The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-09 00:00:00

CRIMINAL LAW OF SCOTLAND.

Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he would, on the
22d of February, move for a Select Coinrnitte to inquire
into the administration of the criminal law in Scotland
so far as related to the punishment of prisoners.
COURT OF CHANCERY—COMPENSATION.

Mr. WATSON gave notice that he would, on the 22d,
move for a Select Committee to inquire into the orders
for compensation made by the Court of Chancery
with regard to persons tilling -the offices of Six
Clerks and Waiting Clerks under the 6th of Victoria,
and for an inquiry into the emoluments of those officers
before the passing of that Statute ; and into the amount
of compensation due at that time, and for seven years
after the death of each officer ; and into the circum-
stances relating to the passing of the Act ; the appli-
cation of the money raised thereby, and the propriety of
continuing the same.—(Hear, hear.)
SLAVE TRADE.

Lord PALMERSTON stated that he would postpone
the motion of which he had given notice last night
with regard to the slave trade, till this day fortnight.
LAW OF MASTERS AND SERVANTS.

Mr. MILES gave notice that he would bring in a
Bill to amend the laws relating •to masters and servants.
Mr. FERRAND gave notice that, to-morrow evening,
he should put a question to Sir James Graham, unless
in moving, this evening, his announced Bill for the
amendment of the Poor-law, the information he sought
should be elicited. Lord Chief Justice Denman
having, on a recent occasion, declared it to be the unani-
mous opinion of the Judges that, in some cases, it was
necessary to break in on an Act of Parliament ; and it
having also been decided that the mother was always
the proper party to be appointed as trustee to her own
children, he (Mr. Ferrand) proposed to ask whether, in
the Bill which it was intended to bring in to amend the
Poof-law, the Government had inserted a clause for the
purpose of prohibiting the mother and child from being se-
parated in the event of their becoming the inmates of
a workhouse.

THE AMEERS OF SINDE.

