The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-28 00:00:00

ADVERTISEMENTS INSERTED in ALL THE TIMER PAPERS, Morning, Noon, and Night, thereby insuring a TOTVN and COUNTRY CIRCULATION, at ONE CHARGE.

IUrR. BEARD'S DAGUERREOTYPE, or
PHOTOORAPIIIC PORTRAITS.

inimitable and much admired Portraits, in which further
improvements have lately been effected, are taken by the Patentee,
at 85, King William-street, City ; 34, Parliament-street ; and at the
Royal Polytechnic Institution, 309, Regent-street ; by whom, also,
license's are granted for exercising tha invention in provincial towns
and districts.

THE NEXT DISTRIBUTION OF MONEY
DIVIDENDS AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED by HIS
MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA contains Money Dividends
of— 468 470 472 410 £9O
4160 4llff £l2O 4150 4200
4250 4300 4500 4600 4750
41,000 41,200 41,750 44,000 & £21,000
Arhetnting together to £154,308 sterling.
_ _

This Distrroutlint coufaina as many Dividends as Bonds. Every
Bond a Dividend!
Smallest Dividend - . S6B
Largest Dividend - - $21,000
Direct for Prospectus, with Rill particulars, without delay to
HEINE BROTHERS, at Hamburgh.
Or to HEINE BROTHERS, at Lubeck.

NATIONAL LOAN FUND LIFE ASSUR-
ANCE SOCIETY,

26, CORNIIILL, LONDON.
Capital £500,000.
Empowered by Act of Parliament.
The many novel and varied advantages bestowed by this Institu-
tion, both in He life assurance and deferred annuity departments, par-
ticularlykhe power to borrow two-thirds of premiums without ex-
pense or. tbrfeiture—the great reduction of rates en short policies—
the option of selecting benefits and converting policies so as best to
suit the4iterest or necessity of the policy-holder during life, as well
as to allbscittbe full benefit to his family at death, and annual division
of profit's, have already been so well appreciated by the public, that
the Society's great success and growing prosperity enabled the Di-
rectors, at their General Meeting in May last, to add to each policy
on the profit scale a bonus averaging fifty-five per cent. on the
amount already invested; auk' this bonus, according to an equitable
scale, may either be paid in cash, or, applied in reduction of future
premitusse

Er—LmrLics.

Entry. Peticy.l„,e. sem. Annual Bonus
ti e. Prem. Added.
£ s. d. s d.
1837 39 59 1,000 67 8 4 132 14 6
1838 ll4 56 3,000 175 15 0 296 9 7

Cask I Prem.
ISouus. 'Reduced.

X 6.3.1 X LI.
58 19 9 .8 19 4
123 0 6 16 9 7

Another Bonus will be declared la the present year.

NATIONAL PROVE
No. 48, Gracechurch-streel
on Lives, Annuities, &c.
_____

DIREN

Challes Pritchard Bousfield, Esq.
John Bradbury, Esq.
William Cash, Esq
Thomas Castle, k sq.
James Crofts, Esq.
John Feltham, Esq
Joseph Hargrave, Esq.
Thomas Hodgkin, M.D.

DENT INSTITUTION,
t, London, for Mutual Assurance

'TORS.
Robert Ingham, Esq,
Samuel Hayhurt Lucas, Esq.
Joseph Janson, Esq.
Charles Lushington, Esq.
John St. Babe. Esq.
Ft:chard Shottridge, Esq.
Samuel Smith, Esq.

MEDICAL DIRECTORS.
J. T. Conquest, M.D., F.L.S, Be,
TREASURER.—Joseph Janson,
TRUSTEES.
William Cash, Esq. John Feltha
I James Crofts, Esq. Samuel Smit
Th • result of the first division of profits, whit
vember, 1842, is exemplified in the following it

wan, M.D., F.L.g.
1, Esq.
Lin, Esq.
th, Esq.
ch took place in No-
natances

Amount Original
poll. Age at "n Reduction Reduction
rn
cies in Co.
As- in Pre- Equal to a
per cent.
Exist. mence. of Bonus. Premium. mtum in on the Ori.
cnce. meat cured. lieu of
.
I ginal Pre.
Bonus' mium of
Years. Years. £ £s.d.lZs.d. X s. d.
7 59 1,0011 163 11 0 163 0 0 27 17 2 41
7 32 500 44 7 0 13 211 5 1 4 39
6 52 '2,000 227 19 0 97 11 8 34 510 35
6 31 500 37 2 0 12 17 6 4 2 5 32
5 51 1,000 91 3 0 47 2 6 13 6 4 I',B
5 30 6451 37 2 0 15 8 0 4 1 2 26
4 42 5 0 18 19 0 17 12 1 313 3 20
4 28 1,000 46 14 0 24 3 4 418 5 19%
3 46 80C) 37 8 • 31 18 8 418 10 15%
3 25 2,000 69 6 0 44 5 0 614 11 15%
2 63 3,000 140 15 0 224 15 0 23 11 7 103.
2 26 500 11 11 0 11 10 0 1 2 6 9%
1 42 2,000 ' tti 14 0 70 8 4 3 3 9' 434

The next division will take place in November, 1847.
Members whose renewal premiums become due on the Ist of
April next, are reminded that the same must be pail within
thirty days from that time.
London, March 20, 1814. JOSEPH MARSH, Secretary.

