, this timo by the Rockford, Rock
Island, and St. Louis Railway, for 95 per cont. in currency.

The Miscellaneous Share list has been greatly neglected,
Western Union Telegraph is bettor, and promises well ;
Pacific Mail is off half a cent. Express Stocks are lower
through the list, and dull. Border State Bonds are dull
and drooping. The holders of Tennessees particubtrly
are tired of waiting, and anxious to realise. The prospects
of a satisfactory adjustment of tho interest claims do not
improve with time ; and, strange as it may seem, there
is a large party in Tennessee who are rejoiced to see the
credit of the State so low, and its bonds at au increasing
discount. They flatter themselves that after a few more
such shocks they will be able to buy up the bonds of the
State for a song. Such is the idea some men have of na-
tional honour and of V.° value of character! Tennessee
is a gretit deal more likely to borrow ten mi.:lions in the next
generation than she is to buy up ono million of her past obli-
gations; and whenever she does go into t he market to borrow
she will have to pay dearly for this act of partial repudiation.
It will cost her a great deal more than honesty ever did,
or rather ever would. What would these astute Tonnes-
soeans do if their State unfortunately had the credit of
Massachuset►s, and could borrow at five per cent. at a
p►emium sufficient to sink the whole principal when due ?
They never would be able to buy up their own obligations
at a discount—that's flat, but perhaps on the whole, it
might be a great deal more comfortable and quite as pro-
fitable.

(From the Wall-street Journal.)
NEW YORK, Friday Evening, July 24.
Money continues in abundant supply, and is readily ob-
tained on call at 3 to 4 rer cent on Governments, and
at 4 to 5 per cent. on railroad and miscellaneous col-
laterals.—ln discounts there is a continued demand
for first class, sixty to ninety days, at five and a-half to six
per cent., and four months, same class, at 6 to 61 per cent.—
American silver is in moderate request at 64 to 7 cents
below the price of gold.—Mexican dollars are quoted at
1034 to 101 i in gold.—Foreign Exchange is weak, the
German Bankers continuing to be free sellers.—Mining
Stocks are very much neglected, the only excitement
being in New York (of Colorado), the price of which has
been advanced to 95 cents.—Petroleum Stocks show a fair
business, particularly in Buchanan Farm, which had ad-
vanced to 65 cents, closing a shade lower.

The following were the cla
for the Railroad and Misc.()llan
N. Y. Central 1331
Erie 6Bl
Hudson
Reading
Mich. South. & N. I 9ll
Illinois Central
Cleveland & Pittsbrg 873
North-Went
North-West Preferred 823
Canton..
Rock Island
Cleveland and Toledo 103

sing quotations this evening
aeons Stocks :
Fort Wayne
Pacific Mail 991
Atlantic Mail 2B
Quicksilver
W. U. Telegraph
Mariposa Preferred
Ohio and Mississippi 3O
Boston Water Power
Cumberland'
Bankers and Brokers 94
St. Paul
St. Paul Preferred

The following were tho
variuus Public Funds of the
Siies, 1868, registered
Sixes, 1868, coupon ..
Sixes, 1881, coupon ll5 to 1151
U.S. Gs. Pacific Railroad — to
Five-twenties, 1862, coupon
Five-twenties, 1864, coupon
Five-twenties, 1865, coupon
Five-twenties, 1865, coupon, new
Five-twenties, 1867, coupon
Ten-forties, coupon loBi to 1081
Seven-thirties, 2d series
Seven-thirties, 3d series
Oregon War Loan, Sixes, 1881
Express Stocks are quoted as follows :
Adams ... ... ... ... ... ... 521 to 521
American ... ... ... ... ... ... 451 to 45/
Merchants' Union, 35 per cent.... ... ... 231 to 24
United States ... ... ... ... ... 46 to 461
Wells, Fargo, and Co. ... ... ... ... 251 to 20
, The circular of Messrs. Dupee, Beck, and Sayles, of
s
Boston, gives the foll Owing as the operating expenses 0.
leading railroads in 1867 : Per cent.
New York Central ... .., ... ... 76

dosing quotations for the
JniteeStates in New York :

