The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-29 00:00:00

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LONDON ON A SPRING DAY
Spring ! spring I beautiful 'p• ing !
Welcome, thrice welcome to thee,
For thou bringest a sunshine to every young heart,
And all hail thy presence with glee.
The flnw'rets peep up as to kiss thy young face,
And nature smiles sweetly on thee,
Fm thou bringest a sunshine to every young heart,
And all hail thy presence with glee. . . . .

There is no place in England where the spi:ing is hailed with greater
signs of satisfaction than in London, and after the inclemency of a
dark, dreary, miserable winter, it has a thrice happier effect, for then
every one welcomes it as the harbinger of joy, gladness, hope, and
sunshine, and. in the language of the poet._
There is not a bosom but offerngs will bring,
And welcome with gladness the bright rrsy spring.
Now in promenading the streets of London, it is a most delightful
feature to witness so many happy faces, and to see the ladies adorned,
not only with the smile of loveliness, but likewise with ail the novel.
ties which this season produces; the gentlemen 1 kewisepromenade
in all the newestlasha ms which are out, and to them it must be a
source f the highest gratification to find that L HY AM, Grace-
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fashions ever yet introduced to the connoisseurs in dress. Ever
anxious to prove himselt worthy of the splendid support tendered to
him at the pre ent auspicious season of the year, he has increased
every arrangement so as to matt with the unanimous approval of an
enlightened and liberal public ; in fact, no one can gaze on his snag.
nificent stock witnout exclaiming-
All hail to such n •velties, bright their success,
As gems of great beauty they'reforeme:t in dress :
Fuch colours, such elegance, taste too combine,
That Fashion holds Court at Hyam's famed shrine
Branch Establishments—Ma ket-street, Manchester; 21, New.
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netheca, 36, Gracechurch-street, London.

THE AIMICII OF IMPROVEMENT.
Whatever we look on—wherever we turn,
"The March of Improvement" we daily discern.
Through the mighty advances of Science and Art,
New inventions are seen, while the old or es depart ;
But the March of Improvement" is chiefly nisplay'd,
By MOSES and SON in their movements in trade.
Their mighty achievements assume such a cast,
As completely outrivals the present and pa..t
There are marry surprising improvements—but none
To equal the wonders of MOSES and SON.
The flag of their glory is daily unfurl',?,
And the trump of their fairis is arousing the world.
If any should doubt what these verses express,
Let them think of their warehouse—their offers in dress—
Let them look at the fashions their st,ow-rooras unfold—
Let them think of the prices for which they are sold,
Let them think of the thousands at horse and abroad,
Who share in the good which the MOSES' afford—
And then they'll acknowledge (as millions have done),
That the rival improvements are '1 MOSES and SON."
n
d.
Taglion is, velvet collar and cuE4'ps,linmeAdDtE. 4
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fr
B .
[leaver Chesterfield, velvet collars and cuffs, ditto ...from 010 6
Codringtons, Peltos, York Wrappers,
trimmed ................................................... ........Fr0m
Warm Winter Trousers. lined from
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Double-breasted Winter Vests
from
Dress Coats edged............'...." from
ditto .............. ...... from
MADE TO MIZASURE.
Winter Coats of the most approved make and material,
trimmed in the most fashionah'e style from, 1 5 0
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weed
Or Toree Pairs
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lined from 0 is 0
for I 19 o
Winter Waistcoats, in endless variety of material and
pattern
Dress Coats .................... ................ from 1 12 o
'lle beet manufacture fro:: 2 15 0
f fromrn m
01
18
ea
Mourning to any extent
fcoalnlowbeinhgapdraictesv-e- minutes' notice; at- the
BMoeyn.',sdSiut
ti
jacket,
,covacts,t
,vaens td trousersand
trousers
changed, or
on, the article
moneypu the
returned.
.or ordered, if not approved of, ea.
Cat-nom—E. Moses and Son regret beino;,, obliged guardtoci a „ke
public against imposition, as they learn that the untra esm n
falsehood of being connected with them, or it's the same Zoncern,
has been resorted to in many instances, for obvious reasons.
They have no connexion whatever with any other establishment,
and those wko desire genuine Cheap Clothing should call or send to
151, Minories, to guard against disappointment, &c.
ebeerve—E. MOSES and SON,Tailors, Wholesale Woolen Drapers,
gad Outfitters, 154, ir or i es, and es 3, Aldgate.

