The Sun.
London, England, 1850-05-11 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 11, 1850.

made to reduce the duty from 28. 6cl. to Is. Now it
did so happen that a more inconvenient sum could not
have not have been fixed upon. Whilst it sacrificed a
considerable revenue, it would not agree with any exist-
ing stamp; new dies would be necessary, and thus con-
siderable expense and inconvenience would be occa-
sioned. After the decision in favour of Is. some delay
took place, and during that time he received representa-
tions from all parts of the country expressing the utmost
anxiety that the measure should be proceeded with. He
would read a short extract from one of the representa-
tions on that subject, showing that even as the measure
Was originally proposed, it would have been considered
a great boon by a large portion of the country. The
letter, which came from a committee of attorneys in
Somersetshire, was signed by four gentlemen of the
highest character. They said—" Perhaps few statutes
which have ever passed; the Legislature have been more
perplexing or more fruitful of litigation than the
stamp Act, 55 Geo. 111., cap. 184, now in
force; and while, therefore, the proposed measure of
Government is just and equitable, it is one of which all
who have had any experience in the existing stamp-
laws have felt the urgent need. We beg, sir, further to
state that, in the course of the many years' experience
which we have had of the present Stamp Act, no part of
it has appeared to us to be more unequal in its pressure,
or more unjust in its principle, than that which imposes
the duties now payable on bonds and mortgages. And
we think (in common, we believe, with the members of
our pre fession and the public generally) that a uniform
ad valorem duty of ss. per 100 i, as proposed by her Ma-
jesty's Government, on all bonds and mortgages, in lieu
of the present unequal, and, in some cases, oppressive
scale, will be liberal and just, and that it will be suffi-
ciently low to meet all the requirements and all the
reasonable expectations of those on wheat the payment
of these duties will fall." That statement showed that
in the opinion of these parties the propositions
of the Government were fair and equitable. He
would now proceed to state the course which he in-
tended to adopt. In the first place, he proposed to
discharge the present order altogether, and intro-
duce a new Bill, containing the clauses of the
old Bill, together with those which had been framed
upon the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Ciren-
cester. Ile proposed to impose a uniform duty upon
conveyances and transfers of property of 1 per cent. ad
valorem. This would not give so much relief as he had
been desirous of affording in the case of small convey-
ances; but, nevertheless, considerable benefit would be
given in such cases. Upon mortgages and bonds he pro-
posed a uniform duty of per cent. This would slightly
increase the sum voted by the House, but it would
prevent the inconvenience to which he had referred with
respect to the stamp. The sum proposed by the House
was Is. His proposal was per cent, carried uniformly
forward, which would considerably relieve all mortgages
and bonds for sums up to 12,0001. With regard to leases
he proposed that the Bill should stand as it did at pre
sent, with the exception of leases for lives in Ire-
land. He proposed to place 55., or 4 per cent., upon set-
tlements or money, or money raised upon land. Some
Hon. Gentlemen were labouring under a strange mis-
apprehension as to the imposition of a duty upon con-
tingent annuities. His object was to omit the words in
the existing law, so that henceforward contingent an-
nuities would be free. He proposed to repeal shop-
the duty on leases for one year, and to reduce the duty
on transfers of mortgage to an ad valorem duty. This
Bill would relieve almost all transfers of mortgage. Ile
proposed to reduce the duty on memorials, which at pre-
sent is 10s. to 2s. 6d. Then with respect to the convey-
ance skins which were subject to progressive duties,
varying from 20s. to 255., he proposed to subject them
to a uniform duty of 10s. He also proposed to allow
the Commissioners of Staraps to settle the amount of
duty on deeds on the payment of 10s. additional, such
decision to be final, and to make the deed valid. Before
cencluding he would read an extract from a letter which
he had received from the council of the Law Society of
London, in which they stated—" The council are glad
to find that there is a disposition on the part of Govern-
ment to reduce the ad valorem duty on mortgages to
t
2s. 6d. per cent. The council are decidedly of opinion
with these alterations and amendments, and assum-
ing the ad valorem duty on conveyances to be fixed at
20s. per cent., and on settlement of personal property
and of money, charged on land and immediately rais-
able, at ss. per cent., the Bill will operate
most beneficially for the interests of the public in
general, and will effect a very equitable and consider-
able reduction in the stamp duties payable on mort-
gages and conveyances of small amounts, to the great
advantage and relief of the classes on whom these duties
have hitherto fallen in a very disproportionate rate."
