The Sun.
London, England, 1868-02-11 00:00:00

THE KIN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1868.

TRUE EDUCATION.

The subject of education has for some years
past engrossed a considerable part of public
attention. Our legislators have discussed it in
Parliament, and framed and passed laws to

regulate it. Our public men have spoken of it
at length in meetings throughout the country.
Our merchants, landed proprietors, tradesmen,

and even our poor, have generously subscribed
the funds to aid those who are labouring in its
cause. An elaborate system of training of mas-
ters and inspection of schools is carried on

chiefly at the expense of Government, in addi-
tion to the individual exertions of the clergy
of different denominations, who, for the most
part, labour earnestly in what they consider
the work of education. But, in spite of all this
array of complex machinery and earnest labour,
the question still arises again and again—" Are
we educating our people ?" If the answer to
this question is to depend upon the amount
of success which' has hitherto attended our
efforts, we must necessarily conceive a fear that
our system of education is not sound. For
what is education ? It is power over Self. It
is power over our Intellect, over our Will,
over our Passions, over our Physical Being ;
in fact, power over our entire Self. If, there-
fore, our system or systems of education give
this power, or even tend to do so, we may
be satisfied that work is going on, and that we
are progressing. But if, on the contrary, we
find from experience that some portion of edu-
cation is more abused now than was formerly
the case, or, in other words, that men have less
power over their moral natures, now that their
capabilities of evil are increased, we have reason
to fear that there is something wrong either
in the details of the system, or in the very
principles on which the system is founded. To
educate the Intellect and neglect the training
of the Will, is putting a fiery horse under the
charge of a feeble child. It is giving a man
powers which he has not the moral strength
to use for good, and which he will, therefore,
use for evil; and, as far as we are able to judge
the power of reading, which the present gene-
ration possesses, has not tended to make it more
moral than its predecessors, but rather the con-
trary. Never was there a greater demand for
low and debasing literature than now, and,
consequently, never a time when men used
their powers for more degrading purposes, and
never a time when independence of spirit and
want of submission to authority were more
universal. But education produces the very
opposite results. What, then, is wrong ? Is
it our text books, or our methods, or the
inability of our masters ? Or is it that the
principles of modern education are fundamen-
tally wrong ? One thing is certain, that we
greatly differ in practice from the doctrines of
the sages of antiquity. Plutarch, for example,
wrote that the " essential things in the educa-
tion of the young are to teach them to worship
the gods, to revere their parents, to honour
their elders, to obey the laws, to submit to
rulers, to love their friends, to be temperate
in the pursuit of pleasure ;" and these are
certainly points with which Protestant teachers
seldom think of interfering. In practice, at
least, they decide that education consists in ac-
quiring information ; or, if some go further,
and aim at mental culture, they never seem
to imagine that practical restraint or direction
of the passions comes in their immediate pro-
vince. Plato also speaks continually of edu-
cation as having, for one of its great ends,
making the young mild, gentle, and obedient,
while our modern system encourages what is
called a manly spirit to such an extent as to
make boys bold, insolent, and impatient of re-
straint. Of course some virtues are occa-
sionally insisted on, because they form the
necessary qualities of a gentleman ; but, instil-
ling such virtues into the minds of the young
as a portion of Christian ethics, is a thing com-
paratively unknown except among Catholics,
amongand even them, when the principles are
right, the method is frequently at fault. For
education to be perfect should embrace the
cultivation of the whole man, that is, of
all his powers, both of mind and body. Of
these, the education of the Will is by far the
most important, but this is either ignored, or
not comprehended out of the bosom of the
Catholic Church, and here is the great break-
down of the English system of education. The
development of the intellect and of the physical
powers are practically recognized as the
greatest, if not the only, ends of education.
Protestant education, therefore, is not truly
education, since no direction is or can be given
to the passions and the will, upon the proper
use and control of which a man's eternal wel-
fare so intimately depends.
Turning, then, to Catholics, among whom
alone can be found true educators, we meet the
true principles of education fully developed,
carefully carried out in practice and successful
in their results. Of the truth of these asser-
tions our Catholic colleges are living proofs.
In mere technical information, or even, per-
haps, in mental training, we have never pre-
tended to be successful with the majority of
our poor, and this for the obvious reason that
our poor for the most part consists of the lowest
class, whose means of acquiring education have
been and still are exceedingly limited. At
the same time, however, that this is the case
we are quite convinced that our best schools
are the best in the country. The education
of the will is a far more difficult task than
mere intellectual education, and it is not to be
wondered at that in the true Church alone it
is successfully accomplished. The great end
of Catholic education is to make children love
virtue and pursue it, and the principle upon
which our methods should be based is, that
they must be led, not driven; and here it is that
our Catholic teachers are liable to error. Every
one acknowledges this principle in theory; but
it is found to be so difficult to carry out in prac-
tice, except to masters of long standing, that
young masters are tempted to abandon it and
adopt the compulsory method. To carry out
the principle properly it is necessary that a
master should be a model of all he would have
his scholars become. Hence, when a master
is neither regular in his own life, nor patient
and gentle in his dealings with his children,
and is not, in fact, a model for imitation, his
only resource is to force his pupils into the
right way, with the hope that, perhaps, they
may remain there. But where the pupils- have
constantly before their eyes the best example,
are secluded from the contagion of bad example,
and are governed by authority gaining their
love mingled with fear, rather than their
dread mingled with hatred, they enter the way
of virtue of their own choice, and there is no
fear that in such a case their intellectual cul-
ture will be neglected. These are the true
principles on which a system of education
should be founded, and they must be con-
stantly borne in mind by the young teacher,
and by all who are interested in the work of
education. We must stand ready with our
principles clear in our minds, so that we may
be ready to act at a moment's notice, for a
crisis is at hand, a great blow is about to be
aimed at the very root of true education. It
is in contemplation to introduce a bill into Par-
liament making education purely secular, or
nearly so, by banishing religion from our
schools during the whole, or nearly the whole,
of the day. Now, in Catholic schools religion
is the groundwork of the whole system of
school management, and in the hands of a
good teacher is being instilled into the hearts
of the children from morning till night, insen-
sibly informing their minds, training their
wills, and directing their passions in the Cath-
olic direction. But where religion is banished
from the school this becomes impossible, and
education becomes a sham. It is sincerely to
be hoped that our legislators are not so dead
to the plainest principles of religion and com-
mon sense as to pass such a measure. But
however that may be, the duty of us Catholics
is clear, viz., to oppose such a bill by every
means in our power, to admit of no compromise,
in fact, to accept no bill which does not leave
us an unrestricted power to introduce religion
and its teachings into all our schools as. we
have hitherto been accustomed. Religion must

