The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-14 00:00:00

peal as an abstract question, the real benefits which they could
derive from a perfect equality of laws, and from an equal and
impartial administration of justice—( Loud cheers)—would bind
them to this country by a real, a perfect, and an indissoluble
union ?—( Loud cheers.) What was there to prevent such a
cle-irable cousummation ?—( Cheers.) Not the personal wish
of the Sovereign.—(Loud cheers.) That Sovereign he had
had the honour to serve, arid for any one to be more anxious
than she was to secure the benefit and happiness of the Irish
people was impossible.—( Loud cheers.) He had never, when
he filled the office of Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, received any intimation from that Sovereign that did not
bespeak an equal regard for Catholic, Protestant, and Presby-
terian.—(l.oud cheers.) Who, then, would stand between the
Irish peopleand this most desirable consummetion ?—( Cheers.)
Who would erevent Ireland from being what Scotland was—
( Loud cheering)—from being united with England by a real
union of reciprocal affection ?—( Cheers. ) Would the House
do it ?—( Immense cheering.) 11 the House should so decide,
then, indeed, would they be taking a heavy responsibility, upon
themselves by exposing their country for many yeats to the
clangers of a precarious dominion over Ireland, and of dimi-
nished power with regard to foreign nations.—(Loud cheers. )
But if the House, rising above those prejudices, and showing
itself superior to the spirit of party, should desire to unite the
two nations together in the bonds of reciprocal affection, and,
legislating in the spirit of justice, should rely upon the love
and confidence of the Irish people to make that country a
glerious inheritance, and the source of strength for England, he
would venture to answer for it, that the hopes of the House
would not be disappointed. —(lmmense cheering.) The Noble
Lord concluded by moving his resolution, and sat down amidst
tremendous cheering from all parts of the House.
Mr. WYSE seconded the motion which had been proposed
by the Noble Lord in the eloqusnt speech to which the House
hid just listened. A speech distinguished as much by its
eloquence as by its justice, calculated only to awake England
to the dangers she was incurring. How marked was
the contrast between the present period and the year
1829? In that year they hail a Minister of the Crown
corning down, and stating that rather than run the risk of civil
war, he would sacrifice his own friends, and break down the
structure of oppression which he had assis'ed in building up.
The other site had accepted the proffered boon with kinness
and affection. When the Emancipation Act had been passed,
there was nothing, either in the statute-bock or in the roll of
those persons who were to carry out the administration of the
country, to show that the Catholics were admitted to
its benefits. It might be said of that Act, as of
the Reform Act, that it was a failure. There were
only two inteligible courses to pursue, one was to act
with justice and fairness towards ,the people of Ireland, the
other was to act with despotism and force. The conduct of
Russia towards Poland was intelligible, so was the conduct of
the Norman invaders in Ireland._-( The Right Hon. Gentle-
man went on to show many instances of oppression and injus-
tice on the part of England towards Ireland from the invasion. )
But this system not only brought misery to the oppressed, but
it recoiled upon the oppressors themselves, as though it were
ordained by Providence that there should be a day of retribu-
tion fur the tyrant. —(Hear, hear.) The penal laws were de-
vi ed with the greatest ingenuity to harrass and oppress the
Catholic people of Ireland. The country grievously suffered
under them. When England was in difficulties conces-
sions were obtained, the people were allowed to receive
education—education conferred power, and power led to
' confederation and union among the oppressed. The
Catholics first met in a small room in a poor
street in Dublin, till, at length, their numbers increased so
much that the combination could not be resisted. After a
long struggle emancipation was obtained, and the people of
Ireland expected from it all the benefits which ought to have
follewed it. But the same spirit which so long resisted that
act was still alive, and rendered it as little effective
,as possible.
With the government of the Noble Lord the first symptoms
of impartial government in Ireland were apparent. He recol-
lected the attacks which were made upon the late Govern-
ment for the appointment to office of a few Roman Catholics.
He was himself in Germany when his appointment was made,
and he recollected the observations made in Germany at the
time. They asked whether it was possible that a country so
free as England, and which preached freedom and liberty to
all foreign States, could act in such a narrow spirit
towards Ireland ? (Hear, hear.) But so it was.
The Right Hon. Gentleman soon after came into power.
He looked forward to the Noble Lord opposite, the Member for
Cornwall, for impartial justice, but such had rot turned out to
be the case. He had felt no doubt that, although they had not
the Government of Lord Normanby or the Earl Fortescue,
that justice would be done to Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) What
had taken place ? A State prosecution, for what ?—Why,
doing that which every Irishman was entitled to do. Every
proceeding had been taken against the Catholics of Ireland
that could be. They had been removed from the
bench and magistracy, and in the selection of
judges the wishes of the people had not been con-
sulted.—( Hear.) He thought they looked in vain in Ireland
for the promotion of Roman Catholics to any offices of honour
oe Si ate.—( Hear, hear.) Even if they were offered, he doubted
that any man would accept office from any member of the
eresent Government.—( Hear, hear.) Every wish of the
Irish
I,
had
reached peopl e had been
its
ul
Hear,
tin, t entm i(t t
ha tee t
a,
ntdh a
as it concessionsu r.
prising that such things lied taken place in Irelan I ?—( Hear,
hear.) Or that the people should say, if the House of Com-
mons would not redress their grievances, they must look to
themselves, and consider the Government the criminal.—
( Hear, hear.) He would give credit to the Government in
their proceedings, that they had a wish to vindicate the law,
but in doing so, their first act ought to have been to take cafe
that they should act with impartiality. Had such been the
case in the late trials? Certainly not; Catholics had been
excluded from the jury, and Tory spies had been employed.—
( Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland believed that they had
b.-en struck off the jury list because they were Catholics, and
that a very different result would have taken place in the late
trials if only one Catholic had been on the jury.—(Cheers.)
If they imprisoned Mr. O'Connell, did the Government sup-
pose that others would not spring up in his place ? If they
imprisoned Mr. O'Connell, they might find the necessity next
week of a fresh protecution. By imprisoning Mr. O'Connell,
they would be only adding fuel to the flame of agitation. He
could assure the Government that the followers of Mr. O'Con-
nell had not diminished in numbers. He could assure them
that there was an o.ganised system of agitation in Ireland,
which coercion could never put down. The Government were
struggling against the repeal agitation ; and yet they were
pursuing that course which was most likely to keep it up.