The Right Hon. Gentleman then moved that the order
for the Stamp Duties Bill be read, in order that it might
be discharged, and as it was desirable that no time
should be lost he proposed to move that the House go
iuto Committee on Monday, in order to pass a resolution
whereon to found the new Bill.
Mr. T. EGERTON inquired whether the Right Hon.
the new Bill, had paid any
theatten-
tGioenntletoman,
in
framing
suggestion made by the Incorporated
Law Society of Manchester respecting leases in per-
petuity ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I pro-
pose to leave them exactly as they are.
Mr. HEADLANI wished to know whether the Right
Hon. Gentleman intended to include receipt stamps in
his Bill?

lic clergy of Ireland had always been the upholders of
order and the rights of property; but they would not be
satisfied unless the people were fairly repre-
sented in that House. lie was of that party who
were disposed to recommend the people to turn their at-
tention to the physical improvement of the country
rather than political agitation; but Hon. Gentlemen
opposite were throwing bitter ingredients into the poli-
tical cauldron, and by their cen duct on the present oeca-
sion were the real agitators of Ireland. For his own
part he felt bound to tender his heartfelt thanks to tho
Government for having introduced that measure, and he
trusted it would be carried, contrary4o that opposition,
with such a majority as would bear it successfully
through all its subsequent stages.—(Hear, hear, from the
Government side.)
Lord BERNARD contended that the present period
for bringing f irward such a measure was most infelicitous,
and that no wish had ever existed on behalf of the Irish
people to have it pass into a law. That was clear from
the fact that no petition was presented in its favour, and
that the greatest indifference was manifesto I on the
matter. He believed that the measure nas a direct vio-
lation of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, previous to the
framing of which it was arranged that the franchise
should be 101. in Ireland. The Noble Lord then ad-
verted to the Committee which set in 1825, and quoted
the evidence of the late Mr. R. A. Blake, to show that
even at that period the understanding was that the fran-
chise should be 101. If they once adopted the principle
of making the borough and county franchise the same,
where on earth were they tostop? lie believed they would
be led to the adoption of the Chartist principle of dividing
the country into electoral districts. The influence
of the town voters—many of them altogether uncon-
nected with agriculture—upon the purely aericultural
constituency, would be of the most prejudicial nature.
From the greater activity and means of organization
possessed by -residents in towns, they would, in fact,
swamp the agricultural voters. Another objection to
the Bill was that it gave no security for the bona fide
character of the franchise. It would be in the power of
a dishonest or partizan board of guardians to make a
rate at such a time as would enable persons to vote with-
out paying their rates. Above all, the unfair and un-
equal valuations in different counties ought to be put
an end to before this Bill was passed; that was a mea-
sure which the Government should introduce. It should
not be left to boards of guardians. For instance, if he
took his own position as the chairman of a board of
guardians, his attention to the duties of the office neces-
sarily gave him considerable influence, and though he
was anxious to act in all matters so as to escape sus-
picion, yet it would be impossible that he should en-
tirely escape the imputation of having an eye to his
political interests in anything he might do as to the
valuation.—(Hear, hear.) Ile looked on the measure
with great apprehension, because, as had been ably
and forcibly shown by Lord Clarendon, Ireland
at this time wanted peace and opportunity to
apply itself to social and industrial improvements.
Political excitement and the strife of opposing parties
were to be dreaded as the worst evils that could befall
the country. What would be the effect of the mea-
sure in this country? He was afraid that it would be
said the Ministry had adopted the policy of the Colonial
Minister with respect to the Cape of Good Hope.
