The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-10 00:00:00

.;:i btrb 12tfiti4In

self-seeking politicians as frequently met the stubborn
Protestant constitution obstructing their pleasant and
profitable combinations. These two classes made up a
great majority of the old House ofCommons—they made
" the settling of the question" an inevitable condition
of enabling any administration effectually to govern
the country; they fancied, in their transcendent
folly, that by concession only could the question be
" settled," but that by concession it would be settled
effectually. They had their way—with what effect
at home we need hardly tell, with the remembrance
of eleven years of Whig government fresh in memory,
and with the shouts of monster meetings still ringing,
in our ears—with what effect abroad nearly every co-
lonial and foreign newspaper of the last few years
will tell. Concession, in fact, has been so far from
" settling the question," or limiting it even locally,
that we have it among ourselves at this hour in aug-
mented vigour, and have the satisfaction of seeing that
we have presented a share of it to a good portion of
the world. The Canadas, Newfoundland, and most
recently Ceylon; have had their Catholic ques-
tions ; Belgium, France, Prussia, have not been
less happy in this respect; and the comfort
seems to be extending generally over Germany
under the patronage of the ex-Liberal King of
Bavaria. According to the latest intelligence
from the dominions of this Monarch, he has pub-
licly signified his determination to confiscate
and to apply to the support of Roman Catholic
monasteries, all money contributed by the Pro-
testant inhabitants of other German States to the
support of the Protestant ministers and the repair
of Protestant temples in his kingdom. The Protes-
tants in Bavaria are about a million and a half, or six-
sixteenths of the whole population, but they are, as
we are informed, ;the poorest class; the State makes
no provision for their ministers or religious edifices,
and we need not say that the Protestant Church, un-
like the Church of Rome in this respect, does not
permit its ministers to " make merchandise of men's
" souls" by driving a retail trade in charms and spells,
and so-called religious rites and ceremonies—a retail
trade which is often, as in Ireland, worth more than
the richest endowment that any State would confer
upon a church. Thus the Protestant Church in
Bavaria is extremely poor ; so poor as to have been
lately in danger of expiring altogether as a col-
lective body, and the sympathies of the Protestants
of tilb other German States, awakened by its
danger, have been making moderate contributions
for it; the admirable King of Prussia, " the fore-
most in every good won," having by his example
and patronage aide 3 the pious and benevolent design.
It is to intercept and appropriate the bounty intended
for the religious use of his Protestant subjects, that
the King of Bavaria declares Lis dignified purpose
Whether the proceeding is legal according to the kind
of constitution that Bavaria possesses we know not,
but that it is neither a gentlemanlike nor honest
proceeding there can be no doubt whatever. We
freely admit that the Government of a country
has a clear right, and indeed owes a duty, to
seize upon and confiscate all monies remitted to
its subjects for any political purpose whatever,
not expressly sanctioned by the Government it-
self. We say for any political purpose whatever,
because the interference of the citizens of
one state in the political concerns of another is
a plain act of hostility against the Govern-
ment, the concerns of which are intruded upon
by those who owe it and pretend to owe it no
allegiance. Money contributed to political objects,
is justly forfeited es the money of enemies.
Money, however, passing from one state into
another for purposes not political, is surely
free from the danger of confiscation by the law of
every country at this side of Turkey, except the
kingdom of Bavaria. It is, no doubt, a monstrous
abuse of the abundant liberty enjoyed by the people
of this country, and exercised certainly to its fullest
extent in Ireland, that persons engaged in a con-
spiracy for the dismemberment of the United King-
dom are allowed to draw large subsidies from the
enemies of the British empire in every part of
the world; and there can be no question that
upon every principle of justice and of public law,
these subsidies, as well as the money collected at
home for the same illegal purpose, ought to be con-
fiscated, as the money of enemies ; and we hope that
ere long it will be confiscated by a law passed for
the purpose. The error of allowing such abuse is,
however, an error on the opposite side from the
error of the King of Bavaria; his Majesty
proposes to confiscate money contributed from
the purest motives of charity and religion, not to any
political, not to any illegal or immoral object, but
merely to enable his subjects to worship their Crea-
tor " decently and in order, and to hear the Gospel."
