The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-11 00:00:00

There is no other way of calling it. They called it a I now turn to my Protestant fellow-countrymen, those
te:taihnption of law. I will not waste so much of my among them who have not yet bad the spirit of man-
tis to describe it in so roundabout a manner. It liness evinced by the gentlemen near me to unite with
Was a lie, and I will call it so. It was known to be a lie, their Catholic countrymen for their common interests.
sad yet he judgment so founded was sought to be sup- And I ask them, are they timid or doubtful of our into-
ported by Lord Lyndhurst and that indescribable wretch grity after all that has hitherto been done by us to show
Birougham—(Groans)—on this footing, that the lie was them our real feelings. Oh, if we were strong enough to
supposed to be true, and that we were to be punished shout, ought we not to be strong enough to do some
against the fact, and in contradiction of the record itself; violence, or rather, what but the re-animating spirit of
for the sentence was set forth in the record, " for the of- affection and conciliation towards each other could have
feaces aforesaid." That, of course, included all the brought them together without some violence taking
offences charged, and, of course, the two bad counts place ? Nay, more, were we not in the midst of our
among the rest ; so that the record told the truth, but strength, with more power than any monarch in Europe
Lords Brougham and Lyndhurst said it told a lie ; possesses in his hands ?—(Tremendous cheering.) How
but then, blessed be Heaven ! there were found did I acquire that power ? I acquired it by the con-
three men honest enough to speak the truth, and viction that rested on the minds of every man, woman,
therefore it is that I call upon you to rejoice, be- and child who obeyed me, that I would not abuse it.
cause judgment has been given in our favour oa I acquired that power because I coincided in opinion
the merits, and the technicalities were on the other with them, and guarded against the contingency of
side.—(" Hear," and cheers.) They attempted to con- any crime whatsoever.—(Hear, hear.) My Lord
found truth with a fiction of law or a lie ; but truth and Mayor, I never could attain that power without the
. justice, and the record were with us, and we can make assistance of the Catholic clergy, and they would not
them a compliment of the lie for their portion.— have given that assistance to me if they had not
(Cheers.) And now I am going to make an atonement known the use which I would make of it. Oh, my
to a class of public men whom I have often assailed, and Protestant fellow-countrymen, listen to this—they
who, certainly, in some things deserved to be assailed— knew that I was the first apostle of that political sect
namely, the Whigs. But, after all, how infinitely supe- that proclaims the possibility of effecting all great
rior are they to the Tory party. The principle of Tory- changes by moral means alone, and that there is no human
ism is double. It takes away as much of public right revolution worth the shedding of a single drop of
from each individual as it can, and it amalgamates all human blood to obtain.—(Hear, hear.) No, human blood
together for the benefit of the aristocracy ; but where is not a cement to the public station, it possesses rather
Toryism is most terrific, is in its anxiety to do the great a crumbling than a binding property, and it brings down
injustice of putting partisans on the bench of justice. to the ground any public edifice in the erection of which
The opinion forced upon us from history is, that in 99 it has been expended.—(Hear.) We proceeded without
cases out of 100, the most prejudiced men had been crime ; we shuddered at the shedding of a single drop
made judges by the Tory party, and though in England, of humon blood. The Catholic clergy saw these were
during the last 30 or 40 years, we have seen but little of our prineiplee, and that there was no danger to the
party spirit approaching the bench, we all know that in laws, either of God or man, being violated by those
this country the spirit of Toryism remained in full life.-- who united with us. Protestants of Ireland, what
(Hear, hear.) I ask you, if the support that I gave the objection can you have to our principles ? and why
Whigs could have been effective for one year more, whe- not seek to carry them out ? But have I not to
ther a very different state of things would not now be boast of this, that even yesterday my revered friend
observable on the bench in this country ? Should we the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, the Catholic Archbishop of