England was quiet and peaceable, and the Government
refused any extension of the suffrage to it. Ireland was
turbulent, and succeeded in getting an extended suf-
frage. On another ground the measure was most ob •
jectionable. Now that the two countries were so closely
brought together there ought not to be any difference
in the laws by which they were governed. He earnestly
asked the House to pause before it passed a Bill so
fraught with dang3r, and took a step from which they
could not draw back—which would throw them into the
arms of a party with whom all attempts at conciliation
had been i❑ vain. Instead of such a measure, the Go-
vernment should endeavour to introduce measures that
would improve the social condition of Ireland—that
would fend the hungry and clothe the naked. Such
measures, while beneficial to Ireland, would at the same
time increase the glory and the prosperity of the united
empire.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir J. YOUNG did not consider it fair to institute a
comparison between the 405. and Si. freeholder. With
respect to the Bill itself, though there here portions of
it which he did not approve, yet he did not think that
his objections to those details would warrant him i❑
concurring in the very doubtful and desperate course of
rejecting the measure altogether, seeing that it was one
which was so much called for by the circumstances, and
was so suited to the spirit and genius of Ireland. The
portions of the Bill to which he objected were, the joint
occupancy clauses and the adoption of the poor-law
valuation. That ♦aluation was unequal throughout
Ireland, and was much complained of in many districts;
whereas if they adopted the town-land valuation, it
would be found uniform and fixed? It would get rid of
many of the difficulties which would be found to attend
the operations of the poor-law valuation. He also ob-
jected to the 81. franchise as being too low. A respect-
able class of voters ought, ho thought, to be looked to,
more than a merely numerous one, and he considered
that a 12/. franchise would effect that object, and
fully carry out the purposes of the Reform Bill. These
were his opinions with respect to the Bill; but, seeing
what the general opinion of the House appeared to
be, ho would not, on account of those objections,
refuse to vote for a measure which, on the whole, he
considered well suited to the circumstances of Ireland.
Looking at the probable effect of this measure upon the
character and energy of the people cf Ireland in the I ul-
mess of time, he could nut see in the measure anything
but a boon. It was not an attempt to force a franchise
on the Irish people unsuited to their habits; and he
knew it to bo i❑ accordance with the general
wish. On the best consideration, therefore, that he
could give the question, he thought he would act most
in the interest of all classes in Ireland by supporting
the Bill.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he
had found so much difficulty in dealing with one class
of stamp duties that he trusted ho should not be pressed
with respect to another.
The motion was then agreed to, and the order wa3
discharged.
PARLIAMENTARY VOTERS, S;e. (IRELAND)

Mr. W. FAGAN met the objection raised by the
Hon. Baronet on the ground that the poor-law valuation
by the statement that the valuation was still ton high,
being one•fourth less than the average rental of the
country. It would have the effect of protecting the te-
nantry against the landlords; and unless some measure
of the kind was adopted the franchise in Ireland would
terminate. Ile denied the statement of the Honourable
Baronet, that the people of Ireland were indifferent to
the Bill; they were only disgust4d at the length of
time it had lain dormant. He also defended the Catho-
lie clergy of Ireland from the stigma cast upon them
by the Noble Lord. The influence of the Catholic
priesthood was only powerful so long as they entertained
the same political views as the people. He (Mr.
Fagan) would not admit that the Irish Reform Act
was a final measure; it was far more meagre than even
the English or Scotch, and it was a stigma upoa the
memory of Lord Grey, that ho did not enlarge the mea-
sure of reform he had granted to Ireland. The mea-
sure, in his view, would have the effect of checking the
consolidation of farms in Ireland. The franchise given
to Ireland by this Bill was a 201. at will franchise, and
would not give more than 200,000 county voters to
Ireland. In his opinion the Bill did not go far enough.
Mr. NAPIER wished, he said, to state the reasons
that induced him to vote for the amendment of the Hon.
Baronet. He quite agreed with the Hun. Gentleman
who spoke last, that the people of Ireland were entitled
to equal rights with the people of this country;
but this was not a measure that was in harmony with
the constitution of England. It was a violation of
the pi 'ample of the Reform Bill of England and
of Ireland, and it was on that ground he opposed it.
He placed this case on the second clause—the clause
which affected joint occupiers.—(Hear, hear.) In the
case
of towns there had been a defect in the Irish Act,
and it had been justly provided fir by the present mea-
sure. In.the counties, however, by this Bill there was a
change made in the whole principle of representation ;
and it was, moreover, not in harmony with the English
constitution. In that clause they had struck out the
words " tenants or owners." By it they might have
three men voting out of the same piece of laud where
only one man had a real interest in the property.—(Hear,
hear.) He did not believe that this measure would do
anything but promote the purposes of party. When
the 40s, freehold was formed in Ireland, the landlords
raised up a power which was turned against themselves.