directly and indirectly be the guiding spirit
of our schools ; and,"where thii ceases to be
the case, ithmorality will quickly seize the
helm, and it is to be feared that we shall one
day awake to the consciousness of impending
ruin when too late to hinder it.

It is true the proposals of the supposed
promoters of education are not yet put before
us in a very definite form ; but, however they
may be eventually framed, this much is certain,
that no Catholic can consent to see Catholic
education taken from the hands of the clergy
and put into the hands of a committee of lay-
men, who alone shall have the appointment of,
and control over, the masters. The con-
science clause framed to delude the peace-
loving Englishman as a species of compromise,
naturally congenial to his taste, is but little
better. True education is possible only where
religion and instruction go hand in hand ; and
it is to the preservation of this amongst us
that our energies must be directed.—Wesinrin-
ster Gazette.

• CONTRASTING SCENES.

There is such a universal desire to veil the im-
purity of domestic life that the world is surprised
by the conduct of the twentieth Baron of Eresby.
He, indeed, had cause to keep his door closed and his
curtain down, but has opened the one and raised
the other. For a paltry consideration of lucre, he,
the Great. Chamberlain of England, has stepped
forward, as it were, on the board of green cloth
in the character of heartless meanness. He appeared
through his representatives at a court of justice in the
red glare of uncommon selfishness—a glare which
cast the failings of the plaintiff, the Countess
d'Alteyrac, into the shade and dazzled the eyes of
the Court. Candidly and honestly, however, was
there not something else which actuated her tender
treatment? Had her high position no influence in
this respect ? Supposing the parties had been in a
lower condition, that the wife of a French valet
had eloped with an English footman, who, by the
aid of her money —her money in right of French
law—establishes a business in this country, and
when success crowns the enterprise turns her adrift,
alone, and penniless on the work!, she then sues
him for restitution of her own little property. In
such a case, with such parties, would there have
been no allusion to her misconduct? Would there
have been no hint dropped that her means were
justly imperilled by her own adultery? Would she
have been treated with all the respect due to an
honest and affectionate wife of seventeen years'
standing? We leave our readers to answer the
questions. _

The twentieth Baron of Eresby has tugged at the
ropes and raised the curtain, not only to his own
exposure, but also to that of a fa mily scene which
we view with regret. Our sentiments lead us not
to decry the merits of oar nobility, for they consti-
tute no effeminate class, but are equal is intelli-
gence, courage, and perseverance to any of the com-
munity. We are proud of them ; they fill so
worthily the duties of their superior station ; they
are ever so ready to lend their names and give their
money for the promotion of worthy objects ; and
what charitable institution is there indeed without
their patronage? We view, therefore, with regret
the spectacle of a woman who deceived her
husband after a married life of eleven years—
who gave birth to a child by a paramour, with
whom she afterwards eloped, and with whom
she afterwards lived in open adultery—of this
woman, during her affluence, when no ill-treat-
meat, no persecution, had thrown its softening
influences over her misdeeds, being received
and honoured as though she were, in deed, a mem-
ber of the family, by the titled relatives of her
lover, and visited on terms of equality by his aristo-
cratic friends. .

It is the period of pantomimes, the time of gene-
ral Terpsichorean display at our Theatres, and
nightly
may be witnessed groups of Ballet-girls
dancing their hour on the stage in scanty attire.
How very hullo lest ! Yes, dreadfully immodest,
my superlative Lady Blanche ! although the short
clothing is not of their selection. It is fixed by
public taste, and made imperative to their condition.
Dreadfully immoilest, nevertlaeles -; —and yet amongst