9 15 0
II 4 6
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0 3 6
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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
F 11.074 THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.--We are glad that farther interference with
adult labour is not carried by a coup de main; and that
Parliament and the public are allowed some interval to
" look before they leap." There are two points of view,
a party and a public one—from which the subject may
be regarded. We have refused to place ourselves at the
party point of view, though we see as clearly as the
Times the chance of Opposition advantage from making
this question the occasion for detaching the wavering
or malcontent section of the Ministerialists. Our versa-
tile Contemporary expresses this with some naivete; and
indicates that he has a month's mind to strike in with
such a combined movement. He exclaims, "Let it be
looked on as a Ministerial question. Ministers make it
one. Can there be a question more important and
more worthy to divide the House ? At present there is
no rallying point in the House—no one respectable
standard to assemble round. Why not gather
into one all those who are not ashamed of
the principle of protecting the labourer ?" Certainly
here is a great temptation ; the easy virtue of the
Times jumps at it. The Times is tired of the pre-
sent Ministry ; " small blame to it," as Paddy
would say. So is Young England ; those young (or
ci-devant young) gentlemen occupy a place in their own
opinion which, at present, eley occupy nowhere else.
They are the natural and inevitable malcontents of the
present party in power ; and ready to swell any defec-
tion, " pour avoir de la consideration." They fight, or
rather stand under arms, " under the cold shade of
Peel," and have lost hope of their " exquisite notions"
flourishing, unless in a new and " bright field." It
may suit party purposes to offer this field to these inte-
resting and select combatants ; but we cannot think
" All the Crotchets" an acquisition, so much as a nui-
sance, to any party. These gentlemen are so fine, that
they are always shooting over everybody's heads.
They are always aiming at something, which is to do
something no one else ever dreamed of. We are to "keep
the holidays of the Church," or restore the monastic
orders, or liberate Don Carlos, or send an ambassador to
the Pope—in short, we are to retrograde, as far as possi-
ble, from all that three centuries have been doing. It is
a curious historical and political theory which these
gentlemen would seem to have imbibed. One of their
kindred geniuses, of a clerical cut, not long back, in
the British Critic, declared that English history
stopped, at the end f the seventeenth century—that no
farther development of the national mind or spirit was
to be looked for in the eighteenth. Forsooth, priestly
ascendancy came decidedly to an end in the former pe-
riod ; and of course the progress of empire, science, and
industry, could deserve no notice afterwards. Ac-
cording to these innovators backwards, it is our
supposed progress which has planted us where we are.
The whole tendency of the age is towards over-exer-
tion, and over-production. People require to be checked
in the excess of' their eagerness to better their condi-
tion. Above all we must discard that hoyrible Induss_
frfarlia•resj , a eeiasrei And here the Retro-
grades have really distinguished support amongst writers
and thinkers ; though it always appears to us that
such reasoners do not put the saddle on the right horse.
When a writer quarrels with the whole tendency,
theoretical and practical, of the age he lives in, it is
a fair question—What are you driving at ? What is
your ideal of social economy ? If he says—lt is not
my business to tell you—l am sufficiently occupied in
uncovering the social sore places which you cannot deny
to exist—we reply : That answer might perhaps be al-
lowed to pass, if you did not indicate some theory of
your of own by your mode of criticising others—if you
did not assume that certain philosophical and political
aberrations were the causes of certain social disorders—
that at some former period(unspecified) things were better,
because men acted on better principles—at some former
period men were more guided and governed ; and
prospered more accordingly. Now, we demur to this
assumption of the cause of existing evils, as residing
in the too great laxity and independence in the rela-
tions between man and man. We deny that the con-
nexion existing in former ages between superiors and
inferiors was more in the interests of the latter ; and
we do not believe that a total revolution in the pre-
valent tendencies in this respect is possible or desirable.
And we deny, above all, the justice of attacking the
factories as the worst example of present ill. Indeed,
the best disproof of this is, that people go thither from
the country, and won't go back. The Dorsetshire
philanthropists may find the pressure on labour nearer
home. Let them single out the first hedger or ditcher,
eking out his pittance by piece-work. Let them exa-
mine if that man does not endure harder toil than fac-
tory operatives—endure it voluntarily—as voluntarily
as can be said of a man working for scant bread for
himself and children. There is no " factory system"
there. There are general causes of pressure, periodically
aggravated, on individual labour everywhere. Unless
that pressure is worst in the factories ; unless the
" factory system " dictates the laws (instead of suffer-
ing the common necessities) of labour—unless it can
be shown—not that the competition is severe—we all
know that—but that its severity is owing to too wide
a field being left open by law to industry—instead
of being owing to too narrow a field being left open for
its returns—unless existing evils can be traced to the
factories as their source and birth-place, we must con-
tinue to think, as we think now, that the whole agita-
tion against them is a farce. And we must protest very
seriously against Lord Ashley paying himself the unde-
served compliment of imagining that the mantle of "Mr.
Cade" (commonly called Jack Cade) has fallen on him.
Mr. Cade was an Irishman, and a Parliamentary Re-
former, and would have been sent to Kilmainham, if the
ecclesiastical statesmen of that age had not found shorter
ways of dealing with him. Mr. Cade was a decided Laissez-
faire man, more likely to have been an Anti-Corn-law
Leaguer than a single-string performer in the Short
Time strain. It appears from Mr. Cade's memorials
to the King, that his views were partly directed to-
wards reform of the game-laws—" Simple people (he
says) that use not hunting are greatly oppressed
by indictments "—partly to reform in Parliament:—
" People of Kent not suffered to have free election of
their knights of the shire, but letters have been sent to
the great rulers, forcing them to choose other per-
sons than the Commons wished." It appears from the
following heads of grievance, that Mr. Cade was the
decided opponent of the Statute of Labourers, which the
Morning Post considers the great precedent for " pro-
tecting" labour :—" That all the extortions used daily
among the common people be laid down ; that is, the
green wak.so falsely used to the perpetual destruction of
the comnadnlvfsKent ; also the King's Bench so greeve-
hit to the shire of Kent ; also the taking of wheat and
'other.g44ins, beef, mutton, and all other victuals, which
is ltriptiitable to the said commons ; also the statute of
labourers, &c. &c." We are not profound enough in
local and general research to trace the exact sense of
some of the above items ' • but viewing Mr. Cade's opi-
nions with the respect Parliament now views them, we
should suggest to both Houses whether the present corn-
laws pm not come within the meaning of " taking"
iiesylsrstfre commonalty " of wheat and other grains"—
whiehTh importable to the said commons." The
words, doubtless, were used in another sense at the time ;
but it is the property of great men's utterances to ac-
quire an enlarged scope in the lapse of ages.
STANDARD.—Our readers will have seen by the
report of last night's proceedings in the House of Com-
mons, that the Factory question is postponed. Sir
James Graham will to-morrow night withdraw the
Bill now before Parliament, introduce a new
Bill at the same time, and take the dis-
cussion on this second Bill as soon as possible after
the Rcess. Lord Ashley assents to this arrange-
ment, reserving to himself the right to introduce a
short-time Bill, independent of the Gevernment
measure. In one view this arrangement is satisfactory,
for the great question in issue will thus be distinctly dis-
cussed, otherwise we must lament that the postpone-
inent takes place with little prospect of accommodation,
though with a perfect certainty that, sooner or later, the
ten hours' limitation will be carried. We are weary of
the subject, and so, no doubt, are our readers; but
duty requires often that we submit to what is wear--
some in order to arrive at truth and to do justice,
as all of us have felt in listening to tedious stories and
investigating long and complicated accounts. Such is
the: case in the matter before us ; for not only are the
circumstances perplexing in themselves, but every day
brings forth some new fallacy, or some new scheme
of accommodation, the more to entangle our judg-
ment. This morning's fallacy is the argument of

