The Sun.
London, England, 1844-06-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EY

subject when the present Government were coming
into power, and they could not afford to lose any part
of the miserable rag of consistency they had got, and,
therefore, they stuck to this absurd distinction, the
reasonableness or truth of which the country would
not admit. He, therefore, thought that he was a true
prophet when he said, that not much was to be got
this session. But the remedy was in their own hands.
—(Cheers.) The question was, whether they would
submit to the existing corn-laws, which they knew to
be injurious and oppressive to the industry of the
country, and allow themselves to be taxed for the be-
nefit of a small portion of the community.—(Hear,
hear.) They could not stop where they were.—
(Hear, hear.) The country had risen to great power
and wealth by commerce and manufactures. Pro•
gress, was the law written in the history of the na-
tion. They now came to the end of their tether,
under the present law, and if they did not get free
trade they would retrograde. They might be cer-
tain that would be the case. Commerce had made
this great city, it had filled their ports with ships,
and called into existence numberless towns through-
out the country.—(Hear, hear.) If that commerce
were allowed to decay, where were they to find sub-
sistence for the people of the country ? Why, if the
principles of the protectionists were true, they would
never have made the advances they had made. No
spur would be given to industry, and they would at
this day be clothed in skins, and have their
bodies painted blue, like their ancestors.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) That was not the case ;
but if they wanted to see everybody well employed,
and to be told the families of the working classes
were well maintained, they must have free trade, other-
wise they would go backwards instead of going
forwards, and would run to misery, aye, and rebel-
lion, be might say, for nothing would stay the in-
stincts of the belly.—(Hear, hear.) Misery, suffer-
ing, and lawlessness would be the consequence. They
must contemplate those things and express their
opinions loudly, and if they did so their voices would
be obeyed, and the consequence would be that pros •
perity would revisit their shores. If manufactures
and commerce were prosperous their prosperity must
re-act on agriculture.—(Hear, hear.) Such would
be the effect of free trade ; but though the Ministers
professed the truth of free trade principles they
seemed to have no faith in them. The great prin-
ciple was that free trade would be beneficial to all
classes, without distinction, even that very class
which it was fancied were benefited by monopoly.
Huskisson, indeed, had faith in this principle,
and to show how sound it was he would give one ex-
ample. That great commercial Minister altered the
duty on silk, and allowed foreign manufactured silk
to be imported at a low duty. This was in
1825, and it was said that it would destroy
the silk trade of the country. Well, what was the
result ? In 1840 it was given in evidence that the
town of Manchester alone, which, previous to the
alteration, employed only 3,000 persons in the manu-
facture of silk, employed at that time 30,000 persons,
and the value of their labour, which, at the former
period, amounted only to 450,0001., rose in 1840 to
1,600,0001—(Loud cheers.) That was a good evi-
dence of the soundness of the principle, and had Mr.
Huskisson lived, he would have rejoiced to see its
truth thus verified. What he wanted to impress on
them was, that they should have Ministers—and they
had it in their power to make them—(Cheers)—who
would have faith in the principles of free trade, and
who should work it out at their bidding fully and
fairly. (The Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud
cheers.)

Mr. M. GIBSON, M.P., then came forward, and was
received with loud cheers. He said he rejoiced at
having an opportunity of meeting his friends that
evening, after a temporary absence, to discuss the
great and important question of commercial freedom.
—(Hear, hear.) He rejoiced to hear there was no
disposition on the part of their Chairman to abate his
efforts; and when he addressed him he meant to ad-
dress him as the Chairman who represented that large
and important association in the country—the Anti-
Corn-law League. He rejoiced that there was no
desire on its part to abate its efforts till it had accom-
plished the great object for which it was first associated.
He rejoiced that they felt strong in the consciousness
of the justness of their cause, and he knew that this
Association and those meetings did not spring from
any sud len impulse—did not arise from any temporal
and passing interest, but had its foundation on the
broad and eternal basis of immutable justice. He be-
lieved that the cause of commercial freedom
was not a mere question of pounds, shillings, and
pence, but that it invo:ved the civil rights of free-
men, that of buying and selling where they pleased—
the right to have the full reward of their own indus-
try—(Cheers)—and he knew of no higher object for
hich government was instituted than that a man
should have the power of living by his own industry
and his own exertions.—(Cheers.) It was true, as
had been remarked, that there was not the slightest
ground, not the small:lst shadow of a pretext for a
feeling of despondency as to the progress of their
cause.—(Cheers.) This was not a mere party poli-
tical question—it was not one as between Whig and
Toryl; and when they got rid of that—he appealed to
any dispassionate mind—to any man of whatever
party, whether he could look around him and not
observe the steady progress of public opinion in favour
of the relaxation of the burdens on industry.—(Cheers.)
Let them look to what was the course of the Con-
servative Ministry when they came into office in 1841.
The cry at the elections was " no surrender—
no alteration in the corn-laws." They were raised
to power through this cry, and though the Minister had
a large majority to support him in any measure, yet
he was compelled to come forward from a sense of a
necessity to propose something of a relaxation in
trade, and an alteration of the corn-laws.—(Hear,
hear.) There was great distress throughout the
country. The commercial and manufacturing dis-
tricts were suffering great privations, and if pro-
tectian, as it was called, to native industry, was the
true mode to promote the prosperity of the country,
why did the Minister, with this large majority, come
forward and attempt to relieve this distress—not by
increasing protection, which, according to the pro-
tectionists, was the real source of the prosperity of
the nation—but by partially removing the fetters
which cramped the industry of the country, by the
alterations made in the tariff and in the corn-laws ?
If protection was the true remedy, it should have
been made more stringent—they should give more of
the dose, if this was the true medicine.—(Cheers.)
He saw around him strong proofs of the advance of
public opinion towards free trade; he saw it amongst
the agricultural classes, amongst whom he lived. lie
did not mean to say they would advocate a total and
immediate repeal of the corn-laws. No, but they
began to think that those men who induced
them to vest their capital in farming, did so for their
own benefit. They began to discover that the landed
proprietors acted the part of faithless men, who, for
their own pecuniary advantage, were resolved to risk
the future safety not only of their own tenants, but of
all classes of the country, induced them to invest
their capital on a rotten and unsound basis. What was
the conduct of the landed proprietors ? After the
war they did not give time for prices to settle, and to
accommodate themselves to an altered state of things,
but at once, and without a moment's delay, they
proceeded to enact the corn-law, and told their
tenants they might rely on the price of corn being
kept up to the amount at which it sold before the
war. The farmers accordingly invested their capital,
and that of their families, on this unsound and pre-
carious basis. But what he wished to observe was,
that the farmers would prefer to enter upon farming
operations now on the principle of free trade, rather
than have protection, and rely upon natural rather
than artificial prices. But the pinch of the question
was, how they were to get out of the difficuties in
which they were placed by the representations of the
landlords ? He could only say those difficulties were
the necessary and unavoidable retribution of bad laws
and bad legislation.—(Cheers.) The landlords had
passed the corn-laws under protest from the manu-
facturing and commercial classes, who, it should be
recollected, were not then represented in Parliament,
the representatives of the people being, to a great ex-
tent, returned by rotten boroughs. They sent strong
memorials to the Government of the day, and for-
warded the most earnest protests against the pass-
ing of the law, but in the teeth of those protests,
with a full knowledge before them that the
law would be repealed the first moment the com-
mercial party had the power to do so; and if, under
these circumstances, the farmers suffered themselves
to be deceived, they could not sympathise with them ;
but they should look to the landed proprietors for
compensation.—(Cheers.) They had strong claims
for compensation on the landed proprietors, but they
bud no claims on the manufacturers or the other
classes of the community. If A did a wrong to B, it
could not prejudice the rights of C, who protested
against the transaction. If, after C protesting against
a certain course which would be ruinous to him, A
and B persist in pursuing it, in consequence of which
one of the parties was a sufferer, he had no claim on
that account upon C.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he oh-.
served there was a want of confidence growing up
between the farmers' friends and the farmers in the
country. His Hon. Friend who spoke last alluded to
that want of confidence with great justice. He per-
ceived the farmers began to think their great friends
in Parliament had a disposition to make use
of them for political purposes.—(Laughter.)
There was a growing suspicion that they had not
been fairly dealt with by their leaders in the House of
hereditary legislators. There was the case of the
Duke of Buckingham. He would not, for the world,
say that the Duke had done anything to perfect his
claim to the confidence of the protection party; but,
somehow or other, he was now undestood to be de-
posed.—(hear, hear.) Ho was no longer the leader.
He was supposed to have come under that peculiar
influence—he (Mr. Gibson) did not know wnat it
was—which Governments contrived to obtain over
gentlemen with whom they had connexion—(Hear,

