The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-13 00:00:00

ixtlxiug AUL

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 15, 1844.

Our own opinion of the consequences, of a Re-
peal of the Union between England and Ireland,
is upon record. We have, over and over again,
declared our deliberate conviction upon this sub-
ject. We have not altered our opinion, we
have not deviated one particle ; we are not
blind to the gross injustice that has been
done to Ireland, nor are we less inclined to
give Ireland equal laws, equal privileges, equal
representation, and full, complete, and perfect
justice,—but we do not think that a Repeal of
the Union, is the means by which such ends can
be attained. We deny the merits of that Repeal,
and we think it a delusion. But no matter what
the merits of the Repeal agitation may be, whe-
ther it be a good to be desired, or an evil to be
avoided,—no matter whether it would prove a
benefit to Ireland, or an injury to England—
one thing is quite certain, that the agita-
tion is one for the repeal of an Act of
Parliament, by legal and constitutional means,
and that the attainment of a legal object by le-
gal means. was never, is not now, and so long
as liberty is a substance, not a shadow, will never
be, a crime or an offence.

An Act of Parliament made the Union—an
Act of Parliament can unmake it. The cry for
Repeal, is nothing more than a cry for such an
Act. Where, then, its illegality,—where its cri-
minality ? The power invoked, is the constitu-
tional power of Parliament ; the parties invok-
ing, are the people of Ireland, and equally en-
titled to declare their opinions, as the people of
England.
The people of England have met by thousands;
the people of Ireland by hundreds of thousands;
equally peaceable, equally orderly in each coun-
try. The cry in England has been for reform, for
the repeal of obnoxious laws, for the redress
of grievances, for impartial legislation. Where
is the difference in object, between the Irish
agitation of this day, and the English agitation
of fbrmer days ? Where is the difference between
the monster-meetings to obtain the People's
Charter, to present the National Petition, and
to procure the repeal of the Septennial Act, and
the Irish monster meetings to procure the repeal
of the Act of Union, which took away the Par-
liament
of Ireland, and destroyed its separate
Legislature ? We cannot discover the difference
which makes the one legal, and allows it to pass
without notice, or the other illegal, and worthy
of a prosecution. They are both peaceable ex-
pressions of the minds of the people—they are
both in the spirit and the intent of our British
Constitution, which allows to every man, freedom
of complaint for his grievances, to that power
which the law recognises, and which makes the
law. Meeting after meeting bad been held, at
which not a single breach of the peace occurred;
an entire year had witnessed the grand spectacle,
of countless thousands assembling to call for
the redress of a grievance, which, whether
fancied or real, had enlisted in its denouncement

a large proportion of the people of Ireland,
and the last meeting of the season was
abut to be held, when, on the very eve
of its assembling, Government stepped in,
and declared its illegality. Then the arm
of the law was bared,—prosecutions were com-
menced against those who had taken part in the
peaceable demonstrations, which for months
had been seen and witnessed without a word of
warning -or of disapproval, and now, those pro-
secutions are about to be tested by judge and
jury.