the Morning Chronicle against the competency of
the Factory Commissioners as witnesses in the case.
It is known that the opinions of the Factory Com-
missioners, men selected for their intelligence and
sagacity, and officers of the Government, which opposes
Lord Ashley, are all favourable to a considerable limi-
tation of the hours of labour. And accordingly the
Morning Chronicle finds it necessary to impeach their
authority :—" It is the more necessary to insist upon
the impropriety of resting the whole case upon the dicta
of the Factory Commissioners, because not only is
Lord Ashley's interference with rnillowners, and
the other parts of society, defended by appealing to
their report, but the superiority of their know-
ledge is assumed to be so great, that it is described as a
new species of reason for other men to surrender their
own judgment to the conclusions of Messrs. Horner and
Saunders. Parliament, which deputed them to inquire, is
held to have given up its own senses and will to them, and
is held to be bound to see only with their eyes, and le-
gislate only with their understandings. By this kind of
deference they are elevated into the masters of the Minis-
ters and the Parliament. By Lord Ashley and some of our
Contemporaries they seem to be regarded as the concen-
trated essence of good sense, which alone is capable on this
subject of giving flavour to a general vapidness. Now,
it is. precisely because their attention has been closely
and exclusively fixed on a single point that we are dis-
posed to resist their authority, and affirm that their sug-
gestions, as the basis of a law which is to affect the
whole community, are unworthy of notice. Let it be fur-
ther remembered that the inquiries of the Factory Com-
missioners have been as much limited in time as in space.
They have seen the factories in operation only, we be.
lieve, since 1833, the date of Lord Ashley's Bill; and
certainly the greatest and the worst complaints have
been made since that time. Through a large portion of
the intervening period great distress has prevailed in
the manufacturing districts. The millowners have seen
their property, and even their subsistence, in peril ;
they have had difficulty in scraping together the
means of paying their workpeople, and of paying
the very large demands of the public tax-gather ; they
have been forced, therefere, to be thrifty—at times may
have seemed to lean hard upon the operatives, exacting out
of them the means of bearing the public charges, and of
sustaining their own fortunes—which we hold, when
honestly performed, to be laudable in the individual and
beneficent to the State ; they have been unable, also to
find adequate employment for men, and have been glad,
on account of the pressure on themselves, to use only the
cheapest labour." One must admire the new canon of rea-
soning asserted in this argument. The witnesses are be-
yond dispute originally impartial, and they happen
to be the only available witnesses who are impar-
tial ; if there are other impartial witnesses let them be
named. But to attend to the evidence of these, the only
impartial witnesses, is to elevate them to be masters of
the Ministers and the Parliament ; just, we suppose,
as an impartial witness in the Court of Queen's
Bench becomes the master of Lord Denman and
a special jury. Our Contemporary, however, thinks
that notwithstanding their unimpeached intelligence and
impartiality, the Factory Commissioners are unworthy to
have their opinions seriously considered, and this for
the strangest reason in the world---" precisely because
their attention has been closely and exclusively fixed
upon a single point"—which is the point in ques-
tion, neverthless. The witness is to be slighted
because he has minutely studied the subject of his evi-
dence; or, to come to the matter, the gentleman who, by
careful consideration of repeated experiments has satisfied
himself that more work, and better work, and cheaper
work, is done by a given number of hands working ten
hours in a cotton mill than by the same number of hands
working twelve hours (a conclusion of more than one Corn-

