The Sun.
London, England, 1868-11-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 4, 1868.

FOREIGN NOTES.

/ THE ENGLISH IN THE PERSIAN GULF.

A week or two ago it was announced that the piritical
sheik of Barhien had been brought to order by Colonel
Pelly, the British Resident at Bushire, aided by H.M.S.
Vigilant and Scinde, and a gunboat. The bombardment
of the stronghold at Barhien lasted two days. The hips
then then proceeded down the coast, levying contributions to
the extent of half a million as compensation for the depre-
dations of the Barhien pirates. The Scinde and the gun-
boat were afterwards ordered to Muscat, where they found
the piratical rebels in possession of the town, and the
Imaum defending himself in a fort. He had got his harem
and valuables on board a frigate. The rebels had
declared their intention of assailing this frigate, which
was by no means a favourable specimen of naval arma-
ment, and the British ships accordingly took up positions
to protect her. The whole naval force awaited the
enemy, but they had not made the attack up to the time
when the mail left.

THE LOSS OF THE STEAMSHIP FLORENCE.

OFFICIAL REPORT.

Greenwich Police-court, Oct. 22, 1868.

Report of the formal investigation into the cir-
cumstances attending the loss of the steamship
Florence on the morning of September 28, 1868,
about a mile inside the Nab Light-vessel :—The
Florence was an iron-built screw steamship, built
at Willington, in the county of Northumber-
land, in Way, 1866. She had one deck, three
masts, was schooner-rigged, of 747 98.100 tons
register, and the property of Messrs. Edward
Temperley Gourley and Samuel Laing, of Sun-
derland, shipowners. She had a crew of 24 hands,
all told, and was commanded by James Johnson
Thompson. The Florence had an iron bulkhead
abaft the engine room, another in the forepart near
the stockhole, and a third close forward in the
lower hold. She had also a wooden bulkhead in the
fore part of the engine room, about 12 feet from
the fore compartmen t,which separated the coals from
the cargo. This bulkhead was two inches in thick-
ness, and of pine. There was, in addition, a similar
bulkhead in the fore part of the main hatchway,
about an inch and a half in thickness. She
carried four boats, two compasses, and was
well found in every respect. She left London,
with a general cargo, on the 6th of August last,
bound for Trieste. She arrived there about the 2d
of September, and on the 4th began to take in a
general cargo of about 1,100 tons, principally grain
in bulk, Indian corn, and barley, for the homeward
voyage. A Stevedore was employed to see the
cargo properly stored. That in the after hold
was superintended by the chief mate, and con-
sisted of Indian corn and barley, which was di-
vided by some 250 bags of flour, stacked two
wide, athwartships, from the dunnage upwards
to the beam of the hold ; a quantity of wooden
staves were likewise used to divide the corn
—thus forming a temporary bulkhead. About
500 staves were also placed on the top of the grain
to fill up the hold. The forehold hatchways Nos. 1
and 2 were stowed under the superintendence of
the second mate. No 1 contained Indian corn up
to the hold beams; it was then matted over, and
three or four tiers of staves placed thereon ; then
another layer of matting, and the remaining space
filled up to the deck with anothersample of the same
description of corn. No. 2 hatch was stowed with
`lndian corn as high as the combings. Cases of paper
were then put under the hatches, both fore and aft,
land finally the bold was filled with Indian corn.
On two occasions daring the voyage the hatches
were taken off, and the spaces caused by the
settling down of the cargo made good. She left
Trieste on the evening of the 9th of September,
taking on board two extra hands, making a crew
of 26 all told. On the 21st she put into Gibraltar
Ito coal, and left that port the same night. On
the 26th (Saturday) she was in mid-channel,
abreast of Ushant, steering E.N.E. At this
time there were strong breez3s from the S.W.,
and towards night the gale increased with a
high sea. She shipped a quantity of water
to windward on the starboard side. She had a list
to starboard, but during the night the cargo
shifted, which caused a heavy list to port. The
gale continued the whole of that night. She
made several very heavy lurches to port, and in
the morning her port gunwale was in the water.
At 9 a.m. of the 27th (Sunday) she was abeam
of the Bill of Portland, distant six miles. At 5
• p.m. she was hove to on the starboard tack by
I order of the master. The first mate remonstrated,
and suggested that they should bear for St.
Helen's. This the master refused. At 7 p.m.
the tarpaulins on the port side of the main hatch
were found to be adrift from the violence of the
sea. An ineffectual attempt was made to get the
battens on, and ropes were placed across the hatches
