The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-08 00:00:00

o Nnoist, THURSDAY MORNING, PhilltUAltir 8, 1844

Lieutenant.Postans believed the document to be genuine.
Major Outram's suggestions to Mr. Clerk, as to the
use which might be made of the letter, could hardly
have been given, had he entertained a serious
doubt of its authenticity. Mr. Clerk never had the
opportunity of elucidating, in a personal conference with
the Maharajah, in which he thought it could best be
done, the doubts to which this letter and the intercepted
letter to Dewan Sawan Mull, gave rise ; doubts which
in his mind must have had reference more to his
belief in the loyalty of the Maharajah, to whom the
letter was addressed by Meer Roostum Khan,
than to his confidence in that of Meer Roostum, who
was unknown to him. Mr. Clerk truly observes, that
he does not think the question could, at any time, be
well judged of here,' that is, at Simla. I thought so too,
and therefore referred the question altogether to Sir C.
Napier, and the officers employed in Sinde.
" It appears, by Sir Charles Napier's letter of the 17th
November, that Major Outram had doubts whether Meer
Roostum was privy to the writing of the letter; but that
the letter had his seal, and was written by his con-
fidential Minister, there was no doubt. Lieutenant
Brown assured Sir C. Napier that there could not be the
slightest doubt of the authenticity of the letter. There
has been no officer employed in Sinde upon whose
opinion I would more confidently proceed than on that
of Lieutenant Brown. Everything that has come to my
knowledge, with regard to that officer, has tended to
make me entertain a feeling of great respect for his
ability and character.
" But while doubts have thus been thrown upon the
letter of Meer Roostum to the Maharajah, none have
been entertained with respect to the proposed agreement
between Meer Roostum and Meer Nusseer Khan, bind-
ing them to act together in every affair, whether for
good or evil, peace or war ;' which proposed agreement,
to the best of the judgment and belief of Major Outram,
is in the handwriting of Meer Roostum himself. When
that proposed agreement is considered, in connection
with Meer Nusseer's conduct, and with the collection of
troops, before any intimation was given to the Ameers
of any intention of proposing any modification of the
treaty, it is impossible to view it in any other light than
as an act of hostility.
" That the letter of Meer Nusseer Khan to Beebruck
Boogtie bore his seal there can now be no doubt. The
seal upon that letter, by all before believed to be that of
Meer Nusseer, was found to correspond exactly with the
seal upon a letter of that Ameer, which bore also the
handwriting of his confidential moonshee.
" Much care appears to have been taken to investigate
all the circumstances attending the escape of Mahomed
Shurreef. It seems impossible to doubt the participation
of Meer Roostum's Minister in that escape of an enemy
to the British Government, proceeding to act hostilely
against us.
" I cannot admit the convenient doctrine that a chief
is not to be responsible for the act of his Minister. That
Minister, known to be so hostile to the British Govern-
ment, remained with Meer Roostum to the last.
"I have endeavoured to judge my own conduct as I
would that of another ; and I cannot think, in reviewing
it, that in the circumstances in which I stood, I was un-
justified in requiring from the Ameers the specific modi-
fications of their engagements, which I instructed Sir
Charles Napier to propose to them.
" These modifications of the existing treaty involved
on our part the abandonment of a considerable revenue,
payable to us every year by the Ameers, under the
name of tribute. They involved, undoubtedly, the sa-
crifice, on their part, of lands of more than equivalent
value ; but the penalty imposed did not seem dispro-
portioned to the offence I had reason to believe they had
committed.
" You have been long in possession of the reason
which induced me to think that the abolition of tribute
was in itself a good. You have also long been aware
of the grounds on which I deemed it politic to
make a gift to the Nawab of Bhawulpore of
territory which formerly belonged to his state. Had
you disapproved of the general principles upon
which the new treaty proposed to the Ameers was
founded, still more had you disapproved of the intention
I had announced of holding military possession of certain
points upon the Lower Indus, after the evacuation of
Affghanistan, I presume that you would have acquainted
me with that opinion ; in the absence of any intimation
to that effect, I had reason to suppose that a new treaty,
based upon those principles, if legitimately obtainable,
would not be unacceptable to you.
" Had the Ameers seen fit to reject the treaty pro-
posed to them, and to support that rejection openly by
arms. they would have pursued a legitimate course,
and their defeat in fair fight would have admitted of
subsequent arrangements on the basis of their retaining
a portion of their territory, and the exercise of sovereign
authority ; but, from the first, while they of course
denied the correctness of the charges made against
them, they professed their willingness to submit to
the penalty imposed ; still they collected more troops.
At last, having drawn the British General into the
vicinity of Hyderabad, having then actually signed the
draft of the treaty, they, with a portion of their troops,
made a treacherous attack upon the residence of the
British Commissioner, and, with all their forces united,
they opposed the further advance of our army at
Meeanee.
"It would be to take an incorrect view of the
treachery of the Ameers were we to regard them, from
their first acquiescence in the proposed treaty,. in the
first week of December, to the attack on the residency
on the 15th of February, as proceeding upon any other
principle than that of collecting all their forces to sur-
round and destroy our army, while they endeavoured
to deceive the General by professing their readiness to
submit.
" When Sir Charles Napier gained the battle of
Meeanee he had 22,000 men in his front ; but he had
also had for some days 10,000 men in his rear, who had
crossed the Indus to attack him.
" Such large assemblages of armed men cannot take
place in any country without much previous prepara
tion. It was in this case a levy en masse of the ruling
tribe from every part of Sinde.
" Our first duty is to our own army; and it is due to
that army that we should not forgive, or leave without
the most exemplary and deterring punishment, the far-
seeing and long-designing, treachery by which its de-
struction was to be effected.
" The example of the Affghans at Caubul was fol-
lowed by the Beloochees at Hyderabad; but the spirit in
which they were met was very different from that which
at Caubul led to the destruction of a British army.
"It was my duty to mark such conduct by an extent
of punishment which should be a warning to every chief
and people in India, which should give future security to
the persons of British Ministers, and protect British
troops from treacherous aggression.
" The battle of Meeanee entirely changed the posi-
tion in which the British Government stood with respect
to the Ameers of Sinde.
"To have placed confidence in them hereafter would
have been impossible.
" To have only exacted from them large cessions of
territory would have been to give them what remained
as the means of levying war, for the purpose of regain-
ing what was ceded.
" Foreigners in Sinde, they had only held their power
by the sword, and by the sword they have lost it.
" Their position was widely different from that of a
native prince succeeding a long line of ancestors, the
object of the hereditary affection and obedience of his
subjects.
" They had no claim to consideration on the ground
of ancient possession, or of national prejudice. Certainly
they had none arising out of the goodness of that Go-
vernment. To take advantage of the crime they had
committed to overthrow their power, was a duty to the
people they had so long misgoverned.
"It was essential to the settlement of the country,
that I should take at once a decided course with respect
to the Ameers; and, having no doubt that I was justi-
fied in dethroning them, I determined on at once adopt-
ing and announcing that decision.
" Their ramoval from the country with which they
were no longer to be connected as Sovereigns was a mea-
sure of obvious expediency. It has apparently had the
beneficial effect I anticipated from it. The willing ac-
quiescence of the people in our rule, and the adhesion of
many of the chiefs to our Government, are already the
just rewards of an unhesitating and decisive policy,
which, in taking away every hope from the Ameers, has
given confidence to their late oppressed subjects.
" Some resistance on the part of the Ameers I regard-
ed as not an impossible event, and I considered that,
having once felt our strength, they might thereafter be
more strict observers of their engagements. Treachery,
such as that we experienced, had not come within my
calculations. A victory, decisive as that at Meeanee,
and gained under such circumstances, was to me a
wholly unexpected event. As I have said, it entirely
changed our position, and I was compelled at once to
decide what policy should be adopted in the new state of
things. I could not, for the reasons I have given, rein-
state the Ameers. Any other arrangement than I have
made would have imposed upon us all the burthen of
protecting a government, without affording us the means
of benefiting the people or ourselves. Any half mea-
sure would have failed. Adopting the decisive measure
of taking the province into our hands, I determined to
adapt the means to the end, and not to omit any step by
which security could be given to the new possession.
" The Ameers were removed beyond sea. All arrearsof
revenue due to them on the day of the battle of Meeanee,
were remitted ; the transit duties were abolished ; the
neighbouring States of Joudpore and Jussulmere were,
as well as Bhawulpore, interested in the overthrow of
the Beloochees' Ipy the intimation that their ancient pos-
sessions would be restored. The inhabitants of Sinde
were assured, by proclamation, that the property of all
who laid down their arms would be respected. As far
as possible, the former officers of the Government were
employed, and everywhere as little change as possible
has been made, beyond that essential change of substi-
tuting justice for injustice in the administration. The
police has already attained some degree of efficiency.
The most able engineers will be employed for the pur-
pose of surveying, and of restoring, it it can be done, the
ancient water-courses, whereby the country was ferti-
lised, and especially that, first closed by the vindictive
and destructive policy of the rulers of Sinde, which once
gave prosperity to the dominions of our ally the Rao of
Cutch.
" The vast tracts which the Ameers have converted
into shikargahs will also be surveyed. Such of the
woods as it may be necessary to retain will be carefully
preserved ; and extensive portions of land, having the
richest soil, lately reserved for hunting grounds by the
Aineers, will-be restored to cultivation.
"Some of there measures have originated with my-
self ; in others I have been anticipated by the Governor
of Sinde ; in all, I know I shall have his most cordial
co-operation.
which,
(,)
fin s firsth slavery—has
sn
producedstance, I
ad
l'pOt
ende—o ft
ht
ahte
for
,measures
tin extent of relief far beyond whatl had expectOd. I
the abolition
was by no means aware of the degree to which that
dreadful•scourge of mankind had added to the misfor-
tunes of the-people of Sindei I • •
"It is impossible to calculate the extent to •which,

