The Sun.
London, England, 1868-09-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 11, 1868.

LO.NDO.N, FRIDAY, SEPT. 11, 1868.

This season of the year is generally fruitful in
congresses and gatherings of various kinds. Even
if diplomacy is idle, and its votaries too cautious
to meet each other face to face, the savans and the
social philosophers are usually fully of vigour.
Science takes a survey of her annual progress, and
the quiet folks who like to leave the world as they
found it are startled by hearing that the whole
order of things is to be revolutionised, and that it
is indispensable to the proper development of our
nation that we should each step out of his or her
place and take somebody else's. The International
Working Men's Congress is therefore holding its
deliberations at a very suitable time, and the selec-
tion is the more opportune because the leisure of
the autumn months enables their debates and dis-
cussions to attract some attention outside their own
circle. The subject of their deliberations on Tues-
day evening was one which has of late years occa-
sioned a good deal of perplexity, and it is therefore
worth while to see in what light it appeared to the
majority of the social reformers at Brtissels. The
preceding question which they had been examin-
ing—that of " War and Standing Armies"—was
one on which we might naturally suppose their
views to be theoretical rather than practical, and as
such more likely to influence the closet of the
scholar than the cabinet of the statesman. " Strikes
and Courts of Arbitration," however, are matters on
which it is really of some importance to elicit their

opinions, and to ascertain where the chief diffictd4.7
lies, and accordingly we are able to compare the
sentiments of delegates from Paris, Geneva, 'Lon-
don, and Brussels on these matters. Ihe first
paper read was from Geneva, where the working
men have lately succeeded in establishing an asso-
ciation on a new system. There the differwat trades
societies belonging to it pay their contributions
into a central fund, which is managed by the dele-
gates of the different trades. " With a weekly con-
tribution of 2id. we have sustained four great
strikes, and in spite of these struggl.:s we have re-
mained masters of our situation." Notwithstand-
ing this success, however, the Geneva Association
does not approve of strikes in the r.bstract, though
it holds that they are at present the only weapon
which working men possess to defend themselves.
The great point recommended by the writer of this
paper is a general organisation, and he holds that
every one of the societies connected with the Work-
ing Men's Association ought to create a central de-
fensive fund like the one at Geneva.

From Antwerp we are told that strikes are mis-
chievous in principle and in practice ; they foment
hatred, and tend to produce a state of things in
which every man tries to aggrandise himself at the
expense of others. This writer holds, however,
that " a radical social reform" is necessary, and he
believes the only means of benefiting the labouring
classes is co-operative labour.
In Brussels it is said that there have been num-
bers of strikes in which the employers have gained
the day, but few in which the men have triumphed.
The English workmen explain this by declaring
that when the men win nothing is heard of the
strike, and it is only the drawn battles that come
under public notice. The Brussels reformers,
however, though they condemn strikes, are strongly
in favour of trades' unions, and they are ready
with suggestions for very sweeping reforms. One
of the principal causes of oppression they declare
to be slack trade, and therefore the trade societies
should provide for men out of employment, to keep
them from working under price. To make this
effective all trades should be " locally, nationally,
and internationally" united, since if the societies
are disconnected, capitalists might take advan-
tage, and fetch workmen who are out of employ
from a distance, and so get their work done cheaper.
The conclusion of all these schemes of reform is not
a little startling. We are marching on onwards,
we are told, to the regeneration of society, but it
is to take a singular form. Strikes, we are told,
but perpetuate wages labour, and the object is to
abolish wages labour. Capital is at present ab-
sorbing labour, in future labour must absorb
capital. United for the defence of wages in the
first instance, the trades societies will explode the
system of wages labour, and found a new social
order.

It will, therefore, be seen that these reformers
are not satisfied with any ordinary change, but
intend to turn our social fabric upside down. There
is to come a day when the intrusive capitalist is to
be done away with, when the consumer is to be
supplied direct from the working man without an
intermeddler. The awkward fact of this arrange-
ment is that there will be two or three superfluous
orders of society. The capitalist will be de trop,
the dealer and intermediate agent will be dispensed
with, Statesmen and armies will be quite useless,
since the associations of working men will ba the
proper parties to regulate peace and war. All
ranks and classes must fuse into one vast level, in
which wages labour will be no more heard of, and
the dreams of the visionary Republic will be
realised.