Lord ASHLEY, in rising to bring forward the motion
of which he had given notice, in reference to the Ameers
of Sinde, said it would have been more agreeable to him-
self, and not a little so to the House, if the subject he
was about to introduce had been brought forward
by some Member of greater importance. He had
waited until the close of last session, partly to
see whether any other Member would undertake
the office of speaking in behalf of these impri-
soned Ameers, awl partly in expectation of the arrival
of certain appeals from India to her Majesty in Council.
These appeals had not arrived, but why they had not
arrived no one could say. It might be that their pos-
sessions being confiscated, they had not the means to
forward or to prosecute them ; it might be that it was
out of their power to do anything in their own behalf,
on account of the rigorous imprisonment to which they
were subjected. But whatever was the cause, it was
most fitting and necessary that justice should be done to
those unfortunate princes— (Hear, hear)—and the na-
tional honour of the country vindicated. Now, having
felt most deeply that the question should be entrusted
to other and abler hands, he had, since he gave a notice
on the subject last session, determined altogether to
abandon it, not from any want of confidence in the merits
of the case, but on account of his own incapacity to do
justice to it But when there appeared in the columns
of the Morning Chronicle—that important paper—a letter
bearing the signature of Sir Henry Pottinger—and such
a letter—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—from such
a man—he did feel that it was his duty no
longer to shrink from the task of bringing the
subject before that House. In this remarkable
letter Sir Henry Pottinger says " I lamented
over the fallen state of my old friends, the Ameers, of
whose case I all along said, and ever shall say, under all
circumstances, and in all states and parties, that it is
the most unprincipled and disgraceful that ever tarnished
the national honour. No explanation or reason can, in
my opinion, justify such proceedings towards them,
and I know more of them than any man living.
You cannot use too strong language in expressing
my disapprobation and disgust at these proceedings."
True, true to the very letter. These unhappy princes
have strong claims, and he asked, in their name—what
be would not ask in his own—that the HOuse would be
kind enough to give him a patient and even a favourable
hearing.(Hear hear.) With the permission of the
House, he would now proceed to state the history of our
connection with that country, and the claims which
these princes put forth to the consideration
and sympathy of the British Parliament. These princes,
whose case he was now bringing before the House, are
—that is to say, were dum regna erant—a combination,
or federation, of crowned heads, ruling conjointly under
the style and title of the Ameers of Sinde •, they ac-
quired their country by conquest, and ruled over a
people of different language and religion from them-
selves, but if that was to be used as an argument
against the Ameers of Sinde, as he perceived
it was used in one of the minutes of the
Governor-General, that argument would recoil with ten-
fold force upon ourselves. Why, what were they in
India ? If they allowed this to weigh a single instant
on their minds as an argument for the course of proceed-
ing against these fallen princes, it would be retorted with
tenfold vigour upon ourselves. The Ameers were recog-
nised as the governors of that country by several suc-
cessive Viceroys of India. They endeavoured to in-
stitute friendly relations with the Ameers of Sinde,
and endeavoured to prove to them that nothing but be-
nefits could acrue to them from an extended intercourse
with the British empire. From 1758 to 1799 the East
India Company passed through every variety of favour
and disfavour—of suspicion and fear—of confidence and
jealousy; but at last, in 1801, a treaty was made between the
East India Company and the Ameers. It was the first docu-
ment in the blue-book, and contained this passage: "There
shall be eternal friendship between the British Govern-
ment and the Ameers of Sinde." A second passage stated
that "unanimity shall never cease between the two
nations." The same thing, was declared in a new
treaty in 1802, by which the relations of the
former treaty were expressed in still stronger terms.
The Ameers asserted that they had faithfully observed
the conditions and spirit of the treaty. Those who
espoused the cause of The Ameers said that the British
Government had completely violated the treaty. To
form some estimate of the character of the two parties it
would be well to refer to history. They mould find by
a book lately published by a most intelligent author, that
the demeanour of the Ameers towards the other States
was most peaceable. Could the same be said of
us ? Now the primary object of our efforts in India
was to obtain the free and unrestricted navigation of
the Indus, and scruple after scruple was overcome in the
minds of the Ameers, who acquiesced in each request
made to them for our political advantage. In the year
1832 we obtained the partial navigation of the Indus,
and, in 1834, the Ameers made further concessions to
meet our views. In the second article of the treaty of
1838, it was conceded that the British Minister should
reside at Hyderabad, with liberty to change his residence
as he thought expedient. From this time up to 1840, there
was a spirit of suspicion, of fear, of alarm, and of
everything likely to excite distrust on both sides. We
then called upon the Ameers to perform their part of the
treaties which we ourselves had violated. In 1840 the
rebellion broke out at Gwalior ; large bodies of troops
were then sent through the country of the Ameers, and
if they had been at all in hostility to us it
would have been of the most alarming consequence
to the British Government in India. They
would find in the accounts of Lieut. Postans, who was
at the time a resident in Sinde, that the Ameers at that
time gave to the British Government the most cordial
co-operation. The importance of their aid under the
circumstances was rendered unquestionable by the evi-
dence of Sir John Keane himself. He said, in writing to
the G overnor-General, that it would have been impossible
to have proceeded if they had left Sinde in a state of hos-
tility. Now, after this, the difficulties of the British Go-
vernment in India increased, but as those difficulties in-
creased there was no disposition shown by the Ameers to
diminish their friendship. They would find, in the ac-
count of Lieutenant Postans, that at the time the affairs
of Candahar assumed so fearful an aspect as to direct at-
tention to that quarter that the chiefs were left in full
possession of their property. There was then nothing
in the conduct of the Ameers to suppose that any hos-
tility existed, although at that time they might
have materially injured us, if not have crushed the few
troops which then occupied Sinde. This, it must be
remembered, was at a time when all India was anxiously
watching to catch the spark of rebellion, and to strike
the blow which we were then endeavouring to ward off.
But still the Ameers were true to us, in spite of the
efforts of political subordinates, to whom was en-
trusted the duty of stirring up, as much as possible,
the minds of a fiercely bigoted Mahommedan people.
Let the House observe what forbearance they had shown;
let them observe the precautions which were taken not
to offend either on one hand or the other. The manner
in which he Ameerstvheicfaitththeyente thenrt entertained
dactted wasowards sthtriosnegmly indicative
of
pire.There
could be no doubt that they were then subjected to
great temptation by every argument that could be used
on such occasions by the disaffected, the resistance to
an a
which arguments was looked upon as almostp°Btae
in their faith. Yet, in spite of this, they had
continued true to the British Government.—(Hear.)
All this was borne out by Major Outram. lie stated in 1
1840 that the conduct of the Ameers was most peace-
able, and greatly facilitated the progress of the troops.
The Governor-General himself also wrote, and
bore the same testimony. The Governor-General
said that the conduct of the Ameers towards
the officers and towards the troops in their passage
through Upper and Lower Sinde was most friendly.
This was all the evidence which could be shown of

