The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-09 00:00:00

We perceive no hope of justice for us till God
Almighty, on the last day, pronounces his award
!
(Loud cheering.) The Noble Lord concluded by mov-
ing for an address to the Crown, praying that her Ma-
jesty will be graciously pleased to take into her con-
sideration the situation and treatment of the Ameers of
Sinde ; and that she will direct their immediate restora-
tion to liberty, and the enjoyment of their - estates, or
with such provision for their future maintenance as may
be considered a just equivalent.
The motion having been seconded,
Mr. ROEBUCK began by justifying himself as to
the course he pursued with regard to Sinde. He had
given a notice on the subject last session, but the papers
relating to it were not then ready, and he gave the ear-
liest notice he could in the present session, but he had
been anticipated by the Noble Lord. -He did not want
to complain of the conduct of the Noble Lord, but he
wished to justify the course he himself pursued. He
thought the Noble Lord took too narrow a view of the
whole case—too narrow for so serious and so solemn a
proceeding. It was easy, no doubt, to produce in-
dividual instances of oppression, but it was the busi-
ness of that House to begin with the beginning, and
to consider who commenced the affair, when it was vo-
luntary, and when it became the inevitable consequence
of what had been done by the predecessor of the present
Governor-General.—(Hear.) It would not do to take a
view of the question at any particular point. He would
take a short review of the history of Sinde, and would
divide it into certain great epoehs. Up to the year
1834, the object of the English Government was for the
fair and legitimate purpose of enlarging her commerce,
and thereby diffusing the advantages of civilisation
throughout the Eastern world. After that their pro-
ceedings changed when Lord Auckland departed for
India. Before coming to the immediate subject before
the House, he would give a brief outline of the position
of Sinde. It lay in the valley of the Indus from the
Sea to the Sutlej, with an imaginary line drawn
eastward to where the Sutlej disembogues itself
westward of the mountains of Hindostan, and the terri-
tory of Gaulpoor was the boundary of the Eastern por-
tion. The Great Dourannee empire possessed Sinde,
which was governed by the Golora tribe. About seventy
years ago the Sovereign of the country, whose de-
scendant was still alive, was expelled by the Ameers
who since governed it. The whole family of the former
possessors were destroyed with the exception of
one or two who escaped, and the descendant
of the original possessors was actually in existence at the
present moment. Sir Charles Napier, in one of his
letters, says that he had a letter from this individual
offering to him half his revenue if he restored him to his
kingdom. his name was Timour, and he lived in the
Punjaub. Thus, if it was a question of humanity, they
ought go back to the son of the legitimate sovereign.
The Ameers having got possession of the kingdom,
England was desirous of entering into commercial rela-
tions with them, and a factory was established in the
country which they thrust out from jealous feelings.
In the year 1809, the wand leading figure was Napo-
leon Bonaparte, and this country stipulated with the
Ameers that the French should not be allowed to enter
the country. In 1816, a treaty was entered into with
them which was renewed in 1820, with the additional
stipulation that the Americans, as well as the Preach,
were to be excluded. When Lord William Bentinck went
to India, he believed it would be a benefit to this coun-
try if he could enlarge its commerce by way of the
Indus. He sent Lieutenant Burnes accordingly to the
Court of Lahore, ostensibly for the purpose of taking some
fine white horses up the Indus to Runjeet Singh. The
asserted object was one thing, but the real one was to
survey the Indus, thus showing the corrupt nature of
English policy. When Lieut. Burnes went in 1829 to
Sinde, he was met by every possible opposition, but:by a
tortuous and unworthy course, he was enabled to reach
the Sutlej. So far, however, there was little to find to
blame in any one. What next followed was a treaty,
the consequence of the negotiations carried on by Colo-
nel Pottinger. This treaty, made in 1832, was a very
important one. As all other treaties, so did this treaty,
commence with swearing eternal friendship—(A laugh)
—and with a mutual declaration never to look with a
grasping eye upon each others power or dominions.
In that treaty there were three conditions of
the utmost possible importance for the House
to understand, because, in reference to them, he (Mr.
Roebuck) was about to bring against Lord Auckland
charges of the most flagrant treachery that ever is pub-
lic man had been guilty of. The first condition to which
he called their attention was that which bound the
English not to bring any description of arms or military
stores up the river or on the roads to Sinde—(A laugh)
the second condition bound the English not to dispatch
any armed vessels or boats; and the third condition was
that no English merchants should be allowed to settle in
Sinde, but come as occasion required, and having trans-
acted their business, they should at once return from
the country. Now, thus far, they had got to the year
1834, at which period the British !authorities entered
into a treaty with the Ameers. In this treaty with the
Ameers they ratified all the conditions of the former
treaties, adding to them certain new clauses. The object
in this—the object from the first, though kept as carefully
in the back ground as possible—was the opening of the
Indus. In the last-mentioned treaty, it was arranged to
put duties and tolls payable in a particular way. And
now to the most extraordinary event in all these trans-
actions. An idea at this time became prevalent among
the rulers of India of danger to the English dominions
in India from attempts on the part of Russia. Russia
was looked upon as influencing Persia, Persia was
looked upon as influencing Affghanistan, and
for the purpose of defence, it was proposed
to fit out and send an expedition against Affghanistan.