How those prosecutions have hitherto been
carried on, by a refusal of every particle of
information as to the mode in which the indict-
ment was found—the withholding of the names
of the witnesses by whom it was to be supported
—the swearing of the witnesses examined (if
sworn at all) in a private room, not in open
Court as by law directed—the suppression of
nearly one-tenth of the jury panel, by accident
or design, matters not—these are all facts, which
speak volumes. In such an affair, as the prose-
cution of Ireland's greatest patriot, to whom
Ireland owes a debt of gratitude which she can
never repay, every attempt should have been
made to strip it of any appearance of harsh-
ness, or of eagerness to urge the law to its
utmost limits, and every indulgence should
have been given to the accused, that could
he hoped for, or requested. No tricks, no
quirks, no sharp practice, no pettifogging astute-
ness, should have been shown, or suspected in
such a case—the private visits of the ATTORNEY-
ENERAL to London, the extraordinary in-
cident of the RECORDER'S visit to the PRE-
MIER, whilst the jury list was incomplete,
should not have occurred—the stream of justice
ought to have flowed in channels, free from taint
or from suspicion. Crown solicitors ought not to
have compelled witnesses to swear to facts which
they found out to be incorrect. Attorney-
Generals' creatures ought not to have wormed
themselves, under false colours, into quarters
where they had no right to be admitted; and
Secretary of States' implements, ought not to
have disgraced the character of the Press, by
pretending public employment, when in reality
in Ministerial pay. Time will show whether
any, or all, of these things, have been. If they
have, the shame, the disgrace is on the heads of
the abettors and of the contrivers, and
punishment must and will follow them.
In such a matter as a prosecution against
DANIEL O'CONNELL, the leaning ought to
have been, rather to restrain the law than to
stretch it; the man whose great crime is the de-
manding of justice for his country, ought to have
had no reason, to complain of want of justice to
himself, and moral force would have been given
to the proceedings of a Government, infinitely
beyond that which now attends them, if a spirit
of fairness and of strict impartiality had been
apparent in their actions.
Monstrous at all times, is it to try a man for
his intentions—who can tell what any man's in-
tentions are I Just as well may it be charged
against the instigators of the prosecution, that
they wish to burk the liberties of Ireland, by
compassing the death of O'CONNELL in prison,
as it may be charged against him, that
he intended to procure a Repeal of the Union,
by force and violence. The one is just as true
as the other, and equally clear, from the overt
acts alleged. No juror, whose passions do not
carry away his judgment, can convict a fellow-
being for intentions, unless those intentions are
distinctly avowed, and plainly stated by the
accused. No juror can, regard being had to his
oath, convict a man of a conspiracy of which the
evidence is not conclusive and decided. No
honest juror, can find a verdict of guilty upon
suspicion, or convict any man of intents, which
he does not avow either by words, or actions of
indisputable nature.
The safety of Ireland,—the peace of the em-
pire,—depend upon the result of the trials of
O'CONNELL, and most sincerely do we hope and
pray, that Heaven may direct the hearts of judges
and of jurors in the way of truth and of justice.

The Anti-Corn-law League goes forth, as was
observed of NAPOLEON, " conquering and to
conquer." It is enlisting recruits in all quarters,
even among those who, four years since, were its
bitterest opponents. On Wednesday last, its
two most eminent members, Messrs. COBDEN
and BRIGHT, attended at a grand Free Trade
Banquet, which was given them in the City Hall
at Glasgow, on which occasion not less than two
thousand individuals were present. Mr. Fox
MAULE, who was among the guests, and who—
as our readers are perhaps aware—is the son and
heir of one of the richest and most influential
landholders in all Scotland, spoke out in
straightforward and energetic terms on the
subject of free trade, and, as will be
seen by the following passage, which we quote
from his speech, condensed a vast deal of signi-
ficant meaning within the smallest possible com-
pass :—" I think it stands to reason," said the
Hon. Gentleman, " that that system is best, and
promotes to the greatest extent the well-being
of all, which shall give us the easiest enjoyment
of that which the rest of the world produces,
and which shall convey back in return the pro-
duce of our own industry. Now these are the
principles upon which I wish to see legislation con-
ducted, and not in one point only but in all. In fact,
I wish to see no taxation which is not solely for the
purpose of maintaining our national credit, and
answering our national engagements; and 1
further wish to see the taxation so levied that its
pressure may be equal on all classes, and no one
class have exemption at the expense of another."
In these few but comprehensive words we have
au admirable digest of the principles of free
trade—principles which it is the object of the
League to popularise, and whose full and perfect
triumph it is ere long destined to accomplish.
The monopolists are well aware of this; hence
the secret of their present exacerbation—hence
their mean and calumnious attacks on the
Leaguers, which, however, in consequence of
their excessive virulence, invariably fall wide of
the mark. The opponents of free trade should
learn to be discreet in their slanders; they should
impart to them an air of plausibility, so that they
may look something like truths, instead of out-
raging common sense; otherwise their clumsy
falsehoods—as indeed has been the case hitherto—
will only recoil on their own heads. We specially re-
commend this consideration to the attention of the
Rev. Mr. FISHER, of Wavington, who, ata recent
Anti-League demonstration at Newport Pagnel,
did not deem it unbecoming his clerical cha-
racter to indulge in language like this :—" There
were many things which the League had done,
which he could not advise the meeting to imitate.
He could not advise Drummondizing ; he could
not recommend assasssination and street murder.
Let the League carry on their warfare as they
would, they would carry on theirs as Christians.
Ile did not like to cast accusations, but he
really thought he had seen too strong an occa-
sion to suspect that the late incendiary fires,
if not instigated, were encouraged by the
League." Assassination, street-murder, incen-
diarism ! Such are the charges which a Minis-
ter of the Gospel of peace and charity has the
hardihood and effrontery to bring against a
great popular confederacy, which—as its leaders
have asserted a hundred times, and acted up to
the
madeassertbioy argument—non—desire triumphs
snoconvertsbutbustucshucahs
are
asm means
hni
de v
we du
lbeyb
opl edal
ye ebf ur
sa
innds ct constitutional