those famous circulars. On the 22d of May, the Go-
vernor-General sent a letter in which he stated his final
conditions to Major Outram. Let any one read them
and say, whether they were not most harsh and severe ;
but little time, however, was allowed for deliberation, an
army having been assembled on the frontier; the nego-
tiations which we proposed were backed by the presence
of a considerable force—violence naturally begot vio-
lence, and distrust and dismay pervaded the whole
country. It was wholly impossible for the Ameers
to control their subjects, and they made an attack upon
the house of the Resident. Then followed a battle—
the Ameers were beaten and carried into captivity, and
thus those famous treaties, which began by declaring
the inviolability of the country, were wound up by the
imprisonment of the Ameers and the conquest and an-
nexation of Sinde to our empire in India. But those
princes were charged with treachery. No doubt they were
—of course they were—charged with treachery. Every
one who undertook to establish such a weighty inputa-
tion
against them would of course be provided with a
precious pretext for it. But where was the proof ?
Again and again he (Lord A.) asked, where was the
proof that those persons were guilty of treachery, either
to the person of the Resident, or to the rights and privi-
leges and power of the British ? No doubt there was
great distrust among the inhabitants—no doubt there
was great desire to get rid of our troops—and no' doubt
they availed themselves of whatever opportunities pre-
sented to effect that purpose. But was there not a
cause for the course of policy which the Ameers had
been compelled to adopt? He would pass by all the
violence of language on both sides, and would come to
the simple facts which must have produced that effect upon
the Ameers, and compelled them to enter upon that course
of intrigue and distrust which ultimately was used as an
argument for their destruction and ruin. In July, 1838,
the Governor-General, having determined to carry on a
system of operations in Affghanistan, was desirous
of putting Sindian affairs in such a position
as would best favour his ambitious intrigue.
He therefore directed a letter to be sent to the Resident
in Sinde, in which there was this famous passage, "The
Governor-General is averse from contemplating such a
result as a refusal on the part of the Ameers to enter
into a composition with Shah Soojah." Such a compo-
' sition as what ? Such as might be conducive to their
interest ?—such as they upon due deliberation might
think desirable for their independence ? No such
thing. " Such a composition with Shah Soojah as
the British Governor may think just and reasonable."
That was a pretty way to treat an independent State.
But this was not all. He then went on to say, "In case
, of refusal" what was to happen ? That they should
retire from the negotiation, lamenting that it had utterly
failed ? No such thing. "In case of refusal temporary
occupation should be taken of Shikarpore and of so
much of the country adjacent as may be necessary."
Nor was even that all : still more was demanded.
" While the present exigency lasts," said the Go-
vernor-General, " you may apprise the Ameers that
the article of the treaty with them"—(the House would
remember with what difficulty the treaty of 1832
was obtained)—" respecting the freedom of the Indus,
and the transit of military stores, must necessarily be
suspended." They must recollect that nothing had yet
been charged against the Ameers. Subsequently, in-
deed, they were involved in intrigues with the Court of
Persia. He did not mean to defend their
policy; but he would simply ask, whether they
had set them an unblemished example ?—(Hear,
hear.) Whether their own performance of treaties
and open and honest dealings were so manifest that they
could fairly call upon the Ameers to lay aside all in-
trigue, and not resort to that plotting which was the
usual subterfuge of the weaker party? The interval
was filled up with the observance of conditions, and
all anger appeared to have passed away. But in
November, 1838, there occurred a demand of far
greater importance. The Governor-General signified his
desire to occupy for a time the fortress of Bukhur. Now,
the extreme value and importance of that fortress might
be best gathered from the words of Sir Henry Pottinger.
Sir Henry Pottinger, in a letter, set forth the advan-
tage of which that fortress would be to them. The ces-
sion of that fortress would put Roostum Khan's friend-
ship to the test. He begged of the House to bear
this in mind, that they might hear the recom-
pense which the old man received.—(Hear,
hear.) Sir Alexander Burnes was employed
in the negotiation for the cession of the place, and in a
letter written by him it was said, "If you do not get the
place you must take it." And this was the way in
which they dealt with the independence of those people,
and now they were surprised that the Ameers re-
sorted to intrigue, for the purpose of defeating them.
On the 25th Sir A. Burnes writes thus :—" It is with the
highest satisfaction I inform the Governor-General that
the fortress of Bukkur has been ceded to the British
Government on the terms proposed." He trusted he
was not wearying the House by entering into these details.
He would now show what pangs it must have cost the
Ameer Roostum Khan to have ceded this place. In a letter
written by Sir A. Burnes, he said the consternation of the
Ameers was very great when it was signified to them that
this fortress was demanded. The whole family of Roostum
Khan were opposed to its being given up, and they consi-
dered the honour of the country was involved in the mat-
ter. This showed the greatness of the concession made for
the advantage of this country. Sir Alexander Burnes,
writing in December, 1838, says, that he visited Roostum
Khan, who told him he experienced the greatest difficulty
in ceding the fortress of Bukkur, and that his whole fa-