hear)—and his Grace the Duke of Richmond was
now the professed leader of the protection party—at
any rate, he was the President of the Central Society
for the protection of British Agriculture. Now, the
Morning Post—(Great laughter)—he really felt the
greatest difficulty in quoting from that newspaper,
because there was always a predisposition to laugh
when the name was mentioned—(Laugther)—the
Morning Post of that day contained a letter which
took the Duke of Richmond to task for not
having pursued a bolder course in reference to the
duties on foreign wool. These duties were to
be totally and immediately repealed ; and it was said
that the fact of the Duke of Richmond's relative
having received an appointment in the Treasury had
had the effect of influencing his Grace's conduct.
'That was the sort of insinuation thrown out. He
did not believe that the Duke of Richmond had been
influenced by that circumstance, and he would tell
them why he did not believe it. He had been a sup-
porter of the Conservative .party ; his brother had
been a supporter of the Conservative party, and there
was nothing at all improbable in the circumstance
that his brother should have an appointment given to
him.—(Hear, hear.) But his reason for bringing
forward this case was to show the disposition which
there was amongst the farmers and the protection
party to suspect the farmers' friend.—(Hear, hear.)
The moment any circumstance took place which had
a prima facie appearance of suspicion, although it
might be without the slightest foundation, the
protectionists immediately began to think that
they were betrayed.—(Hear.) There seemed to
be a sort of disposition amongst the agriculturists
to suspect that the great leaders of their party had
not dealt fairly with them in Parliament. lie did not
mean to say that if the Anti-Corn-law League had
some places to give away there might not be an in-
fluence produced by that circumstance, even amongst
the protection party.—(Laughter.) He should be sorry
to hint that they would act so directly at variance
with all their professed pledges, as to sanction any
sett of political_ bribery whatsoever—(Cheers)—but
they could not disguise from themselves the fact that,
in some way or other, Governments did contrive, when
gentlemen got to London, to obtain a kind of influ-
ence over them which was very remarkable, and which
led innocent and simple-minded rustics to believe that
they were betrayed, and that justice was not done to
them.—(Hear, 'leer.) Now the Duke of Rich-
mond had in former times expressed very strong
opinions—and he believed he held them
now—against the repeal of the corn-laws.
He said, "If you abolish the corn-laws, I'll go out
of the country altogether."—(Laughter.) " Well,
but," it was said, "if you do, you can't take the
land with you."—(Laughter.) Let them consider
in what position a person placed himself who made
such a declararation. "If you abolish the corn-laws
I'll go out of the country altogether." Now, what
were the corn-laws ? What was the nature of them ?
It was simply this —that certain parties in this
country, dealing in the articles of bread and beef,
having shops open to supply the community with
those necessary articles, were very unwilling that
any body else should open shops of a similar descrip-
tion.—(Laughter.) Now, his Grace, together with
his friends, was extensively concerned in this victual-
ling business.—(Laughter.) His Grace, in fact,
wanted to be a sort of licensed victualler.—(Great
laughter.) Now he (Mr. Gibson) contended that
one Englishman had as good a right as
another to supply the market of the coun-
try with provisions, provided he came by those
provisions honestly.—(Laughter.) He had a right
as an Englishman to supply the market with corn
by the operations of trade, just as the Duke of Rich-
mond had a right to supply it by the operations of
agriculture.—(Hear, hoar.) He contended that trade
was as legitimate a calling as any other branch of in-
dustry, and that if it pleased him to send his capital
to the Continent to turn it into corn, and to bring
that corn into the English market, in order that he
might thus olstain a profit by the employment of his
capital, there was no earthly reason why he. should
not be permitted to do so.—(Cheers.) If, however,
he proposed to bring corn from the Continent to Lon•
don, and to sell it, he was told that he must not do so.
Why ? Because, if he did, Some gentlemen in this
country would not get so large a pecuniary
return from- their property as they otherwise
would do.---(Hear.) Well, but what claim had those
gentlemen upon him ?—(Hear, hear.) He was not
aware that there was any account between them--
that they had any right to control his actions, or to
make demands upon his industry.—(Hear, hear.)
Putting it in this light, how monstrous an interference
was this corn-law with the civil liberty of her
Majesty's subjects.—(Hear, hear.) What were
Governments for? The only object in Government
should be to prevent men from encroaching upon
one another, to prevent the several classes of society
from invading the rights and property of each other.
—(Hear, hear.) He had a right to follow that
branch of industry—namely, trade—which Providence
had placed within his reach. That was his property,
and Government ought to protect him in that pro-
perty.—(Hear, hear.) But what had Government
done in this country ? It had assisted a class in
this country to invade this property of his,
this freedom of trade, this right to exchange
his industry in any quarter of the globe he
pleased, and thus it had completely departed from the
true functions and the true end of all government.—
(Cheers.) He trusted that he was not dwelling upon
this point too long—that he was not becoming tedi-
ous.—(No, no.) He did feel, however, that this was
the most important view of the subject which could
he taken.—(Hear, hear.) He did feel that they had
not sufficiently considered the corn-law question as a
question of civil liberty.—(Hear, hear.) He con-
tended that as they had abolished slavery in their
colonies—as they had totally abolished the right of
man to hold property in man in any part of the Bri-
tish empire, so the same principles, if they carried
them out, would lead them to abolish monopoly.—
(Cheers.) For what was slavery ? Why one por-
tion of the community claiming a property in the
industry of another portion of the community—
one set of men claiming a right to control the actions
and to possess themselves of the result of the
exertions of another set of men. And was not mono-
poly
mono-
poly.—(Cheers.) Slavery recognised an inherent
right in one man to possess the mind, the muscles,
destroyed the
e same
slaveryame
and the body of another; the corn-laws recognised a
thing
they
were bound to destroy mono-
sort of inherent right in the landed aristocracy of this
country to possess the reward of the industry of other
classes of the community.—(Hear, hear.) They were
precisely the same in principle. Of what use was it
to the planter to possess the slave ? He did not hold
him for mere ornament, for the mere pleasure of look-
ing at him as you would look at a canary bird in a
cage; no, he possessed him that he might eat the
fruits of his industry.—(Hear, hear.) That was the
principle whicih he believed actuated many supporters
of the corn. laws ; he believed they were actuate 1 by
a desire to possess themselves of a large share of
the industry of the commercial and manufacturing
classes—a larger share than they were entitled
to. Now he had seen, within a day or two, an in-
stance of boldly stating that there was some inherent
right in the landed aristocracy of this country to in-
terfere with the freedom of trade.--(Cries of " Oh, oh.')
He had copied a little extract from a publication
called the Quarterly Review. There was an article
in the Quarterly Review upon agricultural improve-
ments, and in that article is found the following
paragraph :—" The people forget that the land, and
the owners and cultivators of the land, formed the
primary essentials; and the mercantile and manufac-
turing establishments the adjuncts of the State."—
(Laughter.) So that they who did not own land in
this country were merely adjuncts to the State.
They were not to be recognised as free citizens, or as
having a claim to equal laws ; they were to be re-
garded merely as human beings sojourning
upon this island ; who were only to have
just so much trade, and just so much
of the comforts and conveniences of life, as suited
the pleasure of the landed proprietors to allow them.
That was the principle which was avowed in this
paragraph ; but what a principle it was !—(Hear,
hear.) Why, when he heard the debates in Parlia-
ment, he sometimes asked himself, " What, are we in
this House of Commons ? Are we employed in mak-
ing equal laws for all classes of her Majesty's subjects,
or are we concerning ourselves with the carrying on
of particular branches of business, and making parti-
cular employments pay ?" Why, what had they to
do in Parliament with making lands pay, whether they
were in the West Indies or in England ? Were the
Members of the House of Commons to be considered
as sugar-planters and corn-growers ; or were they to
be considered as men dealing not with lands andin-
animate" substances, but with human beings, who de-
manded of them the discharge of the true functions of
civil government ?---(Hear, hear.) If they were to
concern themselves with making estates in the
West Indies pay, why sit in Westminster?
Why not go to the West Indies ?—(Laugh-
ter.) Why should not the Speaker appoint
different Members to be bailiffs over different districts,
and to see to the management of the property in
those districts ? (Cheers.) This would be a far
more reasonable course than sitting there and talking
of it. He protested. against a combination to usurp
the rights of free citizens. If an impartial being
could descend to this earth he would wonder what
was the reason of all this phillosophy upon the duties
of Governors and the function's of Government, while
practical legislators sat in P: trliament without v
thinking of their duty to th sir fellow-subjects, but
considering only how it coul d make particular spots
upon the earth s surface return
,a large revenuel. to
their proprietors. The: corn-law question
heard of
a
very small compass.—(Hear.)- He a
of the
learned divines, skilled i ti'°
philosophyandcapable of
ancients, acquainted with mathematics,
writing in the dead languages, deci are that the corn-law
I so intricate, that
was so difficult, so complicated, am

NING, JUNE 6, 18

they were really unable to approach it—they could I
not touch it.—(Laughter.) Now he was afraid that
when these excellent divines of the Church of Eng-
land—(Laughter) —talked of this immense difficulty,
they forgot the maxim which they sometimes made
use of when they told them that their kingdom was
not of this world.—(Laughter.) He was afraid that
the Tithe Commutation Act had had a very curious
influence in preventing their coming to that question
with that unbiassed power of reflection which they
would otherwise have been enabled to give to it. He
was afraid that, with some few exceptions, there was
an idea among the clergy of the Church of England
that if they repealed the corn laws the price of corn
would fall very greatly, and that then the tithe rent
charge would be lessened.—(Laughter.) if it were
not for this unfortunate influence he believed they
would have the assistance of all who professed
Christianity. The question was intimately con-
nected, in fact, with the whole code of Christian
morals.—(Hear, hear.) Although some had found
fault with them for introducing scriptural quotations
into discussions, he believed that the best anti-corn-
law arguments were to be found in the Bible itself.—
(Cheers.) He had referred to the want of confidence
in the agricultural leaders. lie believed there never
was anything so absurd as the views entertained upon
that subject. What became of all the threats and
grand denunciations in Parlament against the Anti-
Corn-law League ? Why they had
" died upon the lap
Faint as a chicken's note that has the pip."

—(Laughter.) No Member of the House of Com-
mons had been bold enough to get up and say, " I
came here to keep up the price of corn, and I won't
have any alteration in the corn-laws ;" although that
was the language used to the agriculturists in the
country. He believed that many of the agriculturists
imagined that country Members went to Parliament
with only one object, namely, to keep up the price of
wheat.—(Laughter.) An agriculturist in Suffolk
had said to him that since the prices had
fallen lie could not see that their Member
had done any good by going to Parliament.
Were the great body of the commercial classes to be
ruled by farmers ordinaries and market tables ?
Rather should they not insist upon the inalienable
right of man to buy in the cheapest and sell in the
dearest market ?—(Cheers.) The cause was gaining
ground fro:n the studied attempts made in Parlia-
ment to blacken and degrade the manufacturing com-
munity. They could not read of any meeting of
bishops or divines, or persons of that description,
without finding allusions to the dreadful vices and
horrid state of the manufacturing districts. And shat
was the reason of this attempt to degrade the manu-
facturing population ? Why, they knew that among
that population there was a tone of free and indepen-
dent thought.—(Cheers.) They knew that in that
population had been the germ of civil and religious
liberty.—(Hear, hear.) They knew that, from the
great body of the commercial community, had sprung,
and were now springing, those great changes which
had freed numbers from intellectual and
physical thraldom ; they knew that there were
to be found stern enemies of monopoly, and
those who had the least respect for hereditary
wisdom.—(Cheers and laughter.) And what a mon-
strous thing it was to talk in this manner of the
manufacturing population when the agricultural
labourers were in the depth of misery; when incen-
diary fires were continually taking place in agricul-
tural districts ; when the cottages were ill built, and
ill ventilated, and misery was rife. Instead of en-
deavouring to degrade the manufacturing population,
it would be much better if they would look to the
agricultural. Why, these agricultural districts were
the fountains from which flowed the population into
the manufacturing and commercial districts. The
population was increasing at the rate of seven or
eight hundred per day; but the land did not increase
in extent. There was not one acre more in the
United Kingdom than there was fifty years ago, and
they had not the means of employing a single indi-
vidual more in any part of the country, and he asked
whether it were possible to suppose that they could
much longer restrain the extension of the manu-
factures and trade of the country ? That trade could
no longer employ the increasing population, and,
unless they wished to see that love land of theirs, at
sonic future day, a formidable scene of convulsion and
bloodshed, •it must be unfettered and made free.
The present state of things, if continued, would have
the effect of upsetting reason, of upsetting religion—
(Cheers)—and of upsetting morality; for when a
man was reduced to despair—when his wife and chil-
dren were famishing around him, when he had not
the means of existence, he (Mr. Gibson) would ask,
of what use was it to that man to have a sermon
preached to him ?—(Cheers.) In conversing with
persons connected with trade, he (Mr. Gibson) was
continually met with the complaint of excessive
competition, and the great difficulty there was in find-
ing employment and situations for the younger
branches of families. lie heard this complaint amongst
all professions—in the law, and even in the Church
itself ; and amongst all classes, there was that one
complaint—the great competition, and the struggle
that there was for a man who was not of an inde-
pendent fortune to obtain a livelihood. Now, he did
from his conscience believe that it was the restrictions
upon trade—the interference with the freedom of
action—to which was to be attributed all this diffi
culty.—(Cheers.) They had all natural advantages,
and Providence had, he fully believed, provided the
means of comfortable subsistence for all classes of her
Majesty's subjects. On the other hand, he thought
that it was the cupidity of a certain interest and class,
who had interfered with the distribution of the pro-
duce of the industry of this country, which prevented
a large portion of the people of this country from ob-
taining the advantages which Providence had placed
within their reach.—(Cheers.) Commercial freedom
contained within itself all the objects which a philan-
thropist could desire to see attained.—(Cheers.) It
contained within itself the means of diffusing freedom,
not only through the United Kingdom, but over
every other part of the globe. Commerce would
spread blessings which nothing else could accom-
plish. Opinions upon slavery—opinions upon all
those great questions which influenced men's actions,
could only be spread through the instrumentality of
commerce. If they desired to see in Brazil and Cuba
the slave trade abolished, the best means of doing so
would be by opening communication with the various
parts of the world in which slavery did not exist.
What was our act when we were slave-owners—
when even the very Bishops were the advocates of the
slave-trade—what was our act ? Why, having abo-
lished slavery in St. Domingo, we passed a law to
prevent any communication being had between St.
Domingo and the West India colonies, for fear
of the introduction of freedom into St. Domingo
spreading to the West Indian colonies also.—(Cheers.)
They had at that moment the Emperor of Russia in
England—(Groans and hisses)—and they had also
another crowned head here. When they spoke of the
Emperor of Russia' he thought they ought not to
carry their feelings beyond the mere circumstance of
his coming to this country as a simple individual man,
and he thought they ought not to carry their ideas
into Russia. They were expecting a visit from the
King of the French, and they were told that the visits
of all these monarchs to one another forboded peace
throughout the world.—(Cheers.) It might be so,
and he was glad to see such friendly communications
existing, If, however, they wanted really to main-
tain peace, he believed that the best recipe was by
uniting nations together by a tie of common interest,
for that would prevent outbreak, and would prevent
the existence of jealousies between different Powers.
—(Loud cheers.) Emperors ands diplomatists
might do something by communicating with
each other ; but let them depend upon it that
they could' do nothing so effective as that
feeling of interest amongst nations which would
arise by the ties of commercial intercourse.—
(Cheers.) If they were to adopt this principle, it
would not then be in the power of emperors or am-
bassadors to create war between two nations. He
thought no despair ought to be felt on account of the
progress of free trade principles. No one that he had
heard of considered the corn-laws settled, except Mr.
George Robins, the auctioneer. (Cheers and
laughter.) He—small blame to him, as they said in
Ireland—in his advertisements, when he wanted to
sell an estate, said " the corn-law question is settled
in consequence of the declaration of Sir Robert Peel
during this session that he does not contemplate a
change."—(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Robins
advised persons to sell out their stock, and give
an additional price for an estate in consequence of
Sir Robert's contemplations.—(Cheers and laughter.)
He (Mr. Gibson) must say that he thought that the
contemplations of that distinguished Minister were not
very good security for capital.--(Laughter.) He
(Mr. Gibson) should give as much for the estate with-
out the corn-laws as with them. He certainly
would not recommend gentlemen who thought the
corn-laws were necessary to maintain the value of an
estate to place much reliance on the contemplations of
the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Go-
vernment.—(Laughter.) He (Mr. Gibson) thought
they might with truth apply to the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman the term which the late Lord Grenville applied
to monopoly, that "he was the parent of uncer-
tainty."—(Cheers and laughter.) He (Mr. Gibson)
believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman congratu-.
lated himself,but it must not be mentioned in public—
(Laughter)—on the progress of the Anti-Corn-law
League.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Gibson) had known a
case himself in which a Minister had been anxious to
resist some job, who gave encouragement to the Oppo-
sition to oppose it in order that he might have an
excuse to his friends not to adopt the job._
(Cheers.) He believed that was the position
of her Majesty's Government now. They wanted
forcing—they were inviting the Opposition to force
them—and the more they put on the screw, the more
the- Government would give. He was persuaded
that at no period of the history of the country had
there been such a number bf direct invitations to

