The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-21 00:00:00

grievances are absorbed in ISublic patriotism, and no one
thinks of its injustice, its inequality, and its inquisito-
, rialness, if he believes that the honour or existence of the
country is at stake. (Cheers.) In such an emergency no
one criticises the tax; but just in proportion as it is ex-
empt from criticism at a period of public danger, the mo-
ment a period of tranquillity returns you will find a re-
action of odium to that degree that the tax is, perhaps,
more criticised than it deserves. (Hear.) But the result
is that income and property tax is the most odious form
If direct taxation, and I protest against that easy mode of
rrgument which prevails, and which holds that any per-
son who opposes the income tax is opposed to direct taxa-
tion. ( Hear.) When I oppose it it is its the most odious
form of direct taxation. Then, what is the main article
of indirect taxation upon which the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer is going to inflict an impost? Sir, if there be one
article more than another which, in my opinion, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer ought not to interfere with, it is
the tea duty. (Cheers.) I do not say this for the con-
venience of debate or of Parliamentary combination. I
despise and repudiate such ideas. When I had an oppor-
tunity my views on this subject were sufficiently shown.
had not the glory of carrying the reduction of the tea
duties, but as the organ of Lord Derby's Government, I
was the first British Minister who tried to grapple with
that question. (Cheers.) I therefore express the deep
conviction of my own mini on the subject, and I say that
tea is the very article that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
ought to have dealt with, and that the most odious of
direct taxes and the most odious of indirect taxes are not
the sources of revenue that ought to have been selected
when in the face of the papers I referred to to-night it be-
comes a matter of controversy whether any now taxes at
sll are required. Indeed it appears to me from the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer's statement of Monday, which I take
from the observations of the right hon. gentleman to be the
authoritative one, that we should waste our time in criti-
cising the former budget. Well, then, if the Chancellor of
the Exchequer has really determined to fall back on the
expenditure of 1853, there is no cause for any new taxes at
all. Now, sir, I know that some gentlemen are very much
alarmed at the word "reduction," and, Sir, unquestion-
ably rash and precipitate reductions, aiming at no precise
object, and founded upon no precise information, are the
most dangerous courses to which Parliament can ever have
recourse, and ought never to be sanctioned by this house.
But, on the other hand, it is certain that wise reductions,
aiming at distinct and practical objects, and founded upon
ample and authentic information obtained by experience
and research, are measures which, of all others, deserve
the respect and approbation of Parliament— are the mea-
sures of all others which it is not only the privilege but the
duty of this house to sustain and originate, and are the
measures which are most entitled to public approbation
and gratitude. (Cheers.) When some gentlemen, there-
fore, are alarmed at reduction, I am surprised, and I am
tempted to recall to their recollection what is the reduc-
tion which appears to terrify them. In 1452 it was my
lot, as the organ of the Government, to accept the esti-
mates prepared by our predecessors at the moment we suc-
ceeded to office. In the course of a few months circum-
stances were very much changed. there were many con-
siderations of an alarming character. The political hori-
zon was clouded. There was great alarm in the public
mind that the defences of the country were not sufficient.
