The Sun.
London, England, 1868-03-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Several of the morning Papers discuss the Sunday
Liquor Bill. After shewing several of its weak points the
Times remarks : The truth is, the object really desired by

the promoters of this measure, and which they confess to
be their ultimate aim, is notoriously impracticable. Total
restriction is not only unjust, but has actually broken
clown in practice, and has been abandoned in America,

where it was tried. But, short of this, measures to repress

drunkenness by curtailing an hour or two here and there
from the hours at which the public-houses are open must
needs be trivial, and will probably be merely vexatious.

Some limitation on Sundays is acknowledged to be desira-
ble, and the existing restrictions are sanctioned by prac-

tice ; but, as the House was reminded, an attempt some
years ago to impose similar restrictions to those of
Mr. Abel Smith's bill roused such a storm of popular dis-
constent that the measure, though passed, had to be

repealed. It seems, from what was said of the petitions,
that a majority of the working classes have petiticned

against the bill. Of the petitions in favour of it, many
are notoriously worthless. Clergymen, Scripture-readers,

and Sunday-school teachers cajole those under their in-
fluence to sign such petitions by wholesale, and in many

cases the signature is a mere impertinence. The opinion
of an impressible young woman respecting the liberty
which should be allowed to grown men is scarcely worthy
the attention of the House of Commons. But, happily,

the very arguments which are adduced in favour of the
bill prove that it is unnecessary. There is, we are told,
a growing feeling among the working classes against
excess in liquors. Nothing can be more satisfactory ;
but if so, why legislate at all, and why foster a crusade
which implies that the evil is increasing rather than

diminishing ?

Hitherto the restrictions placed upon the sale of liquors,
although they may be unwise in principle, have produced
comparatively little ill effect, because they have been com-
paratively slight. That they have done any real good the
Standard has no hesitation in denying. The closing of
public-houses at eleven o'clock on Sunday evenings and
at one o'clock on week-day evenings has not diminished
drunkenness or reduced the occasions of crime, whilst it
has inflicted, and inflicts every day, great inconvenience
and injustice upon large numbers of temperate and
respectable persons. Practically the new bill denies all
refreshment to the people of this country on the Sunday,
except to the habitual drunkards, who will, of course,
make their provision. To the lodger, who is expected to
be out of the house except when he is in bed ; to all those
who must work, or will walk for health or recreation ; to
all upon whom illness or the absolute need of some suste-
nance comes when they are at some distance from their
homes, and even there, except at short intervals, all
refreshment is absolutely denied by Mr. Smith. And
why? To save a certain number of wretched fools from
their own folly he would inflict a terrible privation upon
the vast mass of the people.

In the opinion of the Telegraph the bill is bad in every
respect. It is based on false pretences ;it metes out one
measure to the rich and another to the poor; and it is only
the first link in that chain of measures which includes the
Permissive Bill and ends with the Maine Liquor Law.
Therefore, if the House had been obliged to choose
between rejection and acceptance, it must have thrown
Out the scheme with indignation. But after that course
had been forcibly advocated by Mr. Locke and Mr.
Labouchere, an amendment was proposed by Mr. Hib=
bert, to the effect that the bill should be referred to a
select committee, which should consider the whole subject
of the liquor traffic, and particularly the licensing
system. Mr. Gladstone strongly supported the sugges-
tion ; Mr. Gathorne Hardy accepted it on the part of the
Government ; it was finally sanctioned by. the House, and
we have no fault to find with it.
In dealing with the bill for reforming the present form
of railway legislation, the Post points out that previous to
the institution of the Railway Department of the Board
of Trade, the second leading of railway bills was decided
by the House at large, with the Speaker in the chair. In.
creasing pressure of public business made this practice
inconvenient, and the duty was handed over to the Board
of Trade. Unhappily for the country, Sir Robert Peel
withdrew his support from this organisation, and deter-
mined to control railway enterprise
,by competition, under
an idea that such a course had been rendered imperative
by the adoption of the doctrine of free trade. It was a
great error in whatever light looked at. Competition thus
became, as far as both public policy and private interests
are concerned, the only practical controlling power, a fact
which Mr. Dodson and those who are disposed to back his
ideas will do well to bear in mind. If they abrogate the
right of an existent organisation actually in work to be
heard before a committee on the ground that new compe-
tition ought not to be forced upon them, they must sub-
stitute some other controlling and testing power to protect
both the public and the actual corporations working lines
from the action of unreal promoters, whose only object is
speculative extortion, and a reiving raid in the disguise
of thrifty men of business bent upon the development of
the industry of the country. If that power is to be the
Board of Trade, that department should be placed in a
position very superior to that which it now occupies.