HEALTH AND STRENGTH.
Just published, in a Sealed Envelope, price 2s. 6d., and sent free, on
rxeiving a Post-office order for Three Shillings,
ORGANIC HEALTH; a Comprehensive and
Physiological Treatise en a peculiar and delicate class of
Nervous Complaints, arising from the decline of Manly Strength—
ill-restrained gaiety—excess - tropical climate—late hours—self-abuse
—intemperanco—debility or infection. Addressed to the NOBLEMAN
—STATESM A N—CLERGYMAN PARENT—TUTOR —TRA
YELLER; and especially to the ANGLO- NDIA N.
By GOSS and COMPANY, Consulting Singsong. 7, Lancaster.
place, Strand (near Waterloo-bridge, London.
GYNO ; or, the Physiology of woman, in a waled mee.
lope, price Vs. 6d., by post. Ss.

ore:
TESTIMONIALS
" These works can be safely recommended,
Morning truths contained, as for the extensive and successful
i as well for the moral
ujletuorfntahi e.
aanud-
t h
,o,riws eexapgerreistenwceiih"—thLoe
Editor Morning
of theMornin gLondon Journal,n
recommend Mr. Goss's publications for general Perusal."—Edinburgh
W.e.elkhlye PpraecePe pis contain ed in these works are interesting and useful."
while it neither spares the aged voluptuary,
—arm': thinhebisyuolPguuhtbhPifiucaalPetiprr°.noaig al, offers to both the ntost important advao.
Cages."—Glasgow Paper.
" Thou works are properly called an analysis of certain com plaints_
they arc written in a very peculiar style of moral admoni"
Dublin Morning Journal.
"Utility's combined with simplicity, and we recommend the works
accordingl"—Dublin INleekly Journal.
The above may be had 't Sherwood and Co., 23, Paternoster-row,
I ondon • Porter, 73, Grafton-street, Dublin ; and of all Booksellers.
Price 15.16 d. each, in a sealed envelope.
Messrs. (14:kS may be consulted, every day, at their house ; and
, Patients in the remotest parts of the country can be treated success..
fully on their describing minutely the case; and if enclosing a fee of
If. for advice, an answer will b timmediately sent. Medicines can
ne forwarded to any part of the world ; no difficulties can occur, as
the Menicines will be a cutely packed. and carefully protected from
observation.
7, Lancaster.p.ac ' Strand, near Waterloo-bridge, London.
• •. • The walk will be lorwardal by pos lon receivinr a rost.calco
(Tidy lag Threo Shillings.

EAST INDIA HOUSE, MARCH 27, 1844.
TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK,
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
MITE ELECTION of SIX DIRECTORS of
_ll._ the EAST INDIA COMPANY being appointed for WEDNES-
DAY, the 10th April next, the favour of your vote -and interest is
requested for the. following Gentlemen, viz. .
Sir ROBERT CAMPBELL, Bart.
JAMES WEIR HOGG, Esq., M.P.
Hon. HUGH LINDSAY,
Major-General ARCHIBALD ROBERTSON,
Lieut.-Col. WILLIAM HENRY SYKES,
Sir HENRY WILLOCK, K.L.S.
which will much oblige,

Ladies and. Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servants,
H. Alexander, J. Masterman,
W. Astell, J. Petty Muspratt,
W. B. Bayley, J. Oliphant, •
• J. Bryant, W. H. C. Plowden,
John Cotton, John Shepherd,
A. Galloway, H. St. G. Tucker,
John Loch, F. Warden,
J. L. Lushington, W. Wigram,
George Lyall, W. Young,
E. Macnaghten.
Proprietors desirous of voting by proxy may obtain a Letter
of Attorney for that purpose at the Treasury in this House.

EAST INDIA HOUSE, .114Eca 27, 1844. -
TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK.
•
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,
HAVING the honour of being recommended to
you by the DIRECTORS of the EAST INDIA COMPANY
as CANDIDATES for the DIRECTION, to be chosen this year, we
take the liberty of requesting the favour of your vote on the day, of
Election, WEDNESDAY, the 10th of April next.
We are, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Your most obedient and most humble servants, •
Robert Campbell,
J. W. Hogg,
Limictly,
Archibald Robertson,
W. H. Sykes,
Henry Willock.
•• • Proprietors desirous of voting by proxy may obtain a Letter of
Attorney for that purpose at the Treasury in this House.

CIRCULATION of BIRMINGHAM NEWS.;
PAPERS (from the Parliamentary Returns).— STAMPS
issued in the year 1843 for
THE MIDLAND COUNTIES "HERALD ........ 984,000
The Birmingham Gazette 132,000 •
The Birminghani Journal .. , ... 90,000
The Birmingham Advertiser ............ 61,500

283,500

TO RAILWAY CONTRACTORS
The FIRST NUMBER of THE RAILWAY CHRONICLE
will appear on 20th of APRIL. A detailed Prospectus will be ready
on MONDAY', and will be sent free, by post, to all who furnish
their address to the Office, 14, Wellington-street" North, Strand,
London.

In a few days will be published, price 6a.,
THE DUBLIN REVIEW. No. XXXI.
CONTENTS.
Art. 1. The Religious and Social Condition of France.
2. Preseott's Conquest of Mexico.
3. Dr. Mant's Romish Corruptions.
4. Moehler's Symbolism.
5. The Nestorian Christians of Kurdistan.
6. Irish Arclueological Society—Statute of Kilkenny.
7. The Pension of the Irish Clergy.
8. Recent Publications on the Irish Question.
9. 'Suppression of Monasteries.
London : C. Dolman, 61, New Bond-street. Dublin : J. Cumming.
Edinburgh : W. Tait. Liverpool : Booker and Co.. .

BLACKWOOD'S EDINBURGH MAGA;
ZINE. No. CCCXLII. Price 29. 6d.

CONTENTS,

I.—The Pirates of Segna. A Tale of Venice and the Adriatic—
Conclusion. ll.—Tho Slave Trade. lll.—Moslem Histories of
Spain ; The Arabs of Cordova. IV.Two Nights in Southern
Mexico. V.—The British Fleet. VI.-Marston; or the Memoirs
of a Statesman. Bart X. VII.--The Child's Warning. VIII.—Tha
Two Patrons. IX.—lreland.

