The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-22 00:00:00

to the interests which—(The conclusion of the sentence
was drowned in loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Well, at
least so far as intention is concerned, I entreat you to
consider whether I could have any personal—(Cheers)
—or political object—(Hear, hear)—in giving the
counsel which I gave and in recommending the mea-
sures whict were adopted. With regard to other
charges or other language—admitting that there ought to
be, with respect both to the conduct and the motives of
public men, the utmost latitude of discussion—l shall
not complain of any terms which have been used. The
only charge that I shall refer to is one which was brought
against me by the Noble Lord the Member for Notting-
hamshire (Lord 11. Bentinck), who not only imputed to
Yne mi4atatement3, but who publicly declared at a meet-
ing in his county that I had a private and personal in-
terestin recommending those changes of the law whisk

I had proposed in 1846.—(Cheers.) Sir, I think it would
be as well it we abstained in our political controversies
from imputing to each other dishonest motives.—
(Cheers.) I should be disposed to give to the Noble
Lord, in any course he might take, credit for the purity
of his motives, even while I felt it my duty to censure
and denounce that Bourse.—(Cheers.) But the Noble
Lord has not treated me with that consideration. He
not only thinks that my course has been moat impolitic
and most unjust—be not only thinks that I was un-
faithful to the interests I was bound to protect—(Cheers
and counter cheers)—but he says that I was influenced
by considerations of private, paltry gain in advising the
repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) And the Noble
Lord founds his charge against me on this allega-
tion—that my interest in funded property far exceeded
the interest which I had in land.—(Cheers and laughter.)
The Noble Lord had, it appears, condescended to make
inquiry into my private circumstances, and undertook to
inform those who listened to him at the meeting that my
interest in land was only one-fourth of the interest I bad
in the funds, and that, therefore, I had a direct pecuniary
motive itradvising the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.)
Well, I am sure, Sir, I do not deprecate any reference
to my private affairs which the Noble Lord may think
it consistent with his public duty to make. I may say I
should have borne with much less calmness and equanimity
the charges against me if I deprecated inquiry and emu-
ruination into any act, public or private, connected with
the discharge of my duty to the Crown.—(Cheers.)
But this I think I have a right to complain of—that the
Noble Lord did not act fairly—that, if he thought it
fitting to charge me with personal motives, and founded
his charge on circumstances of a private nature, he
should, I think, have made himself intimate with the
facts, and not have preferred charges on assumptions
utterly and totally erroneous.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I
shall not trouble the House with reference to private
nasneers; I shall only say on this point, *at if the Noble
Lord happened to state exactly the reverse of what he
did say he would have been much nearer the truth.—
(Cheers and laughter.) I hope, therefore, that however
ungrateful he may think my course, or however impo-
litic, he will at lecet acquit me cf any intention to derive
personal gain from the policy I have pursued; and in
future, before you denounce the conduct of any public
man as treacherous, let me advise you to place your-
selves in tho 'situation in which that public man was
placed, and to consider the duties which devolved upon
him. When I and those with whom I acted in concur-
rence, my valued friends and colleagues—when we de-
termined that it was our duty to propose to the Legisla-
ture the repeal of the duty on food we were threatened
with a portentous and most grievous calamity, and it
was impossible for us to know to what extent the dis-
order which affected the food cf a large portion of the
people of Ireland might go. We knew this, however,
that in Ireland alone 4,000,000 of men depended on one
article of subsistence. We knew that that article of sub-
sisterce was seriously threatened, and I must say for one
that I did feel it my duty as a public man to take pre-
cautions, even should they turn out to be superfluous,
ugliest the occurrence cf a calamity which might he fatal
to the peace of Viso country, and to the existence of
many thousands.—(Loud cheers.) Nay, more, I did
believe it would not be conducive to the intereets of the
anrinultural classes themselves to see the effact of disease
end fiamine, and yet refuse the natural remedy—namely,
ieoree;eil supplies of the means of suleeistence. lal
feel, Sir—this duty once removed—that in the
stat 3 of public opinion and of public petdilecri n which
existed, a conflict far the revival cf. it would not be for
the interests of the landlords.—(Cheers.) The Noble
Lord oppOeite (Lord J. Russe!l) had come to the same
conclusion. He did rot, I believe, intend to ecnbalrass
the course of Government; but he had also come to the
conclusion that the duties on corn should be repealed or
euepemled, and that after their euspereidon their revival
would be impossible—art least impossible without a con-
flict which would be injurious to the interest of those
for whose 'Armitage protection was established.—
(Cheers.) Sir, it was my sincere belief—l thought it
my duty— a duty I owed to God and to my country—if
there was a chancy of famine, to take the precau-
tion which alone could be taken, and to suspend the
duties.—(Cheers.) I did conscientiously believe that
a,ter that suspension it would be most unwise to
give a vledge for the revival and renewal of those
duties as they then stood. I may have been mis-
taken, Sir, but all subsequent events have confirmed
my impression that we were not in error,
and that the course we have taken has been a wise one.
—(Cheers.) But if it had been mistaken, would I have
had any personal or political object to gain in forfeiting
your good opinion—in relinquishing office—in exposing
myself to the abuse and vituperation of those who had
been nay friends, and—infinitely more galling and more
painful—in losing your confidence?—(Loud cheers.)
But I must submit to it, and, submitting, I declare that
the interval which has passed has only confirmed my
confidence in the prudence of the course that was
adopted in pursuance of the policy of those commercial
principles which were acted on subsequently to 1842, and
to which the present Government has, infinitely to my
satisfaction, steadily and consistentl adhered.—(Cheer-
ing.) Sir, I agree with the Hon. Gentleman—l am no
enemy to the landed interest; all my prejudices, sympa-
thies, and interests are connected with it—l agree with
him, that the land is the stable basis of the country.—
(Loud Protectionist cheering.) I should deplore the day
when the land lost its legitimate influence, but my belief
is that that day will never come. My belief is that the land
will always retain its legitimate influence. Why, you
are now exclaiming that if there were a dissolution of
Parliament, and new elections took place, so predomi-
nant is the influence of the land that you would re-
turn a Parliament which should revive protection.—
(Loud cheers.) I totally differ from you with respect to
that result. It is my firm belief protection never will
and never can revive—(Loud cheers and counter-cheers)
—but you convince me you think the just influence of
the land is not diminished when you prophesy that you
can restore protection.—(Renewed cheering.) The
lapse of time, the progress of public opinion, the altera-
tions of institutions and manners, make great changes in
the causes which contribute to the influence of landed
property. It would now be utterly impossible to clothe
the land with the privileges it possessed at the time the
feudal system was imposed. All institutions have alike
been compelled to change and modify the grounds on
which they maintain popularity. Queen Victoria can-
not speak to the House of Commons in the tone in which
Queen Elizabeth addressed them; but I doubt whether
tree influence of Queen Victoria, though great preroga-
tives of the ;Crown have been relinquished—l doubt if
her influence in your affectionate attachment and willing,
ooeinence is not greater than that which Queen Elizabeth
enjoyed.—(Loud and universal cheering.) So it has been
with the privileges of the Aristocracy—so it has been with
the privileges or the House of Commons. There was a
time when he who fished in your ponds would have been
apprehended and punished for a breach of privilege.—
(Laughter.) You made wise concessions to justice—old
abuses are gone, but has your legitimate influence de
creased? No, but it has been derived from other sources.
feur willing uteradonment of what could not be justly
maintained has given you ample compensation in the
hearts of the people; and so it hat been with the heed.
The froward retention of old enactments and old ptivi-
sees would only undermine, not sustain your power.
It tthe time having arrived when the relinquishment f
pridestion was more for your permanent advantage than
retaining it after a severe struggle, my belief is that,
by relinguishing and I}y giving to the poor and to the
labouring classes the ivcata;;es unrestricted imports,
by doing it willingly, when there was no immediate pres-
sure upon you% when there was no threat, no menace,
you have received ample compensation in the point of in-
crewed influence and authority. Your great influence
eannet be diminished. It is founded en ancient institu-
tions--in the nature of the Constitution, and in your
high character, and depend on it that it will not be
abated because you have refused to receive pecuniary
advantage by increasing the price of corn, and reviving
the restrict:ma on the rood of the people.—(Cheers.) I
felt sure your interest was intimately connected and in-
tn.wovee with the general prosperity of the country. It
may be premature now to decide on the ultimate
results.
of toe policy we have pursued—(Cheers)—but 11
- le
not entitled prematurely COU(1.11111 it.—(Cheers.)
am speeeking at a momer t when the exports manufac-
turing produce in this the first year of free trade in corn
have exceedul by 10,000,000/. the exports of the last
year during which restriction on food prevailed. lam
speaking at a time when there is general contentment
and submission to the law, when crime has been dimi•