not have Chief Baron Brady at this moment the Chief Dublin (and lam almost ashamed of using so familiar a
Justice of the Queen's Bench, with Mr. Pigot the Chief term in speaking of him), at the head of the clergy, stood
Baron, and Mr. Moore and Mr. Monaghan in the room before the altar offering up his hands together to the
of, Jackson and Lefroy 2—(Hear.) Now, I ask any man God of all, in gran ful recollection and thanksgiving for
who might be inclined to blame me for having supported the triumphant assertion of the mercy that the Al-
the Whigs, whether he thinks, if Chief Baron Brady had mighty had vouchsafed towards us? If we had acted dis-
been the Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, would we loyally, immorally, or illegally, is not Dr. Murray loyal
have ever heard of this prosecution ?—(Loud cries of enough to refuse to sanction our acts ? Is there, con-
" Hear, hear.") I am satisfied that we never should fessedly, a more loyal man in the nation than he is, and
have heard of this prosecution if we had had Mr. is not his entire life a continued instance of his loyalty
Monaghan, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Hatchell sitting on the and worth ? Oh, I feel a pleasure beyond expression,
bench, instead of the Littons, the Lefroys, and the that, yesterday, we had his testimony in our favour.—
Jacksons, with the present Chief Baron of the (Hear.) Yes, when the moment came, in which the
Exchequer occupying the station: now filled by Chief conspiracy was hatched in the purlieus of the Castle—
Justice Pennefather.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") You have when the Attorney-General used the foul language that
this distinction, that the Whigs gave goad judges ; had fallen from him, of calling us foul conspirators—
whereas the Tories were anxious to give partisan when we were bringing in argument after argument for
judges in former times.—(Hear, hear.) I was for this our defence—though, after all, what can argument do
reason anxious to support the Whigs, but I never gave under such circumstances as we were placed in ?—how
them a vote inconsistent with my public principle. I was the heart of your leader—shall I call myself so ?
defy the Tory press of England to point out one single (Great cheers) —oppressed with anxiety for your future
instance in which I gave a vote inconsistent with public conduct, and how grateful that heart can now be for obe-
principle. All I did was to attend at my place in the dience and confidence that it can never merit ! At that
House to assist in creating a majority by my vote in moment, at that time when your leader was torn from
cases not inconsistent with public principle, and I now amongst you, his beloved son was also most scandalously
tender my gratitude to them for the judges that have included in the same charge. Would it not have been
been appointed by them. They made Lord Cottenham punishment enough for my beloved John to see me im-
Lord Chancellor.—(Loud cheers.) I was going to say prisoned, without being himself sentenced to captivity ?
that there never was so good a judge, but I never can Oh, malignant vinegar-cruet on two legs—(Loud cheers
forget, in his cold grave, my lamented friend, the in- and laughter,—it was John O'Connell's opposition to
comparable Sir Michael O'Loghlen. But a better judge you at Youghal—his defeat of you at Youghal—his op-
than Lord Cottenham never existed. He was like Brady position to you before the Committee, and his overthrow
in this, that he possessed the same fulness of judicial of you there, that caused him to be placed in the indict-
quality, though fee might not have had the power of ment !—(Hear, hear.) I saw that he had reasonable
Plunket as an advocate. Bat, oh, how superior has grouads for his animosity to me. I had impeached
either one or other of them been to him as julges ! his father, and I succeeded in one stage of that impeach-
(Hear.) Next to him I place the Lord Chief Justice of went, and I respect his filial piety—(Great liughter)—
the Queen's:Bench in England—Lord Denman.—(Great that made him persecute me ; but the very spirit that
cheering for some minutes.) There have been many would animate such enmity should make him leave out
great men from time to time on the English bench, but my son.—(Hear.) But, could there be anything more
who among them has shown himself what Denman unstatesmanlike than the conduct of the Government
has ? He talked of this trial by jury, and said if a throughout ? They knew their danger, and they crowded
similar course were continued, that trial by jury in Ire- troops over here ; but they doubted that they were, even
land would become a mockery, a delusion, and a snare, then, sufficient to keep the country, so they boxed the