these poor girls there are many who would scorn to
acknowledge their uncle's inistrass a their dear aunt.
Articles in crockery would not tempt then to such
a recognition, although such to them would bi as
valuable as those in Dresden or Sevres china to
ladies of your position.
We love not such contrasting scenes, for they are
more damaging than individual degradation, and
it is to be regretted that the curtain could not have
been raised without such family exposure.—Racing
Times and Amateur Dramatic Chronicle.

CONGRESS.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Jan. 20.—Under the call of States and Territo-
ries, among several resolutions introduced, was one
by Mr. Van Horn, of Missouri, reciting that
Michael O'Brien, a naturalized American citizen,
had been arrested abroad, and authorizing the Pre-
sident of the 'United States to demand an explana-
tion of the arrest from the British Government ;
declaring further, that the United States will con-
sider such interference with the naturalized citi-
zens as an infringement of the rights of this na-
tion, and will deem it a cause of war ; and re-
solving further, that it is the duty of the President
to recal Minister Adams on account of his failure
to see to the protection of American citizens
abroad. Referred to Committee on Foreign
Affairs. Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin, offered
a resolution, which was agreed to, providing
that after the adoption of this resolution by the
Senate and House, no person who has been secre-
tary, assistant secretary, head of bureau, or clerk iu
any department of the Government, shall be per-
mitted to practise as attorney or claim agent for
the prosecution of claims in such department in
which he was secretary, assistant secretary; chief
of bureau, or clerk, until two years after his term
of such office shall have expired. The House
resumed the consideration of the Reconstruction Bill
limiting the discussion to two hours and ten minutes,
each speech not to exceed half an hour. Mr. Pruyn,
of New York, opposed the bill. Mr. Scofield,
of Pennsylvania, advocated it; and his colleague,
Mr. Kootz. Mr. Cary, said he would have no op-
portunity to address the House upon the bill, but
he would propound four questions to his colleague,
I (Mr. Bingham), and his answer when he came to
close debate would determine his vote upon this
bill. These questions are--Ist. If General Grant
neglects to proceed according to law, or if in the exe-
cution of this act he acts in an oppressive or cruel
manner, to what tribunal would he be amenable?
2d. Can General Grant, not being under the con-
trol of the President, be tried by court-martial, and
who shall constitute the court to try him? 3d.
Not being a civil officer, can General Grant be im-
peached and tried ; and if so, by whom and in what
manner? 4th. If General Grant is not amenable
or responsible to any earthly tribunal, does not this
bill make him an absolute dictator and despot ?
General Phelps, of Maryland, in a long and able
speech, vigorously opposed the measure. " I think,"
he said, "it will be demonstrated that the strange
compound of Asiatic despotism and African bar-
barism, miscalled Reconstruction, of which the pend-
ing measure is the latest and worst development is
destructive, pernicious, anti-Republican, anti-De-
mocratic, and revolutionary. The chief exporting
States are those now being experimented upon by
Congress, and with such violence, recklessness, and
stupidity as to appal society with portents of an im-
pending catastrophe. In violation of the Constitu-
tion and of the solemn pledge of Congress during
the war, the Southern States had been declared
conquered provinces. Nearly two years had elapsed
since the surrender of the rebellion before Congress
ventured to assume that position. The interval was
employed by a revival of political agitation of un-
precedented fierceness, and by Congressional inqui-
sitions and invective against the entire Southern
white population without discrimination. This
system of maladministration produced its natural
effect—the same effect that perpetual proscription
and abuse would produce upon any community.
The vicious elements of a society, kept purposely