William Blackwood and Sons, 45, George-street, Edinburgh ; and
22, Pall-mall, London.

KOHL'S IRELAND.

On Saturday, will be published, price Sixpence, the Frst Part of
TRAVELS IN IRELAND. By J. G. KOHL.
l Transated from the German.

The work will be comprised in Seven Parts, at Sixpence each, and
a Part will be published every Saturday, until the whole is completed.
Each Part will contain 64 pages, printed on fine paper, with a clear
type. This edition will not (like one that has already appeared) bo
a mere abridgment, but a full and faithful translation of Mr. Kohl's
valuable and interesting work, which has thrown so much additional
light upon the state of Ireland, and is recognised as an authority by
men of all political opinions.
_ .

Published by N. Bruce, Novel Newspaper-office, 84, Farringdon-
street, and sold by all Booksellers.

BRITISH INSTITUTION, PALL-MALL.
The GALLERY for the EXHIBITION and SALE of the
WORKS of BRITISH ARTISTS is open daily from Tea in the
.Morning natil The in the Evening.
;Admission, le. ; Catalogue, Is.
WILLIAM BARNARD, Keeper.

WIL SON'S SCOTTISH ENTERTAIN-
.
MENTS,
MUSJC-HALL, STORE-STREET, BEDFORD-SQUARE.
On, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 1, at Eight o'clock,
MR. WILSON will give his SECOND SELECTED ENTERTAIN-
MENT ON THE SONGS OF SCOTLAND.
Part I.—" 0 weel may the Boatie row."—" Logie e' Buchan."—
"An thou wert my ain thing."—" Bide ye yet."—" What ails this
heart o' mine ?"—" Woo'd and married and a'."—" My bonny Lizzie
Ballad, " Muirland Willie."
Part II.—" The Flowers o' the Forest."—" We're a' nceldin."—
" Corns under my. My Mither's aye glowrin' o'er me."--
" Hooly and fairly."—Old Ballad, " Get up, and bar the door."
Pianoforte, Mr. LAND.
Front Seats, 2s. Gd. ; Back Seats, 2s. ; Private Boxes for Six, 155.;
for Eight, 1/. Programmes and Tickets may be had at the Music-
shops, and at the Music-hall.
kOn Easter Monday, " TUE HIGHLAND ENTERTAINMENT."'
In the Press, the MUSIC in MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS.
Mr. WILSON will, in the course of the season, produce the follow-
ing, which be has had some time In preparation :—Jacobite Relies—
Wandering Willie's Wallet—The Jameses of Scotland—The Wallace
and the Bruce—A Haiver wi' Jamie Hogg.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
The various ARTIFICIAL LIGHTS hi Ancient and Modem
Use are familiarly explained by Dr. Ttyan, at Two o'clock daily ,
illustrated by the LAMP of the ANCIENTS. the FIRT IMPROVE-
MENT by ARGAND, the RUDE, the DRUMMOND, the BOCCIUS,
the PELLETAN, the CAMPHINE LIGHTS, New FRENCH
LAMPS, BEALE'S LAMPS, &c., &c. The First Lecture, by Pro•
fessor Bachheffner, Ph. D. M.A., is at a Quarter-past Three o'clock.
ARMSTRONG'S HYDRO-ELECTRIC MACHINE at Three o'clock
and at Eight in the Evenings. NEW DISSOLVING ♦IEWS,
DIVER and DIVING BELL, Among the recent Deposits is the
HEAD of a MUMMY from THEBES, very remarkable.
Admission, Is.; Seheols, Half-price.

THE SKIN AND COMPLEXION.
GOWLAND'S LOTION.—The use of Lowland's Lotion is
speedily followed by the disappearance of every species of eruptive
malady, discolouration, &c., and the establishment of a pure surface
of the skin, accompanied by the brilliant circulation which constitutes
the tint of beauty, whilst as a refresher it preserves the most delicate
complexion, and sustains to a protracted period the softness ef texture
and vivacity peculiar to earlier years.
" ROBERT SHAW, London," is in white letters on the Government
Stamp, without which none is genuine. Prices 2a. Gd.,
quarts Ss. 6d. Sold by all Perfumers and Medicine Vendors.

UNITED STATES.
THE LATE CALAMITY AT WASHINGTON.
(Correspondence of the New York Herald.)
From the multitude of accounts which must have
reached you since I wrote to you last evening, you will
have obtained the leading particulars in addition to those
I sent, of the awful catastrophe which has literally
plunged a nation in grief and agony. All the usual
forms of language utterly fail in conveying any ade-
quate conception of this horrible calamity. I think
there was very little, if any, sound sleep in this city last
night. Multitudes of eyes were never closed in sleep at
all ; others were filled with tears from night till morn,
but it was most painful to add, that not a few eyes could,
shed no tears. Among these last was Mrs. Gilmer—
poor, distracted woman—who eyes, as Mr. Wiso said,
were " arid as ashes." _ _ _

