The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-13 00:00:00

I.' la Mina gritit

~'

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 13, 1850.

This evening the House of Commons will go into
Committee for the purpose of voting the resolutions
upon which to found a new Stamp Duties Bill. We
trust that the present attempt may be more successful
than any of the three abortive efforts by which it was
preceded—that some result may follow from the
15 years' labour of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Last year was signalized by its four budgets. There
is, however, no falling off in that respect, as we shall
have at least four Stamp Duties Bills this year,
even should Sir CHARLES WOOD persuade
Parliament to accept his present proposition.
He has certainly disarmed opposition, for scarcely
a suggestion has been made from any side of
the House which be has not readily accepted,
and indeed the measure, as it now stands, may be re••
garded rather as the offspring of the Hon. Member
for Cirencester than of its putative parent. It is not,
however, the worse on that account, for we must can-
didly admit that Mr. Mumaxos has e3thibited far
greater knowledge of the question, and shown him-
self more competent to conduct it to a satisfactory
conclusion, than the Right Honourable Baronet.
The nation has nothing to regret but that
the blunders and vacillation of its Ministerof Finance
should have been placed in so prominent a position
before Parliament and the country in general.
The first notice of the contemplated change was
introduced with a loud flourish of trumpets. The
Right Honourable Baronet declaimed with laudable
complacency on the great boon he was about to con-
fer upon the landccracy by the equalization of the
duty on bonds, mortgages, and transfers. He spoke
forcibly, too, of the gross injustice of the present sys-
tem, and declared hiswillingness to relinquish revenue
to the extent of 300,000/. per annum, in order
to remove the grievances and render the code fair and
equitable. The principle of ad valorem duties was
received with all but unanimous approbation ; it
was, in fact, regarded as the redeeming feature of
" the Brick-dust Budget," the only point that
saved the financial scheme from the contenipt and
censure it so richly deserved. But, on a closer ex-
amination of the details, it was discovered that rather
too much credit had been given to the Right
Honourable Gentleman. The placing an ad va-

lorem duty of 10i. per cent. would unquestion-
ably be a great advantage to the community
in general, and would lead to much greater activity
in such transactions. Under the existing scale the
stamp duty on all conveyances where the purchase-
money exceeded 1501. might be averaged at about
1 per cent., so that an unquestionable reliefwould be
afforded, so far as transfers were concerned. It was,
however, very different with respect to bonds and
mortgages. In these matters there would be a lower
charge on all transactions below 1,0001., but a very
considerable increase on everything above that sum.
For instance, on 5,0001. the stamp would be in-
creased from 9/. to 251. ; on 10,0001., from 121,
to 50/. ; on 20,0001., from 201. to 100/. ;
and on 200,0001., from 251. to 1,0001.! ! ! These
considerations led to the belief that the results of the
change would not be quite so beneficial to the com-
munity as the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to think.
Many very stringent regulations were also intro-
duced that would have the effect of making transac-
tions liable to very heavy duties that were at present
partially exempt. Latet anguis in herba became
the cry, and the general opinion was, that a very
" artful dodge" was about to be perpetrated. The
banking interest became alarmed. They dis-
covered that a simple deposit of title deeds
for a mere temporary purpose, constituting what is
termed "an equitable mortgage," would, if the Bill
should receive the Legislative sanction, be subject to
the same heavy duty as a legal mortgage ; and, also,
that the existing privilege, which permitted the stamp-
ing of documents on payment of a certain penalty,
would be practically abolished, as such instruments
would only take effect from the time of affixing the
proper stamp, and not from the date, as had been
the case previously. A numerous and influential
deputation, accordingly, attended at Downing-street

for the purpose of pointing out the serioua objections
to the measure. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
at once yielded. He declared that it was not his
object to impose a duty on equitable mortgages; he
could not, however, deny that such would be the
effect of the clause he had introduced, and the ob-
noxious words were accordingly removed from the
Bill.

The Right Honourable Gentleman having thus
preserved himself from the charge of having endea-
voured to deceive the Legislature, and guarded his
integrity at the expense of his capacity and ability,
brought the Bill to a second reading. He had, however,
to announce another "change of mind." The
nation very naturally objected to the enormous in-
crease of duty on bonds and mortgages for large
sums that would be occasioned by the ad valorna
duty of one-half per cent. Sit CIIARLES, believing
that " discretion was the better part of valour,"
yielded again, and announced his intention of taking
the duty at one-quarter, in place of one-half, per
cent. The House wa, however, even more liberal,
having in Committee decided, by a majority of 29,
that the stamp on bonds and mortgages under 501.
should be only 1,3. in place of 2s. 6d., as proposed.
This humiliating and decisive defeat appears to