disorganized and threatened with chaos, naturally
took advantage of the general consternation and
confusion, when good and bad were treated alike,

to break out in occasional acts of lawlessness. These

disorders, industriously collected, magnified, and
in many cases invented, furnished the pretext to
justify the first Act " for the more efficient govern-
ment of the rebel States." Hardly was it passed

over the Presidential veto, before the Act itself hin-
dered Reconstruction, and the bill now pending is

the fourth of the series. Each Act has been more

bold and impudent than its predecessors in its at-
tempted usurpations of power. First, States are
dismantled, their personal rights as ancient as Magna

Charta overthrown, and the amendments to the
Constitution nullified ; then the Executive was

stripped of its functions, and the Judiciary muzzled.
Alt this is done to secure the ascendancy of a poli-
tical party by the negro vote of the South, reckless

of the ruin which is threatened to the national

credit, and to the cause of Republican and constitu-
tional liberty throughout the world. The follow-

ing amendmeuts were proposed by Mr. Bingham:—

Aniend the second section so as to make it read the
General of the army shall be authorised by law to

remove commanders from command. The words

" authorised by law" had been omitted. Amend
the fifth section so as to make it punishable for any
person to refuse or wilfully neglect to issue an order
or do any act demanded by this bill. Mr. Bing-
ham closed the debate in an elaborate speech in
favour of the bill, in which he remarked that he
regretted his colleague, Mr. Cary, deemed it his
duty to ask whether the General of the army is re-
sponsible in case he violates this law, and tramples
upon the rights of the people. We say, Carry out
the provisions of this Act in good faith ; the Gene-
ral of your army is but the creature of a Con-
gressional enactment, to be unmade as easily as
made. If the General violates the law he can be
arraigned before the civil tribunals, and on convic-
tion is liable to a place in the penitentiary and a
forfeit of $5,000. Respecting the objectiou of in•-
vading the privileges and powers of the Judiciary,
Mr. Bingham was willing to leave it free and un-
trammelled in the faithful and honest performance
of its functions. But the Judiciary cannot revise
the question whether a State is within the Union or
has a Republican form of government. If the Judi-
ciary could decide against Congress to-day that
South Carolina has a Republican Government, and
the right to exercise political power within the
Union, it might decide to-morrow that the rest of
the States have not Republican Governments, and
are not entitled to exercise political power. Thus
a bare majority of these gentlemen might decide
away the life of the nation. The moment the
Supreme Court dares to interfere with that ques-
tion it lays violent hands on the very ark of the
covenant of the people, and it ought to suffer anni-
hilation. After alluding to the speedy restoration
of civil government in the South, and his earnest
desire to see it carried out, he continued : --I have
no doubt we could get rid of all the trouble at once
if we would surrender the great trust committed to
us, and say to these men red with blood of our
murdered countrymen, Seize again the control
of all the political power of those nine
disorganized States, trample down the four
millions of native-born children of the Repub-
lic who were once your slaves ; the men who never
forgot that our flag, through all these four years,
symbolized liberty ; the men who never forgot to
whisper a word of cheer and of comfort to the
wounded and the dying who had fallen in the great
struggle for the nation's life ; the men who never
forgot to guide from the prison pens in which their
defenders were subjected to infamous death by star-
vation or poison those who made their escape from
them. Surrender these men who were faithful to
our lost defender—faithful to our living defenders
—faithful to the cause of the Republic itself—sur-
render them to the late traitors and rebels, and this
contest is of course ended. Allow Jefferson Davis
to come back and sit down in his Senatorial robes in
the other wing of the capitol, callback from France
that hatchet-faced conspirator Slidell and restore
him to his place. Call home that other Senator