Many, many stout hearts have broken and melted
now which never softened before. Think of those
bereft—and so terribly bereft! All, I think, who were
killed had large families to deplore their untimely end.
Had they died a natural death, in the ordinary course of
Providence, their loss would have been painfully dis•
tressing. But to be so taken from time to eternity ! Who
can, unmoved, contemplate the fact! "Tell me," said
Commodore Kenyon's wife, " Oh tell me if he is dead!
don't deceive me!" Mr. Holmes, M.C., from S. C., ig-
norant of his death, and in the kindness of his heart,
assured her that he was not dead, but safe. Still she
was not content. Mr. Holmes pledged her his honour
that he was not dead. This was overheard by Mr. Sykes,
M.C., from New Jersey, who beckoned him away from
the frantic woman to assure him that he was mistaken—
that the Commodore was dead.
The reports of the frenzied remarks of Mrs. Gilmer,
are mainly true. Senator Hannegan describes her as
wandering in her •mind—" No, no—he is not dead!—
He cannot be dead. He Was with me but a moment ago!
Bring me my husband!—where is he? Dead! Yes,
he is dead !" and then, with a vacant smile of incredulity,
again denying the evidence. " Oh, that she could
weep!" said her surrounding friends, but she wept not.
A few minutes before the fatal explosion, toasts were
drank at the table. Judge Upshur was called on for his
toast. In attempting to comply he took up accidentally
an empty bottle, and pleasantly remarked that the dead
bodies (alluding to the empty bottles) must be cleared
away before he could give his toast. Accidentally an-
other empty bottle was pushed within his reach—and
he again repeated the joke, which was seized upon with
applause, that the dead must be taken away. This
drAv from Captain Stockton the reply that there were
pler'ty of living (meaning bottles) to supply the place of
the dead.
At the same time the President gave the toast—
" The Princeton and her three guns—the Peace-maker,
the Oregon, and Captain Stockton—but the greatest of
them is Captain Stockton." These leading gentlemen
then withdrew from the convivial table to make room for
others—and, within ten minutes, Judge Upshur himself
was a lifeless " body."
It is a most remarkable circumstance that song and
wine should have been, as they undoubtedly were, the
means of saving, no one knows how many lives. For,
in the hilarity of the occasion, and when the captain and
others withdrew to attend the firing of the " Peace-
maker" the third time (and at the request of Secretary
Gilmer), Mr. Waller, the President's son-in-law, com-
menced singing a song, by general request. This de-
tained the party, for the most part, below, to the pre-
servation of many lives.
I have been on board the Princeton this morning, and
have learned that it is hoped the wounded subordinates
will all recover. They are all removed to the Navy
Yard, with the exception of the gunner and officers.
The Ron. Henry A. Wise, Robert Tyler, and nume-
rous other gentlemen, went down this morning, to meet
the committee appointed by the President, to make a
formal investigation into the matter, and prepare for the
funeral.

On arriving at the Princeton, we found that coffins for
all the deati were already on board, and seyer4l of the

bodies had been already washed, and put in their final
resting place. While this sad work was going on, the
committee alluded to, composed 'bf Coin. Shubrick,
Capt. Ramsay, Col. Murray, of N. X., Reuben M.
Whitney, and others, were preparing their report,
which will be published.
The report not only honourably acquits Captain
Stockton, and all the officers of- the Princeton of the
least blame, but deeply sympathises with him and the
afflicted. It states, on the authority of Lieut. Hunt,
that the gun was only loaded with twenty-five pounds of
'powder, that it had been fired with forty-nine pounds,
and frequently with thirty pounds. The gull was pro-
perly and carefully loaded with the usual ball and wad-
ding, and ,fired nearly at a horizontal level, so that
the ball could not possibly have rolled away from the
powder.
The Committee had collected a large number of framw-
ments of epaulets, of swords, &c., belonging to the de-
ceased. A piece of iron broken from the cannon, weigh-
ing a pound or more, was taken from between the clothes
and the flesh of Judge Upshur. It was not known whe-
ther it passed through him or not.
And here it is proper to say, that not only was there
no post mortem examination, but every pains seems to
be taken to conceal the injuries which the dead bodies
had sustained. One thing is certainly known, that they
were dreadfully, horribly mangled and disfigured—in a
way which it Would be disgusting and revolting to relate.
(From the Madisonian.)
_ _

THURSDAY MORNING,.FRB. 29, 1844.

The Committee met, pursuant to adjournment—pre-
sent, all-the members except General Jones and General
Eaton. •

The Sub-Committee appointed to visit the families of
the deceased, to ascertain their wishes fa regard to the
disposition of the bodies on their arrival in the city—
harmg executed the duties confided to them—reported.
That in the discharge of their duty, they visited the
families of each of the deceased, and ascertained that
they were desirous their respective relatives should be
brought to their homes; and, at the request of the Presi-
dent, that the body of Colonel Gardiner should be taken
to the President's mansion. In consequence of which,
arrangements were made, that hearses should meet the
bodies at the wharf in the city, to convey them to their
family residences.
The Committee, at the request of Captain Stockton,
proceeded to examine witnesses as to the cause of the
explosion, and accordingly called upon the officers,
whose duty was most imme liately connected with the
loading of the gun, for such information as they had to
give.
Lieut. Hunt, ordnance officer in charge of. the great
guns, represents that he foaled the gun himself, with
but twenty-five pounds of powder—the usual charge
being thirty pounds. Over the powder was placed a
single shot, with the usual number of wads. That the
persons nearest the gun at the time of the explosion
were Captain Stockton, Mr. King, the gunner of the
ship, and himself:
Lieut. Hunt also states, that this gun has been re-
peatedly fired with a charge of thirty-five pounds of
powder, and once in New.Yozprk, with a charge of forty-
nine pounds.
In the statements of Lieut. Hunt, Mr. King, the gunner
of the ship, concurs. Mr. King is a blacksmith by trade,
and is of opinion that the gun was indifferently made, of
iron of an inferior quality.
The Committee, as well from the foregoing testimony
as from their own personal observation and examination
before and after the accident, have no hesitation in exo-
nerating Captain Stockton and every officer and man
under his command, from the slightest imputation of
rashness or carelessness, and are unanimously of opinion
that this melancholy event rests upon causes over which
they could have no control.
The Committee having made the necessary provision
for carrying into execution the arrangements of the Sub-
Committee appointed to visit the families of the deceased,
Resolved—" That a copy of these proceedings, signed
by the Chairman and Secretarr, should be transmitted
to the' President of the United States."