have compl@tely bewildered the faculties of our able
financier. He declared his inability to proceed fur-
ther at the moment, and asked for time to consider
what course he should adopt. This was readily con-
ceded, and after a reasonable delay he announced the
intentions of the Government. The appointed even-
ing, however, found him still in a state of confusion
and perplexity. He discovered that his fancied solution
of the difficulty was by no means satisfactory, even
to himself; and he withdrew the subject for the time
being. Again he announced a new determination,and
the subject, which had stood over from the lith of
April, when her MaJEsTY's Ministers were left in the
disgraceful minority to which we have alluded, was
fixed for Friday evening, the 10th instant.
al
also havehoiae hoped, s
wolutldwa
tthheis lawsta;imteheo; thazs'rkelin,
g ;thatbuitt,
alas, the fallacy of human hopes ! Sir CHARLES
WOOD was still vacillating and doubtful. He could
not even satisfy himself onthe subject, and could
scarcely hope to please his
accordingly, withdrawn the opponents.
Bill, and is
ponents. He has,
to substitute another in its
new Bill the stamp on place. In the
transfers is
fixed at one per cent. TM., as we have to be
practically the same as at present on all stated will be
,
150/. and 80,000/., while there will b sums between
e lbere considerable
increase on all heavier transictions.
will at
least be no great loss to the revenue on these
On bonds and mortgages the future charge is
.ge Is to be
per cent., thus approximating to, although not
entirely accepting, the decision of the House on
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY'S amendment. This il
will
reduce the duties payable on sums up to
9,6001., and also between 10,000/. and 19
while it will increase all beyond the latter sum
There ere some minor details, into which we shall
not at present enter, but which appear to be in some
respects irrprovements on the former propositions.
We trust, however, that something practical will at
length be effected, and that the present attempt of the
Right Hon. Gentleman may be more fortunate than
any of those by which it was preceded.

We are not surprised at the attempt made on
Thursday night by " the tricksters," who, in this
111stnnee, are the very excellent allies of " Wile
of
l'Illies" to shelve the motion of which Mr. MAu-
RICE CONIIIILL had given notice, for the introduc-

tion of a clause into the Elections (Ireland) Bill

enacting that henceforth, in all elections in Ireland for

Members to serve in Parliament, the votes shall be

ken by ballot.

We can easily imagine that the

discussion of such a motion would be regarded
as exceedingly inconvenient by the official gentlemen.
Sir JOHN ROMILLY, for instance, introduced this very
Bill—Sir JOHN ROMILLY is the Member for Devon-
port, and is a supporter of the ballot (just as Sir G•
GREY was a supporter of the ballot while he was
Member for Devonport, and before he was returned
by family and aristocratic influence for Northumber-
land). Sir JOHN ROMILLY having voted for Mr.
HENRY BERKELEY'S motion could hardly with any ap-
pearance of consistency have opposed Mr. MAURICE
O'CONNELL'S motion, and therefore, no doubt, Sir
Join( ROMILLY would-be very glad to take advan-
tage of any point of form to escape from
the " fix " in which Mr. MAURICE O'Comma.'s motion
had placed him. Sir GEoaGE GREY, whose sudden volte
face on this question has not, we can assure him,
been either forgotten or forgiven by the great body of
honest reformers, would be well pleased to escape
from a repetition cf that castigation (it was richly
deserved and well laid on) which he received from
the Hon. Member for Bristol, about a month
since, when that Honourable Gentleman brought
forward the general question of the ballot.
In addition to the " tricksters" and " the bullies,'
there are also the " skulkers," " the shabbies," and
" the envious" (we include in this latter term those
who oppose every measure of reform which does not
originate with their own clique),—all these would be
required to shelve the proposition of Mr. MAURICE
O'CONRELL, and therefore we are not surprised at the
attempt made on Thursday to take advantage of a
point of form to " burke" the discussion, and to
avoid the division on the ballot which that motion, if
proposed, would necessitate. The attempt was
temporarily successful, but only temporarily. As
is usual with very cunning people, the opponents of
the motion overreached. themselves, and the very
effect of this attempt was the withdrawal of the pro-
position on Thursday, to be renewed to-night on the
third reading of the Bill, so that the supporters of
the ballot are under an obligation to "the tricksters"