watching across the border in Canada, and restore
him to the Senatorial Chamber, and call back alike
Representatives who weut out from this hall in 1861,
clothed with perjury as with a garment, and who
lifted up their hands in violence against the Go-
vernment and Constitution, and this contest will be
ended. Sir, I cannot speak for others, but for my-
self, so help me God, living and dying, I am against
any such proposition. Let the friends of the Re-
public have the kecpink= of the Republic in their
hands. That being done, all will be well ; and the
time will come, within the lifetime, I trust, of every
man honouring me with his attention, when the
laws of the Republic will be so just, so humane, so
indiscriminate in their justice and in their huma-
nity, that the poorest and the humblest creature
between the two oceans wearing the bond of our
common humanity can find equal protection with
the loftiest, the noblest, and the best." Mr. Bing-
ham then called the previous question, whereupon
General Butler moved to reconsider the vote where-
by the previous question was ordered, and de-
manded the yeas and nays ; and, pending the roll
call, Mr. Windom, of Minnesota, moved to adjourn,
which motion was agreed to, and the House at 4.30
adjourned.
Jan. 21.—The unfinished business of yesterday
was taken up on the Reconstruction Bill, which
was finally passed by a party vote of 123 yeas
to 45 nays. The act, with the exception of
a few words, is substantially the same as given
in our last issue. Mr. Schenck, of Ohio, from the
Conference Committee on the disagreeing votes of
the two Houses upon the anti-Contraction Bill, sub-
mitted a report that the Senate recede from its
amendments to the bill, and agree to an amendment

to permit the concellation or destruction of muti-
lated Treasury notes, and to replace the same with
good notes of the same denomination.—The con-
ference report was agreed to. Mr. Logan, of Illi-
nois, from the Committee of Conference on the
disagreeing votes on the Cotton Tax Bill, reported
that the committee had been unable to agree, and
asked that it be discharged, and a new committee
appointed—So ordered, and Messrs. Schenck, Moor-
head, and Beck were appointed the new committee.
The House then adjourned.
Jan. 22.—The House in Committee of the Whole
considered the Senate amendments to the Defi-
ciency Appropriation Bill. One amendment was
added, providing that no Senator or Representa-
tive should be entitled to any newspaper except
the Globe, or stationery beyond the value of
$125 for each Session, and it goes back to the
Senate for concurrence. Among the resolutions
this day introduced, Mr. Morrell, of Pennsylvania,
reported one, which was adopted, directing the Com-
mittee on Commerce to inquire into the expediency
of providing by law for the periodical publication
of the estimated value on imports of foreign and
domestic manufacture, the profits thereon severally,
&c. On the motion of Mr. Pike, of Maine, the
Committee on Commerce was directed to inquire
into the expediency of repealing so much of the Act
to regulate the disposal of moneys, &c., as provides
for the seizure of merchants' books and papers. Mr.
Blaine, of Maine, introduced a bill in relation to
taxing the shares of National Banks. —Referred to
Committee on Banking and Currency. The Secre-
tary of War was directed to inform the House of
any communications from Major-General Hancock
regarding a riot in Texas. The Committee on
Education and Labour was directed to inquire into
the expediency of providing by law a general system
of education in the late rebel States, and for com-
mon schools to educate without distinction of
class or colour. A bill providing for the ex-
amination of masters and mates in the mer-
chant service was referred to the Committee on Com-
merce. The House resumed the consideration
of a bill reported by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, from
committee on public lands to forfeit to the United
States certain lands heretofore granted to the
Southern States for railroad purposes ; and he pro-
ceeded to enforce his views, discussing the action
and course of several railroad companies of the
South, especially the alleged treason of the officers
of the Opelousas Road in Louisiana, when Mr. John
W. Chanler (Democrat), of New York, interrupted
on a point of order, as the gentleman was wander-
ing from the question into a discussion of the