We had to consider that difficult question, and although
our Government was weak, we resolved to come to Parlia-
ment with supplementary estimates, the principal object of
which was to secure that this country should have an effi-
cient navy and an efficient ordnance. We came to Parlia-
ment—not, be it remembered, to a friendly Parliament—
but on our representations Parliament instantly supported
us. I believe I may say that the money entrusted to us
was skilfully and efficiently employed, and I believe that
no money ever voted by Parliament was more skilfully
and more efficiently employed. Witness what took place
in our navy and in our artillery. But the necessary con-
sequence of the supplementary estimates of the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby was that when we retired from
office our successors accepted entirely the policy
which we had originated in improving the defences
of the country—a policy which they completed
in a manner that was deserving of all praiss. More than
that, they enlarged those supplementary estimates, and the
consequence of Lord Aberdeen's Government following that
policy was a still greater increase of the estimates. The
estimates mounted after us to more than 2,000,0001. The
house will remember that when the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer talks of reduction he talks of reducing the esti-
mates not even to what they were in the time of Lord
Derby's Government. He is not going to reduce them to the
sum they amounted to after they were increased by the sup-
plementary estimates. Sir, I hole that hon. gentlemen on
both sides will well consider this question of reduction. We
have before us several very singular precedents upon which
the House of Commons has acted on this subject. I need
not dwell upon what took place in 1816, although it may be
well that hon. gentlemen should remember those circum-
stances. You had a King's Speech in which the estimates
were described by the Ministry as having been prepared
with the utmost regard to economy. The income tax was
then ten per cent. The country gentlemen came down to
Parliament., and protested against the income tax. It was
the country gentlemen who mainly terminated the income
tax in 1816. It was not, however, merely the country gen-
tlemen who protested, nor was it the precipitate action of
men who acted upon the impulse of the moment, and not
from thoughtfulness. The income tax was opposed by many
eminent merchants of the day, and also by the greatest mer-
chant that England perhaps ever had—Mr. Baring, the late
Lord Ashburton. He took the most decided course on the
subject. He was a man of singular ingenuity. but of a pru-
dence amounting to timidity. He was of all other men most
deeply interested in the maintenance of the public credit of
this country. And what did Mr. Baring say ? Mr. Baring
said, " You must terminate this income tax entirely ; you
must listen to no compromise," for the Chancellorof the Ex-
chequer of that day was prepared to accept a reduction of the
income tax to 5 per cent. As to any plea in excuse for the
income tax that there was a tail of expenses left by the late
war, " believe me," said Mr. Baring, " that if you listen to
that tale' it will never disappear." (A. laugh, and hear,
hear.) Let the house remember what that war was, and
what was the position of Great Britain. The battle of
Waterloo had only been fought a year before, France was
occupied by our armies. We had increased the national
debt during the previous 12 months 67,000,0001., and yet
under these circumstances, Mr. Baring was sanctioned and
supported by the country gentlemen of England in demand-
ing the abolition of the income tax. (Hear, hear.) On
that occasion Mr. Baring declared—
" That it was impossible, as long as ministers could show
any tail of the war expenses that they would gave It up.
If they could once get the tax fixed in time of peace they
would gain their object, and not a momber of the house would
see the end of it. No ono who had the least experience of
the conduct of G rvernment could doubt that, instead of
producing redemption of debt, it would produce wasteful
establishments and extravagant expenditure. It would only
be by ridding the country of the tax that Ministers would
be induced to practise economy."
Are not the opinions of such a man to have their influence
on us ? (Hear, hear.) What happened ? On the 25th of
March the house threw down the income tax. In May the
Chancellor of the Exchequer came forward with a new
budget, and it was found that we could get on extremely
well without this 16,000,0001. of taxation. (Hear, and
laughter.) That is a very striking historical instance
familiar to the house ; but there is another instance that
occurred in our own time—an instance which very many now
sitting in the house must have been witnesses of, but which
I am sorry to say almost every gentleman has forgotten. So
vast and rapid have been the events of modern times that
the recollection of what occurred in 1348 with respect to
taxation in this house has been entirely obliterated, as I
learn from the personal experience of many of its members.
