The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-26 00:00:00

LY interference with industry ; and the other, as
Cadeuten stated, in bringing forward a hind of Jack
wholi proposition, and setting the question in a
Y different light. He confessed, that if a
fikm tor the regulation even of adult labour,
ttith„Leci (31.1 a Report of Commissioners properly
tai'ed, were brought in, he should not like
ttl to Upon himself the responsibility of object-
this it. The present question resolved itself into
!Il!rieellainelY, whether young persons of twelve,
nI or fourteen years of age, were injured by
abetbec)Mpelled to work twelve hours a day, and
etle
to tp trp if this period were reduced from twelve hours
'lt` ncmrs, it would be possible to give sufficient
Zs for that amount of labour, and leave profit
thenigh to the capitalist and manufacturer to induce
tfL, t° give employment to the vast population
csesfleashire and Yorkshire; or whether it would be
llise'stent with the general interests of the manufac-
tiO to make this diminution. This was the ques-
wkuine thought, and the Government maintained it
Kttl be injurious to all those interests, and that the
tuesition of the Noble Lord would excite discon-
tas,antongst the masters and the operatives, and
diminution of employment. He gave the
toGovernment every credit for being actuated. in
.the
.se they were about to adopt, by conscientious
otives
fsiu and for taking every fair means to prevent
whir °lts consequences to the manufacturing interests,
litLe, on the other hand, he thought the other party
tlee,-'neing those new principles, could not be at all
I"sted as revolutionary in their support of the
tot'Position. He should wish to apply himself to a
sideration of all the bearings of this great and
ho
trastaeent°lls question before next Friday, and lie
tt
ide d that the Noble Lord opposite would also con-
adr the matter before next Thursday, and state to
tlfieltse his views, and the course he intended to
11-1 s NTT
%Mk' —,-)ME thought it a wise course to adjourn this
Its,e I', as then both the House and the country would
tWesftt °l)Portunity of considering the matter. Nearly
aleks_i Years ago, a Committee consisting of fifty-one
loit:era, whose party views differed from each other
th,SSimuch as those of Hon. Members who took a part
tee: abate, and the result of their suggestions was to
kfej away 74 statutes which had for their object to in-
k,: With the exercise of labour, and he hoped the
ex.e would consider this matter well before Friday
stet „Re would entreat the Right Hon. Baronet oppo-
ties: 'vo°ile he was surrounded with his present difficul-
ena give his attention to the best means of putting
6risto the great competition which at present existed
ketseft'urs and to consider whether other legislative
lives could not be adopted that would hare the
the, of removing the sources of commercial distress. In
410Lre,sent instance he fully concurred in the course
rostra by the Government. He hoped Hon. Gentle-
tekt.woUld consider well before they would adopt or
qteriten any restrictions which would tend to limit
PVse the trade and commerce of the country.
theli• BORTHWICK trusted that the Noble Lord
toth ember for Dorsetshire would afford every facility
the llouse for gaining information with respect to
ificjnurse he intended to pursue, between this and
m-, • BULLER wished to make a few observations
kigh,e,lnterpretation put upon what he said the other
Ilie:boY the Right Hon. Baronet opposite. The Right
10,1iie0tronet had taken advantage of one expression
hjadfallen from him (Mr. C. Buller), and which
had
subsequently explained. The Right Hon.
tfttronet had misunderstood entirely what he said, and
that Imisquoting his speech, he drew inferences from it
taell ett the House and the country under a most erro-
sill;44. impression. What he (Mr. C. Buller) said
a new state of society had arisen owing to
iC ti7111:1111ation of great masses of unskilled labourers
e large towns, and that consequently it would be
Si: if they were to legislate now upon the same prin-
%was those upon which they did formerly, and that
C. 3 account he should support the motion.
tsell(t. ROBERT PEEL said her Majesty's Govern-
l',ll4 adopted that course which they
ue most in accordance with the views of the mgat
of the House, and were willing to make every con-
Ne!kshort of a sacrifice of their own conscientious
Z,l,tiction,. If he understood the Hon. Member for
ieltrjl aright, he had stated that this question should
thstir,ked upon not in an abstract light, but that they
'Yl' consider it as the first step in a bold and novel
,4oIZ of legislation, and that the principle was not to
~7ted to this measure alone, and consequently that
gems's ready to follow up the new principles and
the°ll the old. He would further state that he was
to to carry legislative interference with labour
tilt 2 fullest extent, as far as he could con-
IttPit,lY or without risking a greater evil. The
t!'litth_entleman had protested against the remarks
`4t °ad been made upon his speech. The object of
'beth"ernment in introducing this measure was to try
to th or such a one would be likely to give satisfaction
,hrtee,.„,e°nntry, and in doing so, he thought they were
ooNceng one of the first and highest duties of a res-
Le,,ne Government.
kti,, SANDON said he hoped the Noble Lord would
kts,,,,eace in the course proposed by her Majesty's
khs",,tilment to withdraw this Bill, and bring in a
Itlth-lle• He thought that the House was in favour of
ncourse, and thought it would be better if they
reserve any expression of opinion on the dura-
hits, ~the period of labour in the factories until this
,41.0,ituill was brought in. When the Bill was first
„"to Wt
in, her Majesty's Government attached much
St,,Dortance to it than they did now. He would en-
pp7tici,"etn to reconsider this proposition—to consider
Lgraetjection in which the public sympathy was now
Leer
consider the feeling which was rising up
3" Manufacturers themselves, and to consider whe-
‘l4- 'vas safe topostpone, from year to year, the final
salient of this uestion.
'IettceI4II,ORRISO(IN said that he believed, in his con-
Ittit a Ten Hours' Bill would not only be in-
oir ,-"f carried, to the labouring classes, by lowering
'tite4B, ilt,ges, but he believed that it would prove fatal
ear-LY to the cotton trade, which constituted almost
.1.44 en-itole of the export trade of this country. He said
Ntevtt°ll trade, because the cotton trade was widely
th% trlt (pith Cit. in respect to the operation of this Bill) to
thme the woollen, or the linen trade—all of which
eoke_ Were better established, and better able to bear
ts„.fetition than the cotton trade. In the silk-throwing
ere our e•
it Rlter machinery was superior to that of the lb-
ln the woollen trade the advantage was not so
rtliehZ2,' but in the linen trade, owing to the inventions
J04'144 been recently introduced, more especially by
Nt,itrshall, we were enabled not only to beat other
kter'''„ess but, he understood that some of our mann
then i'nts,had actually established houses for the sale of
1,-`o nambur h. But the persons connected with
th tor. trade had to contend with a growing corn..
l'eath In America, not merely in Massachusetts, but
ht're en__"'e whole of the United States, cotton mills
Ours ntinually rising up. Any attempt to limit the
;I.oe. slit labour in this country he looked upon as a fatal
N; their exort trade. Although at present ouirt
~,rts in more activity than for some time pastvh oh
ins yet he thought there were symptoms i
begl)tl,l. trio' t° him to indicate that the present aspect of
"e would not continue ; and he had no doubt that
No" sthe next session of Parliament, the country
leoirdee,„,bis prediction had been verified. .
Irels„,,'"-ANLEY said that his Noble Friend (the
iagini. for Liverp ol) had made two complaints
Q rd -seer Majesty's°Government, in both of
lwbhich.he
.tanley) thought his Noble Friendviisa labouring
ZPlsit'citnistake. In the first place, his Noble F
sZ.), lip:. that her Majesty's Government, some time
''-ared to attach no value to this question. Yet
lot• e 'a
lb; ifs said they tried to magnify it into a matter of
Otll-"Portance. Now his Noble Friend must recollect
Laster, Majesty's Government, from the first, had de-
sthk'tie 'ILI' Most emphatic manner that it was their in-
etelstr`u, Oppose the motion of his Noble Friend the
He believed they were gene-
-11;4/ sup'upor
sDed steotshbiere.
sincere in that determination,
Is,ntit that they were deprived in consequence, upon this
t‘h,e minni of the- ty nd support of his Noble Friend
istatiletotl)er foraDiolrietashire. Now he (Lord Stanley)
I,Ztted 4,"!S would show that the Government. had not
ere this
subject as of a matter of slight importance.
eja..
heon no difference with respect to te principle be-
t 18 Noble Friends and her Majesty's Government.
lahj s 1 •
ttr. bitted the principle of interference with factory
i„,flttaent there was a material difference with respect
'Al)oetDPon one important question and one involving
th°ttt consequences. He (Lord Stanley) believed
and
consequences would be fearful to the opera-
od v. to the manufacturers of this country. He be-
tut 4 ',at the very parties for whom the Noble Lord,
St,.test er1113" for Dorsetshire, had taken so deep an in-
f,ote Mould be the very parties that would suffer most
1114 Proposition, should it be adopted. This was
Ow or", Stanley's) conviction as to the **stilt, either
.!t any future time, of his Noble Friend's princi-
b‘„'',illg-t`i‘ confessed that the Government e ould be de- I
country if they did not strongly express their
tgonas'n°t founded upon temporary circumstances, but
ed uponn general principles and the condition
• si-that
Lot the manufacturing interests of this
1,9,1114",,—,tuat it would not be safe—that it
„--„?' wise—that it would not be prudent to
ott
Or az„,
lie, the
expectation as to what they might do this
lievet?ett,r ilex
year, or that what they did
lin
eo t do
be
9 tuEtt they might do the year following.
upon reflection it would be seen b), those who
b the Noble Lord, and he believed that it would
‘'eret. Y the labouring classes themselves, if they de-
ti.
the considered this subject, that if the proposition
itr,ttpk. oble Lord were to be carried, it would inflict
• 1811.4isbibe„,inittry on those whom the Noble Lord espe-
, thast shed to serve.
tte tos•IVBS thought no one ought to complain of
re and manner in which the Noble Lord had ad-
' 4 s'etibi
tn self to this subject.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
76fi,4.had objected to the Government Bill when it
'Zit
adult labour.
because it did not embrace the sub-
, that
%o._ labour. He had, however, been glad to see
;14 eernrnent turn its attention to the subject, seeing
'Nee Amer or later the condition "of the labouriNg
• tri_e,ll. SioLthe country would force itself on their atten-
,,,1101,,,e, by restriction of the hours of labour were to be
'teak " py a reduction in the amount of wages, the Go-
Ivhitsh ent had it • ,
by
their power to adopt measures at once
ii!te-humw_n_Dlodsb their operation, compensate the labour-
-4,1 their vlv3t r the loss they might sustain from the reduction
ote gounage,!• He therefore felt no apprehension on
the o,,e_: any reduction in the amount of the wages
_k,a. if sz,r laves who were to be affected by this Bill ;
'2lassea",Tl'eduction were to take place, the working
upon th"er this...o country would then have a stronger claim
have Government for those measures which would
of compensating them for their loss.
fee rhos,, were effect
e general grounds upon which lie thought
ar of i,‘,._o.t ten hours might be adopted without any
"Yster, y,inring the manufactures of the country. The
was fou;,'_le.rference had been tried since 1833, and it
Tivg DY a great augmentation of the commerce