The agitation would never be put down by prosecutions, but
it might be put down by justice.—(Hear, hear.) Let them
do justice to Irelaimd, and they would restore that country to
peace; but as longuas they turned a deaf ear to its just de-
mands, so long would there be discontent and disaffection. 'I he
Consequence of the present state of Inland was the depre-
ciation of property and the
One of the great causes of discontent in Ireland was the limited
the tranquillity of Ireland, the Stagnation
ionfetrreaads teed
itsß y
pi
rnocsrie,
ears
ii
tnyg.
franchise at present possessed by the Irish people. They re-
quired, tem, an addition to the number of Irish Members. They
should be more proportioned to the number of English Mem-
bers in that House. With respect to the landlord and tenant
question, he was glad that a Commission had been appointed to
inquire into the subject ; but he could not but regret that
persons from the tenantry had not been chosen to form a por-
tion of that Commission. At present it was a one-sided Cern-
mission, and could not be looked upon by the Irish tenantry
but as a landlords' Commission. There were subjects for the
consideration of such a Commission, into which it could not
fairly enter without the assistance of persons who were
tenants themselves. The present system of education in Ire-
land was extremely defective, and reform in that respect teas
very much required. He thought the grant to the College of
Maynooth ought to be largely increased, and that the Univer-
sity ought to be very much extended ; to which University, he
thought Catholics ought to be admitted, or that a Roman
of
atnhecaCthbuotrica Church of
Member,lr Ireland. Ca-
tholic university should be established. There was one ques-
tion that he had not yet touched
upon, and that was the ques-
tion
fering in such a question. He would appeal to the Right
Hon. Baronet who had introduced the Catholic oath, as to
what manner he intended that oath should be observed. Did
he intend that that oath should allow the Roman Catholic
It might be said that he as
a Roman
o m
would violate his oath by inter-
Members to support the Noble Lord who hid commenced the
debate, or did he intend that by that oath the Catholic Mem-
bers were precluded from interfering in ecclesiastical questions?
He would not do anything
to the Protests* Church that he
would not do to the Catholic. He would be for improving the
condition of both. Why should a Roman Catholic be re-
quired to give stronger testimony in favour of the Protestant
Church than Protestants themselves—than those who sat on
the same side of the House with him ? Did the Constitution
debar them from meddling with Church questions ? If so,
then his constituents would say to him—" You shall not re-
p. esent us—you arc curbed and fettered—you would not half
represent us. We will have a Protestant, not a Catholic."
Why, if such a principle were acted upon, the Catholics of Ire-
landp at
ed. wouldwr haveere
sevenreason
millionsto soafy
people t hey were, not
keptnot hianlf
constantenia.i-
disaffection ? It was useless to think of effecting any
tion by pensioning. The Catholic clergy of Ireland would not
receive Government sueport.—( Hear, hear.)
to be in
time ago, when he ( Mr. Wyse) happened
the part
Dublin, there was a solemn enunciation, on .
•eceive anything
of the Chatholic hierarchy of Ireland, not to
were
concilia-
tion
manifest. The Catholic clergy must have deep
of
pe.sions that have been cast upon them by a large number
in the
in the shape of salary sr endowment. The causesly otfeitthtibs
eas.
the people of this country—they. had been slandered
the
grossest manner; and it was not only Irish feeling, but
feeling of human uature, that they should be tilled with re-
sentment. The Catholic clergy were not hostile to British
connection, and when Lord Normanby was Lord Lieutenant
there, they showed the utmost disposition to assist the authori-
ties in restoringte
coursea of h
and preservingi
sspeech
e ethattranquillity.
he saw no a
i
o bl e Lordthe
said in h
Catholic clergy should not be selected from the humbler classes
of the Irish people—neither did he (Mr. Wyse). On the
contrary, he would prefer that they were selected from the
humbler classes, for they would understand the condition of
proverbial—the
togtheetba t-er
the poor better, would sympathise in their distresses, and be
more alive to their wants and wishes. The attachment of the
s
when Catholic
cl_ta eetrbigiCatholicmeyyme peasantnehtnaodfwere
tbebe ee
nre priestto:
rhi
adi
it to
priestiofibr etis flock—they
ded was almost
tab tneha
eosl
ytdbaeapysdetse
Indies for their
profession—when a p:ee-lisrm had been offered for their heads,
and a still larger premium for their abnegation of the
creed of their forefathers. He had no wish for the ascendancy
of his creed—every good Catholic wetu'd dislike it—but they
wanted impartiality in the administration of the laws, and
equality of civil rights with their Protestant fellow-subjects.
Was not the present condition of Ireland a disgrace to England?
eswahtiildst in all sea-
sons—there were
rolling in the midst of luxury. She was like the Roman slave, w
And was it not at present a source of great uneasiness to the
peop'e of this country ? It was a just principle of retribution,
l
athfraetonedo
beoyutnbtorsey couldinj riiens e
injure another
There was Ireland in the
another without being ultimately
so
mmidsts— ofth
eproevsebr
et y
was,nd miserable discontent—at
an
r allictteimd ,
taifi
continually reminding them of their mortality. England
might boast of carrying her commerce and introducing
civilization to the remotest parts of the globe—she
might be the mistress of the ocean, and the most
prosperous of nations. She would be the friend of the slave
far away, and the enemy to oppression in foreign countries ;
but as long as Ireland-continued as she was--as long as Eng-
land neglected to tranquillise that country by healing and
conciliating measures—as tong as there was domestic discon-
tent—no prosperity, however great, could be of long standing.