This was in the year 1838. Whilst this idea was brew-
ing.in the. minds of the rulers of India, Colonel Pottin-
ger was directed to undertake further negotiations with
the Ameers, and proposals were made by him of a very
remarkable description. Hitherto in all our intercourse
with Sinde, all had apparently been fair and above board.
The play, however, was now over—something serious
was about to be enacted—and, like the tiger of their
native jungle, it was found that though the paw had
hitherto been velvet to the touch, it was soon to strike
with a terrific and crushing effect. Every man in the
House and the country knew the history of English in-
terference in India, how stealthily and carefully we pro-
ceeded, step by step, till the precise moment for action
arrived, when we did act' indeed 1 It was the rule of
this country never to interfere in India, or anywhere
else, without getting something by it. What was the
way Lord Auckland set about his designs ? He wrote
to the Ameers of Sinde (see " Blue Book," p. 1, s. 36 to
38), requiring their consent to raise a body of troops to
be stationed at their capital. Such was the proposition
made to the Ameers of Sinde ; and in a moment they
knew too well what they had to expect.—(Hear, hear.)
They had seen India overrun, province by province,
kingdom by kingdom, by the British power—they had
seen her advancing steadily and stealthily, but too
surely—they saw the finger of fate was pointing at
them, and this was the last step in that inexorable des-
tiny which was to bring their own unfortunate princi-
pality under our sway.— (Hear, hear.) The request
which we made was denied. What matter? What did
we do? Why we put the screw upon them—we
threatened them—we told them we would let loose the
Sikh monarch amongst them. The Ameers at length
well knew the consequences of not receding to our de-
mands. They had got a commercial treaty with a great,
and, as we called ourselves, a magnanimous people.
They had entered into a treaty with us, one clause of
which especially prohibited us from having, or sending,
or raising an army in Sinde—and yet was this proposi-
tion made to them. They had, previously to this, ac-
cepted a Resident of us. Now was matured the scheme
of advancing on Affghanistan, and herein was the
origin of all the evils—(Loud cheers from the Minis-
terial benches)—herein was the source whence flowed
those waters of bitterness—(Cheers)—and he now
charged Lord Auckland and the Right Hon. Baronet
the Member for Nottingham (Sir J. Hobhouse), as the
cause of all the evils that had since beset our Indian
empire, of all the disasters' in Affghanistan, of all the
miseries which had befallen alike the Indian and the
European community.—(Loud cheers from the Minis-
terial benches.) How did he (Mr. Roebuck) make out
that charge? One of his resolutions charged the late
Governor-General, first, with injustice towards the
Ameers, and next, with conduct which denoted a total
want of anything like a sound, wise, or national policy.
Well, he had said that in 1838 hei had entered into a
treaty with the Ameers of Sinde, and before the ink was
dry with which it was written, before the year was out,
Lord Auckland actually took it upon himself to dispose
of the whole principality of Sinde. And he did it in this
way. lie set on Shah Soojah to relinquish for himself all
claims to supremacy over the country, on the condition
of the payment of such sums as—as what ?—as might
be determined under negotiations to be carried on—
carried on by whom?—carried on by the British Govern-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Now, unsolicited, unasked, we
undertook to make ourselves mediator between an in-
dependent country and a poor unfortunate outcast, who
lived on our charity, and whom we set up merely for
our own purpose. He had no army, no revenue, no
anything. The army was called Shah Soojah's,
but it was recruited by the English, paid
by the English, officered by the English. In fact,
it was the English army, and we, having the
power of this army to back us, laid down these laws to
the Ameers, thus adding insult to injury. Well, Colonel
Pottinger was now sent with ivhat was called the tri-
partite treaty, but was warned not to let the Ameers
know anything about it until everything was ready, and
then he was to announce the penalties to which they
would be subjected, in the event of their not agreeing to
the payments to Shah Soojah, as regulated by the Eng-
lish Government. Colonel Pottinger undertook that
mission, and in the transactions which then followed,
the Ameers loudly exclaimed against the injustice to
which they were subjected. The English Government
then insolently promised they would endeavour to pre-
vail on Shah Soojah to reduce the claims which he had
on the Ameers to a reasonable amount. Now, was it
not a downright insult to their understandings to be
brouezht down there, and have to hear these things rea-
soned on, as doubtless they would be, by the Right
Hon. Baronet (Sir John Hobhouse), as the off-pring of
common sense and common honesty? Here we had
dared to set up a man as a king who, at the very mo-
ment we did so, would have starved but for us. Shah
Soojah would never have dared to open his mouth to
the Ameers of Sinde but for our abominable intrigues;
and yet the Right Honourable Baronet (Sir John
Hobhouse) had the hardihood to palm these things
upon us and the world as great and glorious actions.
The next paragraph went on to say that " Shah Soojah
had arrived with his own army." His own army I still
carrying out the palpable fiction. The Gov-ernor-Genes
ral " advised" the Ameers to the enter into, but at the
same time suggested that it might be proper to remind
them to come into, his views, and if there was a disposi-
tion among them to the contrary, his Lordship said he
would regard the demonstration of such a spirit as the