As it will be conceded that Europe at least is not
rife for such a change, it is worth while to see what
less sanguine reformers are thinking of. In the
discussion which followed the reading of these
papers a Parisian speaker said that in the first
strike at Paris they had endeavoured to organise
councils of arbitration, but their endeavour had
been frustrated. They could, he said, procure food,
clothing, and shelter with their wages, but they
wanted education as well, and without material
resources they must remain in ignorance. This does
not by any means follow, and too often the addi-
tional wages gained by the workman prove of little
permanent utility to himself or his family. In
England very certainly the pleasure van and the
public-house absorb enough to afford an excellent
education in the way of libraries and lectures. Our
English delegates are much more inclined to favour
strikes than their continental friends, and two
speakers from London spoke strongly in their
favour. But if any one not connected with associa-
tions had been present at Brussels he might have
brought a few facts to the notice of the meeting. In
the first place, would the manufacturers of the present
day, which in any shape provide the working ma❑
with the means of living, and enrich and benefit
the whole world, ever have reached their present
development if the workmen had ruled the masters ?
If machinery had been kept from application to the
cotton manufacture, as the throngs who burnt the
first spinning-jennies wished it to be, where would
be the Manchester of 1868 ? HARGREAVES was a
working man, yet HARGREAVES narrowly escaped
from his native place with his life when a rumour
went abroad of his great invention. How many
other trades and manufactures tell the same story,
and how then are we to believe that we may safely
trust the interests of progress in the hands of those
who declare it to be their interest that the laws of
supply and demand should obey a fixed rule ? An
other question to be asked by this outsider would
be whether the system of supporting men out of
work to keep them from working under price might
not be pleasanter to the drones than to the bees of
the community ? If a man knows he has only to
throw himself on the resources of the great central
fund when he is idly inclined, we fearjthat 2id. a
week will not suffice to replenish the exchequer.
As for the principle that an industrious man's earn-
ings must help to keep a lazy one, we suppose that
is not to be weighed against the advantage of
coercing the masters.

But there is one argument which is conclusive
against the whole system of these unions, and
would be just as much so if the masters attempted
a similar course. Trade, to flourish, must be free
and unfettered. The more competition the more
success, the more protection the more weakness.
This is the general rule, which all commercial ex-
perience confirms, and yet the very men who are
ready to idolise the name of COBDEN, and are
loudest in denouncing the stupidity and cupidity
of the farmers who wanted to keep up the Corn-
laws, are eagerly trying how many fetters and
leading-strings they can put on English trade and
manufacture. They do not see that all the argu-
ments which they used to applaud about Free Trade
apply not to corn alone, but to the whole
system of trade and commerce. They would not
expect a man to run on crutches when he had legs
of his ov,n, but they expect to see the working man
thrive when lie may make bricks on one side of the
river but not on the other, when he may not bring
up his son to his own trade, or work with a man
who dares to think for himself. The Republic
which our theorists are endeavouring to establish
bears in less murderous times a strong resemblance
to that former Republic which good, and wise, and
patriotic men had AO long dreamed of, but which

when once fairly in existence crushed down free
thought, free speech, and free action under one re-
lentless Reign of Terror, and which, starting in the
lofty names of Liberty, Fraternity, and Equality,
speedily established in their stead " le droit du plus
fort."