by opening ancient courses to the waters of the Indus,
and by extending the means o► irrigation, we may im
prove the productiveness of the soil. As little can we
calculate the extent,to which the assurance of protection
given to the people may increase their industry, and
thus finally promote their prosperity. You may be as-
sured that no exertion of mine shall be wanting to make
the conquest of Sinde by the British arms no less the
source of happiness to the inhabitants of that country,
than of advantage to our own."

LONDON AND BRIGHTON
RAILWAY.
The half-yearly meeting of the Shareholders was held
at one o'clock yesterday, at the terminus, London-
bridge. The meeting was made special " for the pur-
pose of assenting to, or dissenting from, resolutions,
with reference to taking on lease one or two of both
lines of railway projected between Brighton and Hast-
ings, and between Shoreham and Chichester, and for
working the same by this Company."
John M. Parsons, the Chairman of the Company,
presided over the meeting.
The notice calling the meeting having been read,
The SECRETARY proceeded to read the report. It
stated that the receipts for ordinary traffic in the last
half-year, ending 31st December last, as contrasted with
the corresponding period of 1842, exhibited an increase
of 9,8851. Bs. 6d. There was a diminution of about
7,500/. in the working expenses ; the result of the whole
being an increase of net revenue of 17,3001. Agreeably
to the expectations held out at the last meeting, great
reductions had been carried out in the traffic depart-
ment, and in other parts of the Company's expenditure.
The Directors of the South-Eastern Company, having
intimated, on the 29th of November, that they were
prepared to enter into negotiations, with a view to
lease the London and Brighton line, the Directors
intimated their willingness to consider any proposal which
might be made to them. On the 11th of January, the
South-Eastern Company offered a rent of 100,0001 a-
year for twenty-one years, upon condition that no com-
peting line were made. The Directors had informed
the South-Eastern Board that they had resolved not to
accede to the terms offered, but that they would submit

the proposal to the approaching general meeting. The
Shareholders were now invited to consider this offer.