On motion, adjourned sine die.
W. BRANFORD SLIUBRICK, Chairman.

JOHN T.

MACLAUGIILIN, Secretary.

ARRIVAL OF THE DEAD.—Between twelve and one
o'clock to-day, a steam-boat came up from the Princeton
having on board the bodies of the dead. At two o'clock
five hearses, conveying the remains of Upshur, Gilmer,
Kennon, Maxey, and Gardiner, and followed' by a long
train of carriages, citizens .on horseback and on foot,
passed in silence along the avenue, and proceeded to the
President's mansion. The coffins were taken into the
East Room; and laid on frames placed in the centre,
arranged according to the rank of the deceased.
The President of the United States, who was almost
overwhelmed with grief, remained a ,few minutes, sur-
rounded by the survivors of his Cabinet and numerous
body of citizens, to receive the several Committees, Con-
gregational and others, appointed to wait upon him, and
the report of the Committee of investigation that had
remained on board the Princeton after the sad occur-
rence, and then retired to his private room.
The Committee of Congress appointed a Sub-Com-
mittee to meet a Committee on the part of the Execu-
tive, at the President's house, at three o'clock, to arrange
a programme of the funeral c3remonies.

Mr. HOPKINS rose and offered the following resolu-
,ons:—

" Resolved, that this House has heard with deep
sorrow of the dreadful catastrophe which occurred yes-
terday on board the United States ship of war Princeton.
where many valuable lives were lost, and by which,
amongst others, the Hon. Abel P. Upshur, Secretary of
the Navy, met a sudden and awful death.
"Resolved, that this House will manifest its respect
for the memory of the late distinguished Secretaries of
State and of the Navy, and its sympathy for their
bereaved families, by attending their funeral in a body.
" Resolved, As a further mark of respect to the de.
ceased, and to manifest our sense of this most melan-
choly and afflictinij dispensation of Divine Providence,
that this House will transact no legislative business until
after the funeral obsequies of the deceased shall have
been performed.
" Resolved, That the Members of this House will
wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days.
" Resolved; That a Committee of five Members of
this House be appointed to make arrangements, with
such Committee as may be appointed on the part of the
two Houses of Congress at the funeral of the late A. P.
Upshur and Thomas W. Gilmer.
Resolved,—That when this House adjourn to-day it
will adjourn to meet on Monday next, and that this
Hduse do now adjourn."
Mr. H. said, that in the state of feeling which pervaded
the breast of every gentleman on the floor, he should be
pardoned for declining to utter a syllable in support of
the resolutions.