Then came the influence of priesthood, it was admitted,
and now, by this Bill, they were about to give power to
those who could move the masses, though, when the
Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) introduced
a franchise Bill, he placed the franchise so high that
none could possess it but those who were superior to im-
proper influences. If the object of this Bill had been
this—that there should be a substantial class of persons
farming the land, he would have supported it; but this
Bill would have no such purpose. He said, let them
attend to agricultural improvements first, and when
that was done, let them give whatever power they
could that should attach to property. As to the Esta-
blished Church in Ireland, it was not, and would not, be
affected by such a Bill as this. He had no fear for that
Church as long as it did its duty, and its clergy entitled
themselves to the respect and veneration of their coun-
trymen, as they were at this moment.—(Hear, hear.)
As to this Bill, he considered that by passing it they
were throwing the country into the mess which it bad
got out of by a recent visitation. He had looked latety
to the Franchise Bill of Lord Stanley, and he could not
but admire it for the constitutional spirit to be found in
it; and that Bill, it was to be observed, properly gave an
appeal from the assistant barristers, as being persons
who held office under the will and pleasure of the Lord-
Lieutenant. This he said without any disparagement to
the assistant barristers, for whom he entertained high
respect. But now ho said to the Government, that if
they wished to make a change in the representation,
Ireland was not the place to begin with, and, if it were,
this was not the time to begin with. In many parts of
Ireland the people did not care a farthing for the fran-
chise. It was employment they wanted. They asked
for bread, and not for a stone of this kind. If the second
clause were rejected, and the qualification were some-
what raised, he would not have felt it to be his duty to
oppose the third reading. He said that, if the qualifi-
cation were based upon a rating between 12/. and 151.,
and the second clause struck out, ho would not oppose
the measure. This was not an Irish but an Imperial
measure. There ought, hi said, in conclusion, to be a
uniform principle fur regulating the whole representation
of the people.
Mr. SfIEIL remarked that the Hon. and Learned,
Gentleman had based the whole of his argument, and he
thought, of his objection, to this measure on one sen•
Once ; for he had said that by this measure they would
give power to those who moved the masses. He thought
that there was a great misapprehension
that that which
was the just, the natural, and the legitimate influence of
property would be injuriously affected by this Bill. Now,
it had been well observed by the Hon. Baronet the
Member for Cavan, that it would have the effect of ex-
tending the Chandos clause to Ireland, and that in a
form much more comprehensive than it 95 applied to
this country. The voters would be tenants at will, and
this, he said, was a point which deserved their serious
consideration—(Hear). The Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite, whose opinions he always heard with respect,
even when he differed from hire, had remarked that the

tenant at will rated at 81. would vote in presence of his
I landlord. This, no doubt, would be a great change, a
change that would give an undue preponderance to the
landlord interest, unless there were independent house-
holders of towns not returning Members of Parliament,
and whose votes might serve as a counterpoise to those
of the subservient cultivators of the soil.— (Hear, hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Mr. Napier) had
oscillated between 121. and 15/. as a uualification—that
was as to the minimum qualification—one sufficiently
high and yet low enough for his purposes.—(Flear, hear.)
This great change was high enough to exclude the
household constituency from counties, and at the same
time to let in a large mass of quiescent vassalage under
the operation of the clause. And what would be the
consequence? The industrious occupier of land, rated
at the pseudo-Conservative minimum, unprotected by a
lease—whose tenure was but his vote, whose suffrage was
unprotected by the ballot—(Hear)—he would be in-
vested, according to the Hon. Member's clime, with the
franchise, for the proper exercise of which he would be
deficient of some of the most important qualifications.
On the other hand, the householder in towns containing
10 000 or 12,000 inhabitants—he spoke of Thurles and
Carrick-on-Suir, which did not return Members—the
respectable householder of large country towns was to be
rated at 8/., which would be 181. to a tenant of the same
class in this country. Well conditioned men in trade—
industrious, intelligent men—and with supplemental
capital, in their integrity, would be stripped by this
scheme of their franchise, of a hich franchise they
would have made a fearless, an independent, and an
honourable use.—(Hear.) This was both impolitic and
unjust—impolitic because unjust; and its impolicy and
injustice were worse, because, in this country, the 40s.