The final account against the South-Eastern Company,
had been rendered, and the total amount of their claim,

exclusive of dividends, was 364,9581. 12s. 10(1. A reso-
lution would be submitted authorising the Directors to

bring the matter to a settlement. the reduction of
fares made in Auglist last, while the advantage to the

public was unquestionable, had not been at all preju-
dicial to the Company. The Report concluded as

follows :

" Since the last meeting mortgage bonds at 5 per cent., to
the amount of 20,000/., have fallen title, which the Directors
have renewed at 4 per cent.
" At the last General Meeting the Directors were deprived
of the satisfaction of proposing any dividend—on the con-
trary, it will be in the recollection of the Proprietors, that at
that time the adjustment of the interest account caused an
extraordinary charge of 19,440/. Os. 9d., which left a deficit
of 3,303/. 19s. 4d., to be provided for out of this half-year's.
revenue, and the Proprietors will also observe an additional
charge to its debit of 1,245/. lis. 6d, for claims which arose
in former half-vears ; but the Directors have endeavoured to
guard against future arrears of this kind, by adopting mea-
sures to enforce the punctual delivery of the accounts.
" The Directors propose a dividend of 11. per share, amount-
ing to 35,156/., which will leave a surplus of 2,510/. 18s. 11d.
to the credit of the current half-year. _

" Three of your Directors go out of office by rotation, at
this meeting, viz.—Capiain Kelly, R.N., Joseph 'Thomson, and
Edward Wigan, Esquires, who, being eligible for re-election,
offer themselves accordingly.
" The Directors, in conclusion, cannot avoid congratulating
the Proprietors upon the progressive_ increase of the traffic on

the line: and the general tOro;Pects of the undertaking."
The CHAIRMAN said that as the report entered into
considerable detail, his observations need not be very
extended. The expenses of the line were 26 per cent.
The smallness of the amount arose, in a great degree,
from the circumstance of a large portion of the line
running over those of other companies. The two main
objects in the report were_the amalgamation of their

working expenses with the Dover and Croydon Railway
Companies, an 4 the leasing of the two lines. On these
subjects he was not prepared to make any definite state-
ments ; the general economical result could not be
doubted. Another important point was the leasing of
the line by the South-Eastern Company. With respect
to the offer of 100,0001., in order to enable them to form

an opinion as to the propriety of accepting or re-
jecting it, he thought it best to refer the Share-
holders to the results of the last half year,
with a view of ascertaining what was likely to be the
amount of their ultimate profits.—(Hear, hear.) The
receipts of the last half-year exceeded those of the
corresponding period in the previous year by eleven and
a half per cent. The interest paid in the year 1843 on
the balance was 56,9721.; the surplus remaining at the
present time was 37,666/. This left a clear net receipt
of 94,6001., from which they had to deduct 1,080/, being
the difference between the surplus balance of the Ist of
January, 1843, and the dividend on the South-Eastern
money, which was credited to that half-year, leaving a
clear net income of 93,500/. He would put it to the
meeting whether, under such circumstances, it was de-
sirable to accede to the offer of the South-Eastern Com-
_ __