After carefully examining most of the boroughs in
which no extension is recommended by the Boundary
Commission, the Daily News thinks it would be difficult
to dispute the justice of the opinions so far as expressed by
the commissioners. But what principle has led to the
extension of boundaries ? It is, of course, easy enough to
say that all the persons who dwell immediately beyond
the parliamentary boundary should be included within it,
or that those who have " a community of interest" with
the inhabitants of a town should be considered towns-
people. But in applying this principle there are con-
siderable difficulties. If, indeed, the duty of the com-
missioners had been to separate the urban from the
agricultural population, their task would have been
comparatively simple. But the intention of the Legis-
lature was very different. Parliament never intended
that the population of the country should be divided into
two classes—urban•and agricultural. Before adding any
new district to a borough, the first question to be deter-
mined is whether the inhabitants of this district are
specially connected with the borough of which they are to
form part. It is not enough to shew that beyond the
boundaries of a borough there is a mass of persons who do
not live by agriculture. It must be shown that they are,
in fact, the overflow of the borough population—called
into existence by the borough, and that had the borough
not existed this increase of population would not have
taken place.

pa

The proposed visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland is,
the Star observes, so well-intentioned, harmless, and, in
deed, commendable a project, that it would be unfair to
criticise it in a narrow and carping tone. But it would be
still less fair to allow the exaggerated hopes which people
are forming of its beneficent effects to go on swelling and
gleaming like glittering soap bubbles doomed to speedy
collapse and extinction.- There is no excuse whatever for
any personal ill-feeling towards any member of the Royal
Family in Ireland ; and we are satisfied there is no per
sonal ill-feeling there. Everybody who' knows the
Irish people knows that their natural tendency
is towards a deep, reverential, and indeed servile
loyalty. We are by no means satisfied that it might
not have been possible, if any English sovereign had
thought it worth while trying, to have fed and flattered
that sentiment of loyalty, and actually made it a substi-
tute for the manly, honourable feeling of allegiance with
which an intelligent and self-respecting people reward the
justice and integrity of an upright ruler. We are bi no
means convinced that the Irish people, if judiciously
warmed every now and then by the sunshine of Royal
favour, might not at one time have forgotten Protestant
ascendancy and landlord absenteeism, and all the subjects
of complaint, and lain down in their rags like a Neapoli-
tan lezzarone, and been content and happy and abject.
But with the growth of education this feeling must have
an end. A race has grown up in Ireland almost entirely
estranged from the BriLish race, and to expect any benefi
cent result from the Royal visit is ridiculous.
The Times devotes a leader to the consideration of the
pamphlet issued by the Emperor Nap( leon, which tells
the world by what vast number of votes bOth the original
founder and restorer of the Empire at various periods at-
tained the supreme rank. Our contemporary does not see
the use of statistics which nobody disputes. The issue of
them, however, shews that the Emperor is getting mis
trustful. He has shaken the foundation on which he has
built his throne by increasing his armament. But there is
nobody to oppose him. There is no Opposition leader
with a determined scheme of action ; none ready
to take upon himself the responsibility of a re;
lution. France has come to an end of all political
experiments. The present has nothing so dreadful
as to induce her voluntarily to face an unknown future.
It is upon this instinct of order at any price that the
Emperor Napoleon can rely for support against any
deliberate attack, while the immense strength of his civil
and military organisation screens him from those " sur-
prises " which have so often decided the fate of his prede-
eeQsr- Tile French would not willingly overthrow him,
-1; take care that they do not do so by more
it is to little purr, se, We think, that' the
dwells upon the excellences of the
, and on its capabilities of progressive im-
. What the French people want is peace—
liberty, if the two blessings can be coin-
eace before rll things and at any price. It
that the Emperor should not perec‘ive
11,7. v., greatly the new army law has compromised
before public opinion. That army bill was conceived
under false apprehensions ; it was proceeded with in obe-
dience to still more false views of consistency, in obedience
to an obstinacy which does not really belong to the Em-
peror's character. We are convinced an assurance that
the law, if not actually repealed, would be at least so
modified in its application as to lighten its most crushing
burdens, would do more for the stability of the Emperor's
throne and for the chances of his dynasty than any
" titles" resting upon the most unanimous plebiscite. A
proposal on his part for a simultaneousdisarmament would
win him the suffrage not only of millions of Frenchmen,
but of the friends of trtn frcedom and progreslthroligh-
out th •-•-