Compare the conduct of the intolerant Protestant
Saxon with that of the liberal Romanist Bavarian
It is thus that " the Catholic question," which
we let loose fifteen years ago, is working all
over the world. We believe that it is working fur
good in the end, and that the end is not distant ; but
that we may secure the happy consummation, and
bring it nearer, it is necessary to expose from
time to time, the progress of the great Romanist fer-
mentation.

THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES).
BRITISH FUNDS. _

Bank Stock --
ill— linalaiStock — m
3 per Cent. Red. 99% , Ditto Bonds
$ per Cent. Cons. ... ...... 100 Ditto Old Annuities
3% per Cent. Rel lO3 ' Ditto New Annuities...
New 3% per Cent. lO, ,Ex. Bills, 1,000/. 13/0... pm..
New 5 per Cent ... .....
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small pan.
Jan. 11360 12:4 'Bank. Stock for Acct.... saw,
Oct. 1859 12% ,Consols for Acct loog
Jan. 1860 12% India Stock for Acct.... 294
FOREIGN FUNDS.

Austrian, 5. per Cent — Portuguese, 5 per Cent ......
Belgian, 5 per Cent — Ditto, New Ditto
Brazilian Bonds
Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent... Russians per Cent
ChUlan, 6 per Cent ..... ....... Ditto, Metallic
Colombian, 8 per Cent...—. Spanish, 5 per Cent 26%
Ditto, 18'4 Ditto, 3 per Cent 37%
Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent 93 'Ditto, Deferred l6
Danish, 3 per tent BB% French, 5 per Cent.......123F. 50c.
GreekslB 5, 5 per Cent — Exchange —f. —c.
Mexican, 5 per Cent
Ditto, 6 per Cent., 1837. 'Dutch, 2% per Cent 6l
Peruvian, 1825, 6 per Cent... 'Ditto, 5 per Cent lOO%
SHARES.
Eastern Counties (23 paid)
Ditto Registered (816 s Sd paid) ...... ............
Great Western (75 paid)
Ditto Half Shares (50 paid) ... 7O
London and Birmingham (Stock)
Ditto New Quarters ( 2 paid) 2
London and Guildford Junction ( 5 paid)
London and South Western (411. 6s. 10d. paid)
Ditto Eighths (15s. paid)
London and Croydon (Trunk) l7
Manchester and Leeds (70 paid
Northern and Eastern (45 paid)
Ditto Quarter (12% paid)
South Eastern and Dover (3312 s id paid)
York and North Midland (50 paid)
Ditto Half Shares (25 paid)
v
Paris and Orleans (20 paid)
Paris and Rouen (20 paid) ........ ........... 3ll

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROX THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—Two highly important questions connect-
ed with the administration of public Justice have been
mooted within the present week, in two of the courts
having jurisdiction within and in the neighbourhood
of the metropolis. As these questions are of general
application, they seem to justify a distinct allusion to
the practices to which they relate, in order that
the attention of the proper authorities in other
places may be drawn to theni ; and thus customs
at varience with public rights, and which have
na authority from the law may he abolished.
The Central Criminal Court, at its opening on Mon-
day, became the scene of a somewhat acrimonious,
and certainly undignified, controversy between the
Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs, respecting the right of
the. public to admission to the gallery of the court
during its sittings for the trial of prisoners, without
the payment of fees for admission. It was evident
that the subject had been previously discussed in
private ; and that the difference of opinion between
these functionaries had excited a feeling which
had not subsided when they entered the court.
The interest which the trials of the parties
connect:el with the will forgeries are expected
to excite, and the numerous applications to the
Civic authorities for admission to the court on
the occasion, have, it is understood, given rise to the
question as to the particular functionary with whom
the regulation of the court resides. The Lord
Mayor, who had been previously engaged in an
animated conversation with Mr. Sheriff Moon,
raising his voice so as to be heard throughout the
court, said, " the public had a right of admission
without the payment of fees. He understood it
had been customary to charge a fee of ss. and
u_pwards, even as much as 20s , for admission."