against the League, Rev. Gentleman, in
the true spirit of Pharisaical cant, professes
his dislike "to cast accusations !" In the
very same sentence that he deprecates the
idea of slander, lie slanders the members of an
orderly, constitutional confederacy in the grossest
terms possible. Fortunately, the very virulence
of the calumny supplies its own refutation, for
what sane man will believe for an instant,
even on the representation of a Minister of the
Gospel, that the League would countenance
the perpetration of deeds which, if proved
to have originated in their suggestions, would
dishonour them for ever in the eyes of their
countrymen, and deprive them of all their moral
influence ? As we said just now, the opponents
of free trade should learn to be discreet in the
exercise of their slanders, and impart to their
inventions something like an appearance of pro-
bability. The world may then, perhaps, be
tempted to place some little faith in their calum-
nies, whereas at present it repudiates them with
contempt, as the gross falsehoods of a jaundiced,
desperate, and unprincipled faction.

At no period, perhaps, since the appearance
of Mr. HUSKISSON'S pamphlet in 1810, entitled
" The Question of Depreciation Stated and Ex-
amined," and. the discussions upon PEEL'S Bill
of 1819, have questions connected with the
monetary condition of this country been dis-
cussed with more eagerness and ability than at
the present moment. Letters, pamphlets, and
other communications on these vital subjects,
pour:in upon us so fast, that we are unable to keep
pace with, or find room for, these addenda to our
stock of knowledge on the actual condition and
prospects of our currency. On this account it
is, that we have not yet been able to devote by
any means so large a share of notice as we could
nave desired to afford, to either of the two
antagonistic tracts to which we have recently
referred, namely, " The- Minister Mistaken,"
and Mr. HUBBARD'S " Currency of the
Country." But in a few days we may
probably light upon an opportunity for re-
viewing these, more at large, together with a
remarkable brochure, a copy of which (the second
edition) is now before us, entitled " Currency
fallacies refuted and Paper-money vindicated;
by the author of an Essay on Money," &c. This
last we shall warmly commend to the best atten-
tion of our readers.