missioner) is to be disregarded—because, we suppose,
he has not taken a course of the lectures of the
League. But there is another reason why the report
of eye-witnesses is to be held of no account. They
have not merely been deprived of the peripatetic
lights of Messrs. Cobden, Acland, Bright, and
Smith, which our Contemporary designates as a
want of space. " The inquiries of the Factory
Commissioners have been as much limited in time as in
space, they have seen the factories in operation only, we
believe, since 1833." Only during eleven years ! quite a
transient glance, says the Morning Chronicle, and these
11 years have been years during which the millowners
have had difficulty in scraping together the means of
paying their workpeople and of paying the very large de-
mands:of the public tax-gatherer, and have been glad, on
account of the pressure on themselves, to employ only
the cheapest labour." Poor fellows, nothing but neces-
sity could prevent their overpaying their labourers.
: for these sad eleven years—we must not call them
tedious—because they are but a twinkling of the eye, in
our Contemporary's opinion—for these sad eleven years,
we should like to know, to what extent thenumber of mills
has been diminished during the period of depression ?
Will the Morning Chronicle tell us ? Well, if it cannot
speak of any diminution, perhaps it might tell the extent
to which the number of mills has increased, notwith-
standing the sufferings of the poor fellows "scraping"
to pay their way. Has the increase been 10 per
cent. ?-20 per cent. ?-50 per cent. ?-100 per cent. ?
We are very much disposed to rate the increase
even above the last ratio ; and if we should happen
to be right, what becomes of the peculiar circum-
stances that render the last eleven years an unfit period
to be taken as a sample of' the manufacturing history of
the country ? Mark, we do not dispute the existence of
great distress during the eleven years ; but we ascribe
it altogether to that system of over-building, over-pro-
duction, and over-working, of which long hours of la-
bour constitute the basis, and, if we may so speak, the
charter—for without long hours of labour there would
be no temptation to over-build, and little opportunity of
over-production.
TIMES.—The announcement made last night by Lord
Ashley, in reply to the seemingly preconcerted inquiry of
Lord Sandon, cannot fail to produce some disappointment.
His Lordship says, " it is not his intention to offer next
Friday any opposition to Government in withdrawing their
Bill." " Taking this step on the full understanding that
Government will introduce another Bill, he intends to take
the discussion on that Bill as soon as possible after Easter."
This may be wise in the end, for what we know; but it is
promising, instead of doing,, which for the present is not so
satisfactory. His Lordship had a certain 'vantage ground—
certain decisions of the House in his favour: he is himself
sensible that in taking the present step " he resigns advan-
tages which he already possesses"—nay, more, he is pledged
—hastily, perhaps, but still pledged. " Whatever opinion," he
said on Monday, "we maybe called upon to pass next Friday,
I do make to the House a solemn appeal to stand by its decision,
and to uphold its recorded verdict. Upon that verdict, upon
that decision, I take my stand, convinced, as I said before,
that it is not necessary for me, nor for any other person, to
deal with the subject by farther argument." Everybody felt
that this declaration was exactly as it should be, and just what
the crisis required. The words we have quoted were cheered,
and loudly cheered, and cheered again. So, of course, it
does let one down a little to hear that the fight not come
off on Friday after all—that the position so hardly and so
splendidly won is to be surrendered, and the challenge is to
be redeemed, not by the performance, but by another chal-
lenge. We cannot help this feeling. " Hope deferred maketh
the heart sick." That a ten hours' clause will be carried be-
, fore very long cannot for a moment be doubted. The princi-
ples on which it depends are not artificial and arbitrary, but
broad, simple, and natural. Twelve hours a day, including
seasons of necessary refreshment, is an ordinance of nature
which appeals to the common sense of all men, and will only
be cavilled at by fools, who don't know what nature is. " Are
there not twelve hours in the day ?" " The night cometh,
when no man can work." If those who by age and sex are
perfectly competent to protect themselves, and know their
own strength, and the consequences of what they are doing,
choose to work fifteen, or eighteen, or twenty-four hours a
day, that is clearly their own look-out. They are not
the pupils and wards of the nation not, at least,
in the same strong and definite sense as women
and minors. But whether a ten hours' clause will
be carried this or the next session—whether by Lord Ash-
ley at all—whether as an act of grace or a concession—
whether as a matter of government or of compromise, are
questions so very much dependent on individual character
and circumstances, that we can only entertain a very strong
expectation. We will not allow ourselves to expect any
other result of the present discussion than that Lord Ashley
will persevere through every obstacle, and the House will
this very session do this much-needed, much-canvassed act
of justice. It is impossible, however, to forget that among
658 Members of the House of Commons there are some whose
votes cannot be accounted for on any assignable rules of con-
duct, and a good many more whose votes will sometimes be
only too intelligible. The second division last Friday is felt
by all to be an incident wholly out .of the scope of human
calculation. Who could reckon - on . the possibility of there
being five men in the House of Commons who would vote
againist both 10 and 12 hours, when tl;e:V knew that nobody
was proixising, or 'Would propose, a-would agree to, any
other'alternative, and that .the on& result of their vote
would be to bailie both parties, and protract the agitation?
"Agaitlrthat a score or two indepencleat country gentlemen
should hare just enough humanity notlo commit themselves
unnecessarily to twelve limns a day,-but not enough to pre-
vent them doing so:: if a Ministerial crisis should render it
necessary,; was a .ciicuinstakce which it might be wise to
fear, but was not charitable, to expect. We are bound to
confess that we did fear it Very early we expressed our ap-
prehension that the •scale would be turned against the ten
hours' clause by a body of agriculturists, who, little as they
liked the manufacturer, had a still greater dread of labour
Mourning a defensive position. The sympathy between em-
ployers we ;felt to be a deeper instinct than the jealousy of
rivals. Competition.is a powerful la* of nature, but not so
strong as the law of self-preservation.. The progress of the
measure thus far might, perhaps, inspire some uneasiness,
but for ourconfidence in its intrinsic merits, and in the sound-
ness and stability of the public feeling. Its casualties have
been considerable. It was at first substantially carried, after
two nights' long debate. Ministers then took four days'
delay to recover from their surprise, and do what else they
could meanwhile. Both parties came to the second struggle
with renewed strength. Government experienced a second
defeat on their own clause, qualified, however, as they pro-
bably felt it, by Lord Ashley suffering a defeat on his. A
second delay, from Friday to Monday, could not be avoided.
The Minister then came and asked for a third delay—ano-
ther four days—after which, i. e., on next Friday (to-morrow),
he proposed to move that the House should discharge the
order of the day for going into Committee on the Bill, thus
virtually rescinding all its decisions, including the two
against the twelve hours clause. To ask so long a delay
was' scarcely modest ; to ask it for such a purpose—to ask-
that he-might be allowed sufficient time to compel the House
to rescind two recent solemn decisions—implied a contrary