The Recorder—who evidently desired to bring to a
termination a dispute which portended an open nip-
ture—remarked, " So long as the gallery was not
inconveniently crowded, and the people conducted
themselves properly, the public had a right to be ad-
mitted gratuitously. lie wished that rules could be
laid down for the more convenient admission of the
public." The presence of an officer at the gallery-
door to keep order, as the Lord Mayor observed,
would prevent confusion. By regulating the admis-
sion of persons to the gallery, and thus preventing
a greater number from entering than it can ac-
commodate, the respect due to the administra-
tion of public justice from the auditory would
be preserved. The present system of admission, by
payment of fees, so far from effecting this, actually
has a contrary tendency. The object of the fee-
takers is to make the gallery productive of gain.
Hence, every one who will pay the price is thrust
within the door ; and, having paid for a place, fights
his way forward to the best he can secure by dint of
_physical exertion. Whoever has been present in the
Cehtral Criminal Court when any trial of great public
interest has been proceeding, can testify to
the confusion which has existed in the gallery.
" Silence !"—" Silence in the gallery !"—is fre
quently bawled out by the stentorian lungs of
the ushers, who have observed the eyes of the pre
siding judge raised wrathfully to the part of the
court whence the confusion seemed to proceed. The
altercation between the civic functionaries seemed to
arise from an exclusive ex-officio claim which the
Sheriffs make to the arrangements of the court, and
under which they found their right to regulate ad-
mission to the gallery, as well as to enforce the obser-
vance of order and regularity in the court. Mr.
Sheriff Musgrove evidently alluded to this asserted SHORT OR LONG HOURS OF
and controverted claim :—" He had no wish that any LABOUR ?
fees should be taken directly or indirectly for the ad- After three distinct decisions against the twelve
mission of the public to this court. He considered hours' clause, Sir James Graham has withdrawn the
it the duty of the Sheriffs to preserve order and Ministerial Factory Bill, and introduced another as
regularity in the court, and he thought the Lord nearly as possible resembling the one at present in
Mayor had no concurrent authority in the matter." force. Lord Ashley has given his consent to this
Again the Recorder interposed between the official course, promising to " take the discussion on the ten
belligerents, and suggested that the public court was hours' clause after Easter."
not a fit place for a discussion of the kind. The Lord Ashley, it appears to us, was terrified at his
Lord Mayor rejoined—" He thought it a very fit own ',success last week, and determined to take the
place ; the question very materially affected the in- first opportunity of retreating—at the same time pre-
terests of the public." We refer with considerable serving, if possible, his reputation for philanthropy
pleasure to the opinion which the Recorder now felt and benevolence. As Mr. Bailie Cochrane—one of
himself called upon to deliver on the points at Lord Ashley's own followers—observed on Friday
issue. It clearly explains the relative position night, the Ministry were really in earnest in their
of the parties to the controversy, defines their opposition to the ten hours' clause ; suggesting, at the
duties, and limits their powers ; its at the same time same time, that Lord Ashley was not in earnest in
settles the question as to the illegality of the proposing it. We leave the Noble Lord himself to
practice out of which the controversy had arisen. settle this question with his own followers.
The late Justice Park, while engaged in the trial of In the meantime the country will have time to
a prisoner at one of the Assizes, gave a pretty signifi- study the proposal of a Ten Hours' Bill, and to speak
cant opinion respecting the practice of demanding out upon the subject. As yet there, has been no ex-
fees fur admission to courts of justice. Being in- pression of opinion worthy of notice. We do not yet
terrupted by a noise at one of the doors of the court, hear of any public movement either for or against a
he demanded its cause, and was answered that a Ten or a Twelve Hour's Bill. We should like to
person insisted upon coming in. " And who pre- know what the operatives themselves say as to the
vents him ?" said the Judge : " there is plenty of shortening of the hours of labour for the women and
room. Open the door, and admit all who wish to children.
enter. If any one makes a noise in court, I shall It is very easy for Members of the House of Com-
know what to do with him. Your refusal to let the irons, as well as editors of newspapers, to say—" Oh !
person in," continued the Learned Judge, looking let there be a Ten Hours' Bill by all means." This
significantly at the door-keeper, " caused the noise.' costs them nothing, and looks very philanthropic. But
The sulect was dropped in the Central Criminal it is a very different thing to the operative himself,
Court at the close if the Recorder's observation, and whose weekly income (already too scanty) it may
the regular business was proceeded with. It was cut down by one-sixth. We should, therefore, wish
resumed, however, about, noon. The second act in the working classes now to speak out, and lose no
the drama was yet more illustrative of the folly time in declaring their opinions on this important
and mischief of entrusting a corporate body with the question.