pany.—(Hear, hear.) The two projected lines of railway
afforded an additional argument in favour of retaining
possession of their own line. These two lines had
undergone a good deal of investigation on the part of
the Board. Traffic cases had been obtained from persons
conversant with the subject, and the results were before
the meeting. 30,000/. was the amount of the existing
coach traffic, not taking into account posting, goods, or
casual sources of profit, or that augmentation which all
railway companies expected to occur. It was encou-
raginc, to know, that in spite of all that had been said
about the Brighton Company having no country beyond
it, the traffic had been doubled within two years. He
would be happy to give any information as to the traffic
cases of the two companies. With respect to the esti-
mates, whilst they would guarantee them, they would
not give any guarantee with respect to anything of a
contingent nature—(Hear, hear)—but he thought, after
what had been said on that subject, there was not
likely to be any ground of complaint. —(Hear, hear.)
The account of the South-Eastern Company was now
delivered, and he trusted that the matter would be
brought to a satisfactory settlement. At the last meet-
ing considerable discussion took place with reference to
the amount of 11,6001., charged for ballasting. It was
satisfactory to find that a reduction of 3,0001. had since
taken place.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the income
arising from this line, it should be observed that, while
20s. per share was the amount of the dividend, the re-
sult of the business would afford 245. per share.—
(Cheers.) It had been thought desirable to retain a
surplus of 2,5001., lest there should be a falling off in the
next half-year. It was a cheering circumstance that the
business of the last half year had been carried on with-
out any accident, and that public confidence in the line
seemed perfectly restored.—(Cheers.) They must all
be acquainted with what had recently been said
in Parliament in relation to railway accommodation.
He felt confident that whatever might be the dis-
position of certain parties, the Government would give
Railway Companies fair play. He believed that no
complaint could be made against this Company as re-
garded third class passengers.—(Hear, hear.) The
fares for second class covered carriages, were lower in
amount than the fares formerly charged by coaches for
outside passengers. The third class passengers are
generally persons of considerable hardihood. He be-
lieved that the complaint of insufficient accommodation
originated, not with the class of persons ,for whom third
class carriages were intended, but with persons who,
judging from their appearance, could afford to pay a
higher fare, and who wanted first class accommodation
for third class fare.—(Cheers and laughter.) At the
last meeting it was stated that they had made an
arrangement with the Croydon Company for carrying
out the proportion of toll. The advantage of the arrange-
ment which they had made was,that they might alter their
fares if they pleased, without suffering any loss in con-
sequence. In conclusion, he begged to say, that he had
already intimated his intention of resigning his situation
as Chairman of the Board of Directors. That step he
felt to be absolutely necessary, on account of the pres-
sure of the duties which he had to perform. He had
consented to retain his position for the present, but only
until a successor could be appointed. Various rumours
had been circulated to the detriment of the Board, but
he thought it best to treat them with the contempt
which, in his opinion, they merited. He wmild be happy
to answer any question which might be put to him pre-
vious to the adoption of the Report.
Mr. THOMSON said there was no allusion in the Re-
port to the suit pending between that Company and Sir
Isaac Lionel Goldsmid.
The CHAIRMAN said that the suit in question was not
now proceeding.
A PROPRIETOR inquired what would be included in
the intended amalgamation with the Croydon and Dover
Line, and when the amalgamation would take place ?
The CHAIRMAN said it would include all moveable
plant; baggage, stock, engines, and everything else would
be put under one management on the Ist of March.
Mr. WISHAW complained of the falling off in the profits
of the carrying and parcel department, which he thought
required the serious attention of the Directers. With
respect to the general profits of the Company, consider-
ing the splendid weather of the last half-year, and the
visit of a portion of the royal family to Brighton, he be-
lieved that they had arrived at the maximum number of
passengers.— (Cries of " No, no," and laughter.)
Mr. W. CASH suggested the propriety of a still further
reduction in the rate of fares.—(Hear, hear.) The ad-
ditional amount received was, he believed, greatly owing
to the reduction which had already taken place, and he
believed that with judicious reduction this railway would
carry thousands where it now carried hundreds.—(hear.)
Mr. H. COOPER called the attention of the meeting to
the state of the steam communication with France.
They must not rely too confidently on the promises of
the Steam Navigation Company. In his judgment, this
Company ought to take the matter into their own
hands.
Mr. P. TAYLOR spoke of the necessity of increasing
the number of Sunday trains. If the Legislature were
either not able or not disposed to pass a Sabbatarian
Bill, to restrict the power of the people to leave the
metropolis for pleasure on the Sunday, no directors of
railways had a right to accomplish that object by a side.
wind.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped Sunday trains would
be established to the full extent of the public wants,
coupled with the interest of the Company.
The CHAIRMAN observed that the Dover Railway
provided precisely the same amount of accommodation
on Sundays as the Brighton railway. With respect to
the question of carriage, he begged to observe that they
already carried all the goods between Brighton and
London. He could not at all agree with the gentleman
who thought that they had reached the maximum num-
ber of passengers. He believed that the increase in the
last half year was not in the least degree attributable to
the royal visit, which had been referred to ; he thought
the augmentation arose from permanent trains.—(Hear.)
The Report was then adopted -by the meeting. -

Mr. GRESFELL proposed the following resolution.—
" That this meeting do approve and conirm the deci-
sion of the Board of Directors, declining the offer made
by the South Eastern Company."
Mr. ALLFREE seconded the resolution, which was.
carried unanimously.
Mr. NASH moved:—" That the Directors have power
to take a lease of the projected Hastings Railway, at
the rate of four per cent. upon the cost of construction,
provided such cost do not exceed 475,000!., upon the
terms proposed by the Directors in their resolution of
the 16th of January last."
bit-, WIGAN seconded the resolution.

Mr. Wiettaw proposed, as an amendment:—" That it
is not expedient for this Company to agree to the pro-
posal of the Directors for taking a lease of the proposed
line by Lewes and Hastings, unless a condition be at-
tached to the arrangement, that a guarantee be given
that one line only to Hastings be sanctioned by the Le-
gislature."
The amendment having been seconded,
The CHAIRMAN put the question to the meeting, and
the original resolution was carried, 'with two dissentients.
Captain KELLY proposed the following resolution:—
" That the Directors have power to take a lease of
the projected Chichester line at a rent of four per
cent. per annum upon the cost of construction, provided
such cost do not exceed 300,0001., upon the terms pro-
posed, by the Directors in their resolution of the 19th
of .Tanuary last." He would only observe, in reference
to this resolution, that they had had applications fur
three times as many shares as there were to be dis-
tributed."—(Cheers.)
Mr. CROWI.EY seconded the resolution, which was
carried unanimously.

Mr. ROWLAND HILL moved a resolution empowering
the Directors to adjust the differences of the Company
with the South Eastern Company, in relation to the sale
of the joint portion of the line in such manner and upon
such terms as they might think fair and reasonable.
Mr. KING having seconded the resolution, it was
passed without a dissentient.
It was then moved by the CHAIRMAN, and afterwards
seconded, " That a dividend of twenty shillings per
share, deducting the income-tax, be and is hereby de-
clared payable on the 15th of March next."
The retiring Directors were re-elected.
A vote of thanks haring been given to the Chairman,
the meeting separated.

BRITISH MERCHANTS AND PRO-
PERTY AT MONTE VIDEO.