In the meanwhile it may not be unprofitable to
consider the startling evidences which, on every
side, attest the alarming fact that there does exist,
somewhere, in our monetary system a principle
of present disintegration,—a tendency to early
decay—the consequences of which, if not averted
by timely legislation, must be calculated to over-
helm the industrial energy and commer-
cial prosperity of the empire in ap-
palling ruin. If we look to the great
name marts of labour and manufactures,
Manchester, Leeds, Huddersfield, &c., we find

the phenomenon of increased activity without
any corresponding improvement in the social
condition of the masses. The demand for hands
has unquestionably increased ; the quantity and
the quality of the subsistence consumed in the
localities where the operative population is most
dense, remain absolutely unaltered, if compared
in a ratio corresponding with that of the addi-
tional labour called into action. Wages manifest
little disposition to rise above the disastrous level
to which they had fallen just prior to the last
season of stagnation. In some of the mining
districts, as we' have recently been called upon
to show, labourers seem content to balance the
loss and injury they sustain by getting their sup-
plies on the " truck system " and from " tommy
shops" (so they are called), rather than embroil
themselves with their masters, by enforcing
their legal claim to the payment of money wages,
the minimum scale of which could not compensate
them for. the inconvenience and hazard they
would incur by vindicating that claim. The
bankrupts' and insolvents' lists afford weekly
demonstration of the languishing condition of
retail trade in our provincial towns; and mer-
cantile enterprise seems to be gradually closing
up various ancient channels of foreign commerce,
heretofore extensive and productive. If we re-
;ord the increase in the population of the
United Kingdom, and take into account the re-
ductions of duties and taxes which have occurred
since the Census of 1831, we must admit that
the Excise and Customs returns--with hereand
there a transient symptom of rally and revival—
do yet leave us to infer, that the power of con-
.uinption has retrograded instead of advanced,
regard being had to the numerical increase of
ouoipt ion,
those who ought to be consumers. Then, the
incessant transfers of real and chattel property,
which have so much enriched our, principal
estate agents and auctioneers within the last
divefew y etaorst he presumption, , hw stronga confirmation do they
that men in much
higher classes than the artisans, the miners,
the tradesmen we have spoken of; but
who have not the good fortune to be
persons of fixed incomes, annuitants, or mort-
gagees, are compelled to succumb to a pressure
which, by an indirect, but certain operation, un-
settles, and finally impairs, the absolute value of
their nominal incomes f The landlords, both-those
in the highest and those in the lower scales of
that important community, get in their nominal
rents only by annual and very extensive de-
ductions and allowances to their tenants; and in
this respect come within the same category of
those who suffer this process of money depletion.
It would be almost a work of supererogation,
at this time of day, to show that the cause of
these derangements is identified with a vicious
system of currency, which system, by despotically
controlling prices, operates directly upon wages.
By fraudulently enhancing mortgage debts and
rentcharges and annuities,—contracted in a cheap
currency with high prices, and made, by an ex
post facto law, repayable in a dear currency with
low prices,---it ruins the heirsof many a fine pro-
perty, who represent the original mortgagors;
it encumbers estates that, at the time their
liabilities were incurred, seemed well able
to defray the amount of them, with pay-
ments which are fast impoverishing (by
the unnaturally exaggerated value of the
currency in which they are now to be satisfied)
the successors of those who contracted the in-
cumbrances. But we may point to these and
other circumstances as proving the main grounds
of the case upon which the opponents of the
Currency Bill of 1819 are urging upon the public
mind, so anxiously and ably, the necessity for
repealing that measure, and reforming, expand-
ing, and consolidating the bases of our monetary
system. _ _

In looking back to the history of the opinions
and transactions which led to the fatal currency
tampering of 1819, it is impossible not to per-
ceive that the Bank of England has had, through-
out the discussions of that period, and ever since,
very hard and very unjust measure dealt to it.
It is not our purpose or wish to vindicate every
part of the conduct of that vast establishment
in dealing with the enormous power which the
ignorance, or the fears, of successive Govern-
ments may have placed at its disposal, since
the commencement of the late war in 1803. But
it is now pretty certain that the whole clamour
which was raised in 1810 and 1811 about the
enormous depreciation of its paper, and the ex-
travagance of its issues, was founded on no sub-
stantial data, but on crude and precipitate,
though plausible, conclusions, from ill under-
stood premises. Even the writer of the celebrated
paper on the " Bullion Question" (generally
supposed to have been the late Mr. HORNER,
M.P.), in the Edinburgh Review of that time,
in his elaborate argument to establish the fact of
the great depreciation of the Bank paper, in
order to justify the then urgently demanded
establishment of a metallic currency at the ear-
liest practicable period which might offer after
the establishment of peace; admitted that the
assumed depreciation of 17f per cent. was " in-
credible, if not impossible ;" and demonstrated
at the same time, that the highly unfavourable
state of the exchanges against this country,
which all parties have concurred in attributing

