The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1844

face of the earth whether the poor of this country had
not ground for complaint when such a state of things
existed. But this was a mere difference in the value of
the currency ; they must also take into account the
deterioration in every branch of industry. Take the ar•
tisan, the mechanic, and the labourer; he ventured
to say that on the average it would now require more
than the wages of two days to pay their taxation, while
one would have sufficed in 1813. Take the iron manu-
facture. It would take three pounds of iron at the
present day, at its present price, to pay the taxes, for
which one would have sufficed in 1813. Look, again, at
the cotton manufacture. It wo tld now take more than
two pounds of cotton twist, and more than four yards of
calico, to pay the same amount of taxation for which
one pound of cotton-twist and one yard of calico would
have sufficed in 1813. It' they wont through the whole
of the manufactures, they would arrive at the same
result. It ,had been said by a distinguished political
man, that the people, in fact, governed themselves ;
that all the taxes were laid upon them for their own
protection and benefit: Let them turn to local taxa-
tion. It was stated by the Poor-law Commissioners
that the local taxation of the country amounted
to twelve millions. That calculation was, he felt
convinced, vastly under the mark. The local taxa-
tion of the city of London was stated by these gen •
tlemen to be 188,5001. He would prove, beyond
dispute, that it amounted to more than half a minion,
including taxes paid to the corporation, the taxes paid
on Coal and for public improvements, the poor-rates, the
church-rates, and other burdens. This was 300,0001.
more than the amount stated by the Commissioners.
He believed that the local taxation of Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland, amounted to more
than 25,000,0001., and when this was added to the
general taxes, the whole amount was about 80,000,000/.
And this was altogether independent of the sums paid
to the Church and the Dissenting clergy ; and for the
maintenance of places of worship and schools, which laid
additional and heavy burdens upon the people. The
principal amount was paid by a population of eighteen
millions and a half; for, with all the complaints of their
fellow-subjects in Ireland, he believed that the Irish
were better off, as regarded taxation, than the prople of
this country. He believed that, taking the last century,
that the taxation of Ireland did not amount to one-
twelfth of the taxation of this country. Now look at
the taxation of France. This year it would be little
more than 50,000,000/, to be paid by a population of
35,000,000, and it embraced nearly all the items con•
tained in our local taxation. Now, why was
this large amount taken from the toil, the
skill, and the sweat of millions of the labour-
ing population ? Why, their must have a
standing army and military police, otherwise these
things would not be submitted to. How did that ques-
tion stand ? The number of the army, independently
of the artillery and the engineers, in the year 1822 was
91,750. Last year, the first estimate was 129,481.
There was, indeed, an assurance from the Government
that 5,700 men would be reduced ; but, instead of ful-
filling that promise, they came down before the end of
the session with a Bill to add 10,000 men to the existing
force ; not in the ordinary mode, but establishing, for
the first time in the history of this country, a permanent
military force, answering to the Praetorian guards in
ancient Rome.—(Laughter.) The present Government
might not intend this force to be permanent, but they
had established the principle--(Hear)—and such would
be the pressure upon this country, that some of their
successors would constitute the force in the way that he
had described. Why, under the existing law the Go-
vernment had power to take any number out of the
129,000 men .to the amount of 10,000, place them on
half-pay, and then embody them at their own pleasure
as military police, or gendarmerie. The last vote of the
boroughmongering Parliament fixed the entire force at
109,180 men; the vote of the Reform Parliament last
year fixed the number at 139,481 men, 30,200 more than
the force under the old boroughmongering system.
—(Hear, hear.) Their system of taxing the people
was most partial and unjust. Under the most despotic
Governments of Europe the wealthier classes paid the
larger portion of the taxes. In Prussia,, Austria, and
many other countries, the taxes were- laid chiefly
on land. The operation of. the income-tax had
proved that they could suck no more out of
the people of this country. Take the article of tea. At
the public sales yesterday and the day before there was
tea sold at 10d. and ls. per lb. ; it paid 2s. 2d. as tax.