powers which that of London exercises in the appoint- We can easily imagine an operative thus arguing :
ment of judges, and the regulation of courts of —" You propose a Ten Hours' Labour Bill, and I
justice. The public knew some of the anomalies hail with delight the prospect of working ten instead
connected with the system ; but were not prepared for of twelve hours a day ; but at present I find that my
anything so positively disgraceful as was disclosed. weekly wage is not more than sufficient—and some-
The fact is, that the sword -bearer to the Lord Mayor times very insufficient—for the maintenance of my'
sion fees. The gallery is rented of the Sheriffs ; a family. What with dear sugar, dear tea, dear bread,
portion of the rent is appropriated to support the and everything dear because taxed, I find that my_
gingerbread splendour of the chief magistrate's ephe- wage is altogether swallowed up in simply subsisting,
meral dignity ; and the present contest between the and that a reduction of my weekly income would only
Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs, respecting their official drive me into a lower abyss of pauperism. Now,
rights, has brought the practice into public view, and will you assure me that my wages shall not be
will result in the extinction of fee-taking for ad lowered by a Ten Hours' Bill—will you guarantee to
mission to the Central Criminal Court. The other me that I shall obtain for the short period of labour
question to which we allude is of equal import- the same amount of remuneration that I now obtain
ante, if not a more serious infraction upon the for the longer ?"
rights of the subject. At several quarter sessions a Now, we believe this to be the present dileMma of
practice yet prevails—it was general within the last the operative classes. They feel that their hours of
quarter of a century—of demanding from persons tried labour are already by far too long ; but they fear that
for the time being, is, in part, paid out of these admis-- the reduction of the hours of labour would only lead
and acquitted of misdemeanour a fee upon their dis- to a proportional reduction of their weekly wages.
charge. The amount varies in different courts. llt is necessity which compels them to work long
The question as to its legality was raised yesterday at r hours—it is necessity which compels them to send
the Surrey Quarter Sessions • ' and, certainly, the ' their wives,• sons, and daughters, into the factory—
" Great Unpaid" cut but a poor figure in the discus- and if you take them out, or reduce their hours of labour
sion. A petition from a person named Ward, who by one-sixth, there is unquestionably also the immi-
had been tried for misdemeanour, and acquitted, nent risk of cutting off the sixth of their weekly in-
was presented by Mr. Jeffrey. It set forth, "that come. It is possible, therefore, that in passing a Ten
being arraigned upon a charge of misdemeanour Hours' Bill the Legislature might be acting a philan-
and acquitted, he was compelled to
I
Pay a fee thropic part at the cost of the suffering operativescorn-of 10s. 6d. for his discharge. The petitioner
themselves. Indeed, Lord Ashley himself stated, in the
plained bitterly of this proceeding, and of the hard-
I House of Commons, that some workmen had declared
ship of a poor man being compelled to pay a heavy
fee after he was declared innocent of the charge made I to him that they would accept the change with terror.
We confess that, much as we. desire to see the time
legainst him." These fees, it appeared—having no of working in factories greatly curtailed, so as to af-
plea but that of a custom, the origin of which no one ford to the operative classes the opportunity of moral
could explain—were divided among the jury, the and intellectual cultivation, as well as for the enjoy-
summoning-officer, and the crier of the; court ! ment of the social and domestic pleasures of life, we
The practice of demanding fees from such persons do not look upon these compulsory regulations of the
prevailed in Middlesex, but was abolished some years hours of labour without considerable apprehension
since—when it was found they could not be enforced. and alarm. We are really reduced to so lamentable
A person arraigned upon a charge of misdemeanour, a position as a nation—the competition in the race of
and acquitted, had the customary demand made upon
manufacture has grown so intense, and the commer-
him, with which he promised compliance. This led cial rivalry between nations so keen—that it is quite
to an investigation. On the discovery being made possible that such a reduction as that contemplated,
that, although sanctioned by the court, it had no legal might inflict a great blow on the manufacturing
authority in its favour, the practice was dropped. If prosperity of Britain. Sir James Graham and Sir
the Bill which the Government has promised to Robert Peel both assert this. Then, our whole social
bring in on the subject of fees to clerks of petty ses- system is so artificial—one part so hangs upon
Biome were to comprehend every description of fees another—the soundness of one portion of the capitalist
in courts of criminal jurisprudence, and sweep them system is so necessary to the soundness of the whole
away by a clause declarative of their illegality, the —that such an injury to manufacturers might prove
question, which is one of great public moment, would the immediate forerunner of the most extensive and de-
be set at rest. structive mischief.