The cure was simple.—let them administer to Ireland
those laws which they so much valued themselves, and have
them administered in the same spirit with which they were ad-
ministered in this country—let them not coerce but conciliate,
and let the Government a second time imitate 1829, by doing
justice to Ireland.—( Cheers. )
Sir J. GRAHAM did not complain of the time consumed in
the two speeches he had heard. The magnitude and the immense
importance of the interest involved fully justified the length of
those discussions. The House, lie was sure, would feel that the
task which he undertook in following the Noble Lord, and the
Right Hon. Gentleman was a very difficult one. He would
not trespass on any more of their time than was absolutely
necessary, but candidly state the case on the part of the Go-
vernment. Before proceeding now to notice the general topics
of these speeches, he should notice a matter which was per-
sonal to himself. He could not help lamenting that upon this
fatal Irish feeling he first parted from the Noble Lord—on the
same feeling they bad afterwards met in hostile array, and in
this feeling he feared that, after the expressions used by the
Noble Lord, they would never again unite. What had fallen
from the Noble Lord had sufficiently convinced him that their
opinions regarding Ireland differed very widely. In one
thing he cordially agreed with the Noble Lord, who said

that no sovereign had ever been more intent upon ' was obtained ; :and although Mr. O'Connell's name was ap-
promoting the contentment of the people of Ire- ' peneed to the letter, he did not own himself to be the author.
laud without distinction of party or creed. He had Mr. Barrett was convicted, and went to prison. An opinion
the greatest satisfaction in stating that all the instructions might he entertained ole they he was handsomely treated on
' which he had received from her Majesty led him to entirely that oceasien.—(Hear, hear.) But no moral effect whatever
concur with the Noble Lord, and to believe that the Noble was pro 'aced. Mr. O'Connell himself said that it was a mean
Lord was perfectly accurate and correct. On another point and shabby proceeding thus to attack individuals, and, upon
also he agreed with the Noble Lord ;he passed a glowing pane- reticence-, he ( Sit J. Graham ) thought he was right in that
gyrie on Mr. Fox, in which he entirely concurred. Mr. Fox observation.—(Laughter.) The object of the present Go-
said that military government and military executions were t vernment was to obtain the punishment of the "head and
not suited to Ireland. What was the policy of the Govern- ! front "of the offenders, arid, by pursuing the course they did
ment towards Ireland ? What was the conduct of the Govern- to allow the whole schema to develope itself—they obtained a
ment which he was called upon to defend ? Was it in favour ! conviction by a jury fairly constituted, under the direction of an
of a coercive Bill? Did he stand up to advocate trial by unania ous bench, in a trial at bar, and in the metro.
court-martial? It was not military law nor 'military execu- ! polls of Ireland, and to which the eves net only of Ireland but
tions he was called upon to defend. He stood up to advocate ;of Great Britain were directed. It had been acknowledged
the propriety of governing Ireland according to the ' that the Attorney-General conducted the case with great
t
established laws of this country—the trial by jury; and it was , temper ; they had the asontion of Mr. Whiteside, who distin-
those laws which, he was happy to say, had triumphed in that I guished himself as one of the counsel for the traversers—that
country, and which he stood up to vindicate. He desired to lon the whale the Attorney-General conducted the case with
imitate as much as possible the temper of the Hon. Member
,• great fairness. They were urgent in pressing the case until
for Waterford, which was quite unobjectionable—( Hear, bear) I the traversers pleaded. They made various motions for the
—anti well worthy of imitation. The House would remember I pnrpos t of delay, which were resisted by the Crown, but
that the Noble Lord had said that her Alejesty's Government after they had once pleaded, a reasonable time had been
were the real criminals, and as they stood there charged in allowed the traversers. —( Hear, hear.) They had waited for
this manner, he trusted the House would give them a patient the revision of the jury list, with regard to which such
hearing. The Noble Lord had, unintentionally no doubt, compliments had been paid to his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Shaw)
spoken of the past policy which had been pursued towards for the impartiality which he displayed. Had they proceeded
Ire dud, and of that which he supposed they would adopt in an opposite direction, and proceeded against the traversers
fur the future, in a manner which did not make for atteirding illegal meetings, it was
clear from the
ver-
the distinction b nween the two sufficiently obvious. die' of the jury that they would not have obtained a
He would divide the subject into two leading branches, and conviction. He would not say that those meetings were
he would speak of the conduct which had been pursued gal. Ti.ey were held for a pat ticular purpose— he was about
recently by the Government, and speak of the more general to say for the purpose of intimidating the Govern-
policy hereafter. He would gladly go back to the period to merit, and to force Parliament into a breach of national
which the Noble Lord had referred, but his duty at present was faith.--( Cheers.) But the jury thought that though those
to defend the conduct which had been pursued by the Go meeting= were not illegal in themselves, they became so from
vernment. He was surprised at the manner ie which the combinatien. The Noble Lord had spoken of the law of con-
Noble Lord had spoken of the Government of Ireland by Lord spiracy, which he compared to constructive treason. He said
Wellesley and Lord Anglesea.—( Hear, hear.) Surely, the it was a novel law. He (Sir J. Graham) denied that there
Noble Lord remembered that he himself was a Member of the was ally novelty in the law of conspiracy ; but if there were any
Government at that time—(Cheers)—that he had adopted novelty in it, he contended that they had to deal with a new
their policy and shared in their responsibility.—( Cheers.) The state of facts, which made it justifiable for them to have re-
Noble Lord had complained that the union had yielded no course to it. One of the most sagacious of living men fixed
fruits. At the time that he had been the colleague of the his attention on a terse saying of a celebrated female
Noble Lord in office, great and important measures had been writer—The Duke of Wellington called his attention to a pas-
carried, and which he believed had been productive of great sage in a work of Madame den Stael :—" On ne conspire pas sur
advantages to Ireland. When Lord Grey came into power, la place." In these times Leaguers meet in theatres—(Loud
emancipation had been carried. He would observe in passing cheers)—Chartists meet in market places, and conspirators
that from the time that he (Sir J. Graham) had left Lord Imeet in coneniation halls to disseminate sedition amongst the
Grey's Government, the interval was very short before the re- multitude.—( Loud cheers.) He denied that this was a new
spected head of the Government left it also, and however law, but even if it were, the circumstances of the case
glowing was the eulogium which the Noble Lord had passed rendered it necessary. Again, it had been said that in the
on Mr. Fox, Lord Grey was as worthy of it, and issue of ths proclamation, prohibiting the meeting at Clontarf,
he thought that the Noble Lord would agree with great ca elessness and want of prudence marked their course.