of modesty which we will not venture to name. But the
request was granted, and to-morrow the House is to be
called on to suffer this indignity. But all these delays are
nothing compared with the indefinite gulf which now
seems to yawn between us and our expectations. Lord
Ashley, " considering it his duty, whenever he can with-
out any concession of principle, to consult the
interest and convenience of the House and the Go-
vernment," will allow the House to suffer the above in-
dignity, and Government to have its way, to-morrow.
But he promises to fight his ten-hours' clause into the
new Bill as soon as possibk. after Easter ! So we have nothing
to do now but to sit down and compute the value of a Par-
liamentary and Anti-Ministerial " as-soon-as-possible." If
the 10 hours' clause is, even then, to be carried without any
further vexatious or injurious delay, it is evident that it must
be put on a better footinc, than at present. Every one ought
to know whether the Government Bill is what is commonly
understood by a Government Bill—a Bill which Government
will carry at all risks, and with their whole official weight
and influence ; and it is due from Lord Ashley to his sup-
porters, due to the country, due to truth, and justice, and
humanity, to let people know whether he considers a Ten
Hours' Bill more important than the existence of the present
Ministry. We will frankly own, that considerable as are
the personal merits of some members of the Cabinet, and dif-
ficult as it might be to suggest their successors, we do not
think they have any claim to be put in competition with
principle. They are hardly commensurable with principle;
so one really cannot strike a balance between thein. We can
only say, as we hope Lord Ashley is ready to say, stick to the
principle of justice and humanity, and let the Ministry take
its course. If it thinks fit to follow in the wake, well; if not,
it must go to the bottom, we suppose. At least, we
cannot help If the Bill is worth anything, .it is
worth cfrrying i ainst the Ministry; but it is quite evi-
dent it cannot be carried against the Ministry, if Lori Ash-
ley does not immediately make his election between it
and the Ministry. Such a decision may be painful, but a
moment's comparison of the division lists of last Friday and
the previous Monday—a moment's recollection of what passed
in the House last Monday, will show its necessity. If the
measure had been on that footing, which its importance re-
quired, Sir James Graham would not have been allowed to
gain a fresh delay from Monday to Friday, when he had
made so much use of the like interval in the previous week ;
much less would he now be allowed to throw the question
over the recess into the summer months. He asked for de-
lay, with scarce the shadow of a pretence for it. He asked
for leave to throw away the present Bill, in order to bring in
a new one, comprehending the amendments already passed
by the House, and some others, but leaving the hours of
labour as they now are, with the frank announcement, that
as the Ministry had already resisted, so would they continue
to resist, any departure from the principle of twelve hours'
labour. He carefully and strenuously forbad all expectation
of the Ministry ever giving up this principle to a majority of
the House. He admitted also, that in making the above re-
quest it might be considered he was taking the House by
surprise. Lord Ashley confessed that he had cer-
tainly been taken by surprise, and so far, that
neither he nor the House had been treated very cour-
teously. He also expressed his own determination to
stand by the ten hours' clause, and his belief that nothing
really remained to be done which required delay. "The
question," he said, "has already been fully discussed. Every-
body has made up his mind on it, and not only has the dis-
cussion been ample, but, let me emphatically remark, the
whole matter has been most solemnly decided. This great
assembly, in their successive divisions, has affirmed the
principle, that twelve hours' labour is not to be endured."
If so, then why allow the very same question to be brought
on again with an indefinite further delay ? Was it captious,
was it unfriendly, was it unaccommodating to refuse ? What
pledges had the Home Secretary given that so great an ac-
commodation would not be abused—that he would not
strain every nerve in the interval to leave Lord Ashley in a
decisive minority? None whatever. He kept his ground.
He dealt as with an enemy. He asked a truce on the specu-
lation that the foe might perhaps be simple enough to con-
cede it, but did not commit himself in return. He made no
stipulation, and could not. Lord Ashley must view the
question as his antagonist does, unless he would make both
himself and his cause ridiculous. He must make no terms,
and press for a division when there is no reason whatever for

delay. We repeat, let it be looked on as a Ministerial ques-
tion. Ministers make it one Can there be a estion mor
important and more worthy to divide the douse? A
present there is no rallying point in the House—no one re.
spectable standard to assemble round. Why not gather into
one allthose who are not ashamed of the principle of pro-
tecting the labourer ?