j agitating and forcing as had been given by the pre-
sent Minister of the Crown to the Opposition. A
I Minister frequently carried his measures not by his
own supporters, becruse they were generally
dupes, but by the influence of the Opposition.
—(Cheers.) The Minister would say to his sup-
porters, with respect to the corn-law question,
" Those gentlemen who are connected with the free I
trade party are making a great noise; we really cannot
maintain these laws any longer—you must give way;
the country is in danger, and if you do not give up
these laws, you will have to give up something better
worth keeping. You cannot make a Government from
the Central Society for the Protection of Agriculture,
nor can you make a Government from the Assembly
in Jamaica; and the pressure of the free-trade party is
so strong that I will not let any considerations of
consistency stand in my way. You must have free
trade, or you must part with me." That was sound
advice to give, and he (Mr. Gibson) said that they •
were taking a proper course in endeavouring, as far
as in them lay, to bring this subject prominently
before the public, because the advice the Minister
would thereby be led to give his friends would be
that, unless they gave up the corn-laws, they would
have to give up something better worth keeping; for
they all knew the expression that was used by the
Rev. Mr. Hall—" If there is a taint of rottenness at
the root of society, it will wither the highest branches
of the tree, be they ever so lofty."—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. R. R. MOORE then came forward t, address the
meeting, and said he came before them instead of Josiah
Hunt, a tenant-fanner. He would much rather that
Mr. Hunt had been there himself on that stage to
address that meeting as he had done before, in proof,
from his own experience, that the corn-laws had
neither benefited him, nor any tenant-farmer that he
had ever been acquainted with.—(Cheers.) He (Mr.
Moore) did not know any class that he would rather
be the advocate of in that cause than the tenant-
farmer; for he did not know any other class that had
suffered more continuously and more deeply from the
corn-laws—(Cheers)—nor did he know any other
class that would sooner reap the benefit of their total
and immediate abolition. Ile was always glad to ap-
pear as the farmers' advocate against the corn laws,
because in the, name of the farmers unjustly and
falsely was the law passed, and was continued.—
(Cheers.) As Mr. Gibson had said, the supporters of
this law stated that they maintained it for the benefit
of the farmer, and farm labourer, yet on no other
class of the community had more bitter dis-
tress come than on the farmer and farm
labourer of this country.—(Loud cheering.)
But he was not going to speak of the farmer and the
corn-law with respect to what might be called the
agricultural view of the question. He was not going
to argue that an impulse to competition would give
rise to an improvement in agriculture, and would give
a spur to the exertions of the landlord and the farmer,
and. would lead them to call to their aid all the dis •
coveries which science had made, and which might
be brought into practice for the increase of agricul-
tural productions; nor was he going to speak of the
farmer as being oppressed by the pauperism of the
labourers, made paupers because there was no work
for them to do in this corn-law protected land. No,
he was going to 'speak of the farmer as a serf—as a
man who was not allowed to have an opinion—as a
man who, if in secret he cherished an opinion,
after having read a paper upon free trade, that
the corn-laws had been a curse to him—had stolen
his customers from him, and had given him
paupers instead of beef and mutton eaters—
dared not express that opinion in public. He
(Mr. Moore) had lately had some share in the
South Lancashire election, and this had taught him
to hate the corn-laws more than ever;• for,' under the
cloak and cover of protection the electors in that dis-
trict had been coerced into giving a vote against the
opinions which they conscientiously held.—(Cheers.)
The South Lancashire election, above all others, had
made him hate the monopoly of the corn-laws. In
America, in the Southern States, for every five slaves
the slaveholder had a vote for a member of the Local
Legislature, and for Congress. A man's feelings some-
what revolted at the idea of another man having the
quantity of his votes regulated by the number of
heads he could count, but he (Mr. Moore) wished that
were the case in this country. It was less degrading
for them, as independent Britons—for the bold pea-
santy, their country's pride for Britons, who
" Never—never —never—would be slaves" —for
it would relieve them from their present degradation,
if the landlord had a vote for every five of them. He
asked them to take this oppressed and degraded set of
men, the tenant-farmers, under their protection, and
suffer them no longer to be dictated to and degraded.
It was no light matter that men should he so de-
graded—that men looking like yourselves, having the
same sympathies, the same right to independence of
action, should be told you must vote for Mr. So and
So at the next election—not the candidate, but the
steward of my Lord's estate.—(Hear, hear.) If they
wanted anything to make them more earnest to carry
the repeal, South Lancashire was the spur. He (Mr.
M.) went round to the voting places in that county—
he had spoken at meetings at which there were large
numbers of farmers, some of whom had spoken to
him in private, and when he asked them why they
did not vote for the free trade candidate, their answer
was, " Why don't you bring our customers—those to
whom we sell our milk and butter—to solicit our
votes for your candidate, and let them tell us that
they won't buy, from us in future unless we support
free trade principles ; and then, having your dictation
against the landlords' dictation, we will support the
anti-corn-law candidate."—(Hear.) But he said,
" No—we will not use such means, but we will put
down this landlord-dictation ; but you should assist, and
you should even at some peril support those principles,
the operation of which would be so advantageous to
your fellow-countrymen and ultimately to your-
selves.— (Cheers.) You should take courage, and,
however inconvenient, throw yourselves under our
protection, instead of the landlord, and we promise
to treat you better than they have done. We will
neither drain your pockets nor coerce your con-
sciences.—(Cheers.) We will set not only trade
free, but the farmers themselves. They had been
called " accidental adjuncts of the land"—well, as
they were so, they should be acquainted with the
great means by which the League proposed to effect
a repeal of the corn-laws. Those means were the
Registration Courts. They in London were well
versed in the mode whereby they could have a voice
in the selection of the candidate, and they should never
omit to use those means. It was not merely when an
election came that they should exert themselves—it
was not enough for them to make a close canvass,
but they should urge every man in a position to
record his vote to record it on the first opportunity—
(Hear, hear.) It was not when the struggle came
they should commence—it was not when the battle
begun they should examine their weapons. They
should lose no time in seeing that their taxes
were paid, and that their names were on the registry,
that they were duly enlisted under the banners of
free trade. It was an important right, that of voting
—it was a sort of safeguard, whereby they might de-
fend. themselves from the landlords levying oppres-
sion upon them—levying; in fact, a tax upon the
towns and upon industry.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The mode of dragooning and coercing the tenantry,
practised by the landlords in South Lancashire, was
almost equivalent to the landlords levying a tax upon
trade, and collecting it from door to door. They had
plundered the people of their dearest right, the con-
scientious exercise of their opinions.—(Hear, hear.)
It was a bad thing this monopoly. It was not a mere
visionary speculation or abstract—not a mere name—
a bug-bear; but it was a crushing, griping, biting,
reality—it was that which made dear food, scarcity
of employment, ruinous competition in trade, and
still more ruinous competition of labour—it was the
'cause of low wages and high rents, of increasing shops
and diminished customers, at least of diminished
means of those customers—in short it was an active
principle of evil, which shed its baneful influence
over the whole community.—(Hear.) It was not
enough for them merely to come to meetings such
as these, and spout and cheer in favour of free trade,
but they should ask themselves when they went home,
"Now what can we do to advance the repeal of the
corn-laws ?"—(Hear, hear)—and they should forth-
with proceed to act upon their opinions. They should
consider in what position the House of Commons at
present stood—they should recollect that Parliament
would last but two years longer, and that it rested
with the country to say who should be the Members
of the new Parliament. If the people were well
taught, and really in earnest, there was little doubt
but they would have a majority in that Parliament ;
and the very first session of that Parliament, monopoly
would have received its death-blow. But if the people
were not yet thoroughly taught, they would again
send to Parliament men who would only squabble and
make paltry compromises.—(Hear, hear.) They
must bring their representatives to a plain declaration
of their sentiments, " Are you for a repeal of the
corn-laws—eye or no ?" Promises equivocal—
general promises—were good for nothing—
they should have men of principle—steadfast
uncompromising principle, who would support Mr.
Villiers' motion ; they should do these things else
they might at once retire from the field, and make
room for stauncher men. He held in his hand the
answers which had been sent by Lord Seymour and
Mr. Baldwin to their constituents in Totnes. One
hundred and thirty electors of this borough had re-
quested these two Members, their representatives, to
support Mr. Villiers' motion for a free trade in corn.
He (Mr. Moore), without meaning to cast the least
reflection on these Hon. Members, would read to the
meeting the answer of Lord Seymour, which was ad-
dressed
to Mr. Ferris:—