Southern railroad interests. Though the Speaker
decided the point for George W. Julian (Republi-
can), Mr. Chanler continued, but Mr. Julian de-
clined to yield, and desired the New York gentle-
man to compose his soul with as much patience as
he could under the exposure of his rebel friends in
Louisiana. Mr. Chanler retorted with great warmth.
These, he said, are the words of a coward, and the
gentleman takes advantageof his position, as I can-
not reply to him. The Speaker called Mr. Chanler
to order. Mr. Chanler—l call the gentleman from
Indiana to order, and demand that the words last
spoken by him be taken down. Mr. Chanler was
about to say something further, but was called to
order, and the Speaker said the words would be
taken down. Mr. Chanler was at this time occupying
the seat of Mr. Morrell, of Pennsylvania, and Mr.
Williams, of Pennsylvania, made the point of order
that the gentleman from New York must take his
seat. Mr. Chanler (moving to his own seat)—I
simply went over there to hear better what the
gentleman said. The words purporting to have
been uttered by Mr. Chanler were here read. Mr.
Chanler--Mr. Speaker, I desire to say that all my
words have not been taken down. I also said that—
The Speaker—The gentleman is out of order. Mr.
Chanler—l want to say that I said the gentleman
was taking advantage of his position in the remarks
he uttered. The Speaker —The Chair will now
rule upon the words spoken by the gentleman from
New York. They are clearly out of order. No
member upon the floor should call another a coward.
The Chair did not hear the last part of the gentle-
man's remarks. What struck the Chair as unpar-
liamentary was the word " coward." Mr. Chanler
—Well, I did say that, and he is one. (Calls of
order from all parts of the House). Mr. Julian—
If the gentleman means what he says he can test
the question at any time. Mr. Chanler—l will do
so, sir. I will take the earliest opportunity. I
would ask the Speaker how he ruled upon the re-
marks of the gentleman from Indiana. The Speaker
—No point of order was made upon the last remark.
Mr. Chanler said he had made a point of order upon
the remarks of Mr. Julian. The Speaker—The
Chair has not ruled upon the remarks of the gen-
tleman from Indiana, but upon those of the gentle-
man from New York. (Laughter.) The Chair
would say, however, although the subject was
passed, that there was nothing unparliamentary in
the remarks of the gentleman from Indiana. Mr.
Julian was then allowed to proceed with his re-
marks, but yielded at 3 o'clock, at which hour the
Missouri delegation desired to announce the dea'h
of their late colleague, Mr. Noell.

Jan. 23.—N0 business of importance was trans-
acted on this day.

AUSTRIA.