him in opinion upon that point.--( Loud cheers.) The N‘stile Lord passed a high eulogy upon the exertions of
Was it contended that Lord Grey had passed no measures of a Mr. O'Connell to stop the meeting, and he reminded the
liberal nature for Ireland? He was satisfied that Lord Grey House of the opposition he gave to Chartism and trades
would not have held office for five years within four months unient. Ile agreed with the Noble Lord in the
without giving effect to that liberal policy with regard to Ire- merit due to Mr. O'Connell for the steps which he took to
land, for the sake of which he had sacrificed office for so many stop the meeting at Clontarf. He did not wish to aggravate
years.—( Cheers.) He would state the measures which they the case against him, but all those points had been urged in
had pasted. They had enlarged the franchise. They had es- his defense, and they were proved by. the Crown to be part
tablished a system of national education. They had passed the of the means by which the conspiracy had beer, proved. The
Church Temporalities Act—an Act which he believed con- Noble Lent in more than one passage of his speech spoke with
diced to the stability of the Established Church, by enlarging Christitn forgiveness, and in high praise of Mr. O'Connell ;
the basis, while it took away from the capital.—(Cheers and he spike of Lord Lyndhurst in terms of a very opposite
The Noble Lcrd admitted that the policy of Lord Grey's Go- descrip.ion. "I am the colleague of Lord Lyndhurst—( Loud
vernment had been conceived in a spirit of kindness towards ironical cheering from the Opposition benches.) I am his
the Catholics, and that there had been a wish on their part to colleague.—( Continued cheering._ from the same quarter,) I
admit Catholics to the benefit of a full participation of all ad- am Hs friend (said the Right Hon. Gentleman, with vehe-
vantages.—(Cheers. ) The Noble Lord had said that when memo) —aril I am surprised that the Noble Lord
the late Government had left office, they had left the country should have thought it becoming his station to speak of the
in a state of tranquillity, and that the repeal agitation was Lord Ciranceller of England in the terms which he did—
quite insignificant. Now he had extracted from the Pilot (Loud cheer.) You may talk of your high birth and of aris-
newspaper a list of the repeal meetings held during 1840. tocrane feelings. " The Lord Chancellor of England was a man
On July 26, 1840, a repeal meeting had been held at Castlebar, who freer his first entrance into public life had risen by the
which had been attended by eighteen Roman Catholic clergy- exhiln- i nof pre-eminent talents to the first place at the bar.
men, and several gentlemen. On the 26th of August there —(Lead cheers.) In politics, it was true, he had created
had been a repeal breakfast at Mallow, which had been attended some r neraies, though not very many, in this country, where
by 200 persons, and in the same month there had been a public he was 1,05 t known—(Cheers)—but no man had adorned the
repeal meeting, attended by 10,000 persons. On the 20th judgineet-seat with brighter faculties ; he possessed the
there was a meeting at Skibbereen, attended by several thou- hieliesi orner of talents ; his integrity was incorruptible ; his
sand persons ; and during that year there were meetings at intellect was first-rate, and he thought it hard that a man who
Kilkenny, attended by 200,000; at Drogheda, by 60,000; at had risen to pre-eminence by means so honourable, should
Waterford, by 20,000; at Dublin, by 6,000 ; and at Maynooth, be attained for party purposes in terms so severe as those used
by 10,000 persons. In 1841 there had been meetings at Bel- by tie' Noble Lord. He was sure that Lord Lyndhurst would
fast, in the Curragh of Kildare, attended by 80,000 people; nut have spoken of any political opponent in such terms in his
and on the pith of August, 1841, just before Ministers went absence.—( Loud cheers.) But was this all that was unge-
out of office, there was a repeal meeting at Drogheda, attended nertnis ? 'the Noble Lord relied on the use of some particular
by 25,000 people, which was the state of affairs antecedent to expressions attributed to Lord Lyndhurst; and he was be.
the present Government coming into power. Considering the trdycd into saving that it was not for his talents. that it was
present position of Mr. O'Connell, he would not allude to the not tor his faculties, that it was not for his judicial knowledge,
speeches which had been made by the lion. and Learned that it was not for his virtue, that it was nut for his integrity—
Gentleman on those occasions; but he would state generally he was raised to the woolsack, but that his Right Hon. Friend
that he had expressed himself with the same zeal and energy recommended him to it on account of his hostility to Ireland.
which had characterised his former speeches. The. Noble Lord —( Cheers. ) He was sure that upon more calm reflection the
had alluded to the jury law, and, as it appeared to him, had Noble Lord would not have used those expressions. Certain
confounded the last regulating common juries, with that by expressioes had been attributed to Lord Lyndhurst in the
which special juries were regulated. With regard to common /aw. cf Lo &, which, within five or six days after they had
juries the Noble Lord had eulogised the rule which had been been used, he positively denied—(No, no, and Hear, hear)—
established by Mr. Justice Perrin. n the sense in which the were taken. Lord
An lion. dlxMaxa—By Sir M. O'Loghlin. Lyndhurst used those expressions in the presence of
Sir J. GRAN AM thought it was by Mr. Justice Perrin ; the First Lord of the Treasury (Lord Melbourne),
but it mattered not which of them had established the rule, for and in the presence of the President of the Council (Lord
the Crown ordering common jurors to stand bye, that rule re- Lansdowne), and they never commented upon those expressions,
mained in operation, and had never been varied from in the which it would have been their duty to do if they bad under-
slightest degree. To say that the Crown should not, on any stood them in the sense attributed to them. He would now
occasion, order a juror to stand bye, would be an absolute pass from this subject by assuring the Noble Lord that he heard
denial of justice. The calm and temperate manner in which him speak of Lord Lyndhurst in the terms which he did, with
the Attorney-General for England conducted Crown pro•eeu- the greatest pain. He would now return to the meeting at
Lions had met with general approval, and yet, at the recent Clot.tarf, from which he had digressed, and he begged of the
trials at Cardiff, a panel of seventy-five jurors had been ex !tense to attend to the dates which were material to a right un-
hate -led by the challenges of the prisoners, and of the Crown, der Landing of the case. The requisition for convening the
those of the prisoners being limited by_ low to twenty. The meeting was signed on the 27th of September, and on Satur-
power should be exercised with justice and discretion, brat it day the 29th a proclamation was issued of a very
was necessary that it should be possessed by the Crown. The peculiar character. The Lord-Lieutenant was then
Noble Lord seemed to labour under some misappreherisian with in England for the benefit of his health, and his
regard to the difference between ordering a common juror to attention was directed to the proclamation. Mr.