Pennsylvania Central
Michigan Central...
Michigan Southern ...
Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne, and Chicago
Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and St. Louis...
Lake Shore (C. P. and A. R. ll.)
Ohio and Mississippi ...
Indiana and Terre Haute
Indiana and St. Louis (1866)
Evansville and Crawfordsville ...
Jeffersonville
Illinois Central
Chicago and Alton ...
Little Miami (1866)

::: 60
... 67
... 93
... 69

::: GO
... 76

76

(Prom Messrs. Satterthwaite's Circu!ar.)
We have to note a decline of one per cent. in the quota
Lions for United States 5-20 Bonds in the London marlot
since this day week, owing to the advance of the prop:till°
on gold, as reported by telegraph, which has been as much
as 21 per cent. Illinois Central Shares have been affected
by the same cause, and at 92 to 93, the closing price, they
show a depreciation of 2 per cent. Erie Shares on a continuea
heavy decline in Now York have been prt ssed for sale ; at cdie
time to-day they wore freely offered at 37; but they leave
off buyers at 372, with an appearance of firmness. Atlaa'
tic and Great Western securities at one time improvaa
and looked strong at the higher quotations, but that
have relapsed, and are about the same price as this dq
week, Consolidated Mortgage Bonds being last Vet"
401 to 41}, and the Debentures 39,1 to 40;. The tranatte"
tions in the Divisional Bonds are very limited.

H. H. Bush, R. E. Noble, and W. 0. Fletcher',
of Westfield, Massachusetts, and the Hon. L. Hull, 4:P.
Charlestown, members of the American Whip ComParli
at Westfield, owning six-tenths of the capital, have Pa'
chased of the other stockholders, at 35 per cent. preraiar*
the remaining SIO,COO ; and with the Van Denson 1311,,
the.rs,
rs, also whip manufacturers, are taking measures I'
unite in ono firm with tho combined capital of $200,000
The latter have emplo3.ed 80 hands hitherto, and the 101:
mer 60, besides 75 convicts in the Charlestown State Pr,r
son. The contract for prison labour expires October
and they do not propose to renew it, but will add I(iv
hands to their present force, and in preparation for the
a 45 feet wide and 125 feet long in the basement e
their building on Main-street, is being fitted up.
The following bill has been prepared by the 00°.
William D. Kelley, chairman of the Committee on Coinage;
Weights, and Measures, in the United States :—Wbert
certain nations of Europe have adopted and
proposed to the rest of the world a coinage ivilhicto
was originally based upon that system of vein
o,
known as the metrical, but which under the it'd
ence of circumstances has departed from its inteWlo
character; and whereas there is an assured expeet°,°,o
that this charactarof simple ielationship to metrical weig-
will be ultimately returned to ; and, whereas the coint,
of the United States can be brought into exact conforo.llg
with metrical weights by a change in its value amounts
to less than one-third of one per cent. in the case of Pm,
coins: Therefore, be it enacted, that the gold lieLl
after coined by the United States shall r01:01
for each dollar of denominational value one "f
one-half grammes of pure gold, and shall weigh
each dollar one and two-thirds grammes, the Pr°,Y-hor
tion of alloy being thus kept as one. And be it ftl"iti
enacted, that such coins shall be legal tenders in paYaragiy
arising from contracts made at any time after the first
of January, 1869, and that in the case of all other
ments, including those from the United States to its
age
tors, one thousand and three dollars of this new* CO
shall be the equal equivalent of one thousand dollars 19.1.0fe
old coinage of the United States, such being their actual j-ball
Live values. And be it further enacted, that such soils!oo,
have stamped upon them, in addition to other &no..
01'
their weight in grammes, and the inscription 11.iver
tenths fine." And be it further enacted, That the Do
half dollars, and all small silver pieces hereafter t`°6bitll
coined, shall consist of standard silver 9-10 fine, and
bo of the weight of 25 grammes for each dollar of deo
too
national value, and shall have their weight and fin, for
legibly stamped upon them, and shall be legal tends
the payment of all sums not exceeding $lO.