The Sun.
London, England, 1868-06-01 00:00:00

EPIBIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The Times calls attention to the debate in the House of
Lords on the abolition of religious tests. That there are
many people outside the universities who desire to see all
such restrictions abolished is very well known ; and it is
equally notorious that many others are prepared to oppose
the change. Generally speaking, we may say that
Liberals would be on one-side and Conservatives on the
other. But what are we to say of the universities them-
selves ? How far would such reforms be acceptable at
Oxford or Cambridge? That was the question discussed
in the debate, and left apparently undecided. It is
not to be disguised that the opinions of mere mem-
bers of the university, and still more of graduates,
would be decidedly opposed to the required reforms.
It is beyond all question that if the graduates or members
of the Unix ersity of Cambridge could be fairly polled a
large majority would be opposed to the removal of the
religious tests which are now complained of. But that is
not exactly the point which the advocates of things as they
are would desire to establish. The important opinions are
not so much those of country gentlemen or clergymen as
those of the professors, fellows, and tutors who reside in
the university, who conduct its daily business, and who
know its actual wants. This is the real " university
opinion," which Lord Kimberley claimed for the Liberals
on one side, and the Bishop of Ely for the Conservatives
on the other. It is our belief that both claims were pro-
bably justified, though Lord Kimberley's case was by fay
the stronger of the two. Lord Kimberley's first petition
was from upwards of 100 actual fellows, or late fellows;
of colleges in Oxford ; his second from 80 resident mem-
bers of the university. These numbers, it will be seen,
are insignificant compared with a constituency of 4,500,
and yet the weight they actually carry is eitraordinary—
in fact, decisive. In all Oxford there arc but 105 tutors
and lecturers, and no fewer than 60 of these were among
Lord Kimberley's 80 ; so that the teaching power of
the whole university appeared in the balance against the
tests. In four of the best colleges at Oxford the entire
educational staff was on this side of the question ; in four
others two-thirds of it, and out of the whole eighteen col-
leges comprised in the university there were but six in
which there was not a majority of thes3 opinions in favour
of the proposed reform. This as regards living and work-
lug Oxford is conclusive, and yet we have no doubt that if
the graduates or members of the university were to deliver
their votes, a very large majority would be found on the
other side. The truth is that at Oxford the Liberalism of
the resident body represents the force of a strong re-
action. Up to the year 1854 the abuse of endowments
in the university was so enormous that those who
saw most of the consequences were prepared for
anything in the way of change. At Cambridge the
need of reform was far less, and the reforming spirit there-
fore proportionately less active ; but though it is probable
upon the whole that the Bishop of Ely's claim could be
sustained, the minority on the other side would be exceed-
ingly strong. The moral of the whole argument appears
to us to be this—that a change demanded on broad public
grounds in behalf of the whole nation, and not only not
resisted but actually invited by the most eminent of the
very class whose privileges it would supersede, will assn.
redly be accomplished with little delay, and prove to be
for the benefit of all.

Dealing with the decision by the French court com-
pelling the directors of the Parisian Credit Mobilier to
make good the loss incurred by the shareholders in sub-
scribing for the issue of new capital, the Daily News
observes : Too often men of high position and unquestion-
able character have without reflection allowed their
names to appear on a prospectus, thinking the permission
to be little more than " a mere matter of form." Late
events have shewn that there is at least something else in-
volved, and it is now beginning to be understood that the
prestige of a great name can no longer be used in obtaining
subscriptions to a company without incurring a corre-
sponding liability if from mere simple negligence matters
should go wrong. In a similar manner the speculative
directors—thoz,e who hold the leading-strings and
influence that large section of a board who are averse to
take trouble or understand anything—also find themselves
in a disagreeable position. In ordinary times their task is
easy. It is no difficult matter to prepare a satisfactory
balance-sheet which may pass muster at a general meeting.
Figures are proverbially deceptive in the hands of those
who are quick to manipulate them cleverly. The plan has
been practised with nearly invariable success for at least
twenty-five years, and probably much longer. There is
every appearance, however, that this system has received,
if not its death blow, at least a very rude shock, from the
decree we have mentioned. It is, of course, impossible to
say how far the directors of the French Credit Mobilier
have individually profited by the premiums on the many
enterprises and loans which they have been instrumental
in bringing forward, but in any case, if the recent decision
should be upheld, they will have lost far more than they
have gaii:ed. In an unfortunate moment they sanctioned
the issue of a fresh amount of capital at a time when the com-
pally was practically insolvent. In order to further _this
object accounts were published, which have been judicially
pronounced to be utterly deceptive. The French courts
lesn slow than our own, have at once fixed the responsi-
bility upon the managers, and held them liable to meet
all damage for the alleged misrepresentation. The amount
is ruinous even for wealthy bankers —as much as
£2,400,000 sterling. A portion of this sum, perhaps a
fourth, might be eventually recovered from the assets of
the Credit Mobilier, but the loss even then would be
disastrously heavy.