to prevent their being washed off. The sea was
then washing over her lee rail. It was impos-
sible to stand upon deck, and the water was
I washing down the hatches into the forehold.
At nine in the evening the master gave orders to
bear for St. Helen's Roads. She continued to lurch
heavily, and the lifeboat was taken under water and
broken up. At 930 p.m. the master ordered the
first mate to keep the ship E S.E., nothing to
the eastward. She was put on that course. She,
however, had but little steam, the highest speed
obtainable being 11 to 2 knots an hour. At two
the following morning the master ordered the
ship to be again hove to. This order the mate
disobeyed, alleging that she was fast settling
down, upon which th master threatened to
shoot bi n. From this moment the ship was
II in the hands of the officers and crew. Sig-
nals of distress were kept burning during the
night, and at 4 a.m. a pilot boat came to their
assistance. The pilot boat was tut able to get
alongside the steamer in consequence of their lines
breaking. In about two hours afterwards (6 a.m.)
the ship
of th went down wnbyht the head, one mile in-
side ‘Tessel. Twenty of the
crew were subsequently rescued by the Pilot
‘Ne Ntab Light-vessel.
boat No. 6, and taken ashore. The master, two
stewards, two seamen, and one of the extra
hands taken on board at Trieste, were unfor-
tnnately drowned. From the evidence of some
of the witnesses examined, as an opinion has been
expressed that shifting boards should have been
fixed in stowing the cargo; also, that the ship was
too heavily laden, and that on the night preceding,
and at the time of the fatal catastrophe, the master
was in a state of drunkenness. The evidence on the
two latter points was extremely conflicting. It ap-
peared, however, that dating the voyage the master
was suffering from a painful disease, and that
he had an attack of dysentery at Gibraltar,
which, added to the other complaints of which he
was proved to have been suffering, compelled him
to give most of his orders from below or from the
companion. After a careful consideration of the
case, the Court felt bound to express its opinion that
there was a grave omission on the part of those re-
' sponsible in not having fitted the Florence or this
voyage with shif ting-boards amidships fore and aft at
Trieste, wheregrain was stowed in bulk, to prevent its
fetching way from one side to the other. There is
no doubt that, had these boards been properly
fitted, this fatal disaster might, in all probability,
have been avoided, as the evidence satisfactorily
proved that she was not too deeply laden, more
especially taking into consineration the two hun-
dred tons of water ballast that was pumped out
after leaving Trieste. There is also no doubt that
the cargo did shift over to the port side on this
disastrous voyage, thereby causing the ship to list
over on that side to an alarming extent, the water
coming in to leeward on to her decks in large quan-
tities as she lurched heavily to port, washing off the
tarpaulins, whereby it got below, subsequently, as
supposed, filling the fore compartment. The loss
of the ship, therefore, must be mainly attributed
to the cargo shifting, and in all probability, as
the vessel settled down by the head, the wooden
bulkhead forward giving way, causing her so sud-
denly to go down. All the evidence of those re-
sponsible tended to prove that the ship was pro-
perly stowed, with ample dunnage in both holds, fore
and aft. In considering the conduct of the unfortu-
nate commander, the Court did not feel justified in
coming
,to the conclusion that he was in a state of
drunkenness on the night of the disaster on the day
previous, as he seems to have consulted with his chief
officer and chief engineer, and to have given rational
and proper orders, although it is very probable that,
suffering from a painful disease, he could not dis-
play his usual energy and active attention to his
duties. It appeared to the Court that, after
the cargo shifted, and the ship had listed over
on her port side, nearly on her beam ends, render-
ing her sometimes almost unmanageable, the mas-
ter shculd have persevered in his attempt to run to
a port of safety; and it appears by the evidence
that this was not impracticable, having St.
Helen's Roads under their lee. By the evidence
adduced, the ship was hove to on several
occasions, when, in the opinion, of the witnesses,
she ought to have been kept running for a port of
safety ; but, in the absence of the master's explana-
tion of. the reasons for not adopting such a course,
the Court considered it fair to his memory to give
him credit for the character he always possessed of
being an able and careful seaman, who would not
be guilty of any great default of mAnagernent.

711 E EXISTING FEELING BE? WEEN

ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

( From the Anglo-American Times)