PO§T.—ln the course which they have adopted in refer-
ence to their Factories Bill, Sir James Graham and his col-
leagues desire to be regarded as especially the champions of
the sacred rights of property. Yet never did men seek • to
place the rights of property in more imminent perils than
Ministers have done in describing these rights as incompati-
ble with the protection of the poor from oppression. Inse-
cure, indeed, would be the institution of property, if it rested,
as Sir James Graham maintains it does, on the continuance
to the millowners of the privilege of working women and
children to death. Yes, if we may credit the Conservative
Home Secretary; every man who would rescue poor factory
women from an unnatural amount of daily toil favours
"Jack Cade principles of legislation "—legislation, that is to
say, against the rights of capital. And this dictum of Sir
James Graham is quietly adopted by the First Lord of the
Treasury. It is edifying, by the way, to note the denun-
ciation which the leaders of the House of Commons
presume to level against " the principles of Jack Cade." Of
the " principles" professed by the real Jack Cade, it may not
be unimportant to observe that nothing certaiA is known. It
is known, however, that Jack Cade was a bold and straight.
forward fellow, and that the materials on which he worked
were supplied by the actual sufferings of the people. Bold-
ness and straightforwardness are not, oil the other hand, in-
variably the characteristics of political leaders in our times;
while to the sufferings of the labouring poor all the political
leaders of these days agree in approving themselves most phi-
losophically indifferent. Let us, however, attach to the name
of Cade the ordinary associations which that name calls up.
Let us understand by " Jack Cade principles," principles that
are revolutionary, and opposed to the influence of property.
These things being premised, let us consider the special pro-
priety with which denunciations of such principles drop
from the lips of the leaders in the House of Commons. The
House of Commons has been, in virtue of its constitution
since the year 1688, a giant Jack Cade. Since that memor-
able period, the most valuabls forms of property have, in
truth, been stripped of all security by the direct agency of
the House of Commons. Was Cade a revolutionist? The
constitution of the House of Commons is the spawn of revo-
lution. Did Jack Cade propose to confiscate the possessions
.of the rich? Since 1688, the House of Commons has been
chiefly occupied in pillaging the poor. In 1688 the House of
Commons robbed the Crown of all the prerogatives of sove-
reignty. Subsequently the House of Commons robbed the
Crown of its possessions in land. Before :the year 1688 all
the wealth of England owed allegiance to the soil—in other
words, to the poor of England. In 1689 a new system of taxa-
tion was devised. Burdens, previously unheard of, were
thrown on the land, and capital attracted by con-
sequence to new fields of investment—fields of in-
vestment over which the mortgage which the la-
bourers of England possess over all the agricultural capital
of England was not extended by the House of Commons.
Our modern manufacturing system is the direct consequence
of those systems of taxation and finance to which the Revolu-
tion of 1688 gave birth • and our modern manufacturing
system rests on the exclusive and pernicious privileges with
which it invests capitalists. Our old agricultural policy pro-
posed the well-being of the labouring classes as one of its
great ends. In the extension of agricultural enterprise, the
labouring classes have the deepest interest. In all capital
devoted to the cultivation of the soil, our labourers are in-
vested with a certain right of property. From all right of
property in capital devoted to manufactures; and to trade,
our labourers have, on the other hand—except to the
most insignificant extent—been excluded. Our modern ma-
nufacturing and trading systems have, in melancholy truth,
rendered the abasement of the order of labourers the most
direct mode of adding to the productiveness of capital. The
reward of the unskilled English labourer at the present day
is far less than it was before the Revolution of 1688. Since
that period, it has been the policy of the House of Commons
to pander to the avarice of capitalists—and, by consequence,
to rob the labourer of the value of his honest toil. In 1819
the House of Commons proved its undying fidelity to " Jack
Cade principles of legislation." By the money law of 1819
the :House of Commons has confiscated one-half of the
productively-employed capital of the empire—and has,
by consequence, more than doubled the dependence of all
orders of labourers on usurers and on idle consumers.
In 1834 our legislative Jack Cades were again at
work after a gigantic fashion. By the poor-law of 1834 the
House of Commons robbed the labourers of England of the
most Precious of their birthrights. By the poor-law of 1834
the House of Commons threw the labourer " on his own re-
sources"—cut off from him, in other words, those resources
drawn from the general wealth, which the wisdom of our
forefathers placed at his disposal ; and placed him, as far as
its influence extended, absolutely at the mercy of his em-
ployer. In 1842, we once more find the House of Commons
at its congenial task of giving effect to " the principles of
Jack Cade ;" and foremost among the " disciples" (to bor-
row Sir Robert Peel's phrase) of that great philosopher,
were found Sir James Graham and his Conservative
allies. The free-trade measures of the last two years
have, already, robbed the agricultural labourer of one-third
of his previous wages. So effective have been "the principles
of Jack Cade," when administered by pupils so zealous as
the Home Secretary. The real enemies of the rights of pro-
perty are the legislators who exhibit no respect towards the
property of the poor. The real Jack Cades are the opponents
of Lord Ashley's motion. Labour, as the economists proclaim
(without, apparently, understanding the meaning of their
own proposition), is the source of all wealth. But free-
traders of all sorts—her Mesty's Ministers included—have
yet to learn, that of all the forms of property the most sacred
in the eyes of the Leglislature ought to be, the wages of labour.
This fund, however, is considered by all modern "philoso-
phers" precious only in so far as it may be converted into a
field of plunder.
ADVERTISER.—There is an ignorant and mischievous
consistency in the conduct of the House of Commons, so far
as relates to its dealings with the working classes. It first
enacts the corn-laws, by means of which they are reduced to
one of two alternatiyes—either they must work long
hours, to be able to obtain a sufficiency of food to keep body
and soul together; or, failing to go through an amount of
toil almost too much for the human frame, they must submit
to undergo the appalling process of death by starvation. In
all branches of laborious industry, but in the factories espe-
cially, the operatives of Eugland preferred the former alter-
native. They are willing to work from morn to eve, even
should the eventual consequence of their intolerable toil be
the sacrifice of their lives, rather than that they and their
families should be deprived of their necessary food. But our
sapient Legislators, suddenly seized with an uncontrolable fit
of " humanity," interpose between them and their employers,
and prohibit women and young persons from working more
than a given number of hours each day—a number insuffi-
cient to enable them to procure an adequate supply of
the necessaries of life. In all this, it must be confessed,
there is a cruel consistency. First, the stern ne-
cessity of toiling for twelve long hours for their
daily bread, is imposed upon them by the enact-
ment of the corn-laws ; and then Parliament interferes, and
tells the wretched victims of its heartless agitation, that they
shall not work twelve hours—in other words, that they shall
not work a sufficient length of time to procure the means of