to the same cause, was not anything like the
printed lists' report, which report was grounded
on a fallacy very easily explained, and very
clearly exemplified by the Reviewer. Now the
depreciation of the Bank paper was, itself, in-
sisted upon as the result of sudden and excessive
over-issues of it, at a time immediately preceding
the article on the Bullion Question in 1811, and
again at a time just antecedent to PEEL'S Bill in
1819. But we suppose it will be conceded,
first, that whilst there was little or no metallic
currency in the country wherewith to pay one-
fourth eve❑ of the amount of its taxation, the
Bank of England was bound to maintain a cir-
culation of its paper proportioned, in some fair
degree, to the amount of the domestic and
commercial wants of the public, as well as
the coincident taxation ; and, second, that,
so long as the Bank paper did not exceed
this fair proportion, its issues cannot be
said to have been excessive. We find in
1811, the distinguished authority we allude to,
thus unfairly blinking this principle of apprecia-
tion. Ile says that. " whilst the excess of the
market above the Mint price of gold" (conse-
quent on the drain of the war, and the payment
of our armaments and subsidies) "is such as to
treble the foreign exchanges against us, the
issues of the Bank of England's paper, taking
the whole of it in circulation, amount to fully
one-third more than its amount at any former
time." On reference to the appendix of the Re-
port on the Bullion Committee, it will be found,
that whereas, in the period from 1798 to 1804,
the average annual taxation being 30,146,0001.,
the amount of Bank notes in circulation was
15,151,000/., or 50 per cent. in proportion
to the taxation, the proportion having been
fifty-seven per cent. from 1791 to 1797), in the
period from 1805 to 1811, the taxation averaging
annually 47,436,0001., the Bank notes were
19,751,0001., or in the proportion of 421. per cent.
only. This difference shows the equitable mode
in which the circulation was regulated by the
Bank, according to the taxation. Again, in the
years from 1812 to 1819, wlftn the annual ave-
rage of taxation was 53,105,0001., that of Bank
notes was 26,292,0001.; the proportion being in-
creased to 50 per cent. And with good reason,
surely,
.was this only available circulation, to
such a colossal extent, expanded—but not be-
yond a fair proportionate limit—to the demands
of such a colossal taxation. Since the gold-stan-
dard, which failed in 1797, after exactly one
century's trial, was re-established in 1819, the
withdrawal of, upon an average, 30,000,0001. of
Bank of England paper from circulation, has
aggravated the burden of taxes upon the payers,
who have now to provide the means of payment
under an enhanced valde of gold, to a degree
which nothing short of the process of stating
the calculation in detail, could satisfy those who
are not aware of the fact, to have really been
the case.

