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DR. CULVER 1N ELL'S LECTURE TO YOUNG MEN.
.` Flow best the tickle fabric to support
Of mortal man; in healthful body how
A healthful mind the longest to maintain."
Elegant Pocket Edition, with Engravings, price Is.; by pest, Is. 5d.,
N NERVOUS and agLicATE HEALTH
of YOUNG PERSONS; or i 'ming " Old Age in Youth.
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possessor for the ordinary duties "t. s"cict y•
By CU EVER WELL, M.D.,
membc, of the royal College of Surgeon &c. &c.
The above little address has the following recommendation;
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and are addressed t 3 the intelFger:ce of the times. Among
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tcthat period; also
Itt),ieg%cs mostly
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;"its intent,
obligations, and physical and coustitutiOnal disqualifications, medi-
cally considered. _ _

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MHE WEEKLY CIIRONICLE to its liaders
.IL and the Public, on the opening of Parliament, Febru-
ary 1, 1844.
On the eve of a Session of Parliament, which, if it do not
terminate the struggle, must, at least, be looked on as the
herald of the advent of Free Trade, in which the pacification
of Ireland must be placed in contrast with the possible alterna.
live of civil war, and the threatened dismemberment of the
empire—in which the grand battle of Civil and Religious
Liberty will have once more to be fought, on the question of
Educating the People—and in which the Government must be
called on, amidst its eXultations on the state of the Revenue, to
say not only from what oppressive sources, and by what inju-
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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

- • PROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
Gl.ol3E—The proceedings were resumed on
Monday morning. On the-Judges taking their seats,
and the members of the jury answering to their
names,. Mr. John O'Connell requested to make an ob-
servation on a remark of Mr. Sheil, in his address to
the jury, which, if not explained, might compromise
his reputation, by seeming to impugn his consistency.
That consid-erable " sensation" should be caused
among those who heard the declaration—made in such
a place, and under circumstances such as those in which
the declarant stood—can be easily imagined. As an
abstract question, the repeal of the legislative union
may be held, arid even discUsSed,. without -exposing
the person Who holds tuid asserts it to the penalties of
the law. The point in issue between the Crown
and the traversers is, whether the - means by which
they hare sought to effect their object have been such
as the la* allows, or such 'as bring them within its
penalties. This is the question to which the attention
of the jury must be confined; because it is the ques-
tion on which they are sworn to return a ver-
dict of "guilty," or " not guilty," respecting each
of the traversers.. Mr. John O'Connell might, there-
fore, safely make the declaration Which he did with-
out perilling his individual case ; and, if he considered
that declaration due to his consistency, he did right to
repudiate the idea Which his counsel suggested as a
mode by which the Repeal question might be compro-
mised, but in which he (the defendant) could not concur.
The adjournment of the Court on Saturday at the
close of Mr. Shell's speech, was an act of considerate
.
justice on the pail of the Judges to Mr. Moore, who
would otherwise have had to address the jury for his
client (the ReV. Mr. Tierney) under manifest disad-
vantages.. During the protracted trial of Warren
Hastings, . a similar testimony was borne to the
powers of Sheridan, then in the meridian of his fame.
At' the close,of Mr. Sheridan's mightiest effort within
the walls of Parliament—the -speech with which he
opened- the fourth charge against the impeached
party---Mr. Pitt moved an adjournment;- observ-
hec, "The wand of the enchanter is upon us;
it.is in vain to attempt an application- f the judgment
to the charge..before' us, while under the imme-
diate influence of the fascinating power to which
we have been subjected." - Read in connexion with
Mr. Shen- speech, that of Mr. Moore, as an orato-
rical effusion, will fail to excite the same feelings of
delight. • ;As. the. close reasoning of a lawyer, whose
duty it was to examine each count of the indict-
ment, arid to show how futile had been the efforts of
tho-.Crowri liws-en to :sustain thoSe (-mints -the

evidence they hal adduced, Mr. Moore's speech is
dcserVing of no ordinary praise, and will, we
doubt not, be highly appreciated by the bar, and
be carefully scanned by the jury. It cannot
be too frequently brought before the mind of the
public, in order. to show how utterly the evidence
brought forward has failed to sustain the indictment,
that the indictment charges " conspiracy," and this
alone, againstF the parties. Failing to establish "con-
spiracy, the indictment" is at an end. There is no
count for attending unlawful assemblies. The
Attorney-General has not ventured to take issue
on theluestion, whether the meetings of the Asso-