(Hear, and a laugh.) In 1843 there was a deficit. The
political horizon was very cloudy, and the chief Minister of
that day came forward, not trusting, if my memory bo cor-
rect, even his Chancellor of the Exchequer to make the
ofaffairs the house
demandedthat tthhearte wasthey
should
statement, but lending to it all the authority of
the Premiership and the First Lord of the Treasury. He
told a deficit,
aingidiatnhtaatntdhestate
watch-
ful. He then proposed that the income tax of 7d. should
be raised to ls. Now, that was no slight proposal. Five-
pence did not then bring 5,000,0"s0/., for my Irish friends
had not then the opportunity of contributing to the Ex-
chequer through this medium—(laughter)—but they will
perhaps permit me to say that if they support the financial
-proposition of the Government they may rest assured they
will have to pay it for many a long year. (Cheers and
laughter.) The Government of 1848 wanted to get
3,500,0001. additional into the Exchequer, and their pro-
position was to raise the income tax to ls. What hap-
pened? Why nobody listened to it. (Laughter.) The
Government were told that if they wanted 3,500,0001. they
must find it somewhere else. The noble lord (Lord J. Rus-
sell) withdrew his proposition, and he got his 3,510,000/.,
in another way. (Hear, hear.) That was another instance
in which the house and the country by their determination
prevented an increase of the income tat. (Hear.) Now,
sir, lam for wise, not wild reduction. (Hear.) lam for
reduction with a definite object, founded on definite know-
ledge. Ido not want to confine my criticism to the mili-
tary and naval estimates. There is another branch of the
estimates which I think might be subjected to wholesome
criticism. Let us examine those estimates. Don't let us
.attempt to do anything that would frighten the " oldest
inhabitant" from his financial propriety. (Langhter.) We
are proposing no measure which will be hostile to public
credit ; but, to my mind, we are taking a course which
will confirm public credit, and which will not add to the
burdens of the people. (Hear, hoar.) Let us do of our
predecessors did in 1816, and as we ourselves did—though
we had forgotten it—in 1848. (Hear, hear.) Let us sup-
port the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his wise policy
of Monday. Let us forget that awful budget of Friday,
which has frightened the isle from its propriety. (Cheers,
and laughter.) Let us dismiss from our minds any
increase of income tax, any increase of the tea duties.
Neither appears to me to be necessary. (Hear, hear.) The
Chancellor of the Exchequer has now got upon the right
rail, and we shall support him in the policy which, " better
late than never," he has now adopted. (Hear, hear.) But,
is this change in the policy of the Minister any reason why
I should change my resolution ? My resolution appears to
me to be peculiarly necessary to the position in which we
find ourselves. We don't wish to express any want of con-
fidence in the Governments which, as we heard yesterday,
would be likely to alarm some very influential members of
the house. We don't want to take the government out of
the hands of the Administration, and give it to a Parlia-
mentary committee. ' That is a course which I would never
recommend. I don't wish to see a select committee
taking' or even sharing, the responsibility of the Govern-
ment. (Hear.) Let us; therefore, carry out this resolution,
which I think lays down the right principle on which our
finance should always rest—the fundamental and cardinal
policy of finance to which this house should ever adhere ;
let us require that, before we take into consideration, or
rather before we sanction, the financialarrangements of
Government, we must have the estimated income and ex-
penditure adjusted in the manner that will appear best cal-
culated to secure the country against the risk of a defi-
ciency. (Hear.) Surely, that is the principle on which we
ought to act, remembering that what I have said is the
cardinal financial policy of this house, and the mode best
calculated to throw by in 1860, without financial embar-
rassment, a balance which will allow the entire remission
of the income tax. I think that is a resolution the Go-
vernment may accept, and all I shall do will be to ask them
to act upon it. If they will act upon that resolution, if they
will really adopt the policy which on Monday appeared to
be in the ascendant, and take the estimates of 1853 in the
manner then set forth, I, for one, have no wish to embarrass

the Governmentacting in;;;CCci;cTmfitTtnces. ( Hear,
hear.) If I saw a bona fide determination on the part of
Government to carry such a policy into effect, I would even
counsel those whom I might be presumed to influence to
offer some assistance to the Government in those circum-
stances--I should not care even for the first year—though I
think increased taxation is unnecessary—and would be
readliy in some degree to give my assistance to the Govern-
went in such an enterprise. If we saw that in 1860 we were
to get rid of the income tax—if we saw that there
was to be no considerable permanent increase of the duties
on tea, I would be disposed to make some sacrifice to meet the
convenience of Government. But if the policy of the Go-
vernment is this—that,though we may make sacrifices by
WA increase o direct and indirect taxation, we are only in