and manufacturing capital of the country. The experi-
ment had been tried, and had succeeded, and he was of
I
opinion that the ten hours' system must be combined
with other measures which would leave trade unfettered.
Mr. AGLIONBY said that the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for North Lancashire had, in his opinion, justly
proved that the present question was one of detail and
not of principle, and he had also set aside the question
of Jack Cade legislation.—(Hear, hear.) He for one
was not afraid of the term, and he thought too much
had been made of it.—(llear, hear.) When he heard
the term it did not strike him as anything peculiar. He
believed the Right Hon. Gentleman who had used it
would rather that he had not done so, but hard words
broke no bones. He acquitted the Right Hon. Gentle-
man of any feeling of disrespect when he used it, and he
must say that he heard with admiration the straight-
forward, candid, and manly speech which he had made.
—(hear, hear.) For himself he would not be bound by
old systems, but would act as altered circum-
stances required. There was a curious difference in
the reasons of those who supported the Govern-
ment from those on which the Government themselves
brought the measure forward. He could understand the
reasons upon which the Hon. and Gallant Member for
Westminster and the Hon. Member for Montrose acted,
for they protested against all interference; but the Go-
vernment hail interfered, and their whole proceedings
were founded on interference. He considered it was the
duty of the House to interfere to protect those who were
under the undue control of others. He did not think
that they ran any risk of endangering the manufactures
of the country by reducing the hours of labour from
twelve to ten, but it was no doubt a matter of very
grave importance. He could not go the length of the
Right Hon. Baronet, in saying that twelve hours was
the point up to which they were justified in interfering.
Mr. E WART said he was one of those who were in
favour of an Eleven Hours' Bill, and he thought if the
Government had adopted the compromise of eleven
hours they would have satisfied all parties. He would
interfere with the rights of labour, so far as to give
protection to women and children, who were unable to
protect themselves. The Noble Lord opposite said
that the manufacturers of Lancashire would be satisfied
with an Eleven Hours' Bill. The Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for Liverpool, and others, signified their intention of
supporting such a proposition. He was therefore sorry
the Government did not adopt it. There was a time for
compromise, and he was afraid the Government had
acted most unwisely in allowing it to pass by He
would support the Government in that measure, but
after their stern declaration to-night, he could not sup-
port them.
Dr. BOWRING said he did not agree with the Hon.
Member who had just sat down, that an Eleven Hours'
Bill would give the satisfaction he seemed to think it
would. There was a great diversity of opinion on the
subject. From all the information he could glean, a great
majority out of doors was unfavourable to interference.
Among the working-classes there was such a desire to
have the experiment of a Ten Hours' Bill tried, that he
believed the Government must interfere. His own opi-
nion was certainly opposed to interference, and he be-
lieved the time would come when those who opposed
legislation on the subject, would be looked on by the
working-classes as their best friends. He believed the
experiment must now be tried, but he was afraid the
working-classes would rue the consequence of their own
Wishes. He believed it would prepare the way for a
fearful and frightful crisis, and he thought the sooner it
came the better it would be for the country.
Mr. MITCHELL said that the adoption of the ten
hours would prove ruinous to that branch of manufac-
tures which consisted in spinning yarn. The result of
it would be that many persons would be thrown out of
employment, or that the manufacturers would lose one-
sixth of their profit. He believed that ultimately the
loss caused by the reduction of the twelve hours to ten
would fall on the working-classes themselves.
Mr. ESCOTT must say that if the question before
the House had been whether the measure of the Noble
Lord (Ashley) was for the relief or injury of the
people, if he wanted an able witness to prove that the
measure was injurious to the people, he would cite the
Hon. Member for Bolton (Dr. Bowring), who stated
that the measure was in itself ruinous in principle, and
if carried into operation would be deeply injurious to the
people, and yet the Hon. and Learned Gentleman stated
that he would be a strenuous advocate of that measure.
Dr.BOWRING—The Hon. Gentleman misapprehends
me.—(Order, order.)
Mr. ESCOTT would state, in a few words, why he
voted against the measure of the Noble Lord. He had
certainly thought that the Bill of the Goverament was a
salutary measure, though not perhaps proceeding upon
a principle which could be altogether considered
sound—(Hear, hear)—but still it was a measure
for the improvement of the existing state
of the law. He (Mr. Escott) had come down to the
House fully prepared to give every attention to the
arguments of the Noble Lord ; and, he must say, that
his principal reason for opposing the Noble Lord's mea-
sure was that, in his speech in support of it, the Noble
Lord produced no argument, from first to last, to show
that the measure when carried into operation would be
for the benefit of the people. So far from it, that the
Noble Lord expressly stated, that he would not argue
upon the commercial view of the question—that whether
the pecuniary interests of the people would be promoted
by his proposition was a question which he would not
discuss. Ile (Mr. Escott) must further say, not that
the measure of the Noble Lord, if carried, was in itself
revolutionary, but the statements and arguments
with which it was brought before the House.
were, in themselves, decidedly revolutionary. The
chief argument, indeed, seemed only to embody a threat
of violence if the alleged grievances were not removed.
With respect to himself, he felt it his duty to say that
the course taken by the Government in opposing the
Noble Lord's measure, was the only one that could be
taken consistently with their own honour, because the
only course consistent with the true interests of the
people.
Dr. BOWRING explained that he had stated his own
views on the subject, but that from Communications
which he had with the town which he represented, he
was convinced that nothing but an experiment would
persnade the working classes of the erroneousness of
their views upon the matter.
Mr. BROCKLEHURST was at a loss to know why
this Bill should be introduced at all. No person had pe-
titioned for it ; but now when it was brought perma-
nently before the country, it assumed a very serious
aspect. For his own part, he viewed with great alarm
legislative interference with labour ; and, with respect to
manufactures, he thought they had been doing many
unwise things for several years past. In consequence
of our unwise legislation, the growth of manufactures
was fostered in countries which otherwise never would
have dreamed of such a thing. He had voted for the
ten hours' measure, because he thought it the better of
the two courses proposed, though he did not approve of
many of the doctrines of the Noble Lord (Ashley.)
However, he trusted that, on Friday next, the measure
which would be introduced would be such a one as he
could support.
The SPEAKER then put the question that the order of
the day for going into Committee on the Factories Bill
be read, for the purpose of postponing it to Friday next,
which was agreed to.
POOR-LAWS (IRELAND>
On the Order of the Day for going into Committee on
the Mutiny Bill,
Mr. FRENCH rose, pursuant to notice, to call the
attention of the House to the neglect of the Poor-law
Commissioners to furnish returns ordered by the House
in a reasonable time.
The SPEAKER said that if the lion. Gentleman
meant to bring forward his motion as a case of privilege,
it would be a most unusual course before an order of the
House had been made that the returns should be fur-
nished forthwith. When such an order was made, and
the returns were not in accordance with it furnished
forthwith, then it was competent for the Hon. Gentleman
to bring forward his motion on a question of privilege.
Mr. FRENCH said he should take care not to do any
thing irregular, and he would very shortly state the
reasons which induced him to complain, and which led
him to the belief that the delay in furnishing
the returns had been both systematic and intentional
on the part of the Commissioners. Returns had been
ordered by that House on his motion, and he had a right
to get those returns, and he insisted upon getting them.
The returns ordered by the House on the 12th February,
1843, were for the names and local situations of each of
the union workhouses in Ireland, which had not a suf-
ficient supply of fresh water. On the 4th of March
following, no return having been made, he took occasion
to complain of the delay, and to point to it as a contempt
of the authority of the House, and to move that Mr.
Nicholls and Mr. Lewis, the Commissioners, should be
called before the House to answer for their contempt.
Afterwards there was a return made, professing to be
that which he moved for, but it really was not so. On
the I Ith of August, 1843, he move for the names of
the Assistant Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland, the
names of the respective unions to which they were
attached, and the number of their attendances at each
union workhouse during the preceding six months.
That return could have been made in six hours. On
the 6th February in the present session, he moved for a
return of the names of the places where police soldiers
were employed in collecting the rate, and specifying the
number of men employed, and the amount collected.
No return, however, of this kind had been made. He
thought that those delays might be attributed either
to pressure of business or to accident, but when he
reflected that the continuance of the useless expense
of that despotic Commission rested entirely upon
the state of ignorance in which the Government had
been kept as to the real operation of the poor-law, and
the opinions of the Irish people upon it, the conviction
forced itself on his mind that the delay in presenting
those returns had been, on the part of the Commis-
sioners both wilful and intentional. The returns
he had called for this year, if honestly and cor-
rectly given, were calculated very much to undeceive the
Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, as to the real state of affairs in Ire-
land. Should the Right Hon. Gentleman, by any acci-
dent whatever, he cared not what, arrive at the truth,
he (Mr. F.) was convinced, from the Right Hon:
Baronet's clearness of mind and firmness of purpose,
there would be a speedy end put to both Commission
and Commissioners in Ireland. The Hon: Gentleman
then, in reference to his motion for a return of the
number of soldiers and police employed in the collection
of the rate, read an account in which it was stated, that
in February last, at a place called Bellow, 700 soldiers
tphiet
hpfeoar skasn, t rayc,
,whhaod,
atondtipieol i
numberce
300,arch armededtomweeitth
assembled to offer the most determined opposition
to the collection of the rate, and even resolved
on waging war to the knife, but that fortunately,
owing to the humane exertions of a magistrate in the
neighbourhood, Captain Kelly, of Fairfield, the colli-
sion was prevented, and the people peaceably dispersed.
The Hon. Gentleman also read, from Dr. Kirwan of the
county Galway, a most respectable Roman Catholic
priest, a letter describing the difficulty of collecting the