We have lately felt it our duty to direct public
attention to the cruel po,ition in which the sangui-
nary hostilities carried on by the forces of Buenos
Ayres, under the command of General Rosas, against
the Republic of the Uruguay, have placed numbers
of our countrymen, who are engaged in commercial
pursuits in the city of Monte Video. Our readers
have been apprised, in particular, of the formal declaim
rations made, and repeated assurances given, by our
Minister in the Plata, of the determination of her
Majesty's Government to afford all that necessary
protection " so justly due" to our countrymen in that
city, in answer to the pressing representations to Mr.
Mandeville personally, of the danger they must be
exposed to in the event of Rosas being permitted to
invade the territory of Monte Video. 111;s declara-
tion appears to have been nullified—these assurances
have been disgracefully violated, by the whole course of
subsequent events. Since the battle of Arroyo Grande,
the arms of the Argentine Confederation and its squa-
dron, under Rosas, have carried all the horrors of
war, the savage extermination of human life, and the
wanton destruction of property, through the territory
and to the very walls of Monte Video; burning and
pillaging every chattel, all merchandise, stores, &c., in
the remotest degree of Monte Video ownership, in
their ruinous operations. From the waste and pil-
lage thus perpetrated on the defenceless customers
and connexions of British merchants, who had sup-
plied them, in the usual manner, upon credit, British
property to the enormous amount of between one and
two millions of pounds sterling has been sacrificed ;
and many of our countrymen have thus been ruined.
The charges made in the following letter against
Mr. Mandeville, our Minister—(especially the insinua-
tion that he has thus receded from his public and
private assurances as to the protecting aid of a Bri-
tish armament, out of a desire to maintain his own
friendly pers nil relations with Rosas) —are of too
grave a character, we apprehend, not to call for a
searching examination by the House of Commmons.
The whole of the case is succinctly stated by our Cor-
respondent, whose letter we subjoin, together with

its documentary disclosures :
SlR,—The reply (marked B.) of the Earl of
Aberdeen to a letter lately addressed to him by the
Liverpool Mexican and South American Association, is
only a repetition of the promises so often made by her
Majesty's Government, that protection should be afforded
to British interests in Monte Video. Nov how stands
the case in reality, as between the British merchants
and the Executive ? If the public were once awakened
to a sense of the numerous losses sustained by the mer-
chants who trade to Monte Video, and if it can be proved
that they have been the victims of the unaccountable line
of conduct pursued by our Government, it is to be hoped
that investigation before Parliament will at least visit the
authors of all this loss with well-merited retribution.
The merchants of Monte Video charge our Foreign
Executive with havingpractised a wilful and cruel decep-
tion upon them ; with having paraded before theM, in
the most unequivocal manner, a determination on the
part of our Government not to permit any invasion of
the Monte Videan territory by the army of Rosas ; with
having given them the strongest assurances, through the
British Minister in the Plate, Mr. Mandeville, both be-
fore and after the battle of the Arroyo Grande, that
Great Britain would not permit the invasion. These are
undeniable facts, attested by the British residents on the
spot, appealed to in the memorial to Mr. Mandeville, and
to this Government, and not attempted to be denied.
Were denial attempted, the official letter of Mr.
Mandeville to the Monte Video Government at the

time, confirms it in the most ample manner beyond
dispute, and in again handing you the copy of that
Minister's letter to the Government of Buenos Ayres of
December 16 (the only one which has been made public,
and cannot be denied—marked A.) the British mer-
chants are prepared to produce further, and still stronger
proofs, from the official communications of Mr. Mande-
ville to the Monte Video Government, thathe did assure
that Government and the British public generally of
the firm resolve of her Majesty's Government to prevent
any invasion ; but no denial of these facts has been or
will be hazarded—they are too strongly recorded. The
fatal confidence into which our unfortunate countrymen
were lulled—the amount of property . which they were
thus led to confide, as before, to their customers—the
sweeping loss of nearly all
that property which they
were doomed to sustain—and their present perilous
position, both as to life and property—all this train of
evils has been caused, by whom ?--by the foreign
enealy? by some unexpected political or natural convul-
sion ? Quite the reverse. By the deliberate recorded
acts of our own Government, with full knowledge of
facts, and ample warning from the merchants here of
the approach of the political changes a,gainst which it
was necessary to guard. The amount of property thus
sacrificed is variously estimated, at from one to two md-
lions sterling, involving the ruin of many parties. In
consequence of the previous assurances of probation
from the foreign Executive here, and in consequence of
Commodore Purvis having refused to permit the
blockade of the port by sea, the British mer-
chants here, even after the news of the siege
of Monte Video by the army of Rosas,_ still entertained
a hope that the apparently cruel indifference of Mr.
Mandeville to their situation, and the unaccountable in-
consistency of such desertion after his previous declara-
tions, would receive its merited condemnation at the
hands of our Government,. and that an effectual though
tardy protection would still save their friends at Monte
Video from further suffering. But to their grief and
surprise the reverse has proved to be the case; they
learn now that Mr. Mandeville is to be their only refuge,
that Commodore Purvis is to obey him, and, as a fit
commentary on such mode of protection, Mr. Mandeville
immediately announced his acknowledgment of the
blockade of Monte Video by Rosas' squadron, thus
giving all the assistance in his power to Rosas' force.
Such conduct on the part of our Government seems
inexplicable; those who previously wished to ground
their exculpation on the blunder of Mr. Mandeville, now
find to their dismay that he acted by orders, and is sup-
ported in all he has done. Explanation—speedy, un-
equivocal explanation, is loudly demanded ; the mer-
chants of Monte Video appeal to their countrymen and
demand inquiry. Those who are inclined to find some
apology for our Government have endeavoured to sup-
pose that in the first instance Lord Aberdeen did in-
struct Mr. Mandeville to be prepared to interfere and
prevent any invasion by Rosas; that Mr. Mandeville
followed those instructions so far as entering a protest
in „his said letter of the 16th December, but shrunk
from actual coercion (although his force in the
river was ample on Commodore Purvis's arrival)
until further orders reached him. The inference
No decisive orders
werefromforgot,
subsequent,n
a neglected
and
lr. h
Mandeville t coendmuca tt
tei
rs, that Lord Aberdeen
quietly saw his
threatening protest of the 16th December treated as so
much waste paper by Rosas, and it was only when the
news of the invasion being accomplished, and of his
Minister's threats being treated with contempt, reached
Lord Aberdeen, that he was recalled to a recollection of
the matter. The first impulse was to support Mr. Man-
deville's declaration and coerce Rosas; the second, to see
if the French Government would concur in this. An
immediate communication with that Government fol-
lowed, but M. Guizot declined to meddle; and then it
was that Lord Aberdeen, regardless alike, as it appears
to us, of the reflection upon our national character, by
thus abandoning the ground Mr. Mandeville had insisted
upon with Rosas ; of the fatal consequences which may
ensue from thus bullying a semi-barbarian without car-
rying out our threats; and of the loss and injury which
would be thus inflicted on the British merchants at
Monte Video, who had confided in the assurances of
their Minister, revoked his former instructions to Mr.
Mandeville, left that functionary to back out of his
hostile message of the Ir,th December in the best way he
could, and sacrificed the British interests at Monte
Video to the maintenance of friendly relations with
Rosag. It is a bitter irony when the deed is done, when
the British merchants have thus been made the victims
of their confidence in their own Government's assurances,
and seen their property confiscated by the ruin of their
debtors in the sweeping • destruction of the army of
Rosas, to now have the assurance again made to them
-that "British subjects and interests will have all the
',protection to which they.are so justly entitled by that
neutrality which her Majesty's Government have pro-
posed and enjoined."
It is worse than irony however, itIS• opposed to the

