The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-30 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1868.

Mr. DISRAELI has indeed hard work of it in
answering the repeated quest ions put to him on
various subjects, and nothing seems to satisfy the
curiosity of the Opposition, for as fast as one point
is settled another starts up. At any rate, the right
hon. gentleman sought to pacify Mr. GLADSTONE
yesterday by the intimation that the Government
would not offer any " formal opposition " to the
Committee on the Suspensory Bill, nor did they
intend to propose any amendment to it. After
a good many questions had been put, some of
them referring to the:dissolution, Mr. DISRAELI re-
plied at some length. The work of the session he
had previously declared should be confined to neces-
sary labours, and which of course must be desig-
nated the supplementary Reform Bills, and the
Estimates. The Bribery and Corruption Bill the
Premier trusted they might be able to attend to,
after other more immediate claims had been
settled, and to do this the Government
would strain every effort. As to the steps to be
taken with regard to the dissolution, Mr. DISRAELI
said very honestly that he had nothing more now
to say on the subject than he had eight hours before
when it was called to his notice. This was a very
well-timed hint to those fussy individuals who make
out that they are in a hurry, and by the very con-
fusion they make retard things still more. The
right hon. gentleman retorted on those who kept
up this jargon, and defended himself from the
charges preferred against him, :to the effect
that he had not considered the subject when
he made his first statement to the House. No time
has been really lost, according to this plain state-
ment of Mr. DISRAELI, which we hope will be
allowed to last for some time at least without being
questioned ; but it is a subject that requires great
care and consideration, because it would not do for
the electors to think that the arrangements had been
hurried on, and due time hal not elapsed to perfect
the new scheme. Perhaps the right hon. gentleman
mentioned the chief obstacle that was in the way of
a speedy settlement when he alluded to the " in-
credulity of hen. gentlemen opposite."

Mr. GLADSTONE'S observations on this point
were straightforward enough, for he admitted that
the Government had acted for the best in the
matter, and the right hon. gentleman passed some
very just strictures upon the observations of Lord
ELCIIO. 'The noble lord at least introduced some
novelty into the long series of complaints, for he
said that it was not expedient to take steps
to promote an early dissolution, because it would
put many to inconvenience. The mover had objects
in view, and thinks he will find many to agree with
him as to the early autumn months being spent in
electioneering. " Mr. SIDNEY SMITH'S" letter to

the Tim es appears to have made a deep impression
on Lord Ei.ciro, and he treated the house to some
extracts fro m it. Of course, the Secretary of the
Liberal Re .gistration Society in London has a right
to give his opinion, but there is no need for
that opinion to influence the decisions of
Parliamei it, and so far as that goes the inconve-
nience w'. hick may ensue from an earlier dissolution
than was anticipated rests upon the Liberal side of
the HMIs 3, who have " maimed and mutilated"
the session i, and precipitated matters to the utmost
of their power. Mr. GLADSTONE very properly
said that so grave a question as the importance
of a dissolution taking place should not
turn upoa the holidays of any person. Those
who undertake to assist in c Irrying on the
business of the country must take their chance of
the rough and the smooth, and cannot expect to be
assured of intervals of rest just as it may suit their
convenimce to enjoy them. One point of Mr.
GLADSTONE'S speech is, to use his own epithet,
" invidious, not to say offensive"—namely, tha t
passage in which he intimated that after the \Vhit-
suntide holidays the House should take some
steps to insist upon a settlement of the matter
of dissolution. How can any one decide until it
is seen how things go, and how the bills before Par-
liament are progressing ? Mr. CLAY made some
sensible remarks on the whole, and while he averred
it to be his opinion that the Liberals would have a
majority on the reassembling of Parliament after
the general election, he admitted that if ever a
Prime Minister had a right to a dissolution
before resigning office it was the present
Premier, because his Government " had passed
one of the most important acts in the history of
this country, and he had every right to ask whether
the country gave him credit for it, or did not." We
feel obliged to the hon. member for thus putting
the case fairly before the House. In the confession
that Mr. GLADSTONE has made upon the question
of the Irish Church, short-sighted observers are