rates in his neighbourhood, and stating that the tinpo- I Sir R. PEEL said, whilst he thought the House had
pularity of the tax was so great that, in the better not prejudge the question by going into discussion
parish of Kilallan, no one could be found who into it—that he considered the suggestion as to
would undertake to collect it, and that in con- assessors was well worthy the consideration of the
sequence a collector was obliged to be sent Committee. He doubted the policy and propriety
down from the office of the Commissioners in Dublin, of placing Members on the Committee, who had
and that he was obliged to be protected in the perform- suffered from these election petitions. The Mem-
ance of his duties by two companies of infantry, a troop bers that he should propose to form the Committee
of the 10th Hussars, two sub-inspectors of police, and 50 were the following, and he thought the House would
rank and file of that body, together with two stipendiary agree with him when they heard the names, that those
magistrates ; also the forces from the Stromboli steamer, Members had had a tolerably good insight into the
the Dee, and another vessel of war, were employed to cases of controverted elections.
collect the rate; and that, notwithstanding all those forces, The following were proposed as a Committee :
and the rate to be collected was under 2001., more Lord J. Russell, Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Charles
than one-third of the rate remained uncollected ; and Buller, Mr. Wilson Patten, Sir George Grey, Lord
Dr. Kirwan also stated that the collection of every Is. in Sandon, The O'Conor Don, Mr. Pakington, Mr.
that neighbourhood cost 1/. sterling—the natural conse- Hawes, Mr. Hogg, Mr. Escott, Mr. Locke, Mr. Wynn,
quence of attempting to force a rate from a population who and Sir Thomas Fremantle.
were scarcely above the condition of paupers themselves. The motion was agreed to, after a few words in ex-
The Hon. Hember then read an extract from the writ- planation by Mr. COLLETT.
ings of Mr. Daly, as to the operation of the present law, Mr. R. SCO rr obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
stating that an armed force was required to carry it out, amiex detached parts of counties to the counties by
which in his opinion formed one of the strongest con- which they were surrounded.
stitutional objections to it. It was also stated that The House adjourned at Eleven o'Clock.
2/. 12s. a year was the average allowance for paupers; 420
whilst that of the Commissioners was 1,500/. He hoped
that the returns would not be refused.
Sir J. GRAHAM said the Speaker was so just and
invariable in enforcing the rules of that House, that he
had been unwilling to interrupt the Hon. Gentleman in
the speech which he had delivered. Raising, as he had
done, a question in reference to the administration of the
Irish Poor-law, on a motion for going into Committee on
the Mutiny Act, he would not encourage a further
violation of those rules by following the Hon. Gentleman
in his remarks. Suffice it to say, that he hoped there
would be no delay in presenting the returns for which
the Hon. Gentleman had moved, in the course of the pre-
sent session. With respect to the antecedent sessions, as
the orders were dropped orders, it would be necessary
for the Hon. Gentlemen to renew them. With respect
to the operation of the poor-laws in Ireland, he had
already stated that if it should be the wish of Irish Mem-
bers to have a Committee appointed to inquire into that
subject, a motion to effect that object would not be op-
posed by the Government.
Captain PECHELL was proceeding to say that the
Right Hon. Gentleman had not answered his Hon.
Friend's remarks in reference to the employment of the
naval force in Ireland in the collection of the poor-rates,
when
The SPEAKER said he had not interrupted the Hon.
Member who had made this motion, because it was im-
possible to say that he would not conclude with an
amendment to the motion for going into Committee ;
but as he had concluded without making any such
amendment, the Hon. and Gallant Officer would be quite
out of order in making any remarks on the subject of the
Irish poor-law.—(Hear, hear.)
MUTINY BILLS.
The House then went into Committee on the Mutiny