" Spring-gardens, Friday.
" Sir--I have received you letter with the inclosed
memorial. With regard to the question of the corn•
laws it may be remembered that in 1534, when I first
addressed the electors of Totnes, I told them that my
opinions were in favour of an alteration of the corn• laws,
and I should vote for any motion tending towards

greater freedom of trade in the admission of ee'., doe
that time no large party in the House agreed t",. e the
.
views, and no association existed in the country 10, in ,
. purpose of advancing them. The question is .0" aoed
' very different position ; the Government, hafiag e
a law which is in my opinion very insufficient to ,em , de,
the evils which were before complained of, seem )e5:104
termined to go no further • the party calling the% Do
the League declare that they' will be satisfied W.l_lol
other measure than au immediate and entire abuneee
all duty. Their mode of proceeding, which has_f the
uiettil in leading to more general consideration t of tte
question, has not apparently won the gurrr ..edefest
manufacturing and commercial classes, since the"..s not
in South Lancashire seems to show that thert ...,,,
even in that district any great confidence in theiri,ctp
posed measure. I think that by their mode °f wadoptl3
to the country this one measure, to be at once, ssite
as the criterion of political wisdom, and at I.°, 01
time denying to their opponents common see! and I
Common integrity, they have injured the eausketyv
therefore do not support a plan which seems en" riell
lead to any settlement of the question. gY °ever I
can hardly be fully stated in a letter, but whenti, big
come to Totnes, if any of my constituents wish -0,,
them at more length I shall be happy to state the
" I am, your obedient servant, mifi.o
~ SEYlllnav,
Lord Seymour was in favour of some comy‘r,uour 4
and seemed to think the country were in 1a,,410i
something less than the total and immediate recr:_the
the corn-laws, but where was the eviden
rety,
slightest symptom of such a disposition ? Sliwbere
had not been evinced in South Lancashire., 01
was the disposition in favour of a fixed duty • of 0
would go to Lancashire, they would, instead_e for
ing any demonstrations of triumph, see tirtoisl6
titers bitterly lamenting the success of Mr. i't OP
although they had been driven to suPP°.ts iii,e
If Lord Seymour imagined there was an"fleelioo
a compromise he knew but little of the rii, tli
which pervaded the country. The labc't:ethel
farmers, and all the agriculturists knew that D°'
were taken care of quite long enough; end if tSO
ble Lord looked over the poll-books of the las 1010
Lancashire election he would be impressed ot,llee
conviction that they were well aware that the Lead`
was alone influenced by conviction in the that tts
Anti
-Corn
-law
said they had raised up a giant means Of WI deb
knowledge on the subject. He (Mr. Meer% Vent"
assert
that what the League did was ,-° stl°r
the people that it was their interest 'eeed l°
the principles of free trade and had Pr° tet
, are°
them the truth of this fact from the pr)/
writers upon political econcmy—(Elear!: te 04
in fact, they did nothing more than dissert,obi?
labourers, more than
doctrines, for the inculcation of which Prtee'c)ilblif:
had been established in Cambridge, Oxford, via esi,,
baadgiastanttedpntivPreess
1:61
and the other various universities ; and he wo°ti the,
was
taught, which
ewpohieinht
jiunstifitheed stchieenpereac7iii.cerieoftis
andteach e A
agriculturists,th ie-Ctrosrdne r. is sthhiLopsueeer
o ors' de all' _
bet
s:Li:f:
re
t tt „Dee
gptar
taught
gmuhtutlgthtahet
the people
of which professorsbieite ogs,
establishedh in the different universities. ', ttb of
thet
ha i dn
concludewpahnrgifruitsteparty
ha
nhotdfah
det
had
aebet
dahei
treat
nthl a
abpaccused
theyeuuudr
suei
tical knowledgeop e not
ateodbeeoseativiscfiitroin:efor
results. They taught the peelliee: rtitte
‘1,,, It was
et true ui en
di it
industry
was
;o npeeendreqi
be no pressing down of industry
dwrusueh,feetsprmupterarioaonhnt;iyei,dun,;;Tteedi tthitaheehd;iiseAsye:treii,epleuesilleci;:i
been taught that all-importbere 911,0a/'
(Cheers.) It was this conviction--a o°ll. sti° '.
the whole bearings of the matter —0 „ lc-, 01,
rived at from a deep knowledge and a' inatleool
1--n tthheatset64l,:icosille*
the "one" question of the day, and there it no ill rto° 3
They had witnessed many periods of distre bt be 'be
sequenceh of those restrictions, and he theogootila i
sown quite enough to prove that ben , old t$110)
the " one" question, and the more sow i'el.ti 0,0
one man in the possession of enorluetands sal
for which he never toiled, whilst then II tbe
hundreds of thousands, were broken (I°‘'s All beil
inonopoly which enriched the others• keep tiot
League asked was for the monopolists to ,0
hands. off the arms of the vvorking 111;sia,betrt
was the " one" question ; and they wu_frelf Pica
engaged in many election contests could
ia.:44 be to"
hich st
0,
from what they had seen, that it coil" -biattejs
stayed in its progre:,s. He would conclude the 1.11/01,1
what must bring a gratifing conviction 010 iteoj
iiesoilmheeawrehrese,
tahnodse
.thatwho
votedwas— tahvatiAnthsiititiol:er4l.
yothfeotise who exercised their influence, $111" , the 011
instances, actually drove the electors ''''' ,ie r
tings, would acknowledge that the "Ltietigals° 11l
right ; but, in saying so, he vrelsts °IV
that his only wish was that the mente.tion °it])
tplihrveieureleoing enough to blush for their opPesiotoa l'ty
sptleosfotfhefirreefetirivadne„,eowuhuetnrytruheeny',
vivi,lerereaPing
Ile
wbo
feanTls,e,
hhrfieeitegchoufue
said,tAutwhmatakael l
two uppaor
parties
:s,
lclosingueun
isiAtt:ReadAs I,faetiarpt
names placed upon the registry ofthe CitY - fOce' sl
4.0 A
would go to the Metropolitan Registrioula •-eo,fie
Cheapside, where Mr. Sidney Smith Willan"t Or
them every information and facility tbigis nesi•tbe
of registering themselves as electors. )-Attese /
ntictelen3thdeePri:obli,:l°oesl'heri:
nouncement was, that the Managing Conl'-„opOlis°. Or
Anti-Corn-law League were no 01°"oelfe .5' pet
—the Conservative, as they styled thelo dil)(06
some such other parties were about to litiva tbeiot/
aficno:rktmeillitdrihus
eii
ftt htnteeheeaxetytroefv
‘,w,
oetouehr
led. someAwNauiot,
Anti-Corn-law
waive their
othertuthrhueecrlpaldriebiLt 0
etocacreoh)ort:o:os it
iti
itiott:::
appoint them ; they were willing tiles,: oppOrttlt 0°
gentlemen should have time, place, annnos tl° f,bil
because they (the League) were an"af it.eg tv
meeting would, therefore, stand
Conservatives should make good Darned go- tit'
day fortnight; but whatever fallacies lillgthef
olltos
adj bt 10.01
tered at the coming Conservative rneetilieeeeierli
rest assured of it, the members and ,"„7-ipi to
upon the evening to which this
Anti-Corn-law League would hear '.... s
lueetlug OP
journed.
The meeting then separated,
after el, ivi* APj l
•
mllg
hearty cheers for the repeal of the corn-16"
free trade.
.............................,/ vOf
- ---- .'"
ROYAL BOTANIC SO
Cl°l r 010413.
LONDON. ,•bitioo,,tieovi
On Tuesday took place the second exi'lty, P`vi.,tbitfit
and flowers in the grounds of this Sec-- bat n ecwi
park, and it •is a pleasant duty to rerrvitialt
11
eto beog°
could have possibly gone off better and b all ortii,he
Thekthine
mshheuolsdwt
imlnvaatgshnidis
fie
cscoeerunvntetdr
description,yl deservedly cknow 1 e
sured g e
lids 0,
iaoecii 0 f w
do
to the opinion of judges, any former exhibit Ls i
were vol'
hibit°ll i 3 ,r
Amongst the principal amateur ex grs- 'i 3 'fi.
Mrs. Lawrence, Miss' Traill, gr•
Antrobus, Mrs. Wray, of Cheltenham, nos, ;v,O
e to
Rucker • in the nurseryman's classes , 01 1,00 ,
Cattleugh, Henderson,and other". ea c 1
Games, .,,„, bay sea's ~,1.4,
Nor
were ; oi .
attractive features of the show were ""- ill bor se
air-plants of Mr. Rucker with the flower:njed he it.oo,
shooting from the under s'ide of the sun, was 'il 4
One of the most remarkable of this kin".oi, it
0, 1';
plant of Mrs. Lawrenc Stanbopea tie°. flo;c rotll,o
or nine spikes of black and purple ga,,Pnin7inie'snont9istie
sembling the mouth of some uncomuw?, in r JO
collections of heaths,
than a vegetable production. The roses in
attracted the particular notice of the 11 gr• vectioe,te
and Mr. Storey, that of the latter beiugoill'sideri;iitovr,
fifteen or twenty new kinds, and "sic art. l‘ip 'of
a novelty in this department of floraLivera, itch sere
them were very fine with yellow flovainea, *b sell, Woiti
especially those of tiered 404
man's very large specimen of Ixora c cdnnired,,,,,oi hoe
40 large heads of flowers, was much a giss -1,,ea.,,:i1l
three collections from from Lady Antrobus,,,nd gl'tectle-0,
Mr. Norman of miscellaneous store and pe.'br
plants. There were besides some newlYt r. 11l e,;10 0,
from Messrs. Viesch and Son, of E3e,eecl ferice tlo,
notice all the classes which were distlf•doersfuserho'fre
tion in this extraordinary gathering °0
were tit
~
not find room ; suffice it that gathering .
~,,,, recut
not
"01(1
cinerarias, exceedingly fine pelargculn' or,
pansies, ferns, cacti, caleeolarias, &e• ot wee', A, IV
The weather, which until the pr seedy' teei, Deer;'
proached almost to inclemency, sod
attract'
r
tie
propitious change, and displayed
gardens'to such advantage as to cause.; ftisbiou_'',,tif,eo
the
iheni to
~bie
.4,
with a company of the most elegant a!,", who 0,1,;-0g the
lity, amounting to several thoanuS Anpage,,g,
mained until a late period of the evening.cob !be pty
wore his Roal Highness the Duke
_to.osVert ;be PoiCI
Vels23(l' rbsl3lo'Cr
quisDuchess
u Ao3f.lSutherlandeshury,
the andv ue thee sLosid tie 0 v
II ,
5,,,,ge,
1,
Winchester, Marchioness of Cornwa , . poen,
and Duchess of Victoria, the nishlsis, PIP the
Earl of W en 0
gian Ambassador, and Stanhope, Lady Hume Campbell, 147'nirforth'
„esel4l
ori in 13' Aslys,
Love, the poly-phonist, is eugnifts tit theeed, IA
course f lectures and entertaiurneware reeeltb eseefto
Rooms, Bath. His performances .
8,,,, 01
_tid die
first appearance, about three w ec,!eit;ghter;ci Soda
tions of astonishment and Keales I . T. 0 h ii
been C-CP t: his- i°re-
evening since the rooms ay
_umber C coo ot0!
doors. On Saturday last a large,;.__.,eo, wer 41,00 r
parties, many of them from. a 11 "'tile onter:l-,o`e
to return home without witness.mF
nearly bpi., yc-00,
every seat having been occur :inning; One 11!91 gil4
before the time announced for b:,., . _ ,otpon , 01,5 je
has in consequence been induc...cte,f_enit;o: atisato to 0,,
templated visit to Clifton and Ull I'e pre surer
several more representations in Bathatha be roott reef
a Jaeroe
the artistes of his class who have , ,_
_te
tc
and that his entertainments conbtittiosseas 0
.iii,
parture. The local journals s _appeared 14 0
a fs39 oo
of the most gratifying kind, anct Y
. la an, rouse it
decided originality.
and Baron de I3utna, einbarliedo.)„,!:ls stago
erth
board the General Steam Naviti•
The Earl and Countess
if°
of Sh.ee.trdo, re..oshir,
Edward Banks, for Ostend. Ladies
The Earl Fitzwilliam and the
Fitzwilliara left town on lllondab for Pa"—