There was tea sold at ss. per lb., and that paid the same
tax. Thus the poor paid five times as much as the rich
for this article of consumption. For the commonest
brown sugar, which was mixed to a great extent with
unwholesome materials, the poor paid the same tax as
was paid by the rich on the whitest refined sugar. Take
the instance of tobacco. To be sure it might be said that
the poor man ought not to enjoy such a luxury—
but he had been accustomed to it, and it was one of
those things of which he could not be deprived. A tax
of 800 per cent. was paid upon tobacco, whilst upon
cigars, which could be obtained only by those in better
circumstances, the tax was only 140 or 150 per cent.
They imposed a tax of 100 per cent. upon the poor
man's beer ; but upon their own Burgundy and Cham-
pagne no more 15 or 16, or, at the most; 17. or 17i per
cent. He asked them, therefore, if they could stand up
and say that these were not grievances, into which the
representatives of the people were bound to inquire ?
(Hear, hear.) He would conclude with warning the
Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department that
things were now approaching to the state, of the possi-
bility of which the Right Hon. Gentleman had, on a
former occasion, warned the House. So many of the
people were dying of hunger in this metropolis, that the
richer classes and the clergy were forming themselves
into associations to check the progress of destitution and
famine.—(Hear, hear.) It was known that ten millions
of the people were subsisting upon the food of cattle.—
(Hear, hear.) He would now conclude, in the words of
the Right Hon. Baronet, when he said that "If ever the
time came that this country should present the specta-
cle of millions of the people in a state of starvation,
then they would sweep away titles, honours, pensions,
) He seconded the resolution.
read the resolution, a pause of two
and
The
bees estates:'—(Cheers.) es
SPEAKER. " ( h
havingee r s.
the riinsoena.nad
esanitdlemthaant, htheewams
Member
rcftolyr
or three minutes took place, when, after loud cries of
Ques-
tion, question" from the Tory benches,
entitled to the credit which be had
PEELevißlai°iSielmiihnredgdaßiteoOfiorßadwhEmiasßmitTseftulhfllaytat the commencement of his speech, for
the motives which actuated him in bringing forward this reso-
lution, and also for the moderation with which he had per-
formed the task.—( Hear, hear.) He thought it would not
bejust to accuse the Hon. Gentleman of any intention to ob-
struct the business of the House, by moving adjournments from
ofeshdims matedotiotnheshgooouldd bseenastetaoifntehd.e
anelathtould not feel himself justified in adopting
rightlytbelieved
supported by a very great portion
time to time until
ahtwtheehheoenb jhe
wasce that the Hon. Gentleman,
ollHfoe unlessnt .we
Gab sHee
okt
unl sure
esemew:h
such a course.—( Hear- ) But whatevercourse he (Mr.
thinkCraw-
proper to take, he (Sir R. Peel)
lair to offer that as an objection to
ought to be met upon its own grounds, and
any future course he might take. He thought
ntfdohiordetd
is
notn resolution,
mo
referenceiltg huht litno
ukh, hereafter i
t ethao wouldfti
c any
hnr be
it a spirit corresponding to that in
w
He would, therefore, only ask the
House, forward.would
bed consistent with the public interest
that uch h
favour of that resolution ?—( Hear. )
that
they
whether
wasalso
shouldhe
tbhre to
brought
b ivgteohtte meti n
The resolution ems a twofold proposition—first, that it was the
immediate duty of the House to inquire into the grievances of
the people; and, secondly, that the Mouse was.. not competent
to grant the supplies nn account of the defects of its constitu-
tion. If this resolution were carried, then the House would
have declared itself criminal in the eyes of the country, and
the sooner it abstained from exercising its functions, and ab-
dicated its authority, the better. The first part of the reso-
lution bore upon all the political and socialinstitutions of the
country.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") The second part
complained first of the East India Company, raonopoly—
next, of the monopoly of the Bank. of England. It then
passed to the poor-law, which the. Honourable Member con-
sidered a just ground of complaint on the part of the people,
the Hon. Gentleman insisting that both the enactment of the
law and its administration were of a nature which: demanded
anc Hear, hear," from Mr. Sharman
rawimfoinrded.)iateThinegrueisroYction then passed to the Church Estab-
lishment, which it said the people of this country were dis-
posed to complain of—which was, in this part of the empire, a
grievanceeircurstni in Ireland still more sonces of that country ; and on account of the
even in Scotland
us and fruitful source of discontent.—( Hear, hear.)