The question was then taken, and the resolutions were
adopted unanimously.
Messrs. Hopkins, Adams, J. G. Ingeisoll, Barnard,
and Cave Johnson were Ippointed the Committee on the
part of this House.
And thereupon the House adjourned.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—The announcement made last night by Lord
Ashley, in reply to the seemingly preconcerted inquiry of
Lord Sandon, cannot fail to produce some disappointment.
His Lordship says, " it is not his intention to offer next
Friday any opposition to Government in withdrawing their
Bill." "'Taking this step on the full understanding that
Government will introduce another Bill, he intends to take
the discussion on that Bill as soon as possible after Easter."
This may be wise in the end, for what we know; but it is
promising, instead of doing, which for the present is not so
satisfactory. His Lordship had a certain 'vantage ground—
certain decisions of the House in his favour: he is himself
sensible that in taking the present step " he resigns advan-
tages which he already possesses"—nay, more, he is pledged
—hastily, perhaps, but stillpledged. " Whatever opinion," he
said on Monday, "we maybe called upon to pass next Friday,
I do make to the House a solemn appeal to stand by its decision,
and to uphold its recorded verdict. Upon that verdict, upon
that decision, I take my stand, convinced, as I said before, ,
that it is not necessary for me, nor for any other person, to
deal with the subject by farther argument.' Everybody felt
that this declaration was exactly as it should be, and just what
the crisis required. The words we have quoted were cheered,
and loudly cheered, and cheered again. So, of course, it
does let one down a little to hear that the fight not come
off on Friday after all—that the position so hardly and so
splendidly won is to be surrendered, and the challenge is to
be redeemed, not by the performance, but by another chal-
lenge. We cannot help this feeling. " Hope deferred maketh
the heart sick." That a ten hours' clause will be carried be-
fore very long cannot for a moment be doubted. The princi-
ples on which it depends are not artificial and arbitrary, but
broad, simple, and natural. Twelve hours a day, including
seasons of necessary refreshment, is an ordinance of nature
which appeals to the common sense of all men, and will only
be cavilled at by fools, who don't know what nature is. " Are
there not twelve hours in the day ?" " The night cometh,
when no man can work." If those who by age and sex are
perfectly competent to protect themselves, and know their
own strength, and the consequences of what they are doing,
choose to work fifteen, or eighteen, or twenty-four hours a
day, that is clearly their own look-out. They are not
the pupils and wards of the nation not, at least,
in the same strong and definite sense as women
and minors. But whether a ten hours' clause will
be carried this or the next session—whether by Lord Ash-
ley at all—whether as an act of grace or a concession—
whether as a matter of government or of compromise, are
questions so very much dependent on individual character
and circumstances, that we can only entertain a very strong
expectation. • We will not allow ourselves to expect any
other result of the present discussion than that Lord Ashley
will persevere through every obstacle, and the House will
this very session do this much-needed, much-canvassed act
of justice. It is impossible, however, to forget that among
658 Members of the House of Commons there are some whose
votes cannot be accounted for on any assignable rules of con-
duct, and a good many more whose votes will sometimes be
only too intelligible. The second division last Friday is felt
by all to be an incident wholly out of the scope of human
calculation. Who could reckon on the passibility of there
being five men in the House of Commons who would vote
against both 10 and 12 hours, when they knew that nobody
was proposing, or would propose, or would agree to, any
other alternative, and that the only result of their vote
would be to baffle both parties, and protract the agitation?
Again, that a score or two independent country gentlemen
should have just enough humanity not to commit themselves
unnecessarily to twelve hours a day, but not enough to pre-
vent them doing so if a Ministerial crisis should render it
necessary, was a circumstance which it might be wise to
fear, but was not charitable to expect. We are bound tt
confess that we did fear it Very early we expressed our ap-
prehension that the scale would be turned against the ten
hours' clause by a body of agriculturists, who, little as they
liked the manufacturer, had a still greater dread of labour
assuming a'clefensive position. The sympathy between em- •
ployers we felt to be a deeper instinct than the jealousy of
rivals. Competition is a powerful law of nature. but not so
strong as the law of self-preservation. The progress of the
measure thus far might, perhaps, inspire some uneasiness,
but for our confidence in its intrinsic merits, and in the sound
ness and stability of the public feeling. Its casualties have
been considerable. It was at first substantially carried, after
two nights' long debate. Ministers then took four days'
delay to recover from their surprise, and do what else they
could meanwhile. Both parties came to the second struggle
with renewed strength. Government experienced a second
defeat on their own clause, qualified, however, as they pro-
bably felt it, by Lord Ashley suffering a defeat on his. A
second delay, from Friday to Monday, could not be avoided.
The Minister then came and asked for a third delay—ane-
ther four days—after which, i. e., on next Friday (to-morrow),
he proposed to move that the House should discharge the •
order of the day for going into Committee on the Bill, thus'
virtually rescinding all its decisions, including the two
against the twelve hours' clause. To ask so long a delay
was scarcely modest ; to ask it for such a purpose—to ash
that he might be allowed sufficient time to compel the House
to rescind two recent solemn decisions—implied a contrary
of modesty which we will not venture to name. But the
request was granted, and to-morrow the House is to be
called on to suffer this indignity. But all these delays are
nothing compared with the indefinite gulf which now
seems to yawn between us and our expectations. Lord
Ashley, "considering it his duty, whenever he can with-
out any concession of principle, to consult the
interest and convenience of the House and the Go-
vernment," will allow the House to suffer the above in-
dignity, and Government to have its way, to-morrow.
But he promises to fight his ten-hours' clause into the
n.ew Bill as soon as possible after Easter ! So we have nothing
:to do now but to sit down and compute the value of a Par-
liamentary and Anti-Ministerial " as-soon-as-possible." If
the 10 hours' clause is, even then, to be carried without any
further vexatious or injurious delay, it is evident that it must
be put on a better footing than at present. Every one ought
to know whether the Government Bill is what is commonly
understood by a Government Bill—a Bill which Government
will carry at all risks, and with their whole official weight
and influence ; and it is due from Lord Ashley to his sup-
porters, due to the country, due to truth, and justice, and
humanity, to let people know whether he considers a Ten
Hours' Bill more important than the existence of the present
Ministry. We will frankly own, that considerable as are
the personal merits of some members of the Cabinet, and dif-
ficult as it might be to suggest their successors, we do not
think they have any claim to be put in competition with
principle. They are hardly commensurable with principle;
so one really cannot strike a balance between them. We can
only say, as we hope Lord Ashley is ready to say, stick to the
principle of justice and humanity, and let the Ministry take
its course. If it thinks fit to follow in the wake, well ; if not,
it must go to the bottom, we suppose. At least, we
cannot help it. If the Bill is worth anything, it is
worth carrying against the Ministry; but it is quite evi-
dent it cannot be carried against the Ministry, if Lori Ash-
ley does not immediately make his election between it
and the Ministry. Such a decision may be painful, but a
moment's comparison of the division lists of last Friday and
the previous Monday—a moment's recollection of what passed
in the House last Monday, will show its necessity. If the
measure had been on that footing which its importance re-
quired, Sir James Graham would not have been allowed to
gain a fresh delay from Monday to Friday, when he had
made so much use of the like interval in the previous week;
much less would lie now be allowed to throw the question
over the recess into the summer months. He asked for de-
lay, with scarce the shadow of a pretence for it. He asked
for leave to throw away the present. Bil?, in order to bring in
a new one, comprehending the amendments already passed
by the House, and some others, but leaving the hours of
labour as they now are, with the frank announcement, that
as the Ministry had already resisted, so would they continue
to resist, any departure from the principle of twelve hours'
labour. He carefully and strenuously forbad all expectation
of the Ministry ever giving up this principle to a majority of
the House. He admitted also, that in making the above re-
quest it might be considered he was taking the House by
surprise. Lord Ashley confessed that he had cer-
tainly been taken by surprise, and so far, that
neither he nor the House had been treated very cour-
teously. He also expressed his own determination to
stand by the ten hours' clause, and his belief that nothing
really remained to be done which required delay. "The
question," he said, "has already been fully discussed. Every-
body has made up his mind on it, and not only has the dis-
cussion been ample, but, let me emphatically remark, the
whole matter has been most solemnly decided. This great
assembly, in their successive divisions, has affirmed the
principle, that twelve hours' labour is not to be endured."
If so, then why allow the very same question to be brought
on again with an indefinite further delay ? Was it captious,
was it unfriendly, was It unaccommodating to refuse ? What
pledges had the Heme Secretary given that so great an ac-
commodation would not be abused—that he would not
strain' every nerve in the interval to leave Lord Ashley in a
decisive minority ? None whatever. He kept his ground.
He dealt as with an enemy. He asked a truce on the specty
lation that the foe might perhaps be simple enough to con-
cede it, but did not commit himself in return. He made no
stipulation, and could not. Lord Ashley must view the
question as his antagonist does, nniess w 0414 Make both
himself and his caese ridienlous. lie must make no terms,
and press for a division when there is no reason whatever for
delay.-,.We repeat, let it be looked. on as P. illuisterial ques-