4 of
31i ,

P g
,re A
senlnti oe.
"„;
bs
ivetueel ri
- er ge-•
jai e els
rando- to hie
000ej
_JP
00rot.4'
.0 C, rof
• ~10 110
11 ie
•
MP
Ine•
%ftll .. Je
nd to' 51t
15 to
erit'OP, 60:4
ter‘ of
oco

00
10„ine
ire
O sy3ir,
Vl°Cth

KNIGHT.

of admiration, the cheers and applause continuing for
several minutes.
Mr. C. KNIGHT rose to acknowledge the toast. ,He
chimed their utmost indulgence for the struggle he must
feel in returning an adequate acknowledgment for their
kindness. Ho felt deeply the kind manner in which his
Lordship had proposed his health, and he felt with
equal depth the manner in. which it had been
received. He could not but feel proud when
he saw round him so many gentlemen, eminent in sta-
tion, talents, and acquirements, assembled together to
express the sentiments which they had done towards
him.—(Cheers.) He did • not feel that exclusively as a
personal compliment. It was an acknowledgment made
alone to the cause in which they were all en-
gaged—the liberal education of the people—the edu-
cation of the people as far as they could advance
it, after the first primary stages, by the diffusion of
sound knowledge and general- literature, as widely
as they could be disseminated. He attributed
great part of the success of the " Cyclopedia" to the exer-
tions of his friend, Professor Long. He contended
that a great part of the merit of the works of
the Society arose from the manner in which they
had been put commercially before the world.
At their outset, they had been exposed to some
obloquy and some ridicule, and these works were now
found, not only in the Mechanics' Institutes, and in the
Parlour of the shop-keeper, but in the bureau of the
Minister, and in the study of the collegian. He referred
to the good feeling that had prevailed amongst all par-
ties concerned in the works; and noticed, with great
praise, the labours of the artists engaged in illustrating
the works of the Society.
The CHAIRMAN then stated that the following noble-
men and gentlemen were prevented from attending by
pressing engagements:—Lord Denman, the Marquis of
Lansdowne, Lord John Russell, Dr. Lushiagton, Colonel
Fox, Mr. Hallam, and Mr. John Murray. He then pro-
posed the health of Professor Long.
Professor LONG acknowledged the toast in a brief
speech, and gave, in return, the " Contributors to the
Penny Cyclopmdia.' "
Mr. H. KEY acknowledged the toast.
Mr. WEIR then proposed the " Society for the Diffu-
sion of Useful Knowledge."
Lord WROTTESLEY spoke in reply to the toast.
MATTHEW HILL, Esti., proposed " The contributors
to the Pictorial History of England,' " mentioning with
the strongest eulogy, the exertions of Mr. Craik and
Mr. M'Farlane.
The toast having been acknowledged by Mr. Craik,
The Rev. Mr. JONES proposed the health of their
Noble Chairman, Lord Brougham.
Lord BROUGHAM very briefly acknowledged the
honour done him, and gave in return " The London pub-
lishers."
His Lordship then qUitted the chair, and the meet-
ing having drank the toasts of the Honorary Secretary,
the Committee, and Mr. Harvey, and the Draughtsmen
and Engravers, broke up, after an evening spent in the
most social and gratifying manner.

event of considerable importance in the literary
"la occurred last evening ; a congratulatory dinner
was !pi
listse vett to Mr. Charles Knight, the well-known pub-
,s. r ofeful K the works of the Society fur the Diffusion of
•
of the now! e ge, on the occasion of the completion
mint Penny Cyclopedia," a work whose commence-
pfetipwas an era in English literature, and the coin-
ef which may be called a triumph.
.The
gela_er %v as
also a display of the respect and admiration
serally felt for the spirited publisher of the various
kirliuteerdtal.(ings of the Society, who in many: cases has
led wain his own person the exertions of projestor.
th or and author of the works, in adiition to that o`.
e publisher and bookseller.
vidlkettl)Qat 150 gentlemen sat down to the dinner pro-
lir at the Albion Tavern, Aldersgate-street. Lord
brat at presiding. The repast was served up in the
stYle of this celebrated establishment, Tinder the
rintendence of Messrs. J. and 'T. Staples. The
"Ts,seaho were abundant and of excellent quality.
trit4.l4. ouspany included most of the editors of; and con-
tecutiters to, the worki of the Society, and many other
tse,„nlen svell known in the world of literature. Anaong
14- Ave observed Lord Wrottesley, the Rev. Mr. Jones.
Rareresvvick, the celebrated landscape painter ; Mr.
trit',_-eY, the illustrator of the " Arabian Nights ;" Joh:.
st,'"°,.n, Esq., author of the " Ecclesiastical
.Antiquities
a.eat Britain ;" George Lang, Esq, editor of the
„PennprY Cyclopmdia ;" J. R. Porter, Esq., author of the
°gress of the Nation ;" Mr. 11. B. Ker, Mr. A.
14.7, Mr. H. Lamb, Mr. G. Clowes, H. Ingram, Esq.,
ofth• Intlbs, Mr. W. Clarke. Mr. J. Macfarlane, editor" Pictorial History of England ;" Mr. G. Cruik,
A ‘V-• Stansby,Tipper, Esq., &c.
h;''rn efficient corps of vocalists, including Messrs. Broad-
set't' Prancis Hobbs, Bradbury, ancr Chapman, were
isdain.a,"'l, nod enlivened the proceedings by several
.songs
fillete;_ees- The office of toast-master wits most efficiently
Ili 'V Mr. Harker.
Was ° cloth having been removed, Non nobis Domine
ttiniestinil,gnin most excellent style by the professional
s The
he ss„, NOBLE CHAIRMAN then rose to give a toast, which
It pi "3
the
needed no preface to recommend it to them.
to pas the health of her Majesty the Queent the pro
SthiSS, RS all the kings and queens of this country
been " t' be, and as several, indeed most of them, had
of the •
arts and sciences.
(ior?nk with three times three and loud cheers. Air—
Thu sate the Queen."
Alh,rtieneiamats then gave his Royal Highness Prince,
and the rest of the Royal Family. An—
a health to the Prince and th_e. Queen."
tkti a ‘-;RAIRMAN then said, It gave him great satisfac-
rourCsa.t although their duty as good subjects, and the
their j' they owed to the sex, as well as the station of
Cos ''''wereism, and the observance due to her Roy al
los s'f'rt had been fulfilled, yet it had not detained them
the; it;°111 the proper business of the meeting, at which.
teltisdr n"sv arrived, nor would he detain them long
him
sands -ng them of what,. indeed, • must be present to t e
eesw
°F all of them—the occasion on which they wera
the
to eu• He was the less called on, or rather he
than
seeessore deterred from expanding. this point more tan.
hosonaY, by the presence of their most N.verthy____
guest.—(Loud and continued cheering.) This
telbtaeaitss,i„
unposed on him some restraint in the few
t'fitsaXs With which he should preface the toast he
of wh"."°4t to propose. He need not expatiate on that
kills 'eh theY were all aware, the great merits of Mr.
fisted with whom he had the honour of being asso-
dad b„ through a somewhat extended course of business;
Was bound to acknowledge that it was not merely
.0e h'seillsereantile capacity that Mr. Knight might
Last ;" up as an object of just esteem, and
,sk! w,eet, •of all his fellow-countrymen, and
%eh 1,(.) valued the best interests of society;
bsefuris labours had tended most materially and most
ledg„' to promote He spoke with a perfect know-
ths
~01. this sub'eci, when he said that few men within
114t1 tte,le 'with jwhich he (Lord B.) was acquainted—
q4cl f-ir was not a contracted one—that few men who
IV4 kien within the scope of his observation-6nd that
:3_4t4,4, , very narrow one—had rendered more imppr-'
,rlaQL''ees, or done things more likely to confer lasting
'ielid-7On mankind, than his worthy and excellenth
4443' Mr. Charles Knight. •He should without esi-
,"es stit'Nee, in the lowest scale of merit that which
_he
Ars-re his friend, Mr. Knight, would place in a very
graph' Position. He referred to his critical and bio-
tt44 Icallabours, directed .to the illustration of the life
Z'ettw°:,.." of their great dramatic poet, Shakspeare.
Dejectuong the critics on the almost exhausted
i• ss °l' the dramatic works of Shakspeare,
Whi'4s (t-suight ranked among the highest
h
hcird Brougham) would go to a subject with
h." w4s more conversant, and on which he was
sksPZe" hisfriend's labours still more highly.
tthewetlt those more valuable works which he ave to
Nee " eleven or twelve years ago, at a time when a
t existed in this country, produced by the grossest
°Nt i4O 0e on the part of men who did not know their
ftke s!lteres
, tBs and who overrated their own rights, con-
r uleed, both right and wrong altogether, ar-
i;,4 -1-75 t they had a right to do that which in itself
iteres°&" "lY 'wren but manifestly against their own
sTiest-s• referredg' to the unhappy men who at that
Oltierjeetned bent on the destruction of capital and ma-
w 1, At that time the country was lit up with fires,
Z,lresii-e' the agricultural produce stored up for the use
;ere e-„wai destroyed, and the ravages of those flames
"tiri "ending also to the machinery in the manufac-
tvoreistricts. At this time were published the two
' called the " Rights of Industry' and the "Results
&Nis inert," and he believed that those delusions
0-'le lia);°re checked by these two works, emanating from
1,,,51',P)37 genius of Mr. Knight; than from any othnr
i4nee, except the firm execution of the cri.-
-"R 'aw, in administration of which, however,
Samart4,Wass tempered with mercy ; he knew this from
si,te as time time at the head of that department of the
he was convinced that the law was materiallym
'4911- suPpressing the mischief by the genius of
art.
thatV• It was part of the policy of the Government
4114 pPrthertu; to give an extensive circulation to these works,
did not exaggerate when he said that at one_
b`nere than 40,000 of these tracts were circulated.
s'atiienhl now proceed to the other works of Mr.
rst,..; lie need only state, that by his connection with
,ft'lielCh'etY for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, of
fiure had the honour of being chairman, he had for
""titteCteen or sixteen years been brought into close
j'rrieen'eation with Mr. Knight. That gentleman's
14'13' into this Society, from the beginning, were abso-
hlhsLvakittable. Many of its best works were advised
ri; he enperintended their execution in the most
w7lite,dnti-iaeuccessful manner ; and when he (Lord B.)
li sv [many of them sold to the number of 30,000,
Latert .as ecase with many parts of the Library of
t7,rtheinal4tii, Knowledge, he had. said enough to prove
is„'d te the great services which Mr. Knight had ren-
lknity 'l„,e tastes of the middle classes of the
.corn-
w him the Society and the public at
eh a deep debt of gratitude—a debt
sad Ises-ati not be repaid.—(Loud cheering.)
this -nny Magazine" was suggested by Mr. Knight,
ti,v43, Mostly executed by him. At one time
per teaphed theenormous circulation of. 22_0,0.00
toyedas k'
which he believed was the largest circulation
Led. /I),.erioilical or quasi periodical, had ever en-
th;4 for hi aid not maintain that circulation very long,
Oa vsarket:treitSoll--its great success raised up rivals in
wer the out the Society was far from regretting this.
uCt.Arary, it was extremely glad that there
th ststutes created for its own labours. The
I,:f England at that time complained that
a Its nr.Y Magazine" did not treat of religion
Parres
bskt atinsia°,
• The magazine was published on
th, vt, Y. and the Society thought hatthe
Rht tsal the fittest for sermons.—(Laughter.) It
14e1 be tat to treat of such a subject in the work
.
sis the„, bring religion down, rather than otherwise ,
ke°llsit'h.therefore abstained from doing so ; being
Pst.!t oth,Jrc'ct on which men did not so well agree as on
fol,„l°_,dietti , . The Church of England then produced a
to ),14u, Its own, the "Saturday Magazine," but they
inin't 4 while, that religion was not a good subject
ths- it, and so they kept it out of it—(Laughter)
op taiit.tird4 were successful just as we were. Indeed the
littyitll3 deserliagazine" was one of the_ most successful
thethat ktion of works. Ho had no hesitation in
thtl uook tile Society, had often taken a leaf out of
feet,l'eeietv. "d they had often benefited by imitating
t. ttlutt t Was a case of reciprocal benefit, arising
lisr4ttlsod- imitation But each of them—the Church
aityeObjee: and the Useful Knowledge Society—had the
to ti; lle " in view, that of doing good to the commu-
ks la.tt -°w came to a subject which he, had reserved
tt '441'4 ' and which was the immediate cause of their
Itts,),s•r4 itogether.—(Hear, hear.) They had met
le i,l'oentL4te Mr. Knight on the completion of that
No -ada it " Penny Cyclopmdia.—(Cheers.)
est?reseot 'ilthout the least fear, of contradiction, that
A11t.44t u, had
ever been made to the world of more
briPtbS(,,
wh —ss, or better calculated to serve every
erattn.eether of rational amusement or every branch
ct,teolipkd itoll science, than this great work. Its name
Ohter) wlth that of a cArtain denomination of coin—
liter Is eye-.---but that made it all the more .interesting
IleOttireto because it brought down science and
feit,l'itt \vas the means of the people.—(Loud cheers.)
kh wQrk of extraordinary depth, of most pro-
tntac'etige, %of most enlarged and accurate classical
brall'stnnes ‘?„1.. most consummate and thorough ac-
hat ofkoo 'tin history. He would also take that
not til)r the edge with which he was most conversant,
Ara, ey haaavv ; with 'respect to which, if he mistook
tO th,,, inst poured forth in harmonious notes
th,`4tighte;Lr Queen, that she " would amend our. laws."
le L' he " w and cheers.) And they had also hoped
th, ielieved ntlild defend our cause."--- (Cheers.) Now,
addss's diftient the more their laws were amended,
woeir hopedn'btY there would be in defending them ;
this he hett that they might be so amended, and they
aeonbrstleh er worth defending.—(Cheers.) But even
potte of this of knowledge came within the universal
gar n• Aodgr(2at work, in its due measure and pro-
Nu.) t,eientif 'nos all the branches of knowledge, lite-
ft~oUltidtvisions moral, physical, and political—all the
'S Of tite,._ which Lord Bacon classed under the
*oniti .:t'ury, imagination, and judgment—
teetiti be
they Nostri aunt farrago libelli"
°-aed the found complete. The Noble Lord then
tthe raise, e
.namnet..otfhaProfessor Long in high terms
par,,,„ editor
"e sir" written " Cyclopmdia," and instanced
and
_nstreno„._ on mathematics by Professor Airie,
hoeo!terwarrr Royal, written for the " Cyclopmdia,"
tit,' In the r.epublished in a separate form as a text-
te rtl ".° k universitY of Cambride, as a proof that
alludesdiettl nad, been completely rescued from
night ° lorinerl •
t"glit the 0,, Y cast upon it. He also
e salt the „ other great
_publication of Mr.
Ass; for- c lographical Dictionary," which
east, seXeeeded°Pionsness, accuracy, and complete-
to/4'lg eye, every work of the kind, not
b, the Vrench " Biographie Universel." He
‘441 toalie_ProPosing the health of Mr. C. Knight.
Wits rir
{oak with the warmest deineustrotions