The :Conservative candidates at Devonport have
been setting forward their claims, and the meeting
was well attended and orderly, which is saying
something nowadays. Mr. FERRAND spent some
time in referring to the subject of the last election,
and then addressed himself to general politics in
his usual decided way. As to the expenditure
question he said that if Mr. GLADSTONE'S Govern-
ment had not spent the same if they had been in
power they would have been " traitors." It is
satisfactory to find any one speak as does Mr.
FERRAND does, and he more than met the assail-
ants half way by saying that more would be re-
quired for the expenditure of the country, and not
less. The spread of education, sanitary improve-
ments, the extension of the Factory Acts, and other
matters would require it. The Radicals, he believes,
wish to disestablish the dockyards, and for
years they have been making attacks upon
the artizans and officers. The Conservatives
have restored the franchise, which their
opponents took away. Mr. FERRAND argued
very ingeniously that "the least the new electors can
do is to recognise the noble act." Major PALISSIER
laid great stress upon the Reform Bill which his
party had passed, and expressed his full confidence
in the extension of the suffrage. He knew the
working men, " he had worked alongside of them
in the fitting shop, the turning shop, at forges and
foundries,and knew what a clever,honest,respectable,
and thorough Conservative set of men they were."
He had also met among the men of talent whose
want of means had alone precluded them taking up
their right position. The effect of the Reform Bill,
Major PALISSIER said, was to " smash up the Radi-
cal party." It was so split up that Mr. GLADSTONE
was quite at fault for a " cry" until he took up
Ireland. The complete success of that, however,
was becoming a little more doubtful, and so we
have the question of retrenchment put before us
with all the addenda and improvements that the
wit and imagination of the candidates can supply.
Lord HARTINGTON'S dashing attack had been so
completely met that the noble lord was compelled
to beat a retreat, and leave it to Mr. GLADSTONE
or Mr. CHILDERS, at a future day, to reply to the
answer he had received. As for the year
1865, which these wiseacres thinkly so lightly of,
that, it is well known, was? year in which nothing
was done, and a sort of lapse took place, while
arrangements were made for experiments, &c. The
Conservative Government came in the next year,
and found the work waiting to be done, and pushed
it forward, as in duty bound, with spirit and energy.
The works on the Continent showed the ne-
cessity for having recourse to the breech-
loader, and that was another source of expense,
but who will venture to say that it was not needed,
and that the Administration which refused to do
so would have had confidence reposed in them by
either Parliament or people. Let there then be a
stop put to these accusations or insinuations
about expense, for they are as idle as they are
unfair, and quite unworthy of being made
the standing point of attack. Why does
not Mr. GLADSTONE give a direct answer
to the statement of the CHANCELLOR of the Ex-
CHEQUER, and contradict it if he can ? The reason
is very obvious—he is afraid to try. He will wait
until he makes another long speech, and then, amid
the multiplicity of his words, slipin some other charge
against the Ministry, and leave the stray shot to take
effect or not as chance directs. His followers may
keep it up, but in all probability the expenditure
has done its work so far as he is concerned, and
he will seek fresh fields and pastures new. It can-
not be said that the last effort has been a success,
for he has been contradicted in the most direct way
by the figures he loves so well, but which have been
turned against him, since they show he is himself
responsible for the results he lays to the charge of
others.

The late King LEOPOLD was distinguished for
his wisdom, and he rendered many most important
services to the other crowned heads of Europe by
his timely hints and judicious counsel. It is there-
fore interesting to notice some of his opinions on
the /project of a treaty between France and Bel-
gium relating to a Customs' Union. Two letters,
taken from the forthcoming biography of the late
KING, by M. JUSTE, appear in the Standard
of to-day, and they are the more inte-
resting as the lapse of years since their
date has not got rid of the notion to
which they refer, for of late we have heard a good
deal of the scheme in one quarter and another.
The first letter was written in November, 1840,
and is addressed by King LEOPOLD to M. LE
HON. In this he declares that his first im-
pression was against it, for the Belgians were sus-
ceptible. He lays particular stress upon the im-
portance of giving the treaty a " character purely
commercial, to take away from it every clause
which would be of an administrative nature."
On the whole the prevailing opinion throughout
this letter is evidently one of doubt respecting the
advisability of the proposal, and while its advan-
tages are admitted its difficulties are more manifest.
The KING states very plainly that unless the French
Government are willing to conform to his advice
and warning it will be of no use to attempt the
task. The second letter, which bears date January,
1841, is much more decisive on the point. The
KING bids the Minister to rest assured that it has be-
come impossible for them to make anything more than
a "differential treaty" with France. There must
be a " palpable proof" to the rest of Europe that
there is no " incorporation." The other Powers
were against a union of Custom-houses, declaring
that the neutrality of Belgium would thereby cease,
and that it would, in fact, become a province of
France, which the other Powers could not respect.
Further on King LEOPOLD maintains that a different
treaty with France would be quite as well as a union
of Custom-houses. Finally, M. LE HON is charged in
the most impressive manner to be careful how he
acts in this important affair, and not to forget the
impossibility of a Union of Custom-houses. A
differential treaty would be another affair, and
might offer advantages without presenting such
dangers. Surely the statesmen of this day may
learn something from this record of the last
generation. King LEOPOLD was one who
was well acquainted with such matters,
and could speak what he knew on all
affairs of national interest. What he said then
may be equally applicable now, and it would be
ruinous for Belgium to adopt any course which
would result in her sinking down into a French
province. The tried sagacity of LEOPOLD may
well serve the country he ruled with such success
even now that he has departed from among us, and
the more his advice is dwelt upon, the more sound
will it appear and the more worthy of attention by
all who have the interest of the little kingdom at
heart.