tion. Ministers make it one. Can there be a question mor
important and more worthy to divide the House? At
present there is no rallying point in the House—no one re-
spectable standaiatto assemble round. Why not gather into
one all those who are not ashamed of the principle of pro-
tecting the labourer ?
POST.—In the course which they have adopted in refer-
ence to their Factories Bill, Sir James Graham and his col-
leagues desire to be regarded as especially the champions of
the sacred rightseof property. Yet never did men seek to
place the right 4, of property in more imminent perils than
Ministers have done in describing these rights as incompati-
ble with the protection of the poor from oppression. Inse-
cure, indeed, would be the institution of property, if it rested,
as Sir James Graham maintains it does, on the continuance
to the millownas of the priVilege of win-king women and
children to death. Yes, if we may credit the Conservative
Home Secretary,: every man who would rescue poor factory
women from air unnatural amount of daily toil favours
"Jack Cade principles of legislation "—lemislation, that is to
say, against the rights of capital. Ana this dictum of Sir
James Graham is quietly adopted by the First Lord of the
Treasury. It is edifying, by the way, to note the denun-
ciation which ,the leaders of the House of Commons
presume to level against " the principles of Jack Cade." Of
the " principles" professed by the real Jack Cade, it may not
be unimportant to observe that nothing certain is known. It
is known, however, that Jack Cade was a bold and straight-
forward fellow, and that the materials on which he worked
were supplied bythe actual sufferings of the people. Bold-
ness and straightforwardness are not, on the other hand, in-
variably the chaiacteristics of political leaders in our times;
while to the sufferings of the labouring poor all the political
leaders of these days agree in approving themselves most phi-
losophically indifferent. Let us, however, attach to the name
of Cade the ordinary associations which that name calls up.
Let us understand by " Jack Cade principles," principles that
are revolutionary, and opposed to the influence of property.
Those things being premised, let us consider the special pro-
priety with which denunciations of such principles drop
from the lips of the leaders in the House of Commons. The
House of Commons has been, in virtue of its constitution i
since the year 1688, a giant Jack Cade. Since that memor-
able
period, the most valuabls forms of property have, in
truth, been stripped of all security by the direct agency of
the House of Commons. Was Cade a. revolutionist? The
constitution of the House of Commons is the spawn of revo-
lution. Did Jack Cade propose to confiscate the possessions
of the rich? Since 1688, the House of Commons has been
chiefly occupied in pillaging the poor. In 1688 the House of
Commons robbed the Crown of all the prerogatives of sove-
reignty. Subsequently the House of Commons robbed the
Crown of its possessions in land. Before ;the year 1688 all
the wealth of England owed allegiance to the soil—in other
words, to the poor of England. In 1689 a new system of taxa-
tion was devised.. Burdens, previously unheard of, were
thrown on the land, and capital attracted by con-
sequence to new fields of investment—fields of in-
vestment over which the mortgage which the la-
bourers of England possess over all the agricultural capital
of England was not extended by the I-louse of Commons.
Our modern manufacturing system is the direct consequence
of those systems of taxation and finance to which the Revolu-
tion of 1688 gave birth • and our modern manufacturing
system rests on the exclusive and pernicious privileges with
which it invests capitalists. Our old agricultural policy pro-
posed the well-being of the labouring classes as one of its
great ends. In the extension of agricultural enterprise, the
labouring classes have the deepest interest. In all capital
devoted to the cultivation of the soil, our labourers are in-
vested with a certain right of property. From all right of
property in capital devoted to manufactures: and to trade,
our labourers have, on the other hand—except to the
most insignificant extent—been excluded. Our modern ma-
nufacturing and trading systems have, in melancholy truth,
rendered the abasement of the order of labourers the most
direct mode of.adding to the productiveness of capital. The
reward of the unskilled English labourer at the present day
is far less than it was before the Revolution of 1688. Since
that period, it has been the policy of the House of Commons
to pander to the avarice of capitalists—and, by consequence,
0 rob the labourer of the value of his honest toil. In 1819
the House of Commons proved its undying fidelity, to " Jack
Cade principles of legislation." By the money law of 1819
the 'House of Commons has confiscated one-half of the
productively-employed capital of the empire—and has,
by consequence, more than doubled the dependence of all
orders of labourers on usurers and on idle consumers.
In 1834 our legislative Jack Cedes were again at
work after a gigantic fashion. By the poor-law of 1834 the
House of Commons robbed the labourers of England of the
most precious of their birthrights. By the poor-law of 1834
the House of Commons threw, the labourer "on his own re-
sources"—cut off from him, -in other words, those resources
drawn from the general wealth, which the wisdom of our
forefathers placed at his disposal; and placed him, as far as
its influence extended, absolutely at the mercy of his em-
ployer. In 1842, we once more find the House of Commons
at its congenial task of giving effect to " the principles of
Jack Cade ;" and foremost among the " disciples" (to bor-
row Sir Robert Peel's phrase) of that great philosopher,
were found Sir James Graham and his Conservative
allies. The free-trade measures of the last two years
have, already, robbed the agricultural labourer of one-third
of his previous wages. So effective have been " the principles
of Jack Cade," when administered by pupils so zealous as
the Home Secretary. The real enemies of the rights of pro-
perty are the legislators who exhibit no respect towards the
property of the poor. The real Jack Cades are the opponents
of Lord Ashley's motion. Labour, as the economists proclaim
(without, apparently, understanding the meaning of their
own proposition), is the source of all wealth. But free-
traders of all sorts—her Majesty's Ministers included—have'
yet to learn, that of all the forms of property the most sacred
in the eyes of the Legislature ought to be, the wages of labour.,
This fund, however, is considered by all modern " philoso-
