The Sun.
London, England, 1850-10-31 00:00:00

xtremP's of either party. Bat, happily, for a time,
0s bigots were powerless, and the course of national
education flourished in Ireland. There was, how-
ever, one drawback—the system was directed solely
to the instruction of the humbler and less wealthy
classes. There was for many years no attempt at
the amalgamation of the middle and upper classes
of the country, who were still kept separate
and apart. At length an effort was made to provide
an adequate remedy for the admitted evil. The new
ProvinO.al Colleges were founded, which was prac-
tically a much-required extension of the principle of
national education which had worked so well in the
country. We shall, on a future occasion, show the
manner in which that admirable project has been re-
ceived, and the error into which a majority of the
Roman Catholic Prelates, acting under instructions
from the Papal Court, have fallen. Our space this
day prevents us from entering into the consideration,
but many circumstances induce us to believe, as we
earnestly hope, that the unwise and impolitic oppo.
salon offered to the project will he as ineffectual as
' that formerly shown by the Protestant clergy to the
national education.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
The differences between the Cabinet and General
CHANGARNIER have, it would appear, become ir-
reconcilable ; and the PRESIDENT of the Republic
is now saluted in the journals of " order," as they
call themselves (meaning by " order " the retoration
of the old " jobbing" system of the monarchy), with
those amenities which have hitherto been reserved
exclusively for the members of the Left. The Ordre,
which speaks the sentiments of MM. ODILON. BAR-
ROT and THIERS, gives the• following, which may be
considered the CHANGARNIER version of the story of
this falling out
" The replacing of the old Minister of War has ren•
dered more ardent the desire to open, by another breach,
the ageression against the Commandant-in-Chief of
the army of Paris. Listen to what has been done,
and these details will make you acquainted with
it. Under the superior command of the illustrious
General is placed the Chief of the Ist Division, Gene-
ral Neumayer, whose irreproachable name is the symbol
of military virtue. General Neumayer, at the last re-
view at &tory, rendered himself guilty of an unpardon-
able fault, not in interdicting by a formal order the cry
,f Vice l'Empereur, or any other cry under army, as
prescribed by the regulations, but of making known to
the officers who consulted him personally, that, in his
opinion, as an old soldier, he considered it more proper
to preserve silence in the ranks. For this fact, and for
this alone, and without any other known pretext (one
will doubtless be sought for) his removal has been de-
manded. General Changarnier, who had least shared
in the faults of his subordinate, and who had blamed
more warmly than he did any seditious cries, considered
that he was bound in honour to protect General Neu-
mayer, to whom no reproach for the exercise of his
functions was or could be addressed. He therefore in-
terfered with authority as chief, and with the straight-
forwardness which characterizes all his actions, declaring
that if General Neumayer was unjustly punished, he
should c,nsider himself as attacked. This was known,
and the Ultra-Bonupartists hoped that he would thus
tie compelled to tender his resignation, and this step
was impatiently looked for. Nevertheless, dur-
ing four days, in consequence of the scruples
and of the resistance of some Ministers, the iniquitous
dismissal of General Neumayer has remained in sus-
pense. Now it is pronounced. It has been signified to
the General himself by the Minister of War, and by the
President of the Republic, who both one and the other
wished to leave the hope to this old soldier that at a
later period a new post would be found for him. We
know that General Neumayer, strong in his rectitude,
and not willing to expose himself to receive such a price
for his loyal services, made known to the Minister of
War, in a respectful letter, that he would accept no other
post in return for that which bad just been taken from
him. In the Council of Ministers, which sat until three
o'clock yesterday, the removal of General Neumayer
was officially decided on. General Changarnier was
derisively invited to point out a successor to the chief
of the Ist military divisions, whom he was not able to
protect; he formally refased to take any part in an
act of such a nature. Such are the facts. Unless
some sudden and unexpected event determines the
President of the Republic and the Council of Mini-
sters to alter their decision on an act which, at
least morally, engages their:double responsibility, the re-
moval of General Neumayer will be tomorrow pub-
lished in the Monitsur. We do not think that any one
will have the hardihood to deny the exactitude of this
recital; but the cause which we have assigned for the
dismissal of one of the most repectable generals of the
army will doubtless be disputed. Even this denial can-
not be long supported, for the cause of his removal was
made known to General Neumayer in the presence of a
witness whom it will not be easy to contradict. It is
unnecessary to insist on the gravity of these events. We
pity the President of the Republic for not having under-
stood that General Changarnier, of whom the Assembly
by its votes, and the country by its wishes have con-
currei to strengthen the position, was not, as it has not
been thought proper constlntly to repeat, a simple su-
bordinate of the Minister of War, but the popular de-
fender of the laws, the formidable enemy of factions,
and the strongest bulwark of society. General Changer-
(tier will consider himself personally attacked, and what-
ever may be the personal pledges which the President
on his side may have hitherto given to the cause of
order, it will think itself less sure of its future from the
moment when it shall see such an unhappy division in
he two forces which have protected it in days of trial
and danger."
The Ordre was right in its conjecture ; for, not-
withstanding a Cabinet Council was held on Tuesday
at the Elysee, as late as eleven o'clock at night, to
consider this very matter, nothing, it oppears, trans-
pired of a nature to determine the PRESIDENT of
the Republic and the Council of Ministers to alter
their decision ; and accordingly, we find in the Mo-
uiteur of yesterday the following ordonnance :
"In the name of the French people the President of
the Republic decrees—
Art. 1. The General of division de Rostolan, su-
perior commandant of the Bth, 9th, and 10th military
divisions, remains charged with the command of the 8:h
division (Montpellier). He will have besides the su-
perior command of the 7th and 9th military divisions, of
which the chief towns are Marseilles, and Perpignan.
"Art. 2. The General of division, Loyse d'Arbonville.
commanding the 11th, 12th, and 14th military divisions,
remains charged with the command of the 12th division
(Bordeaux). He will have besides the command of the
10th and 11th military divisions, of which the chief
towns are Toulouse and Bayonne.
"Art. 3. The General of division, Neamayer, com-
manding the Ist military division, is named to the:com-
mand of the 15th military division (Rennes) in place of
General Duvivier, allowed to retire. He will have be-
sides the superior command of the 14th military division
(Nantes).
"Art. 4. The Minister of War is charged with the
execution of this dt tree.