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 25.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack at Five o'Clock.

The Earl of BESBOROUGH presented a petition
from the Dissenters of Derby, praying that so much
of the poor-law which authorised the payment of sa-
laries to Protestant clergymen attending in union
workhouses, might be repealed.
Petitions against the unions of the sees of St.
A saph and Bangor were presented by the Bishops of
LICHFIELD and BANGOR.

LUNATIC POOR IN IRELAND.
Lord MONTEAGLE gave notice that, on Thurs-
day, he should move for certain correspondencewhich
the Irish Government had entered into on the sub-
ject of lunatic asylums in Ireland.
LABOUR OF FEMALES.

Captain PECHELL referred to the employment of
the Comet and the Stromboli on the river Shannon to
assist in collecting the poor-rates.
Sir J. GRAHAM said the facts were these :—On the
coast of Galway there was a formidable, organised, and
protracted resistance to the payment of poor-rates; and,
at the instance of the Lord Lieutenant, two steam-boats
were sent to the Shannon to assist the civil power.
He was quite prepared to justify the proceeding, under
the circumstances which gave rise to it.
Mr. MORE O'FERRALL thought that the present
was not the proper time to discuss the Irish poor-law,
and he would not, therefore, enter into that subject.
On the discussion of the clauses,
Sir H. HARDINGE said there was a novelty in this
Bill, inasmuch as it gave power to the Secretary-at-
War, in certain cases, to convert barracks, or parts of
barracks, into military prisons.
The Bill having passed through Committee, the House
resumed, the Chairman reported progress, and the re-
port was ordered to be brought up to-morrow.
The House then went into Committee on the Marine
Mutiny Bill.
Sir C. NAPIER complained that the punishment of
marines employed on shore was not sufficiently defined.
There was another object to which he wished to call the
attention of the Government. It was to this peculiarity
in the Mutiny Act, that the punishment of death should
be suffered for every crime, or such other punishment
as a court-martial might choose to inflict. Now, in
many cases it occurred that it was necessary for the
officer in command of a ship to inflict punishments ac-
cording to the rules and practices of the navy,
and he wished that the last clause of the Act
should be so framed as to make those rules
and practices the lawful guide, without reference to the
higher penalty of death. As at present, the practice
served no purpose of example. He himself remembered
a case, where a court-martial had, under the Mutiny
Act, sentenced a man to death, but recommended him
to mercy on account of a wound in his head. The
punishment was commuted to fourteenyears' transporta-
tion. This punishment was never known in the ser-
vice, and it had no effect whatever in the way of exam-
ple. He recommended that the Articles should be so
modified as to leave it is the power of a court-martial
on the spot to determine the amount of punishment.
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that the subject had
been referred to the Admiralty before. The Gallant
Officer was aware, that when marines were employed on
shore on foreign service, they were in a very different
position to that of doing duty on board.
Mr. MORE O'FERRALL said, that the same diffi-
culty alluded to by the Hon. and Gallant Member for
Marylebone had been experienced in the employment of
the Marines in the relief service in Spain, and he
thought it ought to be removed.
Captain PECHELL thought it very hard to punish a
man who on shipboard fell asleep upon his watch after
a hard day's work, as a sentinel in the army who fell
asleep at his post.
Mr. HERBERT said that an alteration in this respect
had been extended to the marines.
The clause was agreed to, the House resumed. the
Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit
again to-morrow.
The Indemnity Bill was read a third time and passed.
The Gold and Silver Warehousing Bill was read a
second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday

next.
The International Copyright Bill was read a third
time and passed.
The report upon the Dean Forest Bill was brought up
and agreed to.
The Night Poaching Prevention Bill passed through
Committee, and the report was ordered to be brought up