fact ; for who that reads Mr. Mandeville's letter to
Rosas, of the 16th Dec., will, for one moment hesitate
to put the same interpretation upon it which the Govern-
ment
of Monte Video and the British merchants did,
confirmed as this interpretation was by Mr. Mandeville's
verbal assurances to the merchants, and by his official
communication to the Monte Vidcan Government,
copies of which are forthcoming to prove it—namely,
that Great Britain would cover Rosas, prevent the
inrasion, and save Monte Video.
We leave Lord Aberdeen in this dilemma; but trust
that he may be required, at rn early day in the pre-
sent session, to reconcile such conduct with honesty or
sound policy.
ONE OF THE MONTE VIDEAN MERCHANTS.

(A.)
BUENOS AYRES, DEC. 16, 1842.

In conformity with the instructions which he has re-
ceived from his Government, the intentions of the Go-
vernments of Great Britain and France being to adopt
such measures as may be considered necessary forbring-
ing the hostilities between the Republics of Buenos
Ayres and Monte Video to a close, the undersigned
Minister Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty to the
Argentine Confederation, has the honour to represent
to his Excellency M. Arana, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of the Government of Buenos Ayres, that the
sanguinary warfare at pre,ent carried on between the
Governments of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video must
cease, and, for the interests of humanity and of British
and French subjects and other foreigners established in
the country which is now du? seat of war, he requires of
the Buenos Ayrean Government :-
Ist. An immediate cessation of hostilities between the
Argentine troops and those of the Republic of the
Uruguay.
2d. That the troops of the Argentine Confederation
—it being understood that those of the Republic of the
Uruguay shall adopt the same course—shall remain
within their respective territories, and withdraw to them
should they have passed their frontier.
The undersigned begs that his Excellency will ac-
quaint him, as soon as he conveniently can, if the inten-
tions of the Buenos Ayrean Government are to accede
to these two requests, and has the honour, &c., &e.
(Signed) J. H. MANDEVILLE.
(13-)
FoRMIGN OFFICE, JAN. 8, 1844.

GENTLEMEN,—I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen
to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, of the Ist
December last, relative to the lamentable state of
affairs in the Rio de la Plata, and I am to assure you
that her Majesty's Government have given such in-
structions to the British authorities in that quarter as
they believe and trust will insure to British subjects
and interests all the protection to which they are so
justly entitled, in consequence of that neutral►ty be-
tween the contending parties which her Majesty's
Government have professed and enjoined.—l am, Gen-
tlemen, your most obedient, humble servant.
(Signed) CANNING.
To the Mexican and South Australian Association,
Liverpool.

IRELAND.

THE STATE TRIALS.

NINETEENTH DAY.

COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.
T)UBLTN, MONDAY. F.
(.11Ti" 1:N r. O.A 7•• (Et. O'CONNELL AND °THEE!,
The Court ;31 at ten o'eloct precisely, when Mr. O'Connell, A.
0:1P of th 9 raverger,s, roa., to addree& the jury, and, consequently,
without his gown and wig.

Gentlemen,—l beg your patient attention while I show you, in
as few sentences as I possibly can, and in my own plain prosaic
style, the right 1 have to demand from you a favourable verdict ;
I ask it without disrespect ai.d without flattery—l ask it on the
grout dof common sense and common justice, being thoroughly

con% hired that lam plainly entitled to it. I do not feel that I
should base been warranted in addressing you at all, after the many
speeches which you have already heard, and after the powerful
display of talent that must have delighted as well as instructed
you ; but, Gentlemen, I do not stand here my own client—l have a

client infinitely of more imporfance—my client is Ireland—my
clients in this case are the Irish people. I stand here the advocate
of the rights, liberties, and constitutional privileges of that people;
and ml only anxiety is. le.t their sacred cause, their right to an
indepeaent Legislature, should be in the slightest degree tarnished

or impe !ed by anything in which I have been an instrument. I
am con-cious of the integlity of my purpose, and of the inte
grity of my motives in the working out of the inestimable ob-
ject I had in view—th) repeal of the union; for I openly as.