EXECUTIONS AGAINST RAILWAYS.—By one of the
Jail, Acts exozutions against railway companies are re-
stricted to th. Ist of September, 1870, from the Ist of
September inst.

LATEST INTELL MENCE.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

PRUSSIA.

BERLIN, Sept. 11.

The Queen and the Crown Prince and Crown
Princess of Prussia will pay a visit to the King of
Saxony, at Dresden, on the Bth October.
The Crown Princess, with her children, leaves
for England on the 20th proximo. The Crown
Prince will join the Princess early in November.

INDIA, CHINA, AND AUSTRALIAN
(HEAVY) MAILS.
SOUTHAMPTON, Sept. 11.
The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer
Nyanza, with the above mails, has arrived here,
with 69 passengers, £26,157 in specie, and a large
cargo, including silk to the value of £200,000.
On the Bth the Nyanza spoke the steamer Pera,
and on the 10th the steamer Oneida.
GIBRALTAR, Sept. 6.
News from Barbary continues satifactory.
The public health at Tangiers was rapidly im-
proving.
Exchange.—On London, 49 9-16 ; Paris, 5.22 ;
Madrid, prem.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, THURSDAY, September 10.

The evacuation of the Pontifical States by the French
troops has again taken rank as the first diplomatic ques-
tion of the day. It is alleged by those who claim to know
what diplomatic communications are on foot, that the
Chevalier Nigra had an interview with the Marquis de
Moustier on Monday, and that he informed the French
Foreign Minister of the receipt of a despatch, in which
the Italian Government demands the withdrawal of
the French troops, on the ground that all the
stipulations of the September Convention have been ful-
filled by Italy. There seems to be no doubt that this
attitude has been taken up by the Italian Government,
either voluntarily or at the instance of the nation. Unfor •
tunately, the Emperor does not take the same view of the
situation. Whatever may be the truth respecting the
" communications " alleged to have been sent from Italy,
it is generally agreed that there are no signs of an evacua-
tion of Rome.

The illoniteur de l'Armee gives an account of the
manceuvres at the camp of Chalons; but the most inte-
resting part of the programme relates to the experiments
with the new engines of destruction. At the rifle practice
fifty-six marksmen hit the target six times with their six
bullets at a tolerably long range, fifteen hit it five times
out of six, and the remainder four times. The
results which have been attained by the mitrailleuses
are also highly spoken of. I see, however, that
the Prussians have invented a machine which they
intend to oppose to the mitrailleuses. But for the esta-
blished fact that the mortality in war has not increased
with the perfection of warlike engines, it might be appre-
hended that the next war would be mei ely extermination
pure and simple. At all events, the science of war is
rapidly becoming a question of mechanics and pyro-
technics.