ASCOT HEATH RACES.
WEDNESDAY.

Under aay circumstances a " review" would have been
a powerful counter attraction to the second day's racing
at Ascot; and yesterday, excellent as was the bill of
fare in the estimation of all who love and understand the
sport, the extinction of all public interest in it was the
natural and inevitable consequence of the announcement
that the grand military spectacle in the park was " got
up" for the special entertainment of royalty, domestic
and foreign. To hedge to this formidable opposition to
the amusements under his immediate control, the Noble
Master of the Buck Hounds delayed the commencement
of the races until three o'clock, thus enabling those who
survived the dust, heat, and fatigue of the review, to get
to the Heath in time to witness the whole of the running.
Some " gluttons" in their love of pleasure availed them-
selves of the opportunity so considerately afforded them,
and made a day of it ; but, it must be admitted, the
number was very small, and thus some really good sport
attracted a select and most apathetic assemblage.
The events recorded below, as fully as the quickness
with which they were run off will permit, were not
brought to a close until six o'clock. Some of them pos-
sessed considerable interest, and had the " ring" been in
a healthy state, would have given ample emplcyment to
the professional speculators ; the state of abeyance,
however, in which the settlement for the late Derby re-
mains, has, and for some time will continue to operate as
a serious hindrance to betting round, and may ultimately
do more towards, assisting Sir James Graham's efforts to
check the diffusion of a spirit of gambling, than any
hints he may receive from the report of the Select Com-
mittee., We have said enough to show that, notwith-
standing the superiority of the list, everything was flat
yesterday ; as a set-off, we may state with confidence
that it is the intention of her Majesty, and her illustrious
visitors, to honour the races with their presence this
day, and that their arrival on the course may be expected
immediately
.after the second race.
We subjoin a return of the running yesterday after-

noon : •
The Swinley Stakes of 25 sovs. each, 15 ft, with 50 soya.
added; three yrs, 7st 41b; four yrs, Bst 101 b; mares
and geldings allowed 31b. The winner of the Derby
or Oaks in 1843 or 1844 to have carried 101 b extra.
Swinley Course. (7 Subs.)
Lord Glenlyon's Ben-y-Ghlo, 4 yrs ...(J. Day, jun.) 1
Duke of Richmond's Pastoral, 3 yrs 2
7 to 4 on Ben-y-Ghlo, who jumped off with the lead,
but was passed after running a quarter of a mile, and
waited on the Duke's colt to the lower turn; he then
resumed his lead, kept it to the end, and won.easy by a
length.
The Fern Hill Stakes of 15 sovs. each, 5 ft., and 50 sovs.
aided; two yrs old, 7st; three yrs, 9st; mares and
geldings allowed 31b. About half a mile. (13 Subs.)
Mr. Ongley's b f Mystery, 2 yrs (Pettit) 1
Mr. Edward's Hedgehog, 2 yrs 2
Mr. A. W. Bill's Beaumont, 3 yrs 3
Lord G. Bentinck's Prince of Wales, 3 yrs 4
Lord Exeter's Economy, 3 yrs
Colonel Anson's Buzz, 3 yrs
Betting-3 to 1 agst Beaumont, 7to 2 agst Hedge-
hog, 4 to 1 agst Prince of Wales, and 5 to 1 agst
Mystery. The Prince of Wales went in advance
at a great pace for a quarter of a mile, and .was
then passed by Beaumont and Hedgehog, Mystery lying
off ; at the stand she closed with them, headed them at
the end of the rails, and won cleverly by a length,
Beaumont a respectable third, and the others beaten so
far that the judge placed them all.
The Great Ascot Produce Stakes of 100 soya. each,
h ft, for three-year-old colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 21b,
with 200 sovs. added for the winner, and 100 for the
second horse. The winner of the Derby 71b, of the
Oaks 51b ; of the 2,000 Guineas or 1,000 Guineas 31b
extra ; untried horses allowed 31b. Once round.
(29 Subs.)
Mr. Osbaldeston's Sister to Martingale (Rogers) 1
Colonel Peel's Zenobia 2
Baron Rothschild's Emerald
Lord Exeter's Crosby 4
Mr. J. Day's Seaport
Lord Chesterfield's The Bee
Mr. Greville's Jamaica
Betting-2 to 1 agst Sister to Martingale, 3to 1 agst
Emerald, 7 to 2 apt Seaport, and 6 to 1 agst Jamaica.
The Bee took the lead at a steady pace, followed by
the favourite, Crosby third, Zenobia and Seaport lying
in the rear. They ran. thus to the Brick-kiln road,
where the favourite took up the running, and had a clear
lead from within a distance and a half of home. Ze-
nobia then went up, headed her at the Stand, and ap-
peared to have the race in hand, but tired, and ran out
near the Chair, and was beaten by half a length. Eme-
rald a bad third.
Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas ; for three yrs old,
.7st 21b ; four, 9st 21b ; five, lOst ; six and aged,
lOst 51b. From the New Mile post. Once round and in.
Lord Verulam's Robert de Gorham, 5 yrs (Cotton) 1
Lord Glenlyon's Ben-y•Ghlo, 4 yrs 2
Lord Exeter's Wee Pet, 4 yrs 3
Mr. Ford's The Odd Mixture, 3 yrs 4

Mr. Jaques's Misconception, 3 yrs 5
Mr. Reeves's Tarquin, 4 yrs
6 to 4 agst Robert de Gorham, 4 to 1 agst Ben-y-
Ghlo, and 4 to 1 agst Wee Pet.
Ben-y-Ghlo made the running, followed to within
half a mile of home by Robert de Gorham and Wee Pet.
The mare then took the lead, which she kept to the,
Stand, where Robert went past her, had it all his own
way, and won by five lengths. The tailing so great that
all were placed.
The Royal Hunt Cup of 200 sovs. with 100 added, for
three-yr-olds, &c. Thirty-two Subs. New mile.
Sir R. Bulkeley's Bishop of Romford's cob (Marlow) 1
Colonel Anson's Attila, 5 yrs, 9st 41b
Lord Exeter's Maria Diaz, 4 yrs, Est 91b 3
The following also started, but were not placed :
Lord Chesterfield's Knight of the Whistle, 6 yrs, 9st 21b
—Mr. W. Etwall's Palladium, 5 yrs, fist 91b—Mr.
Combe's Fakeaway, 4 yrs, ist 71b—Sir G. Heathcote's
Amorino, 4 yrs, 7st 61b—Mr. Ellis's Epaulette, 5 yrs,
7st 21b—Mr. Parr's Young Lochinvar, 4 yrs, Est 61b—
Mr. Greville's Portumnus, 4 yrs, 6st 41b—Mr. Rush's c
by Plenipo, out of Bangtail, 4 yrs, Est 21b—Mr. Lit-
tle's Dahlia, aged, Est 21b—Count Bathyany's Fox, 4 yrs,
6st—Mr. Herbert's c by Elis, out of Delightful, 3 yrs,
sst 101b—Lord Chesterfield's Tiddly Winks, 3 yrs, sst
81b—Mr. Jaques's Advice, 3 yrs, sst 61b—Lord G. Ben-
tinck's Best Bower, 3 yrs, 4st 121 b.
Betting-3 to 1 agst Bishop of Romford's cob '•5 to 1
agst Portumnus ; 5 to 1 agst Attila ; 6 to 1 agst Knight
of the Whistle ; 8 to 1 agst Amorino ; and 10 to 1 agst
Best Bower.
Maria Diaz jumped off with the lead, and with Best
Bower and the favourite in waiting, made running to
the distance ; the Bishop and Attila then singled them-
selves out to finish, the Cob leading, and winning cle-
verly by a length, Maria Diaz a good third, and Dahlia
fourth.