The
—such oabsj ei
sc t inoonws tloe
ga a goldsed among standard
us exclusively
m ul
tius,—multiply
y
upon our conviction with the experience of every
day. We have shown in former articles how
fluctuating and uncertain is the natural produc-
tion even, of this metal, to which the Legisla-
ture has been pleased to give a fixed, permanent,
unalterable, statute value—as if it were unity ;
and how unascertained and precarious are the
proportions of all known quantities of it raised
and in existence, in bullion or coin, or to be
raised—to all known quantities or future pro-
ducts of silver in like manner. Here, then, is an
organic deficiency in a standard which surely
ought to possess some more appreciable elements
of intrinsic, certain value. These elements
might have been approximated to, at least, by
adopting a conjoint standard of silver as well as
gold. Yet, so far from this being the case,
the same legislation sanctions the coinage and
gives lawful currency and value thereto, of the
one pound of silver bullion, purchasable in the
market at„,' ss. per oz., into 665. in place of 605.,
every 20s. of which 665. may lawfully pur-
chase one sovereign of gold of the standard
value and Mint weight. Thus the Legislature
facilitates and sanctions the disturbance of its
own standard of value by facilitating the en-
grossing, or buying up of the scarcer metal of the
national metallic currency with the more
abundant metal of the same currency. It gives,
in short, a premium of ten per cent. to whoever
may be rich enough to drive the Bank to an act of
bankruptcy by exhausting its stock of gold
bullion or coin. For, if one pound of silver
bullion can be purchased for 60s. and coined
at the Mint into 665., minus the fractional
charge of a few pence for its conversion
into pieces, it follows that repeated operations to
any convenient amount would not only at last buy
up every sovereign and ingot of gold, but realise
an inordinate profit to the speculator upon his
bargain. Here, for the present, we must pause ;
but we cannot leave the subject without drawing
attention to the following extract from the
" Currency Fallacies refuted," as remarkable for
the earnestness and honesty of its tone, although
perhaps we may regard its anticipations as some-
what brighter than any prospects which our own
hopes carry us to, looking at the stupendous
evils which the Act of 1819 has bequeathed
to all the really great interests of the empire,—
whilst it has so usuriously benefited a few
classes of annuitants and capitalists :

No credit is due to the sagacity of any one for the employment of
paper as an instrument of taxation ; for we resisted its use as long as
we could : we tried to do without it sooner than we were ab e;
and should we at last acquiesce in its adoption, it is because we have
no other refuge from national bankruptcy and a revolution. The
struggle to return to the old system has been fatal to the fortunes,
health, and lives of millions of our countrymen, but we remain un-
convinced of our error : yet the delay has had some good effects ;
and if in the end we are forced to take that only course which Pro.
vidence has opened out for us, we shall be recompensed. A scene
of peace, order, and plenty will succeed to the terrible distractions
of the late, and the frightful forebodings of the present period. Other
countries, following our example, will attain a greater degree of free-
dom and ease than the world has witnessed under any form of Go-
vernment for near 3,000 years. The slavery of the soul—that worst
of slavery—will cease ! Every man will sit under his own vine and
fig-tree, none making him atraid. Mammon's empire will be de.
stroyed ; for no one will care for riches, where all may easily have
enough. Art, science, and literature will present their treasures
freely to all people; and those who have a taste for their enjoyment
will not want means or leisure to iudulge it. Above all, charity and
true piety, having then ample scope and opportunity for action, will
be found, we may hope, in every breast, since all must be sensible
what great mercies they have had bestowed upon them by Divine
Providence, and how necessary it is that they should show their gra-
titude to the Giver of all good, by endeavouring to extend the be.
petits and blessings which they themselves enjoy to others in distant
regions, who are less fortunately circumstanced in regard to civilisa-
tion, religion, and liberty.

The Madrid papers of the sth are very barren
of intelligence. On the 4th, Count BRESSON had
an audience of the QUEEN, and delivered an auto-
graph letter from Louts PHILIPPE, in reply to
her communication which contained the declara-
tion of her majority. The Ministerial papers are
most violent against the liberal electors of
Madrid for proposing ARGUELLES and OtozAGA
as candidates. " The choice Jmade by the Pro-
gressist electors of M. ARGUELLES and M. Ow-
znaA," says the Castellano,'
,is a real insult. The
former has' acted the tyrant over Queen
ISABELLA since the departure of her august
mother from Spain; the latter has just committed
towards her MAJESTY an outrage which has
excited the indignation of the whole nation. An
evening journal is right in saying that this nomi-
nation is a death blow to the Progressist party;
for the enemies of the throne who are to be found
amongst that party should not be styled by any
other name than Republican ; Messrs. AR-
GUELLES and OLOZAGA are incompatible with
ISABELLA II."