The " difficulty " between Prussia and Holland rela-
tive to the navigation of the Rhino was brought about in this
wise. The plenipotentiaries were unanimously agreed
upon all the terms except one, and this was a clause esta-
blishing that the Dutch Government should take care that
navigation should not be impeded on any the rivers and
canals which join the Rhine with the sea by way of Dor-
drecht, Rotterdam, and Helvoetsluys. The Dutch Govern-
ment feared that in accepting a responsibility of this kind
the Powers which adjoin the Rhine might find pretexts for
interference.

The strike at Marseilles has not yet given way, but the
newspapers have managed to get together a half-sheet.
The official papers have suddenly become silent on the
subject of the Var election. M. Thiers is reported to have
said, " If M. Dufaure be elected, we shall decidedly create
a third party."
It is stated that Count von Goltz has resigned, and that
Prince Reuss, now the Prussian Ambassador at St.
Petersburg, will be his successor.
The Avenir Algerien has got into trouble. This
journal had twice accused the French Government of
disregarding the warnings of last year's terrible calamity,
and the signs of a renewal of the famine this winter. The
second article declared that the Government was " deaf to
advice, and blind or refractory to all information." The
journal has been twice warned for exciting to hatred and
contempt.

I hardly need say that Paris and all the region rouna
about resounds with the blast of war. One of the most
noticeable on dits is that M. de Moustier was very angry
both with the warlike article in the Constitutionnel and
the effusion of the France entitled the " Three Treaties,"
in which it was laid down that Prussia must not cross the
Main, Italy must not go to Rome, and Russia must not
seize Constantinople. The latter article was, indeed,
absurd enough to anger any Minister, but then these
journalists would not write what they might fear would
be unacceptable to their patrons. One writer says
the expressions of the Emperor are very reassuring.
Who hears such expressions, and of what kind are they ?
I can see no pretext for war ; but everything here points to
doubt and uncertainty.
The French Government is purchasing large quantities
of horses in Styria.
It is extremely difficult to interpret the state of the
Bourse at present, but it may be said that to-day there is a
shade of improvement.

THE WEATHER TABLE.--THIS DAY.

METEOROLOGICAL REFORM

Extreme Sea
Friday, 1.04 F. 1
Sept. 11, B. T. 1,1.u.51 W. I 1
to F. 13. W R. to
8 a.m. 112
--
9
---t--
Nairn - 1
Aberdeen - 1
Leith - -
Shields - 2
Scarborough 30'llf. 55 53 Z. 0 4 S. b.f. -
Yarmouth 3o'oBf. 61 58 N.E. 3 4 E.N.E. o. - 2
Helder - - -
Cialiaren - - - - - - - - - -
Sltudesness - - - - - - -
Ardrossan 3015 f. 56 54 N.E. 2 2 W. o.r. 'O7 1
Greencastle 3015 r. 56 ,54 N.N.E. 3 4 S. mrolo 19 -
Holyhead - -
Liverp00l - 1
Valentin 3olof. 56 54 N.N.E. 2 3 S.S. W. b.or o'ls 2
Cape Clear 3o'olf. 59 58 E 4 1 N.W. f.0.10'04 2
Roche's Pt. 30•04 f 59 57 N.W. 2 2 S.E b.c. - 1
Penzance 30'01f. 62 57 E. 2 4 S.E. c.b. - 3
Plymouth - 1
Weymo nth 30'C.1. 59 '56 E.N.E. 3 ?8 E. b.c. - 3
Portsmouth 30.05 f. 58 55 E. 2 2 E. c. - 1
London - - -
C'peGrisNez 30'02f. 63 61 E.N.E. 4 5 N.E. c. - 3
Brest .... 59'91f. 66 61 E.S.E. 3 4 E. f. - 1
L'Orient' 29'93f. 63 - E. 4 4 E. b.c. - 1
Rochefort - 1
Biarritz .. 29'89f. 70 65 W. 3 - f. - 2
Corunna - - - - - - - - - -
Brussels - -
Paris - - - - - - - - - -
Strasbourg - - - - - - - - - -
Lyons
Toulon - - - - - - - - -
Heart's Con-
tent (6 a.m.
local time) 3o'2ff. 52 51 S. 1 1 S. b. - 2