The Post preaches a sermon to the Conservatives from

the text of the East Worcester election. The lesson our

contemporary teaches is twofold. It contains instruction
which both parties may turn to good account ; its moral
covers the whole field of the controversy upon which they
are entering. The contest has been a sort of exercise-
ground for the Liberals, and it has given the Conservatives
an opportunity of proving their policy and of testing their
tactics. Mr. Lyttelton's friends have every reason to be
satisfied. They have vindicated Liberal principles, and
they have returned to the House of Commons a repre-
sentative who, we venture to say, will do honour
to their choice. On the other hand, the Conservatives,
as a party, may have gained for the future more than
Mr. Laslett's supporters lost between the nomination and
the poll. Rightly understood, their failure should teach
them that in dealing with Englishmen honesty is the
best policy. They should learn from it that they are in a
false and dangerous position. The Government will not
be bound by a statement made only ten weeks ago. The
Irish policy which they proclaimed was mere political pie-
crust. Indeed, they are superfluously careful to explain
that it has been burnt and broken in the oven. Nor does
it appear to occur to them that if their promises have be-
come, so to speak, food for the sparrows, the intention
which they revealed remains intact.
The Standard, though mistrustful of news as to victo-
ries by Russia in Bokhara and Afghanistan, thinks that
there must be something in the late news attributing fresh
activity to the Russian agents on the north-west frontier.
Our contemporary declares that if on the present occasion
it shonld prove to be the fact that Russia has resumed her
ambitious policy on her southern Asiatic frontier—that
the late victory over the Bokharians was fought near the
city or in the territory of Bokhara, and that the signal
and unexpected successes of Shero Ali Khan in Western
Afghanistan are a part of one and the same great plan for
a general advance in the direction of Cabul—then our last
telegram about Bokhara is a piece of news which cannot
brit have a deep concern for the English reader. The
most careless or the most cynical of the new school of
politicians must allow that, as representatives and guar-
dians of the people of India, if in no other character, it is
our duty carefully to observe every movement of Russian
policy in Central Asia. We (continues the Standard) dis-
claim altogether the character of alarmists. We have
ample confidence in the security both of our moral and of
our military position in India. We look forward without
the smallest misgiving to the distant prospect of a possible
encounter on the banks of the Indus. We do not desire
to attribute to Russia any greater power or ambition than
she really poasesses.We trust in her own good sense to perceive
that in throwing open Central Asia to commercet- and to
civilisation lies 'the true Muscovite policy i
of the world. We trust, perhaps, more i; ILelahenrterf
the mountains, the hardness of the rocks, and the barrengto
ness of the deserts which lie in the road between Russia.
and India. But it would be a foolish affectation to pretend
that it is not our business to watch the movements of
Russian policy in all parts of the East. We have the
highest respect for our neighbour, and as much confidence in
his peaceful disposition, yet it is only common prudence to
keep an eye on him when he flourishes his weapon about,
and is so very profuse of pacific assurances.
The Telegraph commends the report of the Neutrality
Law Commissioners. Taking the Foreign Enlistment Act,
the commissioners point out how it must be amended to
suit altered circumstances, and to enforce the obligations
of neutrality. First of all, they would add to that enact-
ment a prohibition against preparingor fitting out a naval
or military expedition within this country, destined to act
against any foreign Rate with which we may be at peace.
The next recommendation is that :any persons within the
Queen's dominions who shall fit out and despatch a vessel
intended for the prohibited employment, or who shall
partially equip her with the view of finishing that equip-
ment out of the country, or, shall even aid such acts,
shall be gnity of a misdemeanour. With the instance of
the • Alabama before them, the commissioners re-
commend that if there exists " a reasonable and
probable cause for believing" that a particular
vessel is being bUilt or otherwise prepared in a
way contrary to the specific law, the Secretary Of
State shall have power to issue a warrant, upon the
strength of which the Commissioners of Customs may search '
tile•ship, and may detain her until she is either condemned
or released. The power thus given to the executive in
England is also conferred on the governor of any of our
colonies. The case will then be heard before the Court
of Admiralty, with the usual right of a ) eal to the Privy
Council it being also provided that thei vessel may be
released on the owners' giving security, that it may be
condemned if the charge be established, and that it may be
released and indemnity allowed, should the legality of its
ilystination be proved beyond doubt. These recommenda-
t,:,,ns, if carried out, will, the Telegraph thinks, prevent
ati3 tiliag like Alabama disputes occurring hereafter.