A great deal of business was done in the Three
per Cents., and at a considerable advance. The
transactions amounted to near 74,000,000 reals,
and were concluded at 24 0-16 for cash, and.at
251 at 60 days. The Five per Cents sold for 10
at 60 days.

On Wednesday evening, at nine o'clock, a
grand deputation of the French Chamber of
Peers were received by the KING at the Tuileries,
and presented the address in reply to the royal
speech. A great number of other Peers accom-
panied the deputation to the Palace. The
Duke DE NEMOURS, Prince DE JOINVILLE, Duke
DE MONTPENSIER, Queen CHRISTINA, and several
other high personages, stood around the Throne.
The Chancellor, Baron PASQUIER, read the ad-
dress, to which his MAJESTY made the following
reply :—" I am most happy to receive your con-
gratulations on the state of the country—on the
increasing prosperity which France at present
enjoys—on the security which, is everywhere
diffused by the new guarantees given us of the

maintenance of peace abroad, and of general
tranquillity. At home, as you express it, the
empire of the laws is well established—factions
are put down—and the vain demonstrations
which they can make will only serve to prove
their impotence. My family and myself are
altogether at the service of France, and she will
always find us ready to surmount our own
troubles and grief to listen only to the voice of
our country, whenever we may be able to serve
her. lam touched with the sentiments which
the Chamber of Peers expresses in reference to
my son, the Prince DE jOINVILLE, and the
comfbrts which GOD has accorded me by so
happy an addition to my family." Loud cries
of Vii;e le Boi greeted his MAJESTY at the con-
clusion of this reply.
We learn from the papers, that according to
letters from Vienna of the 3d, accounts had been
received from Goritz, announcing the serious
illness of the Duke of ANGOULEME. The French
Funds at the opening of the Bourse on Thursday,
declined a little, and filially closed—the Three
per Cents. at 82f. 55c., and the Fives at 124 f. 50c.

BOURSE—PARIS, THURSDAY, JAN. 11.
First Highest Lowest Last

Price. Pi:ice. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents. 124 15 .. 124 03.. 124 10 .. 124 30
4% per Cents 112 ... 1!2 ... 112 . 112
Threes .2 40... 82 50... 82 35 . 82 40
Bank of France. 1250 —3250 ..3250 —3250
Laffitte Bank 1,0001.-1110 ..1110 ...1110 -.1110
Belgian Bank ..... —.680 —.660 660

1841 ...1080 ...1080 —.1060 —lOBO
Belgian Fives 105} ... 105 b 105 b ... 105 k
106* ... 106* ... 108 b 108 b
Portuguese Fives ... .. 45 ... 45 ... 45 ... 45
2Neamitan lO6 40 .. iu6 40... 106 40... 106 40

°man ...... ............ 105 ... LGSM .. 105 ... 105 i

RAILWAY SHARES.

Versailles,R.B 3lO . 310 .. 310 —. 310
L.B.— .—. 157 50... 160 —. 153 75... 158 75
Rouen
tat 50... 652 50... 650 —. 650
h•lea ns.

Strasburg to Bale .... 213 7a... 220 ... '213 75... 220
Avignon to Marseilles 662 50... 665 ... 662 50... 665
RAILWAY SHARES, FOll TfIE ACCOUNT.
Versailles, LB 155 ... 160 ... 155 160
Rouen 8 5 ... 825 ... 825 ... 825
Rouen to Havre...... r'.so ... 652 50... 650 ~ 650
Orieans 632 50... 835 ... 832 50... 635

Strasburg to Bale 215 ...220 ... 215 ... 220
Avignon to Alarseihes t 62 50... 665 ... 662 50 .. 662

MORTALITY IN THE METROPOLIS.—We are glad to
find from the returns for the week ending Saturday, the
6th January, that there is a great diminution in the
number of deaths as compared with the preceding,
though two additional districts, Wandsworth
and Clapham, are included. On the previous
week the number was 1,007 ; while, on the succeeding,
it fell to 933, or 7'6 below the average. The number of
deaths reported from the new districts is 15. The total
number of deaths from small-pox is 16, 12 of whom
had not been vaccinated. There is a great decrease in
deaths from diseases of the lungs.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

QUEEN'S BENCH.--(THIS DAY.)
(Sittings in Banco.)
CAIMIE V. THE LONDON AND BRIGHTON RAILWAY
COMPANY.

