The Sun.
London, England, 1868-06-03 00:00:00

J udge said that he bad looked in vain through the
evidence to see that Mr. EYRE bad authorised this
or that act of cruelty or oppression. The Grand
J".ry retired for four hours, at the expiration of
'which they came into Court, and informed the

learned Judge that they returned " no true bill ;"
and thus ended the case, concerning which so much
interest has been felt. It is to be hoped that we
have now done with the prosecution of Mr. EYRE,
and that the Jamaica Committee will retire from
their unwearied notoriety, and cease to run counter
to public opinion as they have done. They have
rebuffs enough by this time in all cmiscience, and
none'more important and significant than that of yes-
terday at the hands of the Grand Jury of Middlesex.
This body was then well known by the straightfor-
ward view they took of the case, and the ready
manner in which they recognised the full bearings
of the matter before them for judgment. Had the
case gone for trial we feel sure that the evidence for
the accused would have so impressed and influenced
the court.as to the legality of Mr. EYRE'S proceedings
and the honesty of his intentions, that the result
would have been his acquittal ; but it is far more
satisfactory as it is, and the next thing to desire is
that the Government will resolve to indemnify M r•
EYRE for any loss he may have sustained. When
we come to reflect upon the particulars set forth by
Mr. Justice BLACKBURNE it seems indeed most
hard that Mr. EYRE should have been recalled from
his position as Governor of Jamaica, and we believe it
is generally considered. At any rate public indigna-
tion has not been wanting in this last attempt to
ruin on the assumption of deciding legal difficulties ;
and those who have acquiesced and carried on the
affair with so much eagerness will find that they
are on the losing side throughout. Mr. EYRE may
be congratulated, but we cannot look upon the case
yesterday decided at Westminster as a personal
affair, for it affected the public well-being of our
colonies, the welfare of our colonial fellow-subjects,
and the honour of the English name abroad. It
would indeed have been a sad spectacle to offer to
the world that we as a nation had so little regard for
justice and so vague a perception of propriety that we
allowed a man who passed the best years of his life in
the arduous service of his country to be attacked
and ruined to please the prejudices of a faction.
We are very much mistaken if the general impres-
sion will not be that the Jamaica Committee have
proved their utter ignorance of the particular law
of Jamaica with respect to martial law, and thus
confirmed the opinion already entertained in some
quarters that they set out by condemning Mr EYRE,
and then proceeded to justify themselves at his
expense, and at the sacrifice of reason, and in con-
tempt of real justice. The result of yesterday's in-
vestigation has made Mr. EYRE'S case clearer than
it ever was before, and so far it is not to be re-
gretted that it was brought forward, although it
would have been well if he had been spared the an-
noyance of the affair.
The fact is that the more perfect the inquiry into
the matter the more justly is it proved that in all
he did the ex-Governor of Jamaica had no object
in view but to protect the Colony entrusted to his
care, and that he did the best he could in a position
of 'great peril and anxiety—he has saved that
others may weep ; but as long as any recollection
of the insurrection remains in Jamaica, so long
will his name be held in grateful recollection, and
he will be regarded as the preserver of the colony
in a time of great danger. Like other men of merit,
however, the meed he has received has not been in
accordance with his deserts; but while this occa-
sions regret to his friends, it is some satisfaction to
learn that his enemies are overwhelmed with defeat
and mortification.

The exact terms of the resolutions adopted at
the Chicago Convention are now before us, and
deserve attention, not only from the influence which '
it was believed that the meeting would exercise on
the Washington crisis, but because the resolutions
tewe may believe, what is called in America
tciolens‘t "platform"
of the Republican party. We may
see in them, more especially iu the sixth and eighth
resolutions, some traces of the influence of the ex-
treme Radical section, but for the most part they
are such as moderate, pacific, and reasonable men
of the party could honestly subscribe to. If they
are to be accepted as indicative of the policy to be
pursued henceforward by the Republicans, we may
hope for a decided improvement in the tone of pub-
lic affairs. Nevertheless, the inconsistencies and
unfairness which have marked the conduct
of too many of the leading Republicans
leave their traces. The Chicago Convention
was held in the ten days' interval between
the first and second votes of the Senate Court
on the Impeachment. Report says that the ad-
journtnent was moved with an especial view to it.
After the vote on the 11th Article had been taken
it was naturally supposed that the Court would
vote on the ten Articles and settle the momentous
question, but the Radicals had other ends to serve
than the mere legal decision. They wished to ob-
tain an interval to put the pressure of direct and
indirect influence upon the wavering Senators, and
they were not without hope that the Chicago Con-
vention might produce some effect. The open
declaration of the Republican policy has often be-
fore now produced a change in doubtful members
of the party, and the Chicago Convention is always
looked upon as an important and authoritative as-
sembly. Resolutions condemning ANDREW JOHNSON
in set terms were passed at Chicago, and no doubt
the Radicals thought that no man dare set himself
so completely against his party as to vote for the
acquittal of one who was thus prejudged and con-
demned. The eighth resolution begins by deploring
the tragic death of ABRAHAM LiNcoLN--an expres-
sion of regret which might seem rather late, only
that the reason for the sorrow is that the assassina-
tion of LINCOLN led to the elevation of JOHNSON.
After this preamble the whole formula of charges
is gone through. The PRESIDENT has acted
treacherously to the people who elected him ; he has
usurped high legislative and judicial functions ; be
has refused to execute the laws; he has rendered
insecure the property, the peace, the liberty, and
the life of the citizen ; he has abused the par-
doning power ; be has denounced the National
Legislature as unconstitutional ; he has persis-
tently and corruptly resisted every proper
attempt at the reconstruction of the rebellious
States; he has perverted the public patronage into the
engine of wholesale corruption. Such is the verdict
of the Chicago Convention ; and the resolution
winds up in characteristic style by declaring that
ANDREW JOHNSON has been justly impeached and
properly pronounced guilty by the vote of 35
Senators—entirely ignoring the fact that the votes
of a minority sufficiently large to secure an acquit-
tal pronounced him not guilty. It might well have
been supposed that such unmistakeable language
would have startled the recusant Senators, but
happily such was not the case. The 19 stood firm,
and the Chicago Resolution was practically useless.
The interval between the votes was useful in
another way to the Radical Senators who wished to
be present at the Convention, and who were thus
able to look after their interests at Chicago
without deserting their posts at Washington.
When it was known abroad that such men as
ir.V3II3LIL and FESSENDEN—high legal authorities