Hon. Gentleman complained-also of the establishment of
the eH
constabulary
force in the rural districts; and next he (Mr.
Sharman Crawford) thought that the ancient custom of the
peculiarhe publicrie grievous
o
country, that each locality should appoint its own constables,
should be restored. The Hon. Member for Rochdale neat
passed to the corn-liw, and seriously told the House
that until this, and all the other ingredients in his
aggregate of grievances were inquired into the supplies should
be withheld. Did the House suppose that if they went into
that inquiry they should have arrived at a conclusion satisfac-
tory to the Hun. Gentleman or to the country before the sth of
April.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) If the House were now
to institute an inquiry into all the relations of the different
classes of society, and into the functions, duties, privileges, and
constitution of each of the three estates, when would the in-
quiry end ?—( Hear, hear.) It was quite clear—indeed he
thought it was quite clear to the Hon. Gentleman - himself—
that the proposition was utterly impracticable. Even if it were
wise to institute such an inquiry, he would ask did the Hon.
Gentleman himself think it would lead to the redress of these
grievances, if such they were? He (Sir R. Peel) did not
think that the Hon. Gentleman had any party object in view
when he brought forward this motion. He meant to say
that he did not think the Honourable Member
had any intention of bringing it forward for the purpose of an-
noying or obstructing the party who, from political motives, sup-
ported those Qui managed the affairs of the Government in
that House. He thought that nothing could result from the
inquiry. How could it ? The only effect would be to raise
expectations which could never be realised, and to give forth
to the world an acknowledgment of the folly and incapacity of
the British House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member had not contented himself with putting forth these
propositions, but told the House not to vote supplies, as
they were not the representatives of the people ; and in-
sisted that a very extensive reform of Parliament was a ne-
cessary preliminary before the House should proceed to exer-
cise any of its functions. The Hon. Gentleman told them
that there were 6,000,000 of adults in the empire, and that
only 1,000,000 were represented in Parliament, and he
thought that it was an injustice to the other 5,000,00 G that
they should be subjected to taxation. The Hon. Gentleman
insisted that representation should be co-existent with taxa-
tion, and yet he would confine representation to adult males.
But females also were subject to taxation, why did he not give
them the franchise ? They had the power of voting in many
institutions, and there could be no reason for excluding them
from the Parliamentary franchise if it was to be co-extensive
with taxation.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD—Certainly not.—(Laughter.)
Sir R. PEEL must say then that the Hon. Member for
Rochdale was a very great Reformer indeed .—(Laughter. )
Why did the Hon. Member confine the franchise to adults ?
Persons below the age of maturity wets subject to taxation.
They were subject also to military service. Why, then, on
the Hon. Member's own principle, did be exclude them from
the franchise? The proposal of the Hon. Gentleman, there-
fore, was neither more nor less than this, that the whole po-
pulation of this country, without reference to the possession of
a house—the whole population of every part of the United
Kingdom, who contributed to the taxes by indirect taxation,.
should, wale and female, be entitled in point of justice to a
share of the suffrage. Was it possible, supposing the principle
of the Hon. Gentleman to be just—was it possible for him to
test it by practical application ? If he put it in open
ration he might depend that his new House of Par-
liament would be ble o precisely the same at-