ciation were, in the legal sense of the term, unlaw-
ful assemblies. There is no count for sedition. But
extracts from speeches are set forth which are
alleged to be seditious, in order to sustain the charge
of conspiracy. Mr. Moore's clear and forcible exposure
of the form of the prosecution, by which constructive
evidence on such a charge is sought to be substituted
for direct testimony, deserves the careful considera-
tion of every man capable of understanding a legal
argument expressed in popular language; as we hope
and believe it will have from the jury, on whose
verdict the case will be decided. Mr. Hatchell's
address to the jury in behalf of Mr. Ray, the
Secretary of the Repeal Association, was short,
considering the length of the speeches which had
preceded it. It occupied only two hours. The skill
with which Mr. Hatchell dissected the testimony of
certain of the Crown witnesses, and exposed the dis-
crepancy of-their respective statements—the ‘sucpi--
cion which he cast over the whole case for the prose-
cution, by the refusal, on the part of the Crown, to
adduce evidence which was within their control,
and essential to their case, from a feal• lest the ad-
missions of facts, or contradictions of the witnesses
they did call in, in certain statements they had made,
were, fine specimens of forensic power, and opened
up a new difficulty to the Solicitor-General in his
reply. The copious reference made to State trials in
this country at different periods, and his application
of the doctrine held by English Judges on those
occasions to the case then under trial, showed how
laboriously Mr. Hatchell had prepared himself for
his undertaking,, and will, doubtless, convince even
the exclusive jury which the Attorney-General has
obtained, that they must be more determined to con-
vict the Repeal leaders than to return a verdict in
consistency with the Constitution, if they bring in a
verdict of guilty, on the indictment before the Court.

STANDARD.—The speeches of Mr. Moore and
Mr. Mitchell, at the Dublin State trials, do not call
for any particular observation. We do not say this
in any disrespectful sense, for both the addresses were
able and lawyer-like; but, unlike Mr. Shell's, they
adhered so closely to the subject matter of the
charge, that to pronounce an opinion of the
degree of success of either would be to
trespass beyond those limits to which a considera-
tion of what is due to the administration of justice
confines us, until the verdict shall have been de-
livered. The not inopportune illness of Mr. Fitz-
gibbon on Monday, abridged that day's proceedings
to the extent of enabling Mr. O'Connell to take his
place at the meeting of the Repeal Asssociation,
where he suggested a badge or uniform, to be worn
by Repeaters. This is, perhaps, to be a practical proof
of the defence mainly relied upon by Mr. Moore and
Mr. Hatchell, within a few hours before, namely, the
absence of union and concert among the Re-
pealers. In regard to the trials the Whig journals
in England go to lengths fin- beyond what even
the retained advocates of the traversers have as yet
ventured. If we understand them rightly, there
can be no such thing as a political conspiracy, no
such crime as sedition—a line of defence which,
perhaps, they may safely take, because they are
not responsible to courts, or juries, or to any
authority save common sense ; but which it
would be desperate folly 'to offer upon an
actual trial. Every book on Crown law tells us that
there is such an offence as political conspiracy, and
reason demonstrates that it may be the highest public
offence short of high treason, and separated from that
highest of all crimes by a very narrow and uncertain ,
boundary. The practice of the late. Government
abundantly proved their sense of the existence of
such a crime ; and we find the very first of Whig
law authorities, the late Lord Erskine, thus de-
scribing it, and showing the perfect compatibility
of the punishment of the offence with even his
most liberal notions of the sovereignty of the people;
we quote from his Lordship's celebrated speech upon
Hardy's trial, where he -recites the law, as
laid down by the Lord Chief Baron Macdonald.
" The question is not what the people have a
right to do—for the people are undoubtedly the
foundation and origin of all governments—but" the
charge is for seditiously calling upon the people,
without cause or reason, to exercise a right which
would be sedition, supposing the right to be in them.
For though the people might have a right to do the
thing suggested, and though they are not excited to
the doing it by force and rebellion, yet as the sugges-
tion goes to unsettle the State, the propagation of such
doctrines is seditious. There is no other way un-
doubtedly of describing that charge." This quota-
tion meets the whole case of sedition and of Sedi-
tious conspiracy, and it derives additional force
from the liberal opinions of Lord Erskine, and
from the occasion on. which it was delivered.
We submit it to the serious attention of our Con-
temporaries,
who deny the possible existence of
political conspiracy as an illegal offence, and affect
to treat the punishment of such conspiracy as
an invasion of the primary right of freemen.