stand bye and striking a special jury; he was not aware that the O'Connell had often before alluded to the display of inrantry
rule regulating the ordering a common juror to stand bye, had attending the repeal meetings, he said that they were superior
been introduced by Sir M. O'Loghlin, but the striking to those which the Duke of Wellington commanded at the
a special jury was regulated by Act of Parliament— battle of Waterloo, and better than those whom Napoleon led
that Act having been brought into this House by Sir to Moscow. But in the requisition for the Clontarf meeting,
M. O'Loghlin, at the time that the Noble Lord was in allusion had been made for the first time to repeal cavalry.
office. The special jury list contained the names of 716 special He would net read the proclamation.—( Cries of
jurors. He would, in passing, observe on the fact of certain "Do ; do." The R ght Honourable Gentleman
names having been omitted from that list. The Noble Lord then read the proclamation convening the meeting. )
had stated that sixty names had been omitted, and he relied on He would now call the attention of the House to the state of
making that statement upon a statement which had been made Ireland at that time. Immense multitudes had assembled ;
in the Queen's Bench. Ile (Sir James Graham) believed those violent assemblages had increased. There were the meet-
thatings at Mullaghmast, there were other important meetings at
that statement was a gross exaggeration. Not above
one half that number of names had been omitted, and no one the Conciliation Fall. Then at last came the proclamation
could contend that the Government was at all responsible for with respect to the IT eeting at Clontarff.—( Hear, hear.) It
had been n asserted that this was to be the last meeting. Why,
the omission. His Right Hon. Friend, the Recorder for
Dublin, who was present, would, doubtless, in the course of what was the fact? Why, they had the words of Mr. O'Con-
thene:l himself, dated at. Mullaghmast, in which he stated that
debate, give some explanation on toe, subject. He deeply
r gretted the omission, avid he agreed with the Noble Lord five or six meetings were yet to come, and that the do-
in expressing his sorrow at finding that that circumstance nothing policy of the Government would not heal the
should have created a prejudi e, and have given even an ap- sores of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) At this time the proclama- ,
pearance of unfairness to the administration of justice.— mation issued. Upon that event taking place, he (Sir James
( Hear, hear.) But as the number of names omitted did not Graham) summoned the Lord Chancellor of Ireland and the
amount to thirty, and that the names of Protestants as well as Lord Lieutenant and the different members of the Privy
Council. This was on the 9th of October. They deliberated
of Catholics were among those omitted, it was hardly possible
ort the proclamation, they reconsidered it, and they thought it
to imagine that as forty-eight names were chosen by ballot out
of the list of 716, that the omission of those names would have was necessary the military proclamation should be withdrawn.
n--( Hear, hear.) At least that the word 'c group" should be
affected the composition of the jury in any material degree.
According to the Act of Parliament, the parties were to substituted for " troop."
strike off the names alternately, and if there was anything re- Mr. WALLACE—WiII the lion. Baronet state to the House
markable in the Crown striking off the names of Roman the new proclamation ?
Catholics, it should be recollected that the traversers had not Sir J. GRAHAM—Certainly. The Right Hon. Baronet
struck off the names of any Roman Catholics. The case, as then read the substitution for the proclamation, several parts of
originally represented to the public, had been that ten Roman which created considerable laughter in the House. The Go-
Catholics had been struck off by the Crown, not be- vernment then deliberated whether the altered proclamation
cause they were repealers, but because they were Roman had materially changed the facts. It was thought it had not,
Catholics. He was sorry to see that that respectable and it was then considered necessary that the Lord Lieutenant
body, the English Catholics, had resented this striking and the Lord Chancellor, who were at that time in London,
off the jury as an insult offered to themselves, and should proceed immediately to Dublin, having authoriiy, imme-
loot thus given to what was really merely a matter of political diately after their arrival, to do whatever they might think ne-
difference a character of religious strife. —( Hear, hear.) He cessary. The Lord Chancellor and the Lord Lieutenant ar-
regretted this exceedingly, for he entertained the greatest per- rived in Dublin on the Friday, and after weighing the whole
sonal respect for many of the gentlemen who had
attended the proclamation—a proclamation that had beer, posted round
meeting which had been called to express the feelings of the Dublin for 30 miles—a proclamation which was known at four
English Catholics on that occasion.—(Cheers.) It had been o'clock on Saturday afternoon, they thought it their duty to
stated that these persons had not been members of the Repeal adopt the course they had done. He was happy,
Association, and the traversers, who of course had access to to say—and he did so with the greatest pleasure—
the hooks, had been challenged to verify their statement by that Mr. O'Connell had used his utmost exertions,
affidavit. - This challenge had been accepted, but the affidavit and those exertions had been eminently successful in prevent-
had not been filed until towards the close of the proceedings. ing the loss of life.—(Great cheering.) The Government
That affidavit was most important—it disposed of eight out was convinced that the simplest mode of arriving at the truth
the ten cases. ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now he was the course they had adopted.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord
could not understand how the striking off the names of the Member for London had asked what had been the result
those persons could be considered as an impeachment of their of the proceeding of the Government? He would tell that
fidelity to the sanctity of an oath. If, in a fox-hunting county Noble Lord, that advantages of the utmost importance and
he should bring an action of trespass against the master of the benefits of the greatest extent had already taken place. There
hounds, of course, his solicitor would take care to exclude all had been peace in Ireland for the last three months.—( Hear.)
the members of the hunt frost, the jury.—( Cheers. ) If he There had been an increase of employment; besides that, it
brought an action for tithes, of course, he should have little had been proved, that without the extreme stretch of the law,
chance of success if his solicitor did not strike off all lay impro- they had overcome a must dangerous principle.—(Hear.)
priators from the list of the jury.—(Cheers.) They did riot The Noble Lord had said that the Government had occupied
question their honour, they only questioned the strong precon- Ireland by military force.—( Hear, hear.) Most certainly did
eeived opinions and feelings.—( Hear, hoar.) He should cer- he say that they had done so, when it was attempted to
tainly be astonished if any one would have the boldness to stand wrest Ireland from her Majesty by force.—( Hear,
up in that House and contend that those Roman Catholics who hear.) Iles Majesty's Government hadbeen convinced
were members of the Association ought to have been retained that there was a design to tamper with the military—( Hear)
on the jury.--( Cheers.) He would now consider the cases of and could that Noble Lord say, under such circumstances, that
those two who were hot, according to the statements of the affi- the Government was not bound to take the precaution they
davit, members of the Association, although they were Roman had done ? ( Hear, hear.) What had been the conduct of the
Catholics. These persons were nlr. Michael Dunn and Mr. Government upon the subject? Why, until the month of
Hendric. Now, with regard to Michael Dunn, it appeared March, so far from adding to the army in Ireland they were
that he resided in St. Patrick's ward, Dublin. Now, there reducing it. —( Hear, hear.) He had a return, which had been
were four persons of that name, three of whom had signed the moved for in the other House of Parliament, and that showed
requisition for calling the repeal meeting at Tara, and, the rank and file in Ireland from 1830 to 1844.—(Hear,
as the officers of the Government believed, this very Michael hear.) Now, on the let of January, 1844, there was rank
Dunn, the brazier, was one of those who had signed and file in Ireland amounting to 21,257.—( Hear. ) In
a requisition for calling a repeal meeting in St. Patrick's 1833, arid 1834, what was the state of the rank and file ?