phers" precious only in so far as it may be converted into a
field of plunder.
- ADVERTISER.—There is an ignorant and mischievous
consistency in the conduct of the House of Commons, so far
as relates to its dealings with the working classes. It first
enacts the corn-laws, by means of which they are reduced to
one of two alternatives—either they must work long
hours, to be able to obtain a sufficiency of food to keep body
and soul together; or, failing to go through an amount of
toil almost too much for the human frame, they must submit
to undergo the appalling process of death by starvation. In
all branches of laborious industry, but in the factories espe-
cially, the operatives of England-preferred the former alter-
native. They arc willing to work from morn to eve, even
should the eventual consequence of their intolerable toil be
the sacrifice of their lives, rather than that they and their
families should be deprived of their necessary food. But our
sapient Legislators, suddenly seized with an uncontrolable fit
of " humanity," interpose between them and their employers,
and prohibit women and young persons from working more
than a given number of hours each day—a number insuffi-
cient to enable them to procure an adequate supply of
the necessaries of life. In all this, it must be confessed,
there is a cruel consistency. First, the stern ne-
cessity of toiling. for twelve long hours for their
daily bread, is imposed upon them by the enact-
ment of the corn-laws ; and then Parliament interferes, and
tells the wretched victims of its heartless agitation, that they
shall not work twelve hours—in other words, that they shall
not work a sufficiext length of time to procure the means of
subsistence. Why should the adherents of the Ashley sys-
tem stop at this point? Why not fully carry out their prin-
ciples? Why not give a further practical exposition of their
horror of factory labour, by abolishing it altogether? The
noise of factory machinery grates on their ears ; why not
hush it to silence the unmusical sound, by stopping the mills ?
" Tall chimneys" are odious in their eyes ; why not level
them with the dust? The same principle which justifies
their interference with factory labour in any way, would
equally justify their extinguishing the factory system alto-
gether. The most provoking part of the business is, that
this mischievous meddling with matters which ought to be
left to the adjustment of the employers and employed, is
justified on the plea of humanity ! "Humanity!" Hum-
bug! cant! There may be, it is true, a few individuals
among those who support the Ashley amendment, who are
solely influenced by what appear to them humane considera-
tions. But these honest, though mistaken philanthropists,
constitute a small minority of those who have identified
themselves with the Noble Lord in his crusade against the
manufacturers. It were invidious to mention names, but let
any one look over the lists of those who voted in the affirma-
tive, and then say whether all, or even a majority of those whose
names grace these lists, ever before in any way distinguished
themselves for their humanity. Some scores of their number
must not be a little surprised that they are now ranked
among the philanthropists of the age. How easy, with a
little management, it is to obtain a reputation for humanity I
" Oh, liberty !" exclaimed Madame Roland when on her way
to the scaffold, "what crimes have been committed in thy
name !" " Oh, humanity ! what atrocities have been perpe-
trated in thy name 1" What could be more cruel, what
more heartless, than to snatch from the hand of the half-
famishing factory mother or child the crust of bread by which
alone body and soul were to be kept together? And to do
it, too, in the name of humanity ! Who does not turn away
with loathing and disgust from such a bastard humanity as
this? The hypocrisy of those who, under the pretext of com-
passion tor the women and young persons who work in the
factories, would deprive them of their necessary food, by
abridging their hours of labour, was last night effectively
exposed at the;League meeting at Covent-garden Theatre.
Mr. Gisborne showed that the factory question is essentially
a corn-law question, and that hostility to the League is veiled
under large professions of humanity to the factory females.
If the county members who voted with Lord Aihley were
sincere in their protestations of friendship for the factory ope-
ratives • if their real object were to shorten theii hours of
labour, would vote for the repeal of the corn-laws. The
enactment of these laws, and that alone, has imposed on
these unfortunate persons the dire necessity of working
long hours in order that they may procure an adequate
supply of food. Abolish these laws, and the conse-
quent reluction in the price of bread, and the increased
value of their labour, will at once relieve them from
the necessity of working twelve hours per day. How happens
it, people begin to ask, that the agricultural philanthropists,
who heave so many sighs and shed so many tears for those
whose destiny it is to labour in the factories, have no bowels
of compassion for the miserable men and women who labour
in the rural districts? The labourers in Dorsetshire and
other counties are incomparably worse off than the opera-
tives in the factories. It has been proved within the last few
weeks, that whole families are living, or rather vegetating, in
many rural districts, on seven shillings a week. Their social
condition is represented, and the accuracy of the representa-
tion has not been denied, as being the most wretched that the
mind of man could picture to itself. To sink lower in the
depths of misery would, we are assured, be impos-
sible. And yet those Noble Lords arid Honourable
Gentlemen who so profoundly sympathise with, and
sorrow for the overworked inmates of factories,
never whisper a word of pity for the oppressed and
starving labourers in the counties, into whose condition they
even refuse to inquire. How is this? Can that be real lin •
manic y which reserves all its sympathies for a particular class
theea i s tt
a i ank theof
of sufferers, while others, much snore miserable, and conse-
quently more deserving of compasaion and relief, are to be
found much nearer home ? That is a questionable humanity
which singles out objects for its exercise at a distance, while
incomparably greater wretchedness is to be foiled at one's
aim door. Humanity, like charity, ought to begin at home.
liefore the soi disant philanthropists of the counties undertake
afpapelLriinegs,lleegtistlhein try
legislative remedies
hantodtshaetevalille%
alleviating
' tit() yffetrelvad,taaa which earieta lit lbeir (Mt districts. If they