freeholds were preserved, and the great mass of English
Members returned for boroughs at a 101. qualification;
whereas the majority of the Members for Ireland, if
the Hon. Member achieved his object, would only be
returned on a qualification of double that amount. This
was not consistent with the true spirit of the Legislative
Union. They would no doubt tell him—or at least they
would think it—that the case of Ireland was peculiar,
and that they were afraid of agitation. This would be
a mistake, and mistaken teas had ever been the bane
of Ireland. Through mistaken fears the penal laws bad
been enacted and their repeal delayed. Through mis-
taken fears, fatal procrastination of justice and devia-
tion from the path they ought to have pursued in legis-
lating for Ireland, occurred; and there was nothing
so much that Englishmen ought to be ashamed of
as this continuation of mistaken fears. They
would ask, would he make such assertions after
what had been witnessed in Ireland—landlord and
tecant sundered, and continued paroxysms of dis-
turbed feeling. Were those things not to be feared? He
replied no, look at the cmses of events—look at the
events passing before them, and then mark the conse-
quences. The agitation to which he had referred might
be ascribed to two causes, the operation of both ef which
had now ceased. That cessation war to be ascribed to a
great man—a man whom, considering his life and intel-
lectual character, they would be long ere they looked
upon his like again. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
adverted to the franchise of 1797,when the 40s. franchise
was granted to Catholic freeholders. Why, did he not
know that the franchise was exercised for forty years in
subserviency to the Protestant proprietor?—(Hear.)
How was that subserviency broken? Ho had not the
slightest doubt that the great electoral war which took
place in Ireland would not have taken place but for the
miraculous organization which Mr. O'Connell was enabled
to effect through the wrongs done to Ireland in this
country. But for the Catholic question there
would have been no association of Catholic
hierarchy, Catholic clergy, Catholic aristocracy,
Catholic gentry, Catholic barristers, Catholic gra-
ziers., and all classes and conditions of Catholics,
joined in that amazing confederacy, before which
ascendancy fell down. And, on the other hand, this con-
federacy would never have been formed, unless had ap-
peared that celebrated man to whom had justly been
ascribed the victory. Might not a second O'Connell
arise? Nature might supply the faculties, but fortune
would not give the same opportunities. The same ver-
satility, the same boundless resources, the same inde-
fatigable perseverance, the same indomitable energy
and eloquence, which converted a populace into a people,
might be found in another man; but then they could not
furnish him with another penal code.—(Hear, hoar.) If
Catholic emancipation had been carried out at the time
of the union—if the great design of Pitt had not been
left unfinished—you would never have seen the Clare
election and the great moral insurrection against the pro-
prietors of the soil. Had these matters not occurred,
Mr. O'Connell might have been a great barrister, a great
senator, or a great chief justice, but ho would not have
wielded the fierce democracy, because he would not
have had a fierce democracy to wield. In any of those
capacities, however, he would have been led to promote
the interests of his country. Those were the reasons
which had produced the conviction in his mind that there
was nothing in the Bill which ought to be objected to;
and he would call on them to see whether the views he
took of the past were not confirmed by the present con-
dition of Ireland? They would probably tell him that
Ireland was now enjoying profound tranquillity, that no
political agitation existed, and popular passions had sub-
sided. Great meetings, it was true, were now held, at
which political objects were net discussed. Catholic
gentry and Catholic clergy were now engaged on a ques-
tion for which they were indebted to the Right !lons
Baronet the Member for Oxford. Even the most indus-
trious ecclesiastical advocates of the repeal of the union
now believed that such object was bright, but impracti-
cable. Never was the landed interest—he would say the
Protestant interest—more secure. To the Protestant
interest, in the highest sense of the word, the Catholics
were not opposed. Protestant ascenda cy—another name
for Catholic disqualification—was, however, extinct,
and in its place the existence of a greal moral, intel-
lectual, and territorial power, whose roots were
as deeply struck as its ramifications were extended—
had firmly established itself, and did not need the aid
of the Legislature to assist its progress, Never was
there a period more opportune than. the present for con-
sidering a measure like the one before the House. Con-
cessions to Ireland had hitherto been the result of fears—
they were dictated by the remembrance of that which
Englishmen ought not to recollect but with shame. Now
when Ireland was at rest, and well and wisely governed
—when she was in repose, and not pursued by a spirit
of minacious molestation—this large and comprehensive
measure, to redeem the pledge given by the Ministers
of the Crown when they took office, was brought for-
ward as the spontaneous emanation of British fairness
and as dictated by the noblest sentiments of Englishmen.