mily opposed his giving it up. He told him he was an
' old man, and had but few years to live; that henceforth
he had nothing to do but submit, and be the
humble and obedient servant of England. Now
all the use had been made of him; and in Decem-
ber, 1841, Lord Auckland, actuated by a high sense of
honour, and feeling himself bound to redress the acts
of violence and of wrong which had been committed,
directed Sir James Carnac to do all he could to
make compensation. Such being the case, let the
House imagine the dismay and disgust with which the
Ameers must have heard the announcement which
followed, when after such wishes of the Governor-General
when after such a long period of conflicting friendship-
-after snch services as they had rendered to the British
Empire, came forth this verbose and grand epistle to
Major Outram. The Secretary to the Gover-
nor-General wrote to Major Outram to say,
" The Governor-General directs me to inform
you, that he contemplates taking, possession of
Kurrachee and the island of Bukkur.' Now he did ask
that House, was there any amount of distrust—was there
any species of self-defence—which it was not justifiable
for these Ameers to resort to to defend themselves
against the unscrupulous endeavours of the English
to retain their possessions ? He (Lord Ashley) declared
his solemn conviction that they had no ground, no right
whatever to charge these Ameers with treachery, even
had they taken the most- decided and determined mea-
sures to drive the British, not only from Sinde, but from
the Indian possessions altogether. Now, to turn to
other evidences in these papers. On the 4th of
June, 1842, the Secretary to the Governor-General
writes to the political agent at Sinde, and says :
" The Governor-General has learnt with regret, but
without surprise, your opinion of the infidelity
of the Ameers." He proceeded—" The Governor-
General wishes to be informed if your
troops are in such a position as to make it easy to
annex a portion of the Ameers' possessions to the
British empire." So that on the single opinion—the
mere opinion, of the Governor-General:as to the infidelity
of the Ameers—the political agent was to proceed to
cut off an enormous slice of their possessions, in order to
annex it to the British Crown. Well, was it
to be supposed that Roostum Khan was not
apprised of this ? If they supposed that he, know-
ing these things, would not take every means
in his power to save himself, they must have peculiar
opinions of human nature. Sir Charles Napier, who of
course was in direct and confidential communication
with the Governor-General, says in a letter to that high
functionary—" I have always maintained that we only
want a fair pretext to coerce the Ameers." This
was actually announced by the representative of the
Governor-General, and was it to be supposed that
while all this was going on, while all these schemes
were hatching, the Ameers were .going quietly and un-
heedingly on—living as it were in a fool's paradise? At
a subsequent period the Governor-General writes to Sir
Charles Napier as follows :—" I adhere to my
original intention, with respect to the Ameers ;
if any one of them commits an overt act,
his possessions shall be confiscated, and he shall depend
for subsistence on the charity of his friends."—(Hear.)
Now this was written at a time when we were assem-
bling horses, men, and materials at Sukkur ;
and could it be matter for surprise that the Ameers
became uneasy, and prepared to take measures for
the safety of themselves and their possessions?
On the 27th of November Sir Charles Napier
writes to the Governor-General :—" I have made up my
mind that although war has not been declared, nor is it ne-
cessary to declare it, I will at once march into the territory
of the Ameers." How then could it be wondered atithat
the Beloochees, excited by national pride and religious
enthusiasm, should take the alarm, and prepare to act?
Why, Major Outram admitted, in one of his letters,
that it was in consequence of the advance of the British
army that the Beloochees would not be restrained, and
also (and let this fact be marked) also that the Ameers
had been occupied the whole day in endeavouring to dis-
perse them. This brought him to the most important docu-
ment of the whole—the minutes of the Conference between
Major Outram and the Ameers, on February the Bth and
9th, 1843, just previous to the battle of Meeanee. It
was most important, because, although it had
been commented on both by the Governor-Ge-
neral and by Sir Charles Napier, they had left
untouched the most material part of the statement. The
Governor-General repeated the charges of treason
against the Ameers, and urged them as an argument to
justify their dethronement. The Ameers in that con-
ference in reply to the charge of having written trea-
sonable letters to two of the chieftains, asked
why those letters were never produced ?—(Hear, hear.)
That included the whole case. Why were the Ameers
not afforded an opportunity of proving that they had
never written those letters ? He appealed to the House
to do the Ameers justice—(Cheers)—and justice
could never be done them, until they had had an
opportunity of disproving these letters. It had
been said that a comparison had been made of the
hand-writing, but Meer Nusseer Khan denied that those
letters had been written with his authority. His words
were" If this letter is in existence show it to me." The
document was not produced. Had such conduct ever
been heard of before ?—(Hear.) Would it be tolerated
in any of our courts of justice ?—(Hear.) Would the
law officers of the Crown defend it ?—(Hear, hear.)
He asked for justice for the Ameers.—(Hear, hear.) He
asked for that which was theirs by the rights of human
nature.—(Great cheering.) One letter, it appeared,
had been produced. The Ameers asked to see it, and
the reply was on the part of Major Outram, that that
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