to-morrow.
CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that in the course of last
session, when the Bill for the trial of Controverted Elec-
tions was mentioned in the House, he had undertaken
to propose the appointment during the present session
of a Committee of the House, to inquire if any amend-
ment could be introduced into its mode of proceeding.
In fulfilment of that promi;e he had now to move
that a Select Committee should be nominated for that
purpose. He proposed this measure merely for the pur-
pose of considering whether any amendment could
he made in the present course of proceedings, and not
with a view to discuss and report as to the jurisdiction
itself. The important question of the jurisdiction ought
in his opinion to be carefully reserved for the considera-
tion of the House itself. He had no wish to hinder
Hon. Members from discussing this great question in
the House, but he wished to confine the object of the
proposed Committee to the suggestions of amend-
ment in the existing system as it stood. He
had endeavoured to make the Committee as fair
and as useful as possible by placing upon it
those who were looked to as authorities, and who would
come prepared to assist in rendering the existing sys-
tem as perfect as possible. He did not see any neces-
sity for entering into a statement, or inviting. discussion,
and he should, therefore, content himself simply with
moving the appointment of a Select Committee, to in-
quire and report, whether it would be desirable to make
any alteration in the law at present in force in respect
to the trial of Controverted Elections.
Mr. GISBORNE said, he should have been gratified
if, upon the present occasion, the Right Hon. Baronet
(Sir Robert Peel) had stated what he thought of the,
present law from the experience they had been enabled to
have of it. The object of the Bill had been to remedy
that which had certainly become a crying evil, and it
was a question of interest to ascertain how far in the
Right Hon. Baronet's opinion an amendment had been
effected. For his (Mr. Gisborne's) part, he was inclined
to think there had been some amendment. He had that
morning looked at the Journals of the House, to find, as
well as he could, how far party feeling might be supposed
to have influenced the decisions of Committees. He
found that twenty-five Committees had decided conform-
ably with the politics they were supposed to entertain;
and that eight had decided contrary to the opinion
supposed to be entertained by them. He was also bound
to state that in the latter Committees there appeared to
be much less conformity in the political opinions of its
members than the former ones. There was one amend-
Ment in the practice of the Committees which he thought
might be introduced with special advantage. He was
no lawyer, but he understood that in a common law
action a party could give notice to his opponent that if
he did not admit certain points he should
then prove them at his (the opponent's) expense.
Now this practice might be advantageously admitted by
the Committee, for it would effect a great saving both of
time and of money. There were other points which
presented themselves to his notice, but as the House
seemed indisposed to discussion at that time, he would
not enter on them. He hoped, however, that on the Com-
mittee there would be some Hon. Gentlemen who had
suffered in these matters, for, as they beat knew where
the shoe pinched, they would best assist the Committee
in coming to sound conclusions.
Mr. COLLETT hoped the House would adopt some
course to save Members from persecution. He had
some time back been declared by a Committee of
that House duly returned to serve for the present
Parliament for the borough of Athlone, and he
thought the matter was at an end, and he should
be subjected to no further annoyance. He had,
however, been forced before another Committee,
who, on the 7th of this month, had again declared him
duly elected " to serve in the present Parliament" for
the borough of Athlone, and he was again threatened
not merely with another petition against him, but with
an annual attempt to wrest his seat from him.
Sir GEORGE GREY thought the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet had pursued a very wise course in keeping the
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Lord BROUGHAM rose to present a petition from
the coal and ironstone miners of Lanarkshire, in which
they complained of the distress which they endured
in consequence of the course which the Legislature
had, some years ago, deemed it necessary to take for
the regulation of their labour, by which many females
were deprived of the means of earning their subsist-
ence, at an age when it was impossible for them to
turn to any other species of employment. The peti-
tioners therefore besought their Lordships to allow
those females, under whatsoever restraint or restric-
tion their Lordships might deem fitting for their pro-
tection, to resume the only employment by which
they could earn a livelihood ; and, if not too late, to
save them from the consequences of that cheap hu-
manity, of that false philanthropy—(Hear, hear)—
which at present seemed to have obtained possession
of the Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) It was a one-sided
humanity, as well as a false humanity, inasmuch as it
professed to maintain the rights, to support the inte-
rests, and to relieve the sufferings of those individuals
who were its chief object, while it inflicted, at the
same time, the deepest wounds, through hypocrisy
and shortsighted policy, on the very parties whom it
professed to correct.—(Hear, hear.) He had been for
a very long time a fellow-labourer with others in
many good works for the amelioration of the condi-
tion of the people. He had constantly, throughout his
political life, been their advocate and supporter, when
oppressed, according to his feeble means. Would
that his means had been ample in proportion to his
good wishes and anxious desires. Surely, then, he,
who had always exerted himself to promote the com-
fort of the people—he, who never in his life had given
a vote, or written a line, or said a word, that tended
to their oppression or neglect—but who had endea-
voured, through good report and evil report, to do
whatever he could to serve their best interests, tem-
porary or permanent—he, who had studied to keep up
the rate of their wages, and to keep down the price of
their food—he, surely, had some right to be heard,
when the question related to the comforts, the sub-
sistence, to the labour and to the hardships of the
working classes.—(Hear, hear.) When it was said
that many were engaged in unhealthy occupations—
that many were worked too hard—that frequently they
laboured heavily, and were too lightly fed ; while all
this must be admitted, still, he feared that those priva-
tions, those sufferings were the inevitable lot of
human nature. But he would not be perverse enough
to, call them oppressions—he would not be rash
enough to call them oppressions—he would not be
impious enough to call them oppressions on the part
of man, until he had heard from some learned doctor
how much of these evils could be removed by human
means and human laws ; and how much of
them were the inevitable consequence, the unavoid-
abble result, of the mysterious decrees and
inscrutable dispensations of Providence.—(Hear.)
Therefore, he said, " Show me any means, within the
scope of human laws, to remove those evils—show me
any better course of legislation to do away with those
sufferings—show me any better rule of conduct by
which our rulers may be able to avoid those mischiefs
—and then, if those means be not resorted to, we may
use the word oppression.' " But, until that was de-
monstrated to him—until it was proved that the
means of removing these sufferings were within their
reach, and were neglected—he would not admit that
the evils complained of were the mere result of op-
pression, though he allowed that they were heavy
afflictions and calamities.—(Hear, hear.) But cer-
tainly he would never be a party to anything which,
under the semblance of humanity, was calculated to
inflict greater evils on the labouring population of
this country than even those which they now com-
plained of. But, he would ask, was all their sym•
pathy to be confined to the spinners of cotton and
carders of wool ? Was no suffering to be found
amongst other classes of society ? Could any half-
dozen of occupations be named in which workmen
and workwomen were employed, with respect to
which no right to claim compassion could be
found ? Not a few of the many occupations in which
operatives were employed called as much, on various
points, for legislative interference, as did the number
, of hours during which children ought to be employed
lin cotton factories. Here he begged leave to state
the opinion of a great authority on this subject.
Coining from so grave a quarter—coming from a man
who was so thoroughly conversant with the question
—coming from one whose whole public life was de-
voted, as far as in him lay, to the benefit of the people
—coming from an individual who, to the last hour
of his life, laboured for their good—he meant the late
Sir Samuel Romilly—that opinion ought to be re-
ceived with respect by all parties. What was that
eminent man's answer to him (Lord Brougham) when
he demanded his assistance, on a similar occasion,
many years ago ? He requested Sir S. Romily to af-
ford his support to a Bill which was then pending in
the other House of Parliament, to which he (Lord
Brougham) was friendly. The object of that Bill was
not the restricting the hours during which children
should be employed, but was meant for restraining
the ages under which children should not be suffered
to work in factories—and what was the answer of
that great and good man ? " I," said he, " will do no
such thing as support such a Bill. an you stop
your legislation there ? Have you no recollection of
other trades ? Do you forget the glass-blowers—the
coal-heavers—the steel-file makers, who are inhaling
the seeds of pulmonary disease from morn 'till dewy
eve'—the painters, who breathe an atmosphere poi-
soned by the fumes of white lead—the brass-founders,
who handle and manufacture brass in all its forms,
and who are, in consequence, often paralysed by it ?
Before you proceed with restrictions in matters of
this' kind, reflect that Providence has so ordered
it—and doubt whether you can interfere satisfacto-
rily. Above all things (said he, and this particu-
larly referred to the employment of children)—
above all things, beware that you do not introduce
something artificial in the place of those parental
affections which Providence has, most wisely and
beneficially, implanted in the human breast. Beware
lest, in taking this course of legislation, you proceed
to stifle, to drown, to extinguish those natural affec-
tions which are the real and legitimate support and
protection of children."—(Hear, hear.) Such was
the opinion of Sir S. Romilly. Now, the sufferings
of some classes, the misery of others, and the com-
parative wants of all (except those who were born
to the enjoyment of affluence) must be admitted,
must be regretted, and ought to be prevented, if the
means of prevention were in their power; but how
could they be prevented when they grew out of those
dispensations of Providence with which man must be
content ? If any man wished to ascertain whether
these miseries were confined to manufactures, let him
go into the country—let him view the agricultural
districts. He would there see men, inured only to
agricultural labour growing prematurely old at 40,
and decrepit at 50. They would then perhaps change
their opinions with respect to enforcing restrictions
on manufacturing labour. Let them read the most
lively description that ever was given of the happi-
ness which attended an agricultural life and compare
it with the reality, and he feared the two things
would present a very different aspect. On the other
hand, a poet of great eminence had described, with
all the accuracy of a Dutch painter, what he supposed
to be the wretchedness of a manufacturing life ; but
if he had lived in a manufacturing -district perhaps
he would have drawn a less highly coloured picture.
Now, how far was this course of legislation to be
carried ? Were they to call on the Legislature to
provide so that dropsy should not be the lot of one
man in consequence of his exposure to atmospherical
changes, or that other complaints arising from their
employments should not afflict other men ? Would
any Noble Lord or Hon. Member of the other House
consent to a law which would prohibit his coachman
from driving him to a party and then waiting for him
until five o'clock in the morning, to the inevitable injury
of the servant's constitution ? Were no more races to
be run for amusement, not for the purposes of gamb-
ling (for he did not mean to say anything offensive),
by the introduction of a measure to prevent an infant
from being taken at seven years of age, and half
starved, to reduce him to the condition of a dwarf,
that at eighteen or twenty he might be of the pro-