The arguments in this part-heard case were resumed this
morning.
Mr. TuEsIGE ft, on the part of the defendant, said they had no
wish to disturb the verdict, and therefore they would not
trouble the Court with any arguments on the second point,
but they were very desirous to have the opinion of the Court
as to the first point, namely, whether under the provisions of
the 153 section of the Act, notice was or was not necessary.
The COURT having expressed a wish to hear the Counsel of
the plaintiff in reply to the observations of the Solicitor-
General on the point of notice.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL shortly addressed the Court,
and in reply to that part of the Solicitor-General's argument
which went to show that, because evidence had been given as
to the state of the road, therefore, it was to be presumed that
the action had been brought against the Company in the capa-
city of proprietors of the road, and that they were entitled to
notice, contended—that if that objection were worth anything
it should have been taken at the trial to the admissibility of
the evidence, but that it could not be taken to the form of the
action ; besides, it was necessary to give evidence as to the state
of the road, in order to show negligence on the part of cis*,
fendants in driving over it at too rapid a rate.
The COURT took time to consider its judgment.

HARE V. BARSTOW.
The arguments in this case were resumed this morning.
The ATTORNXY-GENERAL, on the part of the defendant,
contended that the rule in this case for setting aside the ver-
dict and entering a nonsuit, must be made absolute. He
wished to set the insurance company right with their Lord-
ships and with the public, in respect to the defence of this
action. The insurance company was bound by law to make
the division of risks which they had done, by the provisions of
the Act 9 Geo. IV., which inflicted a penalty of 1001. on any
parties effecting an insurance who did not make such divi-
sions, although the different buildings insured might have one
joint, occupier. He denied that the jury had decided that
this was all one building, and great as was the respect which he
always felt inclined to pay to the verdict of a jury, he con-
sidered that in . cases tike the present, it was frequently
necessary to have their verdicts revised. It was evident that
both the parties to this policy intended to act under the pro-
visions of the Act of Parliament, and it was clear that the
premises were quite distinct ; there was nothing to connect
them, except the steam engine, which was the common moving
power of the machinery in both buildings, and, therefore, ac-
cording to the provisions of the Statute, it was necessary that
they should be insured as separate risks, and being insured as
separate risks, it. was impossible that the plaintiff could re-
cuver, fur he contended that there was no ambiguity whatever
in the policy, and consequently nothing to go to the jury, and
he therefore submitted that the rule for a nonsuit must be made
absolute.
Mr. Hoconts followed on the same side.
The CouaT took time to consider its judgment.

EXCHEQUER-(THIS DAY).
(Sittings in Banco.)
POMFRET V. SMITH.

Mr. MARTIN applied for a rule to show cause why the ver-
dict obtained for the plaintiff in this case at the last sittings at
Guildhall, before Mr. Baron Alderson, should not be set aside,
on the ground that the defendant, an attorney, was sot an actual
partner in the firm of Bush and Co., under which the de-
fendant's brother, Richard Smith, a coal-merchant, traded. It
was admitted on the trial that Walter Smith was merely a
partner, and never transacted any business on account of the
firm, invariably referring parties who applied to him on business
to his brother, who gave ordti s for goods, and transacted the
whole business of the firm. He (Mr. Martin) aontended that
as Walter Smith had never taken any part in the business of
the firm, he was not a responsible party.—Application refused.