niched, when prosperity has been increased, when there
has been an increased consumption of food—if you
will not admit that all these have been the results
of our commercial policy you cannot deny that they
have been effects concurrent with it.—(Loud cheers.)
1 don't taunt the Honourable Gentleman for not
bringing forward the question of protection; but Ido
deplore that there has not been, and is not likely to be,
an opportunity for testing, by discussion, the merit; c f
that great question. It is, I cannot help feeling, unfor-
tunate that, by some direct vote, we cannot decide
whether protection shall be revived or not. It would be
important to set at rest the minds of the occupying
tenant„ cln this subject—it would be important to en-
eoarage them to apply themselves to the improvement
c the land.-"( Cheers.) I wish the landlords would only
unikrstand that it is by improvement, by the applica-
tion of skill, by facilitating the exertions of his tenantry,
th:.t he must rely fur the ability to meet foreign compe-
tition. and that he must abandon the hope of protection.
—(Cheers.) My firm belief is that protection is unte-
nable; but I am sorry it is not brought to the t.st by a
distinct motion by which the opinion of the House of
Commons could be ascertained. If it were brought
forward, I should then state at length the
gr,.;unds ou Which I adhere to the principles
en which I sated in 1542, and on which I
should implore you net to check the confi-
denae that has been reposed in the justice and wisdom
of Parliament. I should ask you to trust to the revival
of agricultural prosperity, by continuing the enc,airage-
ment of labour, by increasing the demand fir your pro-
duce, by removing every remr.rrht of restriction, by
giving to this great people, possessed of such advantages
as no other country in the world enjoys—
in the com-
mend of skill, of coal, of capital—of every element of
prosperity—a fiee supply of food; I should implore you
to trust to these privileges, to your superiority, and all
those national advantages, and never again to seek by