per weight required for riding the handicap ? and saying she was sure the unfortunate women •
(" Hear, and laughter.) Was that, he would ask, was dead, he proceeded to the cell when he found her
the legislation they were to proceed with ? Such, quite dead. Col. Wade examined into the circumstances
however, was the course which was opened to them of this case, and he made a representation to the Corn-
by those who exclaimed so much on the subject of missioners in London respecting it, and they imme-
factories, and were very prodigal of their own ad- diately sent down a peremptory order for the dis-
vice
and of other people's money.—(Hear, hear.) But missal of the master and mistress. The guardians
then it was said, that the whole system as regarded refused to comply with that order, and they addressed
women was contrary to nature, that it was impos- a memorial to the Commissioners, entreating them to
sible for them to pay proper attention to the nursery, allow the man to remain in his situation. The Corn-
and (as we understood) suckling their children. And missioners then and more strongly than before, ex-
those who read Tansillo's poem might expatiate on pressed their reprobation of the conduct of the master,
the subject. But he would ask, how many wives, and peremptorily insisted on his removal, and he was
and sisters, and daughters of their Lordships, and of then removed ; but his removal was attended with a
Members of the other House of Parliament, volun- vote of thanks from the board of guardians by whom
tardy exempted themselves from following what, in he had been appointed. If those papers were pro-
this respect, was called the first law of nature ? duced he (the Bishop of Exeter) would pledge his
They excused themselves from undertaking that veracity as to the accuracy of the circumstances he
duty because their various avocations interfered with had just related.
it. Yet they had never heard that any mischief Lord WHARNCLIFFE said there was no objec-
resulted frm the practice ; but they were told that the tion on the part of the Government or the Com-
children of women employed in factories were swept missioners to produce these papers but he did not
down in scores in consequence of their mothers not be- think, after the statement of the Right Rev. Prelate,
ing able to attend to them. Now he conceived that that any benefit would result from their production.
the petition which he now presented to their Lord- The Bishop of EXETER said that, if he knew that
ships bore out a very different view of the case. lie the present board of guardians were not the same in-
could now clearly state, and predict to their Lord- dividuals as those during whose tenure of office the
ships, what the question in future would be, namely, circumstance which he had related had occurred, he
whether ten hours' work was to be paid for by twelve would not press his motion.
hours wages ? If such a principle were adopted, Lord WHARNCLIFFE said that more than one-
away at once would go the profits of the rnanufac- half of the present board had been elected since the
turers. Those two hours were all important to him. occurrence took place.
He could not compete with foreigners if he were After a short conversation the motion was withdrawn.
obliged to give the same wages for a less amount of The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that some
labour. And let it be recollected that in France, in time ago the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of
Germany, in Switzerland, nay more, in America, no Exeter) had brought a charge against the same
such restrictions were known. It would be impos- board of guardians with respect to the appointment
sible for the manufacturer to proceed, without lower- of a chaplain to the particular union to which the
ing his wages. But some thought that Parliament Right Rev. Prelate had referred. In answer to that
might interfere—that nothing more was wanting than charge the board of guardians had put themselves in
the wisdom and unanimity of the Legislature to re- communication with the Commissioners in London,
duce the hours of labour, and at the same time to and the result was a full vindication on their part.
prevent wages from being lowered in the same ratio Now he thought it would be but justice in the Right
as the time of employment was contracted! 0! inane Rev. Prelate to move for the production of that cor-
eaput! To prevent such a reduction would be respondence.
impossible. It was argued, that the proposed altera- The Bishop of EXETER hoped the Noble Mar-
tion would be greatly conducive to health. The quis would himself move for the production of these
ability to eat heartily was an acknowledged con- papers.
comitant of health ; but with decreased wages how The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then moved for
was the operative to satisfy nature ? Would his copies of all communications made to and from the
situation be at all improved ? He firmly believed Poor-law Commissioners, respecting the appointment
that those who now advocated the principle of re- of a chaplain to the poor-house, Penzance.
duced laoour would eventually discover their error, The motion was agreed to.
and find, that the best friends of the poor were those Messengers from the Commons brought up certr'sin
who did net restrict nor interfere with their in- Bills, which were read a first time.
dustry.—(Hear, hear.) He was as certain as TheiDuke of BUCCLEUCH presented a petition
that the sun would rise to-morrow that many from Caithness against any alteration in the corn-laws.
months would not pass over their heads before men The House then adjourned.
would be awakened to a sense of the follies they
were now committing, and begin to be awake in good
earnest, and find that he was the best friend of the
poor who did what he could to help them, and did
nothing to injure them in pursuit of a vague fantastic
theory which his own imagination might have con-
jured up, or which other men's hallucinations might
have inoculated him with. He hoped and trusted
that meanwhile no harm would be done to the work-
ing people, for whom it was chiefly that he now spoke
—to the manufacturer, whose interests were the in-
terests of the working people, and who, in fact, could
have no interests apart from them, and that no page
would be added to our statute book, before it was
too late to reflect on the mischief and the misery
which might result from it—sanctioning any such
pernicious principle (if he might so call it) as that of
which he had now deprecated the assertion. Depend
upon it, we could not stop here.—(Hear, hear.) If
we were to legislate for these workpeople, we must
for all others.—(Hear.) Women in our colleries had
suffered much ; and he was one who had agreed (re-
luctantly, and protesting against carrying it further,
and predicting those consequences which had hap-
pened) to a measure for ameliorating their condition.
But there was a spectre which haunted him more than
it did the manufacturer ; which haunted him as the
friend of the labourer, and, above all, of those very
children themselves—it was the mischief of Parlia-
ment interfering to prescribe how much work
a man, or a woman, or a child should be called upon
to endure. Of the two, he protested he would rather have
a Bill to regulate the rate of wages, and affix a mini-
mum of wages, than a Bill to affix a maximum of
work. He held the one just as much against all
principle as the other ; but the first would not pro-
duce so much mischief; and it would be entirely
nugatory—you could not fix the rate of wages.—
(Hear, hear.) Those who said the Legislature could
compel employers to give twelve hours' wages for
ten hours' work did not know what they were talk-
ing of. Let them talk elsewhere than in Parliament,
and of other matters than these.—(A laugh.) They
were talking of subjects as utterly unknown to them,
and of which they were as hopelessly ignorant, as of
what was passing in another planet.—(Laughter.)
Humanity they had not studied. He believed many
of them to be worthy of, and he felt for them the
highest respect—as most estimable, honest, conscien-
tious, and, on other subjects, well-informed men;
but he hoped he should not be accused of saying any-
thing disrespectful to them, nor against moral prin-
ciple itself, when he added—" so much the worse ;"
for nothing was more fatal, and, above all, in popular
assemblies, and in countries where there was a free
expression of public opinion, than respectable, honest,
conscientious, and amiable men, when they had taken
up some notion such as that of which he had spoken,
and acted wildly, enthusiastically, fanatically upon
that notion. He had had presented to him draughts
of two Bills proposed to be presented, calling his at-
tention to the much greater sufferings of semptresses
in London, Westminster, and country—(Hear,
hear)—working from early in the morning to late at
night; fed on an extremely miserable pittance—on
bad or second-rate, cheap, indifferent food—little of
animal food. These were extreme cases, no doubt—
such was not the state of all or nearly all ; he hoped
in God it was not so, Oat least.—(Hear.) But their
wages were low from the vehement competition.
Every poor girl who had no rich parents to support her,
and who chose conscientiously to lead a chaste life,
was a competitor for that kind of work, and the con-
sequences were, naturally, most lamentable. They
suffered exceedingly • and the diseases, of which a
frightful catalogue had been presented to him with
one of the Bills (which he should never present, as it
was not his duty to present such impossible specula-
tions to their Lordships)—the diseases, arising chiefly
from their posture of work—diseases of the diges-
tive organs and of the lungs, &c., were of the most
frightful and fearful character. But his answer had
been, that if Parliament legislated for these and other
such cases (for there were other cases even worse)
Parliament would become the nuisance of the nation
instead of its protector, by the utter disregard it
showed to the necessity of man's position in this
world, and to that first fact and law of our existence
—which he once had occasion, for another purpose,
but in favour of the working classes (for it was
against the corn-laws), to allude to—the law of
labour—
" Continuii has leges mternaque fcedera certis
Imposuit natura locis, quo tempore primum
Deucalion vacuum lapides jactavit in orbem :
Unde homines nati, durum genus."
It was not fit to repine at it—they might lament it ;
and they should do all they could to relieve it; and
among other things he proposed the removal of all
restrictions from trade.—(" Hear, hear," from the
Opposition.) It was no answer against his argu-
ment, "Why do you not repeal the corn-laws?" lie
did not wish to do the wrong thing, lest he should
injure the effect of the right thing. He was against
such interference, as calculated to produce nothing
but misery to workmen and masters—especially to
the workmen ; and it was his business to do his best
to prevent such grievous error, which in those who
governed would be a crime. Their Lordships being
a body eminently Conservative, from their reluctance
to enter upon wild and hazardous speculations, it was
more important sound viaws should be maintained
and kept up, and applied in practice among them.
After a few words from the Marquis of NOR-
MANBY, the petition was laid on the table.
The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a peti-
tion, praying that Parliament would prohibit the en-
listment of boys, under fourteen years of age, into the
army from union workhouses.
THE CASE OF MARY MILLER.
The Bishop of EXETER rose to move for copies
of all correspondence from the Poor-law Commis-
sioners, with respect to the case of Mary Miller, who
hung herself in the Penzance Union. He said this
unfortunate female's moral character had not been
impugned, and having applied to the union for relief,
she was admitted, when the master, instead of
placing her in the probationary ward, ordered
her to be confined in the refractory ward,
or, in other words, put her in prison. After
being in the workhouse for some time, she succeeded
in procuring a situation out of the house as a do-
mestic servant, but was unable to keep it, and conse-
quently was again compelled to apply to the work-
house. She was subjected to the same treatment,
although, being rather superstitious, she begged and
prayed that she might not be confined in this cell, or
if so she would commit some desperate act.
Her entreaties were in vain, and she was again placed
in it. After some time, she succeeded in effecting
her escape into, the women's sleeping ward, where she
got into bed along with another female; as soon as
the master was informed of this, he entered the room,
where a great number of females were in bed, and com-
pelled this wretched woman to get up and dress her-
self, when he dragged her down stairs, and with
the assistance of three other persons, dragged her
across the yard without her shoes ; and after inflicting
several violent blows upon her, threw her head-
long into the cell, which he locked. In the morning,
a female pauper went to him and told him that
Miller had hung herself, and his answer was let her
hang. Another application was made to him with
the same result; but upon the third female calling upon