sect that I cannot endure the union, because it was founded
upon the greatest injustice, and based on the grossest insult—
from en intolerance of Irish prosperity. These were the mo.
tives that induced the malefactors who perpetrated that iniquity ;
and I have the highest authority—an ornament for years of that
bench—now, although recently, in his honoured grave—for saying,
that the motive for carrying the union was an intolerance of Irish

prosper'ty. Nor shall i leave it on his word alone—l have other
authority for it, with which 1 shall trouble you in the course of my
brief address—for I assure you lam as anxious to be as brief as

possible in the observatious which I shall address to you. A$ to
myself, Gontlemen, I sin not here to deny, or to palliate anything
havedone ; on the contrary, I am ready to re.asaert in Court all I
have really said—not, of course, taking upon myself the clumsy

mistakes of reporters, and not abiding by the fallibility which neces.
sarilr attends the reporting of speeches, particularly when they are
hurriedly squeezed up for the purposes of the newspaper press.
Howe, r, I do not hesitate to say, that there are several harsh
things towards individuals, and clumsy jokes, which 1 would rather
not have slid; but the substance of what I did say I avow, and I
am lure to vindicate it. You know all my actions, and lam

ready here not only to avow them, but to justify them—for the en-
tire of what I said and what I have done, was said and done in the
performance of a high and sacred duty—an endeavour to procure
the reAoration of the Irish Parliament. We all remember when
the Sovereigns of every country in Europe were about being over-
turnei— inspired, as 111,,0 countries were, by the infidelity of
France; when princes were banished, when the constitutions of
kingdoms and states were altered—a reaction took place—the re-

♦olutionsry period passed with them all; the political order of
things w t everywhere restored ; and, alas! every nation bad its
full day of retribution, but Ireland—she alone remained under the

influence of that fatal revolution—and are you, Gentlemen, assem-
bled to prevent justice being done to Ireland, as it has teen to al

other countries ? It has li9en said to me, that I labour under great
disadvantdges in addressing you; and you may be sure, if I state

those dkadvantages, that I do so without any discontent whatso-
ever. I know,my Lords, what is due to the public, and the perfect

order and decorum which should be observed in a court of justice,
which en one should dare to violate. Therefore, when I speak of

the disadvantages of addressing you, you will not understand me
as appealing for redress to those who cannot give it to me. If
anything which has been done is wrong, this is not the time to
di,cuss how you have been put into that box—this is not even the
place for it , and I will now assume that the Attorney. General
has don(' nothing but what the law allowed him to do; because,
if there is a wrong committed, the remedy lies elsewhere, and if
all is right and legal, the proper tribunal will decide it to be so.
Now, Gentlemen, I will address you, as I said, without discourtesy,
but also without flattery, as the tribunal to which I am to pro-
pound my arguments. It is quite certain that there are consider.
able discrepancies of opinion between you and me upon subjects
of the utmost importance. You differ from me on the question of
the repeal of the union, for if you did not not, one of you
would be in that box. You differ from me on a more important sub-
ject—in religious belief ; and if you did not, you would not be in