Although the attitude of England towards the
United States during the Civil War excited surprise,
and great disappointment among Americans friendly
to England, yet the explanation is easy. Supposing
the British to be broadly divided into the oppo-
nents and the advocates of change, and that the
latter favoured the system of government so suc-
cessfully tried in America, while the former con-
demned it, the Union might reasonably have looked
for the support of the one section to counteract
the enmity of the other. They found, however,
that the active hostility of the unfriendly was not
thus frustrated; indeed that a large portion of the
party to whom they looked, at least for sympathy,
favoured the cause of the rebels. The disgust oc-
casioned by a revelation so unexpected induced
the North to condemn the English in a mass, not
only as being inimical, but also as hypocritical. For
a full generation the cause of emancipation had
been advocated in Great Britain, and only men
now old, could remember the political struggle the
negro.2s bad caused which ended in the vast sum voted
for their liberation in the West Indies, and the ex-
penditure of life as well as of treasure on the African
coast in suppressing the slave trade. " Here is a strife,
for emancipation more important beyond compari-
son," said the Northerner ; " and yet these men,
educated in aversion to slavery, favour an attempt to
erect an Empire with that for its foundation. Eng-
land professes broad, liberal principles; proclaiming
trial by jury ; no taxation without representation ;
the rights of man generally to be the object for which
they strive. Yet we, engaged here in a contest
based on these rights, meet with vituperation and
misrepresentation, instead of with sympathy, even
from those bound to support us, and with hostility
instead of aid." No Englishman can deny that this
country favoured the rebellion openly with sympa-
thy, and, as far as safely practicable, with material
aid.

The reason was briefly given in a recent speech by
Mr. ROEBUCK, who said the Union was growing
too great, and unless divided, would become the
predominating power of the world. The tone
adopted by the " stump" speakers had left a deep
impression in England that the United States was
indelibly hostile. Hence the aid and comfort to
the rebellion, and no feeling was more natural or
more likely to embrace au entire people, Liberal, as
well as Conservative, after such an impression had
been made. However Radical in politics an Eng-
lishman may be, however earnest in his advocacy
of the abolition of negro slavery, still his country
comes first, and he would forward any policy
which added to her security in preference to aiding
foreign emancipators and Liberals. The belief,
then, in the great future of the Union, and
in its hostility to England, was at the bot-
tom of English enmity, and embraced myriads
who otherwise would have favoured the Northern
cause. The fact is that we are always erecting our-
selves into little provideuces, and must often in
doing so make the angels weep, for if there is a
fantastic trick man plays before high HEAVEN it is
this. The nation, as a whole, was profoundly
ignorant of America and American opinion. Its
impressions were altogether erroneous about the
American character, yet taking its foolish impres-
sions as undeniable truth, it invaded the future,
launching into that sea in its bark without a bottom.
Many who sided with the Confederacy knew they
had no right to be there. When asked if they fa.
voured slavery they would indignantly have answered
‘.‘ No ;" if asked if they favoured the rule of an oli-
garchy they would have indignantly answered "No,"
and they would have denied the desire to see North
America split into hostile nationalities, reproducing
the miseries from which Europe has suffered from
time immemorial. Bar his side issues, up which
lanes he endeavours to bolt when pressed—such as
his sympathy with the weaker struggling for inde-
pendence against the stronger fighting for dominion
—such as the right of the one to tax the other,
forcing on Lim Lis own shoddy manufacthres—such
as the violation of States' Rights, though that was
little understood in England—and the English Libe-
ral was left on the broad roa 1 which led to Southern
success, hoping that the strength of England's over-
whelmingly powerful enemy might be neutralized.
Remove from the Liberal this nightmare of possible
humiliation hereafter to his country, the dread of a
domineering and aggressive policy on the part of
the great Republic, and the North would have an
earnest and steadfast ally, for, as a rule, English-
men sympathize with that cause, the more strongly,
the better they understand it. One effect of the
war was to dispel a cloud of English illusions,
and to make generally known the Republic in a
way that but few had before been acquainted with
it. The geography of the country as well as the
character of the people then came out in a new
light, and American affairs have ever since taken an
important place in Europe, and are now constantly
discussed in England. Social prejudices are thus
breaking down, although not an operation to be per-
formed in a day. The " typical Yankee" is as little
heard of now as the "fiddling, dancing Frenchman" of
yore, and the general run of Englishmen have some
knowledge of American parties, politics, and states-
men. Correspondents from Washington and New
York occupy considerable space in the daily papers,
and most of the " weeklies" devote an article to
an American subject ; clippings from Transatlantic
papers interlard both, and the numerous biographies
and histories of the IVar, have helped to correct
inaccurate impressions of the country. In discuss-
ing the exciting questions left by the conflict, the
tendency has been to view them through a party
medium. Thee Democrats, who desire to preserve the
Constitution intact, to return to things as they were,
and call themselves Conservatives, enlist thereby the
sympathies of the Tory party in England, who in a
measure have identified themselves with the Demo-
crats in America. 0 u the other hand, the Liberal and
Radical journals take up the Republican cause, and
almost as vehemently as in America maintain its
patriotism, purity, and excellence. It is evi-
dent that there is a growing feeling towards a broad
party identity, basing the superstructure upon a
few principles which can be applied to the altered
circumstances of the two nations. Liberty is the
same on both sides of the Atlantic, and the rights
of man, and woman too, mean the same thing,
though they may be sought through different insti-
tutions. A strong sentiment runs through most
nationalities, which, under ordinary circumstances,
can scarcely fail to be intimate where the lan-
guage is the same, and there is a simila-
rity in the manner of • seeking the same objects.
Danger may arise from one country meddling in
the affairs of the other to forward party ends ;
indeed such may already have been caused. At
any rate, the motives of Foreign Secretaries and
AmbassadorS will be open to suspicion as long as
there is any affinity between the national factions.
For instance, REVERDY JOHNSON was the Conserva-
tive leader in the Senate, and supported the policy
of his namesake in the White House. Though the
Legislature was Republican, the personal popu-
larity and respect for his Excellency induced the
Senate to sanction his appointment fLs Representa-
tive at St. James's. He came as the selection of a
Conservative ruler to transact business with a
Conservative Government in England, and Presi-
dent JOHNSON might very naturally intend to do
his party a good turn in strengthening the English
Conservatives by enabling them to meet Parliament
with the announcement that all difficulties with
America had been s.)ttled. If the Democrats
acLieve this fol. their Conservative brethren here
they will have done them a service to be appre-
ciated for many a long year to come ; and although
we have no reason for supposing this to be the case,
some such feeling has given the point for the late
Republican hostility to REVERDY JOHNSON. The
tone of the Liberal papers in America can be brought
forward in proof of this. One warns the English
Liberals that Mr. JOHNSON is by birth and breed-
ing a Southerner, and, being imbued with the
oligarchical instincts of the South, has never been
trusted by the Liberals in America, and ought
not to be trusted by the Liberals in England ;
indeed the Star has taken its cue from this.
That international feeling should be drifting in this
direction, as it undoubtedly is, may, we think, be a