Lord Erskine plainly'thought that there is such
an offence as political conspiracy, and that it may be
prosecuted and punished, leaving altogether unim-
paired " the sovereignty of the people," of which he
was the ardent votary. In other respects the de-'
fence set up by the Whig journals is foolish ;1
for while they admit what, indeed, it would
be absurd to deny, the convergence of the whole
repeal agitation to one object—namely, the repeal
of the union and to one central authority, the
organised Repeal Association, they affect to exa-
mine the practical proofs of a concerted design " to
unsettle the State," by a combined movement, as if
eaeh of these practical proofs ended as it were in
itself : just as if, upon on indictment for riot, I
to which three peisons are necessary to constitute
the offence, John should insist upon being tried
without reference to the acts of James and Peter,
indicted with him, or even without reference to the
existence of such persons in rerun naturce. Ili all
cases, however, of riot, riotous assembly, conspi-
racy, &c., it is the number and the community of
purpose which makes the gravamen of the charge;
these proved, the acts of each individul become the
acts of all. After all that we have written for the
last three or four years, it would be a ridiculous
prudery on our part to affect to conceal our con-
viction that the repeal a,gitation has been carried
on by an all but treasonable conspiracy, if, indeed,
the conspiracy has not been absolutely an act of high
treason. The only question which we are not at
liberty to touch, because the only question upon
which the jury have to decide,- is the connexion and
the de,vee of connexion of the several traversers,
with th\t conspiracy, the character and extent of
which were as well known to every man,
woman' and Child in the United Kingdom twelve
months ago, as the rising and setting of the sun, and
made known chiefly by the zealous exertion of the
cpnspirators to give notoriety to their proceedings.
What the judges have to say is, whether such a con-
spiracy is lawful, and upon this point there can be
really no second opinion; and what the jurors have
to End is, whether Mr. Daniel O'Connell, Mr. John
O'Connell, Messrs.Tierney,Steele,Barrett, Duffy,Riey,
and Doctor Gray, or any of them, has had a part in
it. In this narrow compass lies the whole question—
tedious as the proceedings have necessarily been, and
copious as have been the dissertations of our con-
temporaries upon those proceedings. We know not
whether it is worth the while to remark here that Mr.
Shell is in error in saying that all the parties
so disgracefully prosecuted for conspiracy in 1823
were acquitted. Of the seven accused one only (Mr.
Brownlow) was acquitted, and against him no evi-
dence whatever had been adduced. As to the
other six, the jury disagreed, notwithstanding the
Attorney-General (Lord Plunket) had set aside
thirty of the panel—all Protestants by the way,
and some of them among the most respectable
.merchants and citizens of Dublin notwith-
standing, too, that the traversers . had not
challenged one man, -Protestant or Roman Catholic.
At the conclusion of the affair the jury were dis-
charged, but the traversers were held to bail to be
tried at the succeeding term; and tried they would
have been had not Lord. Plunket been called on in the
House of Commons, by the late excellent Lord
Farnham, to answer for his conduct in the matter.
And now, .as our Whig Contemporaries have -a
fancy for Irish politics, we invite their attention to
the resolutions agreed to by the dismal remnant of
the Irish Whigs, at their late meeting at Charlemont
House, Dublin. They have hitherto obsened a re-
markable silence with reference to this document.
We could wi.ll to 'fly a few worth about it, Ina

prmeesso
to the Queen's speech,
that
otlfedfleorttilmiceosniirtieh.e
TlMl.—Everybody is looking forward with anxiety
pect
and thinking. that it must neces.7
sarily contain an explicit declaration of Ministerial in-
tentions.rts, we
':a°4-I have dune.o"'in)aprat efi,p
ell:id:lel:L:1(i
sot :ft blpteeulibeaivsi :-
speech from the Throne will dis-
ially
appoint public curiosity, just as meet' as many of its
men and parties, and especially to the habitual caution
ucc‘hlidiilsipbcsee„.destiomt.hiaiini3k,
athvaotidiend-
dtathtiempisreomf
teiraerepomb
in the Queen's speech. Advantage will doubtless be
taken of •the Unexampled peace—and the prospect of
continued peace—b}- which our foreign relations are
now happily. distinguished. The •sentiments- of Louis
Philippe towards England may be gracefully recipro-
cated- towards France, in Queen Victoria's ad-
dress to an English Parliament. Nor IN ill her Ma-
jesty's Ministers fail to express their grateful thanks
fur the blessings of an increasing revenue and a re-
viving trade. - These are tangible benefit:, which a na-
tion feels more quickly, and acknowledges more readily,
than the fruits of the most profound speculative legisla
tion. Of Ireland we apprehend that little will _be said ;
silence on the subject of its evils and their remedies
will be justified by the prosecutions which are pending.
and the commission which is sitting. Nor will our ex-
pectations be disappointed if, after all, there is not one
-syllable about the corn-law. This silence may be ex-
plained by the caution of the Minister, the preVious in-
activity of the agriculturists, and the divisions among
the different advocates of free trade. But though there
be no mention of those topics in the Queen's Speech. we
de-not doubt but that the Queen's Ministry will speak
out in response to the pressure of the Opposition. There
will be no excuse for silence or .for ambiguity afforded
either by the moderation of their foes or the complais-
ance of their friends ; and we have seen no indication of
solicitude to conciliate the former, or to play into the
hands of the lattee.