ward. Dunn himself, in his affidavit, negatived the fact that be Why, in 1833, it was 23,928—(Hear)—in 1834 it was
was a member of the Repeal Association, but he did not nega-
23,844, and between the Ist of September, 1841, and the 10th
five the fact that he had signed a requisition for calling a re- of March 18-13 during which the cc monster" meetings began,
peal meeting. Now, wish regard to the composition of the the force in Ireland was reduced by the withdrawal of two regi-
ments of cavalry and twelve battalions of infantry, leaving four
jury, he would observe that the Government might, had they
chosen, have tried the traversers before a common jury, and in battalions of infantry and one regiment of cavalry.
that case the traversers would not have bet n entitled to chal- Mr. W ALL ACE wished to know what the numbers were
lenge a single man, whilst the Crown might have ex- in 1841-11+43.
prcised its prerogative of ordering jurors to stand aside. Sir J. GRAHAM said that in 1841 the numbers were
They did not like to aft in such a way, because they thought it 14,687 ; and in 1843, 14,400.—(Hear, hear.) He (Sir J.
would be unfair towards the traversers; and they thought it Graham) must admit, with the Noble Lord the Member for
right that they should be tried by a special
the City of London, that it was an unwise policy to hold ilre-
place both parties in the same position.—(Dear,
which would
land to this country by military force. Such a course could
ear, hear.) There
were forty-eight persons drawn from the general panel, which never be looked upon as sound policy. He would now glance
at the measures taken by the Government, and those which they
were reduced to twenty-four, from which twelve were selected.
It was not only in their power to strike off some of the names, were re
now p
had pared to take. The Noble Lord and the Right Hon.
gone upon most erroneous premises, and they
but it was imperative on them, and it was obvious to common Gentleman
lwere unable to discover any thing very new with respect to Ire-
sense that those whom it was likely must have been prejudiced
and. As to the tenure of land, the Commission issued by the
as being member s of the Repeal Association, were the persons
who ought to have been struck off.—( Hear, hear.) But he Government had touched upon every point to which the
Noble Lord and the Hon. Member for Waterford had ad-
would go further, and say that the instrrions of the Govern-
verted.— ( Hear, hear.) He was supported by all authority that
ment were not that Roman Catholics should be struck off qua
the law of ejeetment was beneficial to Ireland—that the law
Roman Catholics, but only to strike them off under such cir-
curestances as would induce them to strike off any other per.
of plantations was equelly so, and that the law of subletting
sons.—( Hear, hear.) He was sure that his Noble Friend had proved highly beneficial. These subjects, however, it was
c
would confirm his statement, and he was satisfied that these contended on the part of the Government should undergo re-
instructions had been fulfilled to the best of his Noble Friend's vision, and. if any alteration was necessary they should bo
judgment. Thus, nine out of the ten of the cases were
made. With respect to the law of landlord and tenant the Noble
disposed of.—( Hear. hear.) The tenth person was Mr. lien- Lord had proposed to increase the stipendiary magistrates.
dric, and he could assure the House that he was
The Hon. Member for Waterford said that her Majesty's Go-
believed to be a Protestant when he was struck off. He was vernment had reduced the number of stipendiary magistrates.
beggedhe the House to attend to the facts he was about
! struck off for reasons quite independent of his religious opinions. Now,
It would nut become him to state what these reasons were, and to read. The number et stipendiary magistrates in 1838,
if he were asked to state them he would not do so, because he 1839, 1841, and 1841, under the administration of the Noble
1 would conside. ritto b e a direliction of- his duty. He had now Lord opposite, amounted to 59. In the estimates for 1841,
dealt with tine question—(Hear, hear )—and he could assure the Government took a vote for 59 stipendiary magistrates in
the House, and could conscientously state that nothing was so Ireland. Phis was at a very curious period, namely, on the
opposed to the wishes and feelings of her Majesty's Govern-
2eth of July, 1841.—( Hear, hear.) It was then that the
ment as the exclusion of Catholics on account of their religion. Noble Lord and his colleagues bethought themselves that the
On the contrary, positive instructions had been given to avoid time had arrived when it was expedient to add to the number
such an exclusion, and notwithstanding the prejudices which of stipendiary magistrates, having had for four years only 59.
On the 15th of June the addition commenced, for on that day
had been raised on this subject no prejudices could be more
were added. Oa the 28th of July two more were added,and
had said respecting their not interfering before,
unfounded. —( Hear. ) With regard to what the Noble Lohred
towne the title of August one more was added, and on the very
day. that Lord Melbourne resigned the seals of office into her
could assure the House that throughout the last session of Par- Majesty 's hands, another addition was made to the number. In
liament her Majesty's Government was unwilling to interfere
the course of two months seven new magistrates were appointed.
with the right of petition. They regarded the meetings in
Ireland with the greatest anxiety. He would not say that they
Now, the case would not be perfect if he did not contrast it with
vv ere unlawful or lawful, but they went to the very verge of the the conduct of her Mrjesty ' s present Government. They did
law. Violent language had been used at them. There was not consider it necessary to maintain the appointments of those
which seven magistrates, but as soon as vacancies occurred, four of
marching in order and military music—( Hear, hear)—
these gentlemen were appointed to the situations, anntd. these
act believed were outside the law. The reason why they did not
gentlemen were firm supporters of the late Government. act before was, that if they instituted a prosecution
for individual acts in some obscure corner of Ireland,
of. national education. He (Sir James Graham) had to
Hon. Member for Waterford had laid some stress en the ques-
no moral impression would be, produced by a conviction,— tsito,nte
totlit,honsetit
it was the intention of her Majesty's
( Hear, hear.) They had an instance of this before. Lord
Government, in the estimates of the present year, to propose
Grey's Government instituted a prosecution against Sir. Bar- a con adorable increase to the grant for national education. It
rett, for a iter which appeared in his paper. A conviction was also intended by her Majesty's Government to place the

Roman Catholics of Ireland on the same footing with respect
to charitable bequests as the Roman Catholics and Protestant
D.ssenters of England. He wished before he sat down, to
allude to the question of the franchise in Ireland.