subject for congratulation. It shows an advance-
ment in knowledge, and ignorance is the root of in-
ternational mischief. Nations cannot fight when one-
half the inhabitants of each, oppose the other half of
their own, while bound in the bonds of political
brotherhood with the corresponding halves of the
other nationality. Though all in each country are not
politicians, the leaders and the most active minded
are, and from them the tone is taken. Had the
Liberals of England been associated in a political
alliance with those of America Mr. LAIRD would not
have built the Alabama, and perhaps no privateers
would have got to sea from England.- The Daily
News and the Spectator would not then have been the
only important papers which dared to advocate the
Northern c tuse, and English feeling, being fairly
balanced pro and con., England would have been
honestly, and not feignedly, neutral. If these poli-
tical bonds strengthen, they will introduce a new
element into politics as well as into international
sentiments, but whether for good or evil, time only
can show. Now we point out what is evidently
the tendency, for it is unmistakeably seen in the
press, more particularly in that of London. The
Standard thinks it necessary to explain, to defend,
to misquote, to equivocate in aid of the Democrats,
an example more or less followed by all Tory organs.
The Star goes into the other extreme in defence of
even questionable Republican acts ; and the host of
Liberal journals do the like in various degrees.
Herein may be noticed the steady march of Ameri-
canism, which will rapidly give the tone to political
opinions throughout Christendom ; and the know-
ledge that this is in the future has had no small in-
uence in making the old Tory element detest the very
name of America. Nor ought the Republicans to
be surprized, or even annoyed, at a feeling so very
natural ; for, in truth, they should sympathize with
Toryism as they do with the Red Indian tribes—a
thing they are destined to exterminate in their
advance towards higher principles of Government.
Toryism, the child of Feudalism, occupied the
soil here as the Red Indians did the American
continent, and America is acting on the Tory go-
vernmental system to its destruction as the citizens
of the United States are acting to the destruction of
the ancient possessors of their continent. Why
should the Red Indian love the pale face? and why
should the blue-blooded county gentleman, and
the lordly hereditary legislator, love the men whose
irresistible march is straight over their privileges,
prejudices, and interests? Hitherto the powerful
oligarchies of Europe have caused the failure
of every attempt to found a free Republican
Government, and then pointed to these failures
as proof of the unfitness of the masses for
self government. But here is a Republic (luckily
for it in its infancy separated by an ocean) whose
rise on the principles it advocates has been the
most wonderful in the history of nations. Ameri-
canism comes then backed by a marvellous suc-
cess, and therefore doubly distasteful. But old
Toryism is expiring, and in it dies the bitter enemy
of the Republic. Hence, in a ineasur2, the changed
feeling of England which will be more marked as
its enemy grows feebler, and hence, too, the change
in party notions which has enabled the Conserva-
tism and Liberalism of England to fraternize with
what they are pleased to consider the Conservatism
and Liberalism of America. •