The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-23 00:00:00

BANK CHARTER.

Mr. GREENE brought up the report on the
Bank Charter Act, which was received. The reso-
lutions were then agreed to; and a Bill founded on
them was ordered to be brought in.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at Five o'clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
STANDARD.—We have hitherto said nothing of the
Prince de Joinville's pamphlet, for a reason that may not
be peremptory with all critics, but which is always so
with us—we have not seen the work. Foreign poli-
tical pamphlets rarely find their way to this country
very rapidly, and we are not aware that the Prince de
Joinville's pamphlet has been republished here, either
in the original or in a translation, proof that they who
are the best judges in the case (the booksellers) do not
think that such a work would excite any very consider-
able interest—proof, too, that the Paris journal, La
France, is somewhat mistaken in its suggestion that the
publication in question has given umbrage either to the
people or the Government of this country. We men-
tion the fact of our not having seen the pamphlet, how-
ever, merely as our excuse for having said nothing
about it. As some of the French journals have
been so good, nevertheless, as to provide for
us the feelings with which Englishmen ought
to peruse the opinions of the gallant author, and
as these feelings are not such as we should like
to have imputed to us, let us offer such judgment
as we can of a book that we have never read, and
of which we bare seen only a few meagre extracts.
In the first place, then, let us with candour own
that we are prejudiced judges. Nothing proceeding
from any member of the family of the King of the French
can be indifferent to us. Mankind owe too much to the
incomparable Prince, who has taught lessons of such
important and salutary effect as the union of perfect
liberty with perfect order in his own kingdom, and the
greatness and happiness of France conciliated with the
peace of Europe, not to owe a deep debt of gratitude to
him and to all descended from him. Having acquitted
conscience by this confession of prejudice, let us proceed
to our task. The Prince de Joinville is a Frenchman, a
sailor, and he is young; but he would be no true son of
Louis Phillip° if he did not love France before all other
countries—no true sailor if he did not feel that the great-
ness and happiness of his country is intimately con-
nected with the strength and glory of her marine, scarcely
could he be a high-born and high-spirited youth if he
was not an enthusiast for his country and his profession.
We assume, then, that the object of the Prince is to place
the marine of France upon the best possible footing. This
at least ought to be his object, if he is worth anything.
Now, even if our interests and wishes were different
from what they are, we must respect the pursuit of this
object by a French sailer Prince. But whether we get
credit in France for the saying, or do not, we shall be
easily believed in England when we say, as we do with
perfect sincerity, that we are as willing as any French-
man can be to see the marine of France placed upon the
best possible footing. We live in a remarkable era,
an era blessed far beyond any of which we read in
history—an era when, so far from nations and princes
tiring of peace, as they used to do, peace becomes
more precious and more endeared to all by every
hour of its continuance. Of this happy state of
peace, not merely in fact but in wish, the strength
of nations, duly proportioned to their rank, is the
great bond, because it takes away. from neighbours
and rivals all temptation to insult or injure—let us add,
it relieves the nation themselves from the assaults of that
defensive pride which often makes collective bodies as
well as individuals tetchy and quarrelsome, because,
thinking themselves weak upon some point, they fancy
themselves despised. Now, France is a great and gallant
nation, and she is a maritime nation, and therefore she
ought to have a great and gallant marine to hold her in
her proper sphere—to protect her from insult—may we
not say, also, recollecting what occurred in 1840, from
falsely supposing herself insulted where no offence is
intended ? From the side of England, as we firmly
believe, neither France nor any other country need ever
fear aggression or insult, except in the case of some mad
man occupying the throne, and the nation going mad with
him—events not likely to occur, but still events which,
as they are possible, may be guarded against by our
neighbours without giving any just occasion of jealousy.
It is not from England alone, however, that France might
invite insult by neglecting her navy ; exposed without
defence to the attack of England, France would be ab-
solutely weaker, how good and friendly soever the dispo-
sitions of England might be, as we trust they always
will be good and friendly towards France. Other nations
might fall into the delusion by which, unhappily, too
many Frenchmen are possessed, and fancy that, as we
should wish for thehumiliation of the neighbouring king-
dom, we would, sooner or later, co-operate in any at-
tack they might make upon her. And thus we should
be, against our will, dragged into a war. We do not,
however, wish for the humiliation of France. We
would not put out the other eye of Europe, and
deeply should we regret to see France descend one iota
from her relative position in Europe ; but that position
she cannot maintain without a powerful navy. So far,
then, we go heart and hand with the Prince de Join-
ville. But the Prince, it would appear, illustrates his
argument by a frequent reference to the naval wars of
France and England, and by the opportunities to attack
us on our own soil afforded by steam-navigation. As
respects the first, we ask by what wars, if not by the
naval wars of France and England, could the Prince
illustrate his subject ? What enemy worthy of her
arms, except:England, has France encountered at sea
for 150 years ? The other topic is one to which we
will not refer here minutely ; but we have ourselves
too often spoken of the necessary effect of the intro-
duction of steam navigation upon a war between the
two countries—certainly without the most dis-
tant purpose of offending Frenchmen—to quar-
rel with the Royal French sailor for follow-
ing the same line ; though he arrives, by that line, at a
Conclusion very different from that to which it has con-
ducted us j but be it so ; the more that France confides
in that solid strength which she owes to her present
Sovereign's government, the less danger of her rashly
provokieg, or being rashly- provoked, to a war. But if
war should come—distturtclk the day—England may
confide in her high destiny and unconquerable people ;
and though war he possible, it shall' not make us less
kindly disposed to cultivate the friendship that happily
exists, or to terminate that friendship in any ungenerous
spirit, And we would be disposed, in the possible but
most improbable event to address the Prince of Joinville
in the words of old " Bell-thesCat "
" We have our sons in yonder field,
Anti if you meet them under shield,
Upon them bravely do your worst,
And foul fall him that blenches first."