It was the intention of her Majesty's Government
to introduce a new Registration Act for Ireland,
and to propose an extension of the county franchise.
It was the intention of the Government to deal in some mea-
sure with the franchise of cities and towns. By the present
law any person was deprived of his franchise if he omitted to
pay any one of the little local taxes for which he was liable.
In Dublin there were no less than twenty such local taxes,
and if a person were to omit the payment of one of them, he
would be liable to lose his franchise. This was vexatious, and
after all was an insufficient, security. It was no test of solvency.
But since the passing of that Act, the Poor-law Act had been
passed, and po,e, rates established. It was proposed by the
Government, that for the maintenance of the franchise it
should be necessary to pay the borough rates, the jury cess,
and the poor-rates only. The Noble Lord had stated that
his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) had described the Bill of
Lord Morpeth as one that hut been introduced under false
colours. It was true that his Noble Friend had made use of
such an expression, but he did so in reference
to the terms of the Bill, as it was stated that it was a Bill to
define the franchise ; whereas it was not only a Bill to define
the franchise, but also materially to alter it. It was on this
ground that his Noble Friend had said the Bill inld been intro-
duced under false colours. The Noble Lord opposite had
alluded to the judicial appointments under her Majesty's present
Government, and had stated that it was impossible to make proper
appointments from the Conservative members of the bar in Ire-
land. Now, what was the fact ? Who were the counsel engaged by
the traversers in the late trials?—( Hear, hear.) He thought
there were seven or eight counsel employed, and, with the
exception of Mr. Pigot, Mr. Shell, and Mr. Monahan, were
Conservatives. Mr. Moore was a Protestant, and was the
Solicitor-General of the late Goverment. He ( Sir James
Graham) now approached a most important subject. His
Right Hon. Friend, the First Lord of the Treasury, had been
asked to put a construction upon the oath taken by the Catholic
Members. He hoped his Right Hon. Friend would not an-
swer that question. It was not an oath imposed by him, but
an oath imposed by the Legislature. He (Sir J. Graham) did
not think there was any advantage to be derived in a discus-
sion as to the construction of an oath. When the Legisla-
ture gaVe the Roman Catholics a full participation in the
rights conferred by the Constitution it gave it in
consideration only of their taking that oath ; and hating done
so full confidence was placed in them by the Legislature. He
would, for a moment, turn to the observations of the Noble
Lord with respect to the Established Church. As he under-
stood the meaning of the Noble Lord, it was that an equality
with respect to religion should be observed in Ireland. In
passing, he could not abstaie from saying that the plain object
of this motion, was to take the reins of power out of the hands
of her Majesty's present Government. He imagined, under
these circumstances, that the Noble Lord might have stated
some distinct policy on a matter of such importance.—(Cheers
and ironical cheers.) Was the Noble Lard prepared to propose
a system of perfect equality? How were they to make'that equa-
lity? Were they prepared to endow on the Roman Catholics in
the same manner as members of the Established Church ? He
thought that the Presbyterians and the Protestant Dissenters
of this country would not very well like to be taxed for such a
purpose. The Noble Lord had himself deprecated the voluntary
principle. The division of the revenues of the Church be-
tween Catholics and Protestants would be the source of endless
strife and implacable animosity.—(Hear, hear.) He was sorry
to have occupied the attention of the House for so long a time.
With respect to the Protestant Church in Ireland, he did not
approve of arty of the nostrums which had been offered on
the other side of the House for its maintenance. The
measures which had; been suggested were inconsistent with
the principles which regulated the Protestant State of Eug.
land, and which was decithdly favourable to a Protestant
Church.--( Hear, hear.) That Church had been established
by the Reformation—had been confirmed by the Revolution—
and had been guaranteed by the Act of Settlement. The Act
of Union had strengthened the establishment of that Church,
and it should not be overthrown by a Repeal Association, or
by a body of conspira'ors, such as had recently been
convicted in Ireland.—( Hear, hear, from Colonel Sibthorp.)
He had now gone through all those topics of the speeches of the
Noble Lord and the Right Hon. Gentleman, and though he had
touched upon them but imperfectly, yet, still he had stated his
opinions candidly and fairly, and no man could say that he had
not spoken frankly.—( Hear, hear.) He could not say that the
Noble Lord, in seeking to displace the present Government; had
been equally candid and explicit.—( Hear, hear.) If the
House thought her Majesty's Government had acted
unwisely in strengthening the hands of the executive
in maintaining the laws-zwhy let them so declare by their
votes that they were in favour of the policy of the Noble Lord ;
but if they approved of the manner in which the Government
had discharged their duty to their Sovereign and the country—
why then let the House by a decisive vote negative the motion
of the Noble Lord.—( Cheers. );
An Hoe. MEMBER then moved the adjournment of the
debate, which was agreed to.
The Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at a Quarter past Twelve o'clock.

In consequence of some of the railway companies
having made arrangements with certain hackney-coach pro-
prietors to allow " privileged cabs to enter their terminuses to
take up fares, &c.," meetings have been held by the hackney-
coach proprietors for the purpose of petitioning Parliament to
prevent the monopoly complained of. Interviews have been
had with Mr. Manners Sutton, who suggested that the right
of the railways to do so should be legally tried under the Atts
of Parliament, and a mandamus was applied for against Mr.
Rawlinson, the magistrate, for not granting a summons. The
railways claim the " privilege" on the ground of " private
property." The meeting decided that all licensed hackney-
coach proprietors have a right to take up fares at railways.
Mr. Broadwood has paired off with Mr. Duff until
the 27th inst.

LIBERATION OP MR. OASTLER.—On Monday the
arrangements for the liberation of Mr. Oastler were completed
by the London Committee with the attorneys of Mr. Thorn-
hill, at the Common Pleas-office, in Sergeant's Inn, Chancery-
lane. Early in the morning the Committee paid the amount
of debt, 2,866/. 17s. Bd., with interest at the rate of 4 per cent.
from the 12th of November, 1840, amounting to 3641. 18s.-2d.,
into the office; and then received a Judge's order for the libe-
ration of Mr. ()ostler.