_

The present state of religion in Austria is
graphically described by our Vienna corre-
spondent as Catholicism under lock and key.
Catholicism is not dead in Austria, however
much the enemies of the Church are now in
the ascendant ; but it is stifled by timidity
and worldliness, imprisoned in secret corners
of the mind and heart by human respect ; its
profession of faith, as our Viennese correspon-
dent has it, is stowed away out of sight " in
an iron safe." For forty years and more the
Church was held in bondage by the State ; the
Austrian Government was on the verge of
creating a schism ; communication was cut off
between the episcopate and the Holy See ;
monasteries were suppressed, and religious
orders proscribed ; education was taken out of
the hands of the Church ; and the result was
that low views and false ideas took possession
of the minds of the people. But low views
and false ideas, as Canon Moufang justly ob-
served at the great meeting at Cologne the
other day, too surely work the destruction of
a people, and why is it, he asked, is Austria
to-day so weak and mean-spirited as to allow
its Government to declare that it will remain
neutral in the Roman question, but because the
people have for forty years been taught no
higher idea than to eat, drink, and be merry ?
Josephism, by hampering the free action of the
Church, paralyzed the religious energy of the
people. And when, by the Concordat, the
Emperor restored the liberty of the Church,
the remedy seemed to come too late, and the
Concordat remained almost a dead letter.
Catholicism in Austria had grown shy and
shame-faced, and shrank from public life and
an outward manifestation of its principles;
they were not rejected, but stowed away "in
an iron safe." Liberty came, but the spirit
and the will to make use of it were gone. The
limbs of Austria were so cramped by the long-
worn fetters as to have lost apparently every
power of free motion. Human respect weighed
more heavily than iron chains. The officials,
to whom belonged the administration of the
new laws giving effect to the liberty which the
Concordat conferred on the Church, throw
every obstacle in the way of their execution.
These men, trained under the long rule of
Josephism, were steeped to their lips in preju-
dice against the Church's independence. The
upper classes, self-indulgent and worldly, and
unversed in Catholic principles, did not wish
to seem "bigoted" upholders of the Concordat,
or to be disturbed in their enjoyment of life
by the intrusion of religious questions. The
elder clergy were averse to what they called
the innovations introduced by the Concordat
—visitation of bishops—holding of synods--
restriction in their easy-going lives, and in
their too frequently unsacerdotal pursuits and
pleasures. What they prized above the liberty
of action which the Concordat bestowed was
good fellowship with their neighbours, and the
absence of "new-fangled and bigoted" notions
introduced from Rome, and unknown in their
younger days in Austria. The Austrian Epis-
copate even seemed to think it hopeless, or too
irksome, to do much to overcome the vis inertice
which had befallen Catholicism in Austria.
Catholicism seemed like a spent arrow; it car-
ried no force. Things, therefore, remained
pretty much the same after, as before, the Con-
cordat. A better spirit, however, was infused
into the Seminaries, and, thanks to the zeal
of the bishops, the younger clergy received a
training far different from that of their imme-
diate predecessors, the benefit of which the
Church is now beginning to reap.
The triumph of irreligious Liberalism and
middle-class Radicalism, which none were much
surprised at who were familiar with the state,
intellectual and religious, of thehitherto govern-
ing classes in Austria, has led to a rupture
between the bishops and the Emperor, has
done away with the half-heartedness and
timidity but too common among Austrian
Catholics, and has evoked a public Catholic
spirit which gives great hopes of better things
for religion than have been seen since the
days of Josephism. The movement which the
liberty of the Concordat failed to engender;
adversity and opposition have quickened into
life. There is a stir in the Catholic heart of
Austria, the reaction, which two weeks ago
we spoke of as leading Catholic France to
the assertion of its superiority in political and
intellectual power over the miserable minority
which, by means of a corrupt press and a
fictitious public opinion, aimed at directing
the policy of the country, is also setting in in
proverbially slow Austria. Strife has com-
menced, and stagnationds at an end. What-
ever comes to pass, the slack spirit and the
moral listlessness—the result of evil laws and
State tyranny, will no more be the lot of
Catholicism in Austria. The quarrel must
now be fought out ; for the division has taken
place, the slothful and the timid can no more
purchase peace by shameful concessions.
Irreligious Liberalism is bent upon dictating
its own terms, and they are fortunately such,
that even an Austrian Catholic, without, not
concealing, but denying, his profession of faith,
can accept. Such a war is infinitely prefer-
able to the religious compromise which Catho-
lieism in Austria is but too prone to. The
Austrian bishops are zealous, resolute, and
out-spoken. The issue is plainly put ; the
people now see clearly what is at stake. They
are rallying round the bishops. A Catholic
party is forming in self-defence, in defence of
their dearest interests, in defence of laws
affecting marriage, in defence of a Christian