The Coronation Stakes of 100 sovs. each, h ft, for three-
yrs-old fillies, Bst 71b each ; the winner of the Oaks
71b extra; of the 1,000 Guineas, 31b; of both Mb extra.
The New mile. (9 Subs.)
Col. Anson's The Princess (Nat) 1
Lord Exeter's Mocha
8 to 1 on The Princess, who won in a canter by two
lengths.

CUP BETTING.
5 to 2 agst Mr. Towneley's Corranna
3 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Lothario
5 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lonian
12 to 1 agst Sir R.W.Bulkeley's Bishop of Romford's cob.
Alice Hawthorn was declared not to start ; the reason
that she is engaged in the Goodwood Cup, and that it is
not considered advisable to incur the extra weight
(31bs. only) she would have to carry for winning. Great
grumbling amongst those who backed her for the double
event.
The races commence this day at half-past one o'clock.

------- -
TILE IRISH STATE TRIALS .—Sir Thomas Wilde,
Mr. Fitzroy Kelly, Q.C., and Mr. Austen, Q.C., have
been retained by Mr. O'Connell and the other traver-
sers, to conduCt their case on the Writ of Error in the
Stowe of Lords.

THE SUN,

rom him the hammer with which he gave him several se--,
+ere blows on the head, its shaft being broken in the
struggle. At this time, also, the old man recollected that
he had a sword stick, with a stiff square sword (four I
edged), about a foot and a half long, and with this wea-
pon he several times stabbed the fellow, aad it was sub-
sequently found stained with blood ! The father and
son then rushed into the parlour for a loaded gen, which
was hung up there, when the fellow followed them and
seized it ; but the cap having been lost, it was rendered
useless. The struggle in this little parlour was severe, and
so much blood was lost by the whole party, that the walls
were literally besmeared with it. The old woman
escaped by the window to give an alarm, when the
other three returned to the room in which the attempt
at murder was first made, each too faint from exhaustion
and loss of blood to struggle any more. The ruffian
then (having unobservedly locked the door inside, and
put the key in his pocket), finding the old woman was
gone to give an alarm, took out his razor and swore he
would cut his own throat, drawing the razor across it as
he spoke, if they would not let him go. Whether from
fear or otherwise, he was then suffered to make his
escape, and took a direction towards the woods on the
Spilsby road.
APPREHENSION AND ATTEMPTED SUICIDE
OF THE CRIMINAL.
Lours, SUNDAY, ONE O'CLOCIL-Our correspondent
further writes :—We have just received information
that the perpetrator of the diabolical outrage recorded
above has been discovered, and has attempted self-mur-
der by cutting his own throat, though not so severely as to
destroy life. His name is Markham; he is about 45 years
of age, and was originally apprenticed to a baker in Louth,
and was formerly a keeper at the Lincoln Lunatic Asylum.
Having some time ago threatened to revenge himself
upon old Gainsley, for having informed upon a brother
of his for riding upon the shafts of his waggon at the
time Gainsley kept the Ashby toll-gate, he took the
opportunity referred to to carry his passion into effect.
By some means or other, he became acquainted with a
Mrs. Desforges, a widow, possessed of some little pro-
perty, residing ati Bilsby, near Alford, to whom he was
actually paying his addresses at the time he attempted
to carry out his sanguinary intentions.
From information received the prisoner was traced to
the house of Mrs. Desforges, at Bilsby, during the night
of Saturday last,iwhere Superintendent Campbell arrived
at half past eleven o'clock at night, accompanied by
Chapman (Louth police) and Biggs (Alford police).
On arriving at the house the superintendent knocked
at the door. Mrs. Desforges asked " Who's there ?"
The answer was, " A friend." She then ran up
stairs, looked out of the window, and repeated
the same question, asking, " What was wanted ?"
He answered, " You need not be afraid, I want to speak
to you." She then came down stairs, and opened the
door. Campbell then asked who she had in the house ?
She said, " I have only my children and Mr. Mark
ham." He then said he wanted to speak to Mr.
Markham, and requested her to show him the bedroom,
which was only seven steps from the front door.
She went up, and the officers followed. The door
was open. Mrs. Desforges observed, " Do shut the
door, Mr. Markham ;" but, on looking into the room
blood was seen, and it was immediately discovered that
he had cut his throat. Mr. Handsley, of Alford, was,
sent for, and he very promptly arrived, and sewed up
the wound, which extended four inches across his
throat. The prisoner said it was his intention to
wound Gainslay, and to give him a desperate
fright, for having about three years back, laid an
information against his brother for riding on the wag-
gon-shafts. The prisoner was wounded by Gainsley in
several places, and he stated that it was with difficulty
he had made his escape. He had determined to cut his
throat rather than be apprehended, and had his razor
with him for that purpose ; he did the desperate act
directly Mrs. Desforges went down for the purpose of
opening the door. He was left in the custody of Biggs.
Since Mr. Handsley, surgeon, of Alford, sewed up the
gash in the man's throat, he managed while-alone to tear, '
out the stitches, and now lies in a most precarious state ;
indeedi with scarcely a hope of recovery.

I-MPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Their Lordships assembled this afternoon at a quarter
before Four o'clock.

ROYAL COMMISSION.
The House of Commons having been summoned to
the bar of their Lordships' liouse, the Royal Assent
was given by Commission, in the usual form, to
the undermentioned Bills :—The Customs Duties Bill,
the Stamp Duties Bill, the Edinburgh Boroughs Bill,
the West Indian Colonies Bill, the Lancaster and Car-
lisle Railway Bill, the North Union ;Railway Bill, the
Carlisle and Maryport Railway Bill, the Eastern Coun-
ties Railway Bill, the Salford Improvement Bill, the
Leeds Gas Bill, the Globe Insurance Company Bill, and
two Inclosure Bills.

The Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the
Earl of Shaftesbury, and the Earl of Dalhousie.
The Commons having withdrawn their Lordships ad-
journed during pleasure.
Their Lordships resumed at five o'clock.
The Assaults (Ireland) Bill passed through Com-
mittee.

The Earl of MANSFIELD presented a petition
against Sir Thomas Wilson's Estate Bill.

DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL.

Earl FORTESCUE presented petitions in favour of
the Dissenters' Chapels Bill. He gave his cordial thanks
to the Noble and Learned Lord on the woolsack for
having introduced this Bill, and he trusted it would pass
into a law.

WILSON'S ESTATE BILL-INCLOSURE OF
HAMSTEAD•HEATH.

The Earl of EGMONT moved the second reading of
this Bill, and in doing so he denied that it was intended
to apply the powers of the Bill, should it be passed, for
the purpose of inclosing Hampstead-heath.
Lord DENMAN felt it his duty to oppose this Bill,
for he was at a loss to know what grievance there was
of which Sir Thomas Wilson could complain, and there-
fore
there was no necessity for this Bill.—(Hear,
hear.) The will under which Sir Thomas Wilson
held his property, provided that Hampstead-heath
should not be leased for more than twenty-one
years. It had been said that this Bill was not for the
purpose of 'enclosing
Hampstead heath. It was true
that it was not intended to cut up the heath into small
portions, as was the case of an inclosed common ; but it
was meant to give by the Bill power to certain parties
to build over 400 acres of land, which now made the
heath a healthy and happy place, and the resort of
thousands on every Sabbath-day in the summer time ;
and this, he thought, ought to be more gratifying to the
proprietor than any trifling increase in the value of that
property. The holders of copyhold property near to
the heath were greatly annoyed at the prospect of hav-
ing 400 acres of the heath built upon. It had been
said that the will of the late Sir Thomas M. Wilson
was a very strange will, but he (Lord Denman) thought
it was a very humane will, for he believed that Sir Thos.
Wilson as much devised the enjoyment of Hampstead-
heath to the public as he did any of his property to his
son. Under these circumstances he should move that
the Bill be read a second time that day six months.
The Earl of COLCHESTER supported the Bill.
Lord CAMPBELL thought the Bill ought to be re-
jected. The same powers existed with respect to the
property of Sir Thomas Wilson, as were possessed by
his ancestors. Why then should he come to Parliament
for further powers as to the disposal of such property
as that on Hampstead-heath ? Why should Par-
liament give powers to a private individual, at the
expense of public convenience and comfort. This Bill
was precisely the same as the Bill of last session, which
was brought forward to empower Sir Thomas Wilson to
lease Hampstead-heath for periods of sixty and seventy
years. He (Lord Campbell) hoped their Lordships
would reject this Bill.

The Earl of WICKLOW said that within the last ten
years thirty Bills similar to this one had passed, and he
would ask what objection there could be to this Bill
going before a Committee of their Lordships' House ?
He should support the second reading.
The Earl of MANSFIELD argued that if this Bill
were unsound in principle, there was no necessity for
going into the Committee, and therefore he should op-
pose it in the present stage.
Lord COTTENHAM said, this Bill if passed would
not interfere with Hampstead-heath at all.—(Hear.)
The Bill contained nothing which in an ordinary case
would prevent its passing, and, therefore, if they refused
to pass this Bill, they would forfeit their character for
doing equal justice to all.
The Earl of EGMONT replied.
Their Lordships then divided—
Contents
Non-contents 3l
Majority against the second reading -11
The Bill is consequently lost.
(LEFT SITTING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour.
ROYAL COMMISSI DN.
The Usher of the Black Rod appeared at the bar, and
summoned the House to the bialarilowfatyheßHillouwseasofrornederas
to hear her Majesty's Commission read for giving the
Royal Assent to several Bills, for which see Lords' report.
The Epsom and Croydon
third time and passed.
The Taff Vale Railway Bill was read a third time and
passed.

DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL.
Mr. HAMILTON presented a petition from the Cler-
gymen of the Established Church in the county of Dub-
lin, 100 Members of the Irish bar, and several fellows
and scholars of Trinity College, against the Bill.
Petitions against the Bill were presented by Colonel
Sibthorp, Mr. Antrobus, and Mr. Mundy from nume-
rous congregations of Wesleyans, Independents, and
Baptists.
Mr. WALKER presented a petition from a body of
Wesleyans, who gated that upon examining the Bill,
they found reason to withdraw their opposition to it, and
they prayed the House to allow them to withdraw their
petition against the Bill. .
Mr. M. O'CONNELL presented a petition numerously
signed from Roman Catholics in the county of Cork
against the Bill.
Mr. ARCHBOLD presented a great number of peti-
tions from Irish Catholics in favour of the Bill, amongst
others one from Kildare, signed by 5,000 persons.
Mr. MUNTZ presented two petitions from Birming-
ham, one in favour of, and one against it.
Mr. GODSON presented a petition in favour of the
Bill, and several against it, from places in Northum-
berland.
Mr. WILSON PATTEN presented petitions from
Warrington, in Preston, and one from places in Lan-
cashire, in favour of the Bill.
Mr. THORNELY presented several petitions in
favour of the Bill, from places in the West of England,
and from Abby Lan, in the county of Westnipath, and

LONDON, THURS,DAY EVENING, JUNE 6, 1644,

from several other places in Ireland.
Mr. TAYLOR presented petitions from several places
in Worcestershire in favour of the Bill.
Petitions against the Bill were presented from Mon-
mouth, by Mr. Blewitt ; from Cumberland, by Mr. Gore
Langton ; from Birmingham and places in Grloucester-
shire, by Mr. Scholefield ; and by Colonel T. Wood
from Finchley and other places in Middlesex.
Mr. RICE presented a petition from Dover against
the Bill.
Mr. BUSFEILD presented petitions from congrega-
tions in Bradford, in favour of the Bill.
Mr. BROTHERI ON presented six petitions, signed
by several thousand Roman Catholics in Manchester
and Salford, against the Bill.
Lord R. GROSVENOR presented several petitions
for and against the Bill.—(Laughter.) He had carefully
examined these petitions, and he found the signatures
so nearly balanced each other in point of numbers, that
he was unable to say whether he was petitioning for the
Bill or against it.—(Laughter.)
Mr. BOYD presented 51 petitions against the Bill.
Colonel TREVOR presented a number of petitions
against the Bill.
Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a similar petition from
Margate.
Mr. 0. GORE presented petitions against the Bill from
Pershore, and other places in Worcestershire, and also
one from Sligo.
Dr. BOWRING presented petitions from Wesleyans,
and other Dissenters at Barnard Castle and Manchester,
in favour of the Bill.
Dr. STOCK presented a petition, signed by 50,000
Roman Catholics in the county of Dublin, in favour of
the Bill.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
Mr. BECKETT presented a petition from a congre-
gation in Leeds in favour of the Bill.
Sir J. HANMER presented .a petition against the Bill.
Colonel ACTON presented petitions from Dublin to
the same effect.
Sir G. STAUNTON presented petitions to the same
effect.
Mr. SHAW presented petitions in favour of the Bill
from the Roman Catholics of Dublin.
Mr. WAWN presented petitions from South Shields
against the Bill.
Mr. E. TENNENT presented fifteen petitions from
the north of Ireland against the Bill ; also, nine petitions
in favour. of the Bill.
Mr. MILNES presented a petition from the deanery
of Pomfret against* the Bill.'
Mr. RICHARDS presented petitions to the same effect.
Lord MARSHAM presented petitions from Kent to
the same effect.
Mr. M. PHILIPS presented several petitions from
Lancashire in favour of the Bill.
Mr. 'WILLIAMS presented a petition against the Bill.
Lord DUNCAN:presente4 several petitions from Bath
against the Bill.
Mr. SHEIL presented fifteen petitions from Roman
Catholic congregations in Ireland in favour of the Bill.
Colonel VERNER presented petitions from the North
of Ireland for and against the Bill.
Viscount ACHESON presented petitions for and
against the Bill.
Mr. DIVETT presented petitions from Gloucester-
shire against the Bill.
Mr. WYSE presented several petitions from Ireland
in favour of the Bill.
Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY asked the Right
Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
whether they were aware that an enactment had passed
the Legislature of British Guiana, sanctioning the rais-
ing of a loan in this country ?
Lord STANLEY said he had received dispatches from
Demerara that morning, to the effect stated by the Hon.
Gentleman.
Dr. BOWRING said, perhaps the Noble Lord would
be able without receiving notice of his intention to put
the question, to state whether he was able to lay on the
table the papers which had arrived yesterday from
China, containing some important declaration issued by
the Government of Hong-Kong on the subject of slavery
and the slave trade.
Lord STANLEY said he had not seen the papers to
which the Hon. Gentleman referred.
BANK CHARTER.
Mr. MUNTZ wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government a question with respect
to the Bank Charter, in order to remove the doubt which
existed in the public mind. In the event of such an export
of gold as should withdraw from circulation all notes ex-
ceeding the 14 millions issued against securities, were
the said 14 millions, or any part of them, to be payable
in gold on demand ; and supposing that three millions
issued against the Exchequer to be withdrawn from cir-
culation, how were those notes to be redeemed which were
issued against the 11 millions of debt due to the Bank ?
Sir R. PEEL said he would really rather not answer
the question. He thought the intention of the Bill was
quite manifest. Any demand made upon the Bank
must be paid in gold. The Bank was allowed to
issue notes on securities to the amount of 14 millions.
The debt due from the Government to the Bank, to the
amount of eleven millions, was assigned as part of those
securities. The remainder of those securities were
securities over which the Bank had an entire control.
-It was of no use to put extreme hypothetical
cases.—(Hear.) The Bank -4hould have free • con-
trol over the thres millions, and if it should be necessary
no doubt the Government would have credit enough to
pay the demand upon them.
In reply to a question from Lord J. RUSSELL,
Sir R. PEEL stated that the Sugar duties would have
precedence on Thursday next.
Mr. BORTHWICK wished to learn from the Right
Hon. Baronet when the Poor-laws Amendment Bill, the
Ecclesiastical Courts Bill,,the County Courts Bill, and
other Government measures, would be brought forward?
Sir R. PEEL could give no pledge on the subject. It
was most desirable that the subjects should be properly
discussed. On Mon.day next he intended to proceed
with the Sugar Duties, on Thursday with the question of
the Bank Charter, and if to-morrow, he could state what
question would be brought' on Friday, he would do so,
but he would not pledge himself on the subject.
' IRISH REGISTRATION BILL.
Lord J. RUSSELL trusted that sufficient notice would
be given of when it was intended to bring forward the
Irish Registration Bill.
Sir R. PEEL would take care to give such ample
notice respecting i n
full tthi
intimation
Billßthat
iL all
wisnh.terrlacjteisotn.y' s subjects
should have
On the motion for reading. the Order of the Day for
the second reading of the Dissenter's Chapels Bill,
Mr. BORTHWICK gave notice that he should on that
day fortnight move for leave to bring in a Bill for the
amendment of the existing Poor-laws.
DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL.
Sir B. HALL presented' petitions against the Dis-
senters' Chapels Bill.
Mr. MACAULAY presented 100 petitions from
different partsi-of Scotland to the same effect. •
Sir GEORGE STICKLAND presented a petition
from the Wesleyans of Preston against the Dissenters'
Chapels Bill.
Mr. SCOTT presented petitions, in favour of the Bill,
from various Dissenting congregations, and also various
petitions, with a similar prayer, from the lineal descend-
ants of many of the founders of these chapels.
Mr. VILLIERS presented a petition from the Roman
Catholics of Wolverhampton, in favour of the Bill.
Mr. BUTT presented several petitions against the
Bill.
Sir JOHN SEALE presented a petition from the
Wesleyans of Dartmouth against the Bill.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented petitions in favour of
the Bill.
Mr. STUART WORTLEY presented a petition from
a congregation of Wesleyans .against the Bill, and also
a petition from Selby in favour of the Bill
Mr. Alderman HUMPIIERY presented thirty-six
petitions from congregations in London, Southwark, and
Lambeth, against the Bill ; also a petition signed by the
Right Hon. Fox Maule, as Chairman of a meeting held
in Exeter Hall, against the Bill, which petition stated
twelve distinct reasons why the Bill should not pass into
a law.
Mr. COBDEN presented twelve petitions against the
Bill, and three in its favour.
Mr. GROGAN presented petitions from various Wes-
leyan and Presbyterian congregations in Ireland against
the Bill.
Mr. WAWN presented a petition from Birkenhead
against the Bill.
Lord H. VANE presented petitions from various con-
gregations in Durham against the Bill.
Sir J. TYRRELL presented petitions from Essex
against the Bill.
Mr. WATSON presented eight petitions from dif-
ferent Roman Catholic bodies in Ireland in favour of the
Bill.

Mr. GIBSON presented petitions in favour of the Bill.
Captain PECHELL presented three petitions from
Brighton against the Bill.
Mr. BOUVERIE presented a petition in favour of the
Bill.
Mr. P. S. BUTLER presented two petitions from
Kilkenny in favour of the gill.
Viscount BARRINGTON presented a petition against
the Bill.
Lord CLAUD HAMILTON presented petitions
against the Bill.
Lord STANLEY presented petitions in favour of the
Bill.

Mr. STANSFIELD presented a petition from Hud-
dersfield against the Bill. •
Sir B. INGLIS presented petitions against the Bill.
Mr. COWPER presented four petitions against the
Bill.

Sir J. PARKER presented petitions for and against
the Bill. •
Mr. EWART presented a petition from Liverpool in
favour of the Bill.
Lord J. RUSSELL presented several petitions against
the Bill.
Colonel FOX presented petitions from the Tower
Hamlets against the Bill.
Sir C. DOUGLAS presented a petition in favour of
the Bill.
Mr. HAWES presented 63 petitions, some in favour
of, and some against, the Bill.
Mr. WARBURTON presented petitions from Kendal
against the Bill.
Sir R. PEEL presented several petitions from mem-
bers of the Established Church, Roman Catholics, and
Dissenters of various denominations, in the county of
Down, in favour of the Bill.
Mr. BELLEW presented similar petitions from the
counties of Down and Antrim.
Sir WM. FOLLETT said, on rising to move the
second reading of this Bill, lie would endeavour to state
to the House as clearly as he could, the object
which was contemplated by it ; and he was the more
anxious to do so, because he was satisfied from what
was taking place out of doors, and from the language of
many of the petitions presented against the Bill,
that much misapprehension prevailed upon the sub-
ject.—(Hear, hear.) Petitions had been presented
against the Bill from various denominations

of Dissenters, and, amongst others, from the classes who
claimed to have an interest in the property which was
the subject-matter in dispute, and who said that if the
Bill were passed they would be deprived of property to
which they were now entitled. He would deal with that
allegation in another part. There were petitions from
the Wesleyan body. Ile could not think there was any
provision in the Bill which could in any way whatever
affect the property of the Wesleyan body—(Cries
of "Her, hear")—nor would it affect the pro-
perty of the members of the Church of England,
for its operation was confined to Dissenting chapels.
The costs of the suits which had been going on for
nearly fourteen years kad almost destroyed the property
in dispute, and although the House of Lords had come
to a decision, it was at that moment as
much a question what class of dissenters were
entitled to the benefits of this charity as when
the suit was instituted fourteen years ago. He did not
know whether gentlemen were aware that a fresh infor-
mation had been filed on the part of the Independ-
ents against the Presbyterians, alleging that the
latter did not agree in doctrine with Lady Hewley.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)