that box. These differences are, perhaps, aggravated by the fac
thet I am not only a Catholic, but that Catholic who, without
beastin a has done moot to pull down that Protestant ascendancy,
for which, perhaps, you were the champions, but certainly not the
aNtag,n:,t ; and silt:mesh, having established that equality against
which some of you contend, and against which all of your opinions
were formed, it does not terrify me from the performance of my
duty, for I care not what evil effects occur to myself, or what pu-
nishment it may bring on me, still !glory in what I have done-1
glory that I have been the successful, and you the beaten parts.
But, G mtlemen, nevertheless, I trust in your honour and inte-
grity, and to those alone I appeal. I said there were three points
on which we differed—the repeal of the union, my maintenance
of the voluntary payment system in every church establishment,
and ray former conduct in relation to Catholic emancipation ;
but you are here to administer justice and right between the par-
ties, Coe all I wish to remark is, that I have no despair of
your doing that perfect and full justice, without considering what
may he the religious or political feelings upon one side or the
other. I should have preferred upon your account, and upon
my own, that those objections did not exist. I should have pre-
rred matters that were otherwise, and that neither you nor I were
harrassed with the thought that by any possibility, by even the
infirmity of human nature, injustice should affect the verdict in
this case; but I will not say snore upon that subject ; I have done
with it, and I will now pass from it to the consideration of the
eaee itself. I first come to the prosecution. Why, it really is the most
curious, the strangest prosecution that ever was instituted. It is not
for one, or two, or ten facts that it is instituted—and remember
that the criminal law of this country is most lauded for its sim.
plivity —but it is the history of nine months you have to go
thratte'e the details of no lets than nine months, a monstrous ac.
cuemeation of matter flung before you, such an accumulation, that I
defy the most brilliant imagination that ever yet was to bring all the
facts properly to bear, and arrive at such a result as should be legiti.
mate; y arrived at. Gentlemen of the Jury, I arraign this prose.
cution upon a clear and simple principle. It Is utterly impossible
for you to find out or distinguish from that mighty mass of matter
which was laid before you what really is the question you have to
try. I will first endeavour to see how much is affirmative in
this prosecution, and how much and what negations it contains.
Its entire strength depends upon the meaning of that cabalistic
wore " conspiracy." If, my Lords, I look into the dictionary for
the meaning of that word, I find that it is " a secret agreement
between several to commit a crime," and that is the rational,
common-st nse definition of it. This word, however, in recent
times, has been taken under special protection by the law, and the
definition of it now is, not only a secret agreement between
several to commit crime, but they have taken two loops to their
bow, and the further depiction given of it is to effect, or
attempt to effect, even a legal object by means that are con-
sidered illegal; and thus a "conspiracy" is spelt out by the
construction put upon the means that are used to attain
the object sought, however legitimate that object may be.
It has been admitted, even by the Crown, that in this case there is
co privacy—no secresy, nu definite agreement to do anything
whatsoever ; hut, above all, no secret agreement—no secret society
—no private information. It has been admitted by the Crown
that there has not been even one act of private communication,
that everything was openly avowed, published to the world, that
this " secret conspiracy" has no secresy at all. What a monstrous
thing it would be to hold that that was a conspiracy which every-
body knew of—everybody heard of, and three-fifths of the people of
this country were engaged in ! And what was the evidence of
those conspirators assembling together? That Mr. Such-an-one
attended at such a meeting—that Mr. Barrett attended at a certain
meeting, and that Mr. Duffy attended once or twice—that I,
myself, attended; and this is the way the charge of conspiracy is
to be spelt out! Is it common sense that this could be denomi-
nated a conspiracy ? Conspiracy! Where was it made? When
was it matte ? How was it made ? Was it made in winter, or in
summer, in spring, or in autumn ? Was it made on a holiday, or
on a Sunday, or on week-day ? Tell me the hour—the week—
the month—the year it was made ? In which of the three
quarters of the twelve months did the gestation of this conspiracy
commence ? Who proposed it ? Who seconded it ? Who was
present at it ? I don't know whether it was said that I was present
at the concoction of this conspiracy, or this agreement, private or
public, or who else was there. When and where did it take place?
Ought I not, at all events, to have the advantage of being able to
prove an alibi ?—(Laughter.) No, but you must go over nine months
and toss up which time or place you may select. I want to know
whether this agreement was in writing or in mere parole ? I want
to know has any person told you, Gentlemen of the Jury, if an ac
lion at isi3i prigs was pending, and you were to try it, and that that
action was tor the recovery of a 10/. contract, could it be possible
you could find one way or the other upon such vague evidence as
that adduced in this case? I remember it was said of a Judge who
has long since passed away, that, in a case for the recovery of 101.
before him, one of the counsel observed that, although the evi-
dence was not sufficient in a civil case, it would be quite sufficient
in a criminal case, in Isis Lordship's Court.--(Laughter.) Do you
not believe that if there was a conspiracy, it would ba proved, and
that the only reason it was not proved is because it diet not exist ?
The Attorney-General told you it did exist—that it must have
existed ; but this is all imaginary, and you are called upon to find
me guilty if you " imagine" that this agreement was entered into.
I don't want to speak of the talents of the Attorney-General. I
admit the ingenuity—the talent and the industry with which he
conducted this case, Ile was eleven hours—eleven mortal hours—
(A laugh)—detailing the facts of it to you. What did he tell
you the conspiracy consisted of? Ile made a long statement, and
when he came to the end, he told you to go back to the beginning,
find out the conspiracy, and what it consisted of.—(Laughter ) I
say, Gentlemen of the Jury, without the least affectation, if any
gentleman could have found evidence of a conspiracy, it would have
been found by the Attorney-General. Yes, he took eleven hours
to throw all that garbage into your box. " There." said he, "is
the Pilot and the Nation for you, and make out a conspiracy." I
remember, on the Munster Circuit, the celebrated Mr. Egan was
once engaged for a defendant. The case had been stated by a Mr.
Hoare, a gentleman of dark appearance. Egan was sure of his jury
—(A laugh)—and on behalf of his client he merely said—" Gen-
tlemen of the jury, you are not, in deciding this case, to be influ-
enced by the dark oblivion of a brow.''—(Laughter,) A Learned
Friend sitting near him said, " Why, Egan, what do you mean?
that is nonsense you have been speaking." "To be sure it is,"
said Egen, but it is good enough for the jury.''—(Laughter.)
So eleven hours are good enough for the jury. It is nonsense to
speak of satisfying them as to the fact of a conspiracy. I remem-
ber, after Hardy was tried for high treason, the anniversary of his
acquittal was for a long time celebrated by a dinner; and one of
the jury, whose health was regularly proposed, always made the
same speech. " Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen," said he, " I
will tell you why I acquitted Mr. Hardy. Mr. Sergeant Scott
took eleven hours to state the case ; and ten slays were spent in
endeavouring to prove it. Now, I knew no man could be guilty
whose guilt it took such a long time to show."—(Laughter.) Re-
member that, in this alleged conspiracy, there is no secresy im.
puted—nothing is left to conjecture—the entire is before you ;
and, therefore, as you know it all, there never was a cause in
which the Attorney-General was less entitled to the benefit of any
surmise by a jury. Why, before the trial, the hall of the Courts
was full of rumours of the existence of a dark conspiracy and of
the disclosures made by persons who were said to have betrayed
the conspirators. No less than seven persons were pointed out to
me as having betrayed the secrets and plans to the Government.
One WAS pointed out as having been seen going to Mr. Kemmis,
the Crown solicitor, another as having beets to the Castle, and a
third, as having been at a certain house, not far from your (Mr.
Brewster's) residence in 3lerrion-square—no lesss than seven
persons suffered in their cha'acters by these rumours of
treachery on their parts. I merely said, " Don't mind these
reports—what can they disclose when there is nothing to
betray ? They may invent, but they have no secrets of ours
to disclose." Now, I ask you, when you came into that box,
did you not expect to have heard something you had not
heard before? Did you not expect to hear some conversation—
some plan of the travcrsers influencing and contradicting the na-
ture of their public acts ? If you did expect it, was there ever dis-
appointment so complete and unmitigated ? Why, throughout the
city, in the clubs, when the Attorney-General's case was closed,
everybody said "Is that all ?—why, we knew all that before."
'Tis a censpiracy! Yes, Gentlemen, what has become of these se-
cret plans, the proofs of this dark conspiracy, these " Gorgons,
hydras, rein chimeras dire"—what has become of them ? They
have not been exhibited to you, because there was nothing to dis-
close. This is not a case merely confined to the charge of conspi-
racy ; it is a 'Ministerial trial, to see whether this Ministry, with
their cenciliatien policy with their proposal for an extendedi a
fran-
chise in laeland, are to retain office, or whether we are to
v
Whigs ago promising a good deal and doing nothing ?—( Laugh.