ADVERTISER—It is confidently reported that Mr.
Roebuck means to move an amendment to the address.
We hope the report will prove correct. It will be
strange indeed if her Majesty's speech be so satisfactory -
to the country as to cut away all ground for amend-
Menti -and it will he a grave reflection on the patriotism
of the Liberal Members of the House of Commons if, in
the event of an amendment being needed, there should
be none to undertake the performance of so important a
duty. Rather than have such an important duty left
undone, we would willingly accept the services of even
Mr. Roebuck. We have not heard the precise nature of
the rumoured amendment ; but we are informed it re-
lates.to the inexpediency of any longer upholding the
Church Establishment in Ireland. We hope our in-
formation is correct. A more popular amendment
could not be moved. The Church of England, " as
by law established," is one of the monster evils of
Ireland. It is the daily source of infinite mischief.
The idea of the religion of 400,000 being made the es-
tablished religion of a country in which there is a popu-
lation of 8,000,000, is one of thOse things which con-
6aind-all reflecting men by-the very perfection of their.
audacity. It is not merely that Sixteen Catholics are
compelled to pay for the support of the religiou of one
Protestant; but that 'these Catholics are forced to sub-
mit to the gratuitous insults which are daily offered to
themselves and their religion by this one Protestant,
he possessing all the-power and importance which
invariably belong to those who have the law en
their side. All who have reflected on the state of
Ireland, must have been struck with the prominent
part which the Established clergy have played in the
drama of that country's wrongs. We are satisfied
that the extinction of the Church of England, as an
Established Church in Ireland, would go far to tran,
quillise.that unhappy country. It is the eye-sore to
nineteen-twentieths of the population; for the Presby-
terians of Ulster, and.the Independents, Baptists, and
Wesleyan Methodists scattered throughout the other
provitices, are now beginning to regard the Episcopal
Establishment in Ireland with quite as much aversion as
the Roman Catholics themselves. Its destruction would, •
therefore, give the greatest satisfaction to the people of
that country—to all in it with the exception of the small
minority whose clergy live by the plunder of the large
majority. The Minister who will have the sense of jus-
tice and the moral courage to bring in a measure for
laying the Irish Church in the dust, will thereby make
himself the most popular Minister whom modern times
have produced. Will Sir Robert Peel earn that dis- •
unction? Is lie the man whom the emergency in Irish
affairs requires ? We shall see. In the mean time, it
is to be, hoped that no sTteamish delicacy—no false no-,
t ions of respect for the Sovereign, will prevent any Libe-
ral Member from giving his most hearty and strenuous
support to the rumoured amendment of` Mr. Roebuck.

It 'will have been observed, from an advertisement
which has repeatedly appeared in our paper, that a tea
meeting of those in favour of Complete Suffrage is to
take place this evening in the Crown and Anchor. The
attendance, we have no doubt, will be numerous : as
little doubt is there that the intellectual entertainment
will be of no common order. The meeting, it is ex-
pected, will be graced by the attendance of several of
the most distinguished of the Liberal Members of the
aouse of Commons. Such meetings do good. They
bring the friends of the principles for whose promotion
the meetings take place, into close and kindly contact,
and create afeeling of cordiality which enables them
afterwards to act more harmoniously together. The
Complete Suffrage cause Is making some, though com-
paratively silent progress. Its principles are steadily
making their way in all parts of the land. They are
penetrating the remotest corners of the kingdom. W e are
confident the meeting of to-night will give a new and sen-
sible impetus to the cause. The time is well chosen: it is the
eve of the day on Which the Legislature re-assembles. It is,
moreover, a time in which past disappointments in all
other quarters whence the people had looked for help,
have driven large masses of our countrymen who were
strongly opposed to extensive changes in the suffrage,
to the conclusion, that nothing but a completeness of the
suffrage, -approximating to universal, will successfully
cope with the evils of the country. There cannot be a
doubt that the session of Parliament which commences
to-morrow, will witness great political changes. We
are not so sanguine as to anticipate that any very great
accession of new adherents to the Complete Suffrage
movement will be made within the walls of Parliament;
but we do expect that there will be large reinforcements
to the ranks of the Complete Suffragists out of doors,
through the proceedings which will take place in
connexion with the question on. the floor of the
House of Commons. • The more the subject is
mooted, the more it will gain—the more it is
agitated, and the mere the claims of the movement party
are canvassed, the greater will be the progress of the
Complete Suffragists. All that is wanted to insure the
speedy triumph, of the cause is, that it be kept constantly
and prominently before the public. The hint, we are
sure, will not be lost on those for whom it is intended.