GLOBE.---The South Lancashire election is gradually
drawing to itself an amount of interest far greater than
any single contest has excited—that for the City of Lon-
don, perhaps, excepted—since the general election on
the result of which the fate of the Melbourne Cabinet
was known to hang. Ruth parties are putting forth
their utmost energies ; and both express themselves
as confident of triumph. At a distance so considerable
from the scene of contest, it would be rain for us to in-
dulge in predictions, which the result may show to have
been delusive. The vacant seat was filled by a Conser-
vative, whose majority, it is true, was small. A large
portion of the constituency at the close of the poll had
not voted ; and of these, it is said, the majority are of
Liberal politics. The registration has also been carefully
attended to ; and a large number of Tory voters have
been removed from the registry. Thus far the advantages
are on the side of the Liberal candidate ; and justify
the strong expectations entertained by Mr, Brown a sup-
porters, of returning him to Parliament by a decided
majority. We heartily wish that their most sanguine
hopes may be realised, and that the " heavy blow and
discouragement" which the monopOlists sustained by
the defeat of Mr. Baring in London may be followed
by Mr. Entwisle's rejection in South Lancashire.
The unequivocal expression of public opinion in the
metropolis in favour of commercial freedom, has, doubt-
less, very materially
,aided the cause of free trade, both
in the country, and in the Cabinet. Lot South Lan-
cashire, the centre of the manufacturing interests, merge,
every minor political distinction in the one great essen-
tial for maintaining Britain's commercial posi-
tion, on which the interests of every class of
the community depends and the Ministry
will be compelled to relax, or entirely remove,
the existing restrictions upon commerce, or will
be driven to resign their posts to those who will have
the honesty and firmness of purpose to do so. While
the battle between the two candidates will be
mainly fought on the ground of the great cninmer-
cial controversy—Free, or Restricted, Trade—there are
questions relating to Educational systems, and to Reli-
gious Freedom, which will have considerable influence
upon the Woleyan Methodists, and the other denomina-
tions of Dissenters with South Lancashire
abounds. The Factory Education Bill of Sir 4. Prtthaipi
as it struck alike at the educational institutions orthp
Wesleyans and those of the regular Dissenters, brought
thesete
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The Sunday and day schools of the Wesleyans are
their distinguishing glory, as a connexion. They, are
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