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S—YEsTERDAY.

Owing to the absence of a majority of the subscribers at
Northampton races, the betting was limited in amount, and
with very little influence on the prices as last quoted. The
horses most in request were, Tacita, for the Chester Cup ; and
for the Derby, Running Rein, the Sister to Grey Momus
colt, and Campunero. The following were the closing ave-
rages :

CHESTER CUP.
10 to 1 agst Col. Cradock's Pagan—taken
13 to 1 agst Mr. Bristow's Pharaoh—taken
22 to 1 agst Mr. Tuting's Tacita—taken to 501.
23 to 1 agst Mr. Stephenson's Freedom—taken
25 to 1 agst Mr. Heseltine's The Prior—taken
25 to 1 agst Mr. Milbank's Sir Robert—taken
25 to 1 agst Mr. Plummer's Alice Hawthorn—t & aft off.
LOO even between The Prior and Sir Robert—taken
TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES.
7to 4 agst Mr. John Day's The Ugly Buck-8 to 4
taken once.
9 to 1 agst The Buck winning this and the Derby—
taken to a score.

DERBY.
10 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lot—taken
27 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's lot—taken to 100/.
6i to 1 agst Mr. John Day's The Ugly Buck—take 7 to 1
7 to 1 agst Mr. Crockford's Rattan
16 to 1 sgst Col. Peel's Orlando—taken
20 to 1 agst Lord Maidstone's Cockamaroo—ditto
20 to 1 agst Mr. A. Wood's Running Rein—taken to 1501.
,000 to 25 agst Mr. Scott's Sister to Grey Momus colt—
taken three times.
50 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Campunero--taken freely
800 to 10 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Akbar—taken twice.