It was said that England's difficulty was Ireland's oppor-
tunity, but this would now cease to be a proverb, for he
trusted the House would divest that diamal aphorism of i
the truth which t had borne for centuries, implant in its
stead a feeling in the minds of Irishmen that justice to
Ireland was the best security to England, and make the
incubus which had hitherto operated so disastrously give
place to the lofty sentiment that the rights of the Irish
people were equal to those of the English people, as their
interests were beyond all doubt identical.—(Cheers.)
Viscount JOCELYN acknowledged the ability of the
Right Hon. Gentleman's speech; but it appeared to him
to refer to matters long passed away, and to have no real
connexion with the subject before the House. Holding
the opinions he did, he must object to the Bill, and vote
for the amendment. He had been willing to receive in
a fair and liberal spirit, from the Noble Lord, any well-
conceived measure for the extension of the Irish fran-
chise, for it was impossible to doubt that the state of the
franchise in Ireland required amendment; but though
he agreed entirely in the principle of the Bill, he could
not give it his support, because, in-its present form, it
would operate fatally to the interests of Ireland. It was
impossible to apply one system of legislation to Ireland
and another to England without doing mischief. He ob-
jected to the Bill on several grounds; first, that the basis
selected for the franchise would afford no criterion of the
class of persons who would enjoy the franchise. In one
poor-law union while the rate was 81., it would in
another union be 101. Then the working of the Bill
would be most objectionable, inasmuch as the registrars
would be the poor-law gu Irdians—a circumstance that
would be sure to throw the apple of discord in every
place. Another objection was the sum settled by the
Noble Lord-81. He had seen a calculation which
clearly proved that the Si. and 12/. franchise would
swamp the intelligence and respectability of the popula-
tion. Another objectionable point was the joint tenancy
point—one of the many evils of Ireland, as re-introduc-
ing the mischief of the 40s. freeholders. The Noble
Lord concluded by referring to the repeal of the union,
with energy declaring, when the majority of the Irish
Members voted for the repeal, of the union, then he con-
sidered that the first step towards the dismemberment of
the British empire would be attained.
Viscount CASTLEREAGH had come to a different
conclusion to his noble reNtive on the subject of the
present Bill. As the Bill had gone so far through the
House, he thought it ought to be allowed to take its
course. Had he, however, been asked what sum he
would have voted for, he would have said 12/. fur towns,
and 61. for counties. He would not, however, disturb
the Bill now, as he could not reconcile himself to be-
come a party to further delay. The Noble Lord hero
read some figures, which, he said, if adopted, would
leave the constituency about 215,000—the same
numbers as when the 403. freeholders existed.
He thought that the great experiment which
was about to be tried would open the doors to a
new Reform Bill. The Honourable Member fir Cork,
who appeared to be in the confidence of the Govern-
ment, said that the Noble Lord intended to bring
forward a new Reform Bill fur England. He wished
that such a measure had beets brought forward at the
same time as the present Bill. Ho thought it was an
unfortunate step to take to try the experiment in Ireland
before they tried it in England. He trusted that this
Bill would be properly considered in another place.—
(Rear, hear.) But he felt bound not to impede the pro-
gress of the measure in its present stage. If ever there
was an inopportune time for trying this experiment in
Ireland, the present was that time.—(lronical cheers
and laughter.) If the Bill were framed with the amend-
ments which he had proposed, he thought that it would
then indeed give to the people of Ireland a full and fair
representation.—(Hear, he sr.)
Colonel RA WDON would accept the vote of the Noble
Lord, but not his arguments.—(A laugh.) He could not
admit it to be a constitutional argument to say in this
House that we could not decide upon a Bill of this kind
without reference to another branch of the Legislature.
The moment was now arrived for legislating in a ldose al
spirit for the people of Ireland, and he thanked the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government for fulfilling that
pledge which he bad given upon this subject, This Bill
was not forced upon the House by agitation, but it pro•
ceded from a pure sense of justice, and what was felt to
be due to the people of Ireland; and he was sure it
would be received in a corresponding spirit by those
whom it was intended to serve.—(Hear, bear.)

•Sir J. GRAHAII—Having had some share in framing
the Irish Reform Act, and having on various occasions
expressed a strong opinion that that great settlement
ought not lightly to be disturbed by any naw enactment,
the Uvula perhaps W9tild TM think A unnatu►il if he