very apt to ignore the important question that
occupied the attention of the Ilouse of Commons
last session, and indeed bad disturbed the peace
and progress of many more. The country will not
be so conveniently oblivious of the great services
which the Conservative Government have rendered
to the people, and on every account, of reason and
of justice, it is desirable that the present Ministry
should remain in office until after the assembling
of the new Parliament. We are glad to see
that this is become more and more the general
opinion of the House, and the sooner it becomes
universally looked upon as such the better for the
completion of the necessary measures and the due
performance of the public business. Mr. PAuLL's
speech was much to the point, and he laid great
stress upon the dictatorial style in which Mr.
GLADSTONE though( fit to address the House, and
truly declared that the tone of the debates in that
House might be - considerably improved. Mr.
BOUYERIE outdid himself in attacking the Govern-
' ment a week since, and Mr. BRIGHT gave the
"lie direct" on the previous evening in repelling
an accusation brought against him. He concluded
by intimating that those who wasted the time of
the House so much themselves had no right to
find fault with others, and of all the Bills before
the House Mr. GLADSTONE'S Suspensory Bill
was of the least consequence. Mr. HARDY'S ad-
vice was very salutary, and the sensible remarks
of the right lion. gentleman brought the House
again back to the point from which many had
diverged in the course of the desultory discussion
that had occurred. Mr. HARDY said that they
must make some progress with the Boundary Bill
before it could be possible to declare in precise
terms what should be done. As to the Government
h tying changed its tone, he denied that the charge
was a correct one, and he repeated, what long be-
fore he said, that they would do all in their power
to hasten a dissolution if due opportunity were
afforded them for doing so. This was all that could
be expected, and it be for the interests of all,
anal the credit of the House, if these interminable
disquisitions on the matter are dropped after the holi-
days are over. Let the question at issue be decided
and the minor ends be left alone. It is certain that
the Liberals gain nothing by their factious ma-
noauvres in the face of the country, and the sooner
they wait for their turn to come in in a constitu-
tional manner the more desirable it will be for their
future prospects and the more conducive to their
reputation.

The English Constitution has often been in dan-
ger. Every remarkable change in our policy,
whether it be in the extension of the suffrage or
the removal of the restrictions on trade, has been
accompanied with doleful predictions and melan-
choly jeremiads over our departed greatness.
Within the last ten years we have several times
been told that our civil and religious liberties were
seriously imperilled, and so wise a man as Mr.
Low' told us a couple of years back that the
qualification for the franchise was the last plank
between us and ruin. That last plank, as we know,
has gone, or is going from us, so national ship-
wrecks must be at hand. But that we may have
no doubt of our impending doom we are threatened
with a fresh danger from another quarter. So
cautious and experienced a statesman as Earl
RUSSELL, who prides himself on his strict adherence
to the Constitution and on the fidelity with which he
upholds it, has sounded the warning note, let all
take heed. " The safety of the Constitution de-
pends on the Government not remaining in office
without the confidence of the House of Common 3."
The principle of making the retention of office by
a Ministry dependent on their possessing the confi-
d3nce of the House of Commons is, according to
Earl RUSSELL, "the great keystone of the arch of
the safety of this country." So, then, if Mr. Dis-
RAELI persists in dislodging this keystone, if the
arch falls, and the vague but alarming threat we
have so often heard is actually fulfilled, it will not
be Earl RUSSELL'S fault or for want of due warning.
Such a catalogue of crimes of omission and com-
mission did he bring against them that it is only
marvellous the " safety of the country" and
the " constitution" have so lung withstood
their influence. What with the Hyde-park
riots, when, according to Mr. BEALES,
it was necessary for the Reform League to
restore public order, what with the execution of the
Fenians at Manchester for a murder which the Go-
vernment should have prevented, and what with
the trades union disturbances in Staffordshire and
Mr. MURPHY'S mischief-making in the north, the
Government, according to Earl RUSSELL, have
shown themselves perfectly incompetent to pre-
serve the public peace. Of course in such a long
list of misdemeanours it is natural to make a mis-
take or two, else it :night be possible to remind the
noble earl that it is no longer the same Govern-
ment as in the time of the Hyde-park riots, or of
the Manchester rescue; also, if the Government of
the day is to be answerable for every trades union
outrage, every successive Cabinet might find them-
selves awkwardly placed. The revelation of
the Commissions of inquiry certainly broaght to
light outrages committed while Earl RUSSELL
was in power both at the Home-office and. at the
Treasury, but for these what man in his senses
would hold him answerable ?

But besides these infractions of the peace which