PYTCHLEY HUNT RACES.—MONDAY.
The Trial Stakes of 10 sovs. each, with 40 added. Mile and
quarter. (7 subs.)
Mr. John Day's St. Lawrence, aged, 9st 71b (J. Day, jun.) 1
Mr. Braithwaite's Gaiety, 3 yrs, 6st
Mr. G. Ongley's Queen of the Gipsies, 4;yrs, Bst 61b 3
Mr. Raworth's Vibration, 5 yrs, 9st Ilb ...... 4
7t04 on St. Lawrence. Won easy by a length.
The Althorp Park Stakes of 10 sovs. each, with 30 added,
for twe yrs old. Straight run in, about half a mile. (7
Subs.)
Mr. G. Ongley's Mystery, Bst 21b (Sly) 1
Mr. Booth's New Year's Day, Bst 21b 2
Mr. S. Scott's f, by Sir Hercules, dby Cronus, Bst 21b ... 3
The following also ran : —Lord Spencer's Joseph, Bst 51b—
Mr. Sherratt's Tottenham, Bst 51b—and Mr. Gardner's c, by
Slane, out of Cinderella, Bst 51b.
Petting-5 to 2 agst Mystery, and 3to 1 agst Mr. Gard-
nor's colt. Won cleverly by a length, New Year's Day
beating Sir Hercules filly by a neck.
The Great Northamptonshire Stakes of 25 sovs. each, 15 ft,
and 5 only if declared. Two miles. (71 Subs. 47 declared.)
Mr. Gregory's Vitellius, 4 yrs, 7st
Mr. Berrington's Father Mathew, 3 yrs, sst 21b
Mr. 'Worthington's Hooton, 4 yrs, 7st 21b 3
The following also started but were not placed :—Lord
Chesterfield's Knight of the Whistle, 6 yrs, Bst 121b—Mr. S.
Scott's Mgsque, 6 yrs Bst 21—Mr. Raworth's Venus, 4 yrs,
Bst—Mr. Sadler's Belissima, aged, 7st 101b—Mr. Phillipson
nd Ajax, 6 yrs, 7st 91b—Mr. Gardnor's Captain Flathooker,
5 yrs, 7st 71b—Mr. Hungerford nd Arcanus, 5 yrs, 7st 41b—
Lord G. Bentinck's Naworth, aged, 7st—Lord Maidstone's
Wiverton, aged, 7st—Lord Exeter's Czar, 4 yrs, 6st 101 b
Mr. Oliver's Grace Darling, 4 yrs, Est 81b—Mr. R. Watson's
Antidote; 4 yrs, 6st 81b—and Mr. F. Ongley's Roderick,
5 yrs, Est 81b.
Betting-3 to 1 agst Vitellius, 7to 1 agst Hooton, Bto 1
agst Arcanus, 8 to 1 agst Belissima, 10 to 1 agst Knight of the
Whistle, 10 to 1 agst Mosque, and 10 to 1 agst Father Mathew.
The horses got off well, and ran in a cluster to the
top turn, where Belissima took up the running, followed by
Vitellius, Father Mathew, Mosque, and several others; the
pace good ; they ran in their order to the dip, where Vitellius
went in front, was never afterwards caught, and won very
easily by a length ; Father Mathew second ; Hooton a bad
third, and everything else beaten off.
The Tally-Ho Stakes of 25 sovs. each, 10 ft for horses not
thorough bred. 2 miles. Gentlemen riders. (5 Subs.)
Mr. Manning's Fairplay, 4 yrs lOst 91b (Capt. Clark 1
Mr. Bevill's Europa, 4 yrs lOst 91b (Capt. Oliver 2
Lord Maidstone's Wiverten, aged, 12st 31b (Owner 3

Won 1)y —a. neck.
The Farmers' Cup of 50/., once round and a distance, Gen-
tlemen riders, was won, in two heats, by Mr. Flesher's Lot-
tery, 6 yrs, llst.l2lb ; beating Mr. Harris's Victoria, 6 yrs,
12st 21b ; Mr. Wesley's The Lawyer, 5 yrs, llst Ilb ; and Mr.
Cowley's The Hackney.
The races were fully attended, were conducted upon a
greatly improved system, and went off with uncommon eclat.
The only Derby bets we heard were 600 to 100 agst The
Ugly Buck (afterwards offered); 15 to 1 agst Orlando ;
2,000 to 35, and 1,000 to 15 several times agst Campunero ;
25 to 1 would have been taken about lonian. For the
Chester Cup 100 to 6 was laid several times agst Cattonite ;
20 to 1 agst Bed Deer; •25 to 1 agst Hooton; 30 to 1 agst
Everton; and 33 to 1 agst General Pollock.

HAMBURGH PAPERS.
ST. PETERSBURGH, MARCH 12.—The Bulletin of the
Laws published today, contains the convention con-
cluded last year between their Majesties the Emperor of
Russia and the King of Prussia, for a regular convey-
ance of the mails between St. Petersburgh and Cron-
stadt on the one part, and Stettin and Schwinemunde
on the other. Each Government will employ a steamer
of 250 horse power ; the two steamers are to be built
in the most eminent establishment in England, and with
all possible perfection. This convention will not be car-
ried into effect till the spring of the year 1847.
FROM THE LOWER DANUBE, MARCH 6. The
accounts received from Southern Russia respect-
ing the state of things in the Caucasus are not favour-
able to the Russians. A great number of soldiers (espe-
cially Poles) of the regiments already arrived had de-
serted to the mountains. The aversion of the Polish
soldiers to the Russian service is so great, that they
rather submit to the hardest service and the greatest
privation among the mountaineers ;(where no enviable
fate awaits them), than follow the Russian standard.
Many of them take the opportunity to escape into the
interior of the country beyond the mountains, whence
they either return to Europe, or engage in the service of
some Asiatic power.—Manheim JournaL
BERLIN, MARCH 20.—His Imperial Highness the
Grand Duke Alexandria has arrived from Russia.
BERLIN, MARCH 21.—The above illustrious stranger
has left for Vienna.

SPORTING EVENTS EXTRAORDINARY.—Bell's Life
in London, of Sunday, the 31st inst., will contain copious
accounts of all the exciting sporting events of the present
week, including Northampton, Croxton-park, and Epsom
(Spring) races; the two Grand Military Steeple Chases and
Match at Northampton ; High Wycombe, Grantham, tittox-
eter, and Blackburn Steele Chases Caledonian Coursing
Meeting; aquatic matches; Angling Episode, No. 3, by
Ephemera; hunting appointments and runs; pedestrian,
pigeon shooting, canine, and other sports ; together with the
lively entertainments of the " Fancy " on Tuesday, em-
bracing three " assauts des armes." Office of Bell's Life, 170,
Strand, price 6d., which, if inclosed, or six postage stamps,
to Mr. Clement, jun., will ensure a paper in due course of
post. Bell's Life, of March 24, contained the lists of the
horses training at the Curragh, by Messrs. Keegan, Walsh,
Cleary, Igoe, Harrison, Lyons, Jaques, Farrell, Conolly,
Dunn, Davis, King, Monaghan, Wynne, and Macken, with
accurate reports of the Sandemount, Kildare, Mullingar,
Dundalk Grand Irish National, Wicklow, and many other
Steeple Chases.
THE HAIR.—Of the numerous compounds con-
stantly announced for promoting the growth or reproduc-
tion of the hair, few survive, even in name, beyond a very
limited period; whilst " Rowland's Macassar Oil," with a
reputation unparalleled, is still on the increase in public es-
timation. The singular virtues of this successful invention
for restoring, preserving, and beautifying the human hair,
are too well known and appreciated to need much comment.
The very facts of the high and distinguished patronage it
enjoys, its general use in all countries, together with nu-
merous testimonials constantly received in its favour, are au-
thorities which stamp its superior excellence and title over all
attempts of a similar nature. Being universally preferred,
its consequent great demand excites the cupidity of un-
principled shopkeepers, who vend the most spurious trash as
the " genuine" Macassar Oil : whereas the genuine article is
wholly the invention and property of A. Rowland and Son,
and the amalgamation of its costly exotic materials renders
abortive any attempt to discover its component parts—thus
proving the imposition of all other articles bearing the title
of " Macassar Oil." The genuine article has the words
" Rowland's Macassar Oil" on the wrapper.—All others are
fraudulent 'counterfeits;