STANDARD.—many influences co-operated to " Whilst property," says the Nonconformist, "is
render inevitable the passing of the unfortunate " Bill distributed as it is, poverty must be the lot of the
of twenty-nine," but among these influences we be- many ' • and so long as the many are close pressed by
lieve the first place is due to indolence and the desire destitution, the universal scramble for employment
to avoid trouble. The self-indulgent fops, who, before will put the workman at the mercy of his employer.
the Reform Bill, occupied so many seats in the Hous 3 In the case of factory labour, master and men will be
of Commons, found the long emancipation debate driven by the same relentless necessity. The first
which so often retained them from the opera and broke effect of Lord Ashley's interference would be to raise
in upon their evening parties, aninteler4blo bore. The the price of' goods—the second, to close against them

every neutral market—the third, an incalculable
diminution of employment—the last, a permanent de-
pression of wages beyond their present level. Then
come panics in the money market—failures of bank-
ing establishments—increase of poor-rates—general
discontent, and, in all probability, social insurrecticn."
Well, then ; and is the fate of these poor women and
children of the factories inevitable ? Is there no
alternative for them but consuming toil and bondage ?
Does the integrity of the empire really depend on
their two hours' extra labour per day ?* Are our
institutions inchurch, an State all worthless, with-
out this twelve,: heilis'l4bpar factor) women and
children ? t-the-iiiile" if the world and
the envy of sufroundiag to rescue its
overtaaked and helpless poor froin':cOnsuming toil,
without the risk of a general overturn ? . Surely, such
were not the excuses made, • when it was proposed, a
few years ago, to rescue 800,000 human beings from
slavery ! It was decided that justice ought to be
done, whatever the consequences.
Is it just, is it fair, on the part of the Legislature to
interfere to prevent the physical, moral, and intellec-
tual deterioration of the people? If so, it is just and
fair, on their part, to interfere in the inordinate work-
ing of women and children in factories. The principle
has been established—it has been already acted upon ;
all that is asked is, that it should be carried out to
its legitimate extent. And if it be proved that the
consequences of the interference of the Legislature
has been to diminish the gains of the factory opera-
tives, why, they must themselves be prepared to con-
cede such measures as will amply make up for the loss
they may have sustained. The repeal of the corn-laws,
the reduction of taxation on articles of consumption,
would far more than repay the working-classes for any
diminution in their weekly wages by the enactment of a
Ten Hours' Bill. It will not do for the landowners
to cast the burden and the blame on the manufac-
turers ; both must be prepared to make sacrifices to
avert the evils of our present social position, but es-
pecially the former. The manufacturers have already,
in numerous instances, been sacrificed and crippled
by the Legislature ; heavy taxes have been imposed.
upon them ; their places of production have been
subjected to the strict supervision of the Govern-
ment, and have been repeatedly interfered with b y
Legislative enactment; instead of being " protected,'
they have been burdened and restricted in all
conceivable means ; and, though so essen-
tial to the welfare and prosperity of the
country, they have been treated as if they
were its greatest enemies. Now, the landowners
have been called upon to make no such sa-
crifices, to bear no such burdens, to suffer no such
restrictions on the employment of their capital or their
property. They have possessed the exclusive power
in the State, and have done everything for themselves
at the expense of others. They may now—and we
Lope they will (for the sake of our common humanity)—
diminish the hours of labour for women and children ;
but we warn them that they must themselves be pre-
pared to make the necessary sacrifices before such a
measure can be regarded as "a boon" by the indus-
trious classes. They must be prepared to give up
their bread-tax—to give up the taxes on consumption
—and to abolish most of the existing restrictions on
the trade and industry- of the country.