THE NEW ROYAL EXCHANGE.—OH Monday., pre-
paratory to the demolition of the houses funning Bank-build-
ings, adjoining the New Royal Exchange, a very extensive
hoarding was being erected, and several of the inmates were
removing their furniture, the sale by auction of a portion of
them having been announced for Monday next. That part
disposed of will be then cleared away, and within a fortnight
the remaining portion will be also sold, and in a few"days after-
wards the whole will be removed. Subsequently it is in-
tended, as quickly as possible, to erect on a part of the site
the statue of the Duke of Wellington.
INTERESTING SALE AT WOOLWICH DOCKYARD,
FEB. 12.—A sale of stores commenced this day at the Wool-
wich Dockyard, and will be continued to-morrow, until the
whole of the articles enumerated in the catalogue have been
put up to the best bidder. Considerable interest has been
excited to witness the lots, as amongst them are a great
variety of richly embroidered dresses, made expressly for the
purpose of being presented to the chiefs and natives of
Africa by the commanders of the vessels fitted out for the
Niger expedition, but brought back to this country in con-
sequence of the views of that enterprising expedition not
being carried into effect. The embroidered drosses consist of
splendid silk velvet robes of rich crimson, purple, and other
showy colours, bordered with gold lace. There are others
of cotton velvet and bright scarlet cloth embroidered with
gold and silver lace, and kersymere waistcoats with fillagree
buttons, and gold and silver lace ornaments, apparently
similar to those worn by footmen in this country. For
the chiefs there were several pair of red leather boots, and
red and yellow leather slippers, peculiar on account of their
great length in the soles, being upwards of twelve inches in
length each. There are equally smart-looking saddles and
bridles for their horses, with holsters, pistols, and trappings
complete, and several excellent fowling-pieces for the field
sports of Africa; and, to crown all, a number of bright-red
cloth caps richly embroidered. The African ladies were not
forgotten, at there are amongst the lots exposed for sale nu-
merous pieces of printed muslin dresses, and several hun-
dred pieces of printed cotton dresses, silk, persian, and
watered silk and cotton for window-curtains and chair
covers, and moreen and druggett for other purposes; and in
addition to dresses for their children, their are small casks
of glass beads, and many other minor articles suited to the
tastes of uncivilized life in Africa, but now, in all probability-,
will only be used by parties who are desirous of assuming
the characters of their uncivilized brethren at some future
masquerade.

DESTRUCTION OF HILLINGDON
don House, the seat of Mr. R. H. Cox, was on Sunday de-
stroyed by fire ; nothing but the bare walls are standing,
and-they are in so dangerous a state that they must he
levelled. The family were preparing for church when the
alarm was given, and speedy information was forwarded to
Uxbridge, about a mile distant. The county engine, and
another furnished by the engine factory in Long-acre, while
a new one was building, was early on the spot, but from a
difficulty in obtaining water they were for some time useless.
The Hayes engine soon after arrived, but the three were
barely sufficient to furnish the hose of one, from the distance
the water had to -be conveyed. It was soon found that
nothing could save the house, and the efforts of those present
were concentrated upon the destruction of all connexion
with the valuable offices. This, fortunately, was effected.
In the meantime great part of the valuable pictures,
glass, and plate, with the most rare and unique part of the
" plenishing," was placed out of danger. On the east of
Hillingdon Park is the seat of Mr. C. Mills, Mr. Cox's son-
in-law ; while on the north of his park is the residence of
another son-in-law, Mr. A. Granville, private Secretary of
the Duke of Wellington. The Earl of March and his
Countess were joining the last county meeting of the season.
The fire was purely accidental.
FIRES AT BIBLE HEDINGHAm.—On Saturday
evening, Feb. 3d, about 8 o'clock, the above village was
alarmed by a cry of " Fire," flames appearing in a double cart
and waggon shed at an off-hand farm called Peppers, in the
occupation of Mr. Charles Hilton, in the above parish. There
being plenty of assistance at hand, the raging element hap-
pily was confined to the destruction of the above building,
but had the wind blown in a contrary difection, the house,
barn, and other buildings, must have been also destroyed.
This is the second fire that has taken place on the same farm
in ten days ; for on Thursday, the 25th ult., about the same
time in the evening, a fire was discovered in a shed adjoining
Mr. Hilton's premises, but from timely assistance was pre-
vented from doing much damage. It is believed that both
fires were wilfully occasioned.—lpswich Express
POLICE CONSTABLES' FEES.—The Comniissionersof
the Metropolitan Police force have caused a great reduction to
be made in the allowances to police constables who are wit-
nesses attending the Central Criminal Court, which deter-
mination has brought it, like the City Police, down to one
shilling per day, andone shilling and sixpence per night, if
they come any distance.

THE AUTHOR OF " TREMAINE."—PeThaps no other
literary name of the day excites such interest in connection
with the announcement of a new novel or romance, as that
of the Author of " Tremaine ;" and from the time when that
name first came before the literary world, up to the present
moment, it has never before been connected with so piquant
and attractive a title, especially for novel and romance
readers, as that of the work it is now on the point of usher-
ing into the world—namely, " Chatsworth ; or the Romance
of a Week." It is true, the responsibility of the Author o!'
" Tremaine" on the present occasion is that of " Editor..
only; but the social as well as the literary position of !vir-
Plumer. Ward, added to his accomplished and fastidious
taste, and his elegant scholarship, offer a guarantee that t
work is one of no ordinary pretensions.
[AnvEnusEmENTi--REmARKAnr.s CURE OF A
DREADFUL CASE OF cnoFt
rehel'tir tior.r.oWAY'S PILLt,t
AND OINTMENT.—Mr. Moore, chemist, residing at Castle
Donnington, Mates that he sold Holloway's
residing Oint-
ment' to John Bircher, at King slllills, Derbyshire,
for the use of his son,
aged 13 years, who had been afßicted
with scrofula for a period of eightyears, and had been under
the treatment of the celebrated Dr. Dorman, of Melbourne ;
-Dr. Extale, of Swannington ; Dr. Barton, of Stanley; and
Dr. Hearp, of Derby, but without obtaining the least relief.
The boy, however, is now perfectly cured by these wonder-
ful' Medicines. Sold at Professor liollowayi Establishment,.
244, Strand (where advice may be had gratis) ; also by every
respectable Chemist througliout the civilised world. In Pots
and Boxes, ls. ltd., 2a. 9d., 4s. 6d., lie., 225., and 338. each.