for having, by their attempt, called the attention of
the public to the subject ; and we can assure Hon.
Members that the division lists on, this subject will
be most minutely scrutinized by the constituencies—
that the absentees will be marked, and that every
" skulker" and every "rat" will be questioned at the
hustings concerning his vote on this motion.
Ireland is of all other portions of the British em-
pire the best entitled to be the first to receive the
boon of the ballot, if any portion of the constituency
is to have justice done to it before another. The op-
ponents of the ballot say it is no effectual remedy
against bribery. The receiving of bribes is not the
besetting vice of the Irish constituencies—to their
honour be it spoken, they have never sold themselves
wholesale "fsir the love of gain;" there is no Irish Sud-
bury—but that they suffer from intimidation we have
the evidence of the intimidators themselves. "He
would have voted for our candidate (say the land-
lords) if it had not been for the intimidation of the
priest—he would hare voted for our candidate (say
the priests) if it had not been for the intimidation of
the landlord." We do not dispute either assertion,
but we gather from both that it is abundantly clear
that every effort has been used to prevent the man
from voting according to his own opinion ; and as the
object of conferring on him the franchise is to give
him an opportunity of recording his own opinion, and
not that of either his landlord or his priest,
we cannot see how the demand to give him the ballot,
which will protect him from the intimidation of both,
can be reasonably met. We hardly think that the
opponents of the ballot in the House will venture to
make use of the arguments adduced against it by the
leading reactionary journal in its leader on the
recent elections in France. Speaking of vote by
ballot, it says, " It is under cover of that dishonest
and furtive system that servants vote against their
masters, soldiers against officers, craftsmen against
the capitalist who employs them, labourers against
landlords." What, then, do the votes of servants be-
long to their masters, of craftsmen to the capitalist, of
labourers to their landlords ? Because, if so, be
honest—disfranchise all these, and give masters,
capitalists, and landlords a plurality of vote:,
in proportion to the number of their servants,
their craftsmen, or their labourers. To be
logical, you must either do this, or you must give
the constituency the protection of the ballot. We
urge upon every Member, English and Irish, and
more particularly upon every English Member who
has the smallest pretensions to the character of a Re-
former, to be in his place this evening, and to vote
in favour of the motion of Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL ;
and we call upon every constituent to scrutinise the
division list, and to reject the backsliders.

Germany still continues to waver irresolutely be-
tween the alternative of Democracy and Absolutism.
The solution of the political problem so long under
discussion has hitherto evaded the intelligence of all
parties and classes, of princes and peoples, of dema-
gogues and statesmen. During many past months
this important question has been debated with un-
weariable assiduity in one or other of the capitals of
the confederation. Heretofore, as we have said, with-
out any satisfactory consequence. The latest result
of these Parliamentary failures has been the resigna-
tion of the matter, almost unconditionally, into the
hands of the governing authorities. At present,
therefore, the •difficulty is left at the discretion
of the ruling powers of Germany. How far these
heads of the states will advance towards the settle-
ment we fear may be but too readily conjectured.
Experience has assured us again and again that the
b:ckelings of the popular delegates are as nothing to
those arising among the chief:, of the larger or lesser
kingdoms and principalities. In addition to a variance
of opinion as strikingly conspicuous as among the
former, there are visible, moreover, among the latter,
an accumulation of rivalries and jealousies such as
almost defies every influence towards reconcilement.
First cf all, there is the paramount contention be-
tween the northern Protestantism and the southern
Catholicity. Then there is the collision inevitable
from the encounter, no matter how peaceful its aus-
pices, of the retrogressive force of the ancient
Lords Paramount, the Austrians, and of the advance
movement of the modern Lords Paramount, the
Prussians. Of all the political rivalries rankling in the
bosom of the German Confederation, of course the
vast majority are subordinate to the one which has
been so long raging between the royal or imperial
councils of Berlin and Vienna. Yet, with all its in-
disputable prominence, it cannot possibly exclude
from our attention the inferior but still important rival-
ries existing between the four monarchies and
the smaller principalities of Germany. Anything
more inveterate can scarcely be conceived even by
the most imaginative than the feeling which for
upwards of a century has tended year after
year to the greater and greater estrangement
of the forty Governments. With every circum•
stance to demonstrate the advisability of some ami-
cable arrangement, even at the price of large and
mutual concessions, the Kings and Princes, the
Grand Dukes and Electors of Germany have shrunk
from an alliance such as appeared to portend effects
detrimental to their individual interests. The principal
states have dreaded lest an alliance of this kind
might cone ont
hdeui cr el
et
sos
etrh e n
eui
gl the r
br oours ; elevationNvher
ea
so r t
hedevelop-
mentlatter
have recoiled from a proceeding that might at length
result in their absorption into the enormous
dominions ruled by the dynasties of Hapsburg
and of Brandenburg. Hence the hopes of the
aspirants for German unity have remained up to the
present moment unrealised. Hence the heroic
achievements of some patriots, and the yet
more heroic long-suffering of others, have
been ineffectual, if not altogether fruitlesa.
As far as any visible consequence might prove to the
shed
hho
een
dt
hraeirnayrtv,satinhoeihtbhisle oosodng
compatriots
the chivalric dead has been
o f the nationalpurpose.y r i lyrist has stirreds u Such
l
at least must be the conclusion arrived at by the
more superficial observer of the past European oc-
currences. A somewhat closer scrutiny must cf
course give rise to a very different opinion, but such
we maintain is the inevitable deduction of those who
regard merely the superficies of the events transpiring
on the continent.

Fivra all tilese considerations it mint be obvkus to
the many that but little good can be at all anticipated