" Done at the palace of the Elysee National, the 29th
of October, 1850. _ _ _

(Signed) " Louis N. B.
"The Minister of War, Schramm."
The Ordre is the most moderate in its attacks on
the Elysee of any of the Bourbonist journals. The
Assemblie Nationale, the journal of General CHAN..
GARNIER, is furious in its onslaught upon " the princi-
ple of authority," as the hankerers after an Imperialist
Absolutism delight to designate the PRESIDENT of the
Republic, whose acts and whose authority are de-
fended by the Patrie against these attacks, in the fol-
lowing article :
" In the midst of the ruins of all our persuasions and
enthusiasms, with which the groundis strewed, the only
compass that can guide us to the future out of the pre-
sent obscurity is the principle of authority; do not let
us break that compass. And when an energetic and
honest voice is heard proclaiming the laws of discipline,
and recalling to mind the rules of military hierarchy, let
us not drown it with our clamour, but applaud it, for
hierarchy and discipline are the bases of the principle of
authority. They are the safeguard of unity of counsel
and action in the state; the strength of the army and
the power of the Administration. There is not a man,
whatever be the rank he has obtained from the confi-
dence of the Chief of the State, that should not submit
to those bulwarks of order. Even splendid servic, s can-
not free a man from the duty of respect for administra-
tive and military rules. Glory obliges as much as
nobility, and it is from above chiefly that the example
of obedience and fidelity ought to be given. This is
what the moderate journals—who seem anxious to prove
that the Commander-in-Chief of the army of Paris is
responsible for his acts to none but the Assembly—
ought not to forget; for the principles we have just laid
down form what may be called the elementary notions
of the science of government. This morning, never-
theless, the Assemblee Nationale still makes a strange
confusion between the military authority which
General Changarnier holds from the President, and
the legislative power which is only responsible to
the Constitution. After having created a fantas-
tical joint responsibility between the Commander-
in-Chief of the army of Paris and the Assembly, it
takes a pleasure in developing this truly singular theory,
—namely, that any act which should, whether justly or
unjustly, excite the jealousy of the Illustrious General,
is to be considered by the Parliamentary majority, as a
measure directed against the latter. The Assemble Na.
tionale will certainly astonish the Commandant-in-Chief
of the army of Paris, whom it strangely compromis, d
by its inconsiderate language, if the good faith of the
Illustrious General would allow it to to for an instant
supposed that it was the interpreter of hip ideas! What!
there can be by the side of the two great responsible
powers of the State, instituted by the Constitution, a
third irresponsible 9 power created by the President by an
act of hisauthoesSy, Yid which, nevertheless, would only
make one with the Asseie Llie and which would, hoe -
ever, be out of the pale of Governmentai setien! Such
a monstrous heresy requires no refutation. There is nor,
there cannot be in the State two equal chiefs, two rival
influences, in s word, two executive powers. The Con-
stitution does not permit it, and if it did, reason is op•
posed to it with not less force."
A meeting of the Permanent Committee of the
Assembly will be held to-day, and it is said that an
immediate convocation of the Assembly will be pro- i
posed, and probably carried.
We find the following in the saris Correspondence