subsistence. Why should the adherents of the Ashley syit-
tern stop
at this point? Why not fully carry out their prin-
ciples? Why not give a further practical exposition of their
horror of factory labour, by abolishing it altogether? The
noise of factory machinery grates on their ears ; why not
hush it to silence the unmusical sound, by stopping the mills?
"Tall chimneys" are odious in their eves; why not level
them with the dust? The same principle which justifies
their interference with factory labour in any way, would
equally justify their extinguishing the factory system alto-
gether. The most provoking part of the business is, that
this mischievous meddling with matters which ought to be
left to the adjustment of the employers and employed, in
justified on the plea of humanity ! "Humanity! " Hum-•
bug! cant ! There may be, it is true, a few individuals
among those who support the Ashley amendment, who are
solely influenced by what appear to them humane considera-
tions. But these honest, though mistaken philanthropists,
constitute a small minority of those who have identified
themselves with the Noble Lord in his crusade against the
manufacturers. It were invidious to mention names, but let
any one look over the lists of those who voted in the affirma-
tive, and then say whether all, or even a majority of those whose
names grace these lists, ever before in any way distinguished
themselves for their humanity. Some scores of their number
must not be a little surprised that they are now ranked
among the philanthropists of the age. How easy, with a
little management, it is to obtain a reputation for humanity!
" Oh, liberty !" exclaimed Madame Roland when, on her way-
to the scaffold, " what crimes have been committed in thy.
name !" " Oh, humanity ! what atrocities have been perpe-
trated in thy name !" What could be more cruel, what
more heartless, than to snatch from the hand of the half-
famishing factory mother or child the crust of bread by which
alone body and soul were to be kept together? And to do
it, too, in the name of humanity ! Who does not turn away
with loathing and disgust from such a bastard humanity as
this? The hypocrisy of those who, under the pretext of com-
passion ter the women and voung persons who work in the
factories, would deprive them of their necessary food, by
abridging their hours of labour, was last night effectively
exposed at the League meeting at Covent-garden Theatre.
Mr. Gisborne showed that the factory question is essentially
a corn-law question, and that hostility to the League is veiled
under large professions of humanity to the factory females.
If the county members who voted with Lord Ashley were
sincere in their protestations of friendship for the factory ope-
ratives; if their real object wore to shorten theii hours of
labour, they would vote for the repeal of the corn-laws. The
enactment of these laws, and that alone, has imposed on
these unfortunate persons the dire necessity of working
long hours in order that they may procure an adequate
supply of food. Abolish these laws, and the conse-
quent reduction in the price of bread, and the increased
value of their labour, will at once relieve them from
the necessity of working twelve hours per day. How happens
it, people begin to ask, that the agricultural philanthropists,
whc heave so mitS; sighs and 'shed so many tears for those
whose destiny it- is to labour in the factories, have no bowels
of compassion for the miserable men and women who labour
in the rural districts? The labourers in Dorsetshire and
other counties are incomparably worse off than the opera-
tives in the factories. It has been proved within the last few
weeks, that whole families are living, or rather vegetating, in
many rural districts, on seven shillings a week. Their social
condition is represented, and the accuracy of the representa-
tion has not been denied, as being the most wretched that the
mind of man could picture to itself. To sink lower in the
depths of misery would, we are assured, be impos-
sible. And yet those Noble Lords arid Honourable
Gentlemen who so profoundly sympathise with, and
sorrow for the overworked inmates of factories,
never whisper a word of pity for the oppressed and
starving labourers in the counties, into whose condition they
even refuse to inquire. How is this ? Can that be real hu -
manity which reserves all its sympathies for a particular class
of sufferers, while others, much more miserable, and conse-
quently more deserving of compassion and relief, are to be
found much nearer home ? That is a questionable humanity
which singles out objects for its exercise at a distance, while
incomparably greater wretchedness is to be found at one's
own door. Humanity, like charity, ought to begin at home.
Before the soi disant philanthropists of the counties undertake
the task of applying legislative remedies to the evils which
exist in the factories, let them try their hands at alleviating
the wretchedness which exists in their own districts. If they
have a mind to establish a reputation for humanity, there is
abundant scope for their philanthropy, without meddling
with manufacturing matters at all. When they have taken
the mote out of their own eye, they will be in a better
condition to take it out of their manufacturing bro-
ther's eye. But no; that would not servo the purpose
which the majority of those who voted with Lord Ashley
had in view. They care not a whit for the fac-
tory females. What they sought to do was to wreak their
vengeance on the manufacturers. Their conduct is a piece
of arrant hypocrisy. And their folly is as great as their
hypocrisy. An instance of more transcendent idiotism was
never witnessed. Their conduct is suicidal. They have con-
structed a wall against which to dash out their own brains.
They have irreparably damaged the Government, which
could alone protect them. They have given the Cabinet of
Sir -Robert Peel a blow under which it already staggers to
its fall. And when once fairly down, need we say what will
follow ? Beyond all question the immediate and entire de-
struction of the corn monopoly. What then will the landed
philanthropists take by their recent motion ? What by their
hollow professions of humanity in supporting the amendment
of Lor I Ashley ? These are questions which we leave them
to answer at their leisure.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