A word to the wise is enough. There is no danger of
our .being misunderstood. From Mr. Thomas Dnn-
coMbe, Mr. Sharman Crawford, and several other Mem-
bers of the Commons, we expect—an expectation which
is shared by the vublic—great things in the way of
keeping the question of Complete Suffrage continually
before the House. We know the subject is unpleasant
to the great majority of our legislators; but we are not
to be deterred from our purpose by that consideration.
They must be made to hear many unpleasant truths—
they must be made to listen to many discussions which
may grate in their ears. It is high time they were
taught the lesson, that it was not to please them Selves,
but to attend to the complaints, and redress the griev-
ances of the people, that they were sent to St. Stephens.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.
CITY, TUESDAY EVEN-MG.
TIDIES.—The Greenwich • Railway meeting, as was ex-'
.pected, proved a very stormy affair, although the topics dis-
cussed were the same as have been frequently brought before,
the public. It appears, by some oversight at the last meet-
ing., the contract with the Brighton Company for reduced
tollage was not confirmed by the general body of share-
holders, and hence to-day arose a debate as to the expedi-
ency of doing so, which occasioned a contrary feeling among
certain parties, who desire to see the maximum rate enforced.
The majority of the meeting took a ditierent view, which
ended in the'confirmation of this agreement, and the passing
of a resolution expressing willingness on the part of the Com-
pany to submit to a similar reduction in the case of the South-
Easter and Croydon lines, provided it was understood that
these Companies would do all in their power to facilitate
and conduct traffic to the London-bridge station. So im-
portant is this point considered, .that the Greenwich Cep-
patty have determined only to afford assistance to the Croy-
don Company in the coming contest for the Epsom branch,
on the condition of a spirit of co-operation to work out this
desirable end. No dividend was - declared, in consequence of
the deficiency of profit to pay one, which default introduced
the question of the right of the preference shareholders to
receive their five per cent. in a form likely to give some
employment to the lawyers. It is contended on the one
side that the preference shareholders have only a lien on
the profits of the Company, and hot as a mortgage debt.
a lien on the capital ; and hence it is argued that they
can only be paid ont of the profits, and not, as some
of the shareholders insinuated, out of capital, as seemed
by the appearance of the accounts. It was admitted
that on this view of the case the question might subse-
quently arise whether, if the profits of the one half-year
failed to satisfy these claims, the deficiency would not be an
accumulating debt against future profits. On the other side
it was stated that the preference shareholders are paid out of
the profits after deductinc, the usual expenses; but, as it ap-
peared the wish of the shareholders to have the point settled
at once by reference to the highest legal authorities, the
Directors did not oppose the motion, with the view of being
corrected or set right with the public, and for future guidance
in making up the accounts of the Company p and determining
the actual position of the preference shareholders a com-
Mitte of legal gentlemen were appointed to draw out a case
to be snbmitted to the Attorney-General and Solicitor-
General, two representing preference shareholders,' and two
original shareholders, so that the interests of both classes nf
'proprietors may be fairly set forth.

d-
ciiiiisgiklentliiii)eiaLr2ok6ltitlifEironst Ant I:aptabdeCfonArut ,EmAibi4s
England
0-101
err CALAlS.—During
oen—n%wtthi
Boulogne,l eo
eN kri et 64121 or
at Calais, 234—total, 858. The proprietors of the Purer
Railway have, during the last week, entered into an arrange-
runt, with the authorities, by which travellers coining- from
France in the packets -may immediately recdve their leg-
gage, so as to be enabled to proceed to London by the next
train after their arrival, instead-04_ as hitherto, being com-
pelled to wait some hours for the passage of.
this parcrls. and
goods. through the enstom tor
-house. The charge
l accommodation is is. per parcel .above the weight of
.36 lb. and for smaller parcels 6d. each.
We understand that on Saturday, the operative
cotton-spinners of this city and neighbourhood gar?, pretty
generally, a notice of a demand for -an advance of 10 per
e,oirillt-hoen:ottewiriiietd-agweis.th
;Itbuits
ifuntetteattaaintulnyhi-cutulTri%ttdemand
,
wari y
probablo.—alicc.p6n. A t9oR of liond .