CITY, WEDNESDAY EVENING.
TIMES.—A specimen has been shown in the City of the
convenient and economical manner in which quicksilver is
imported from China. It is poured into a piece of bamboo,
about a foot long, and three inches thick, and each end is
closed with rosin. This rude form of package is found quite
as serviceable as the iron bottle in which the metal is usually
brought.. The price paid for part of this recent importation
is quoted in the Daily Commercial List as 4s. 6d. per pound,
and it is thought likely to come in competition with our
supplies from Spain.
By the official returns published by the Customs, the ex
ports of the precious metals to foreign and colonial parts for
the week ending Thursday last, was as under, viz.:—
Silver coin to Rotterdam 26,000
Silver coin to Belgium 6,000
• Silver coin to New York 9lB
Silver bars to Hamburgh 32,000
Silver bars to Hamburgh 14,800
Silver bars to Rotterdam 13,500
Gold coin to New York
Gold coin to Port Philip

THEATRE ROYAL, DRURY-LANE'.
EvEmmi,
NY.:'. Donizerr:'s ce'emited OLera, enticed THE
FAI. 0 13.1thaza,, M.. Berrani; F2rdtrand, M Dr.pivz ;
Roger.

After which,
Wia be repeated Albert's e•lebrated Baltet of THE BEAUTY
OF OHEN U. Marquis de San Lucar, 31. Albert ; Betie.,ict, M.
Hoguet Vestris; Beatrix, fddlle. Fieury ; Agnes, Mdile c lara
Webster; Julia, "aflame Petit Stephan; Diana, Mdlle. O'Br3 an.
Dress Boxes 75., Second Price 3s. tid. ; Upper Circles of !loxes 55..
' Second Price 25.; Pit 3s, Second Puce as.; Middle Gallery 23.,
Smond Price Is.; Upper Gallery's., Second Price 6d.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
MR. BENJAMIN WEBSTER, LESSEE.
IHIS EVENING, MARCH 29,
Will be repeated Shairspeare's Comedy of The TAMING OF THE
SHREW. Petrucio, Mr. Webster; Grumio, Mr. Buckstone ;
Katharina, Mrs. Nisbett.
After the Comedy Mr John Parry will sing his New Song, entitleJ
" The Accomplished Young Lady and her Mamma," accompanying
himself on the Grand Pianoforte.
To conclude with JOSEPHINE.
Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Boxes, ss. ; Pit, es. ; Gallery. 25.; Upper
Gallery, Is. HalLprice —Boxes,
_3s. ; Pit, 25.; Gallery, ls. ; Upper
H
Gallery, 6d. Doors opened at halt past Slix, and the Performances
edrnmetice at Seven.
Tickets and Places to be had of Mr I. T. Archer, at the Box—
()dice, from Ten till Five.

PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD.STREET.
LESSEE, Mr. J. M. MADDOX.
THIS EVENING, MARCH 59,
Will be performed an Eng ish version of OTELLO. Otello,
Mr. Allen; Elmira, Mr. Weiss; Roderigo, Mr. Gardner; lago,
Mr. Burdini; Desdemona, Madame Eugenia Garcia; Emilia, Mips
E. e. onner.
After which. THE MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE, in which
Mr. and Mrs. Keeley and Mr. Walter Lacy will perform.
To be followed by a New Farce, in One Act, entitled THE
YOUNG SCAMP; or Mrs.
My Grandmother's Pet. Joseph,
Keeley; Mildew, Mr. Keeley.
To conclude with a New Grand Ballet, entitled LEOLA; or, the
May.day Bride. Patrick, Mr. Chicheley; Phelim, Mr. Gilbert;
Rhona, Miss Charleton ; Leola, Miss BallM.

DAV IDGE'S ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
FOR THE BENEFIT OF MR. W. SMITH.
THIS EVENING, MARCH 29,
Will be pe performed Shakspeare's Tragedy of RICHARD THE
THIRD. Duke of Glo'ster. Mr. H. Hughes; Richmond, Mr.
N. T. Hicks; Lady Anne, Mrs. R. Honner.
After which, the burlesque of OTHELLO, ACCORDING TO
AC r OF PARLIAMENT, in which Mr. W. J. Hammond, Mr. A.
Wigan, and Miss L. Lyons will sustain their Original Characters.
__. To conclude with THE Mt MOIRS OF THE DEVIL _

Places and Private Boxes to be had of Mr. Kerschner, at the Box..
office, from Eleven to Four.

THE WEATHER.-SUN OFFICE, MARCH 28.

THERMOMETER, Lowest, 42 ; Highest, 57 ; Noon, 55.
BAROMETER, 30.45.—WEND, N.

NOTE.—The number 32'on the Thermo.meter denotes the
freezing point, and 55 temperate. In Barometers fair is
usually placed opposite 30, and rain at 29.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning ... 8 minutes after 9 I Evening ... 50 minutes after 9.

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