—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) 'rake that, Mr. Attorney- troops up in barracks, and put loopholes in the walls,
General Smith. Read that, Air. Chief Justice Penue- every one of which appeared to possess a tongue telling
father. 'Write that on a slip of paper, and use it as a them that they were not able to keep the country, and
mark in your Prayer-book, Mr. Justice Crampton.— that they repured something to keep themselves. But
(Hear and laughter.) The Chief Justice of the Queen's could anything be more foolish than the expressions
-.Bench in England pronounced a repetition of the course that fell from the Minister on the occasion ? Think
sanctioned by you to be a delusion, a mockery, and a you that they had no effect on the old diplomatist Louis
snare.—(Bear.) We are come to great times—we are Philippe ? or that if they had not been used, and if the
uome to times when, if a similar course to that taken weakness of England with regard to Ireland were not
to insure a verdict against us be again acted upon, known in France, that Tangiers would not have re-
it must be regarded as " a mockery, a delusion, and a mained untouched—that Mogadore would not still be
snare."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And, oh, how I uninjured—and that the plains of Ouchda would not be
thank the Chief Justice of England fur the words! Next untainted with Moorish blood ?—(Hear, hear.) But
tcohiin is a nobleman who has been at the head of his what could be more peaceable than our conduct through-
profession for years. Lord Campbell told me that on oit ? When an occasional outrage was committed
Ins Vitit to Ireland as Lord Chancellor, he had not been against us we did not. prosecute ; we lailiavel kindly to
snore than a week in this country before his heart be- those who were opposed to us ; and hare I not these
came thoroughly Irish, and thank Heaven his shrewd facts and the conduct of the people throughout all
Scotch heal remains to gu'ile it, and his recent conduct Ireland to appeal to in support of my calls for concilia-
floes honour to both by the manliness with which h tion and union ?—(Cheers.) Oh ! the people have
trampled under foot the attempt at argument which was conducted themselves admirably.—(Hear, hear.) Every
made by the opposing party.—(Cheers.) We owe a confidence can now be pkiced in their peaceful
debt of gratitude to the Whigs for such appointments, determination. We can repose on their good con-
and it will be hard to get me t abuse them again.— duct, and they have most completely shown fitness for
(Laughter.) We owe them that debt for the principle self-government.—(Cheers.) More particularly have
by which they. have been actuated in their selection of they done so in giving up the only vice which prevailed
judges, and it' they had selected bad judges they in Ireland. They have thrown themselves into the tem-
would find me assailing them as readily as I peratlce movement, and the blissful result of abstaining
now tender them my praise.—(Hear, hear.) Lord from intoxicating liquors is now known to minions.—
Denman had been labouring for many years as a bar- (Hear, hear.) 0 ! here is a people, Protestant brethren,
sister in the Queen's Bench, and if the Tories had con- tit to govern themselves and worthy of your support and
tinued in power, he never would have been a judge to contidence.—(Cheers.) I have conclusive evidence that
the present hour.—(Hear.) Lord Cottenham would ye are beginning to feel so. Look, here is Mr. Grey
never have been a judge, and Lord Campbell would Porter's pamphlet : the work of a high Protestant gen-
never have been elevated to the bench, It is owing to tleinan—high sheriff of a Protestant county.—(Clieers.)
the exolusiou of the Tories for a time front power What does this book say ? I will give you three sen-
that we have acquired the glory, the honour, and I will tences :—" The union of 1801, the 41st of George 111.,
add, the security of the administration ofjustice, arising cap. 47 (all on one side), does, and always will, draw
from having such distinguished personages on the bench-. away from Ireland her men of skill, genius, capital,
I confess we should be also grateful to another quarter and rank—all who raise its strength and distinguish a
to which lam anxious that justice should be done ; for, nation." "A federal (the only fair) union between Great
though I attribute our delivery to Providence, still it Britain and Ireland inevitable, and most desirable for
should be remembered that Providence acts in all its both islands."—(Loud cheers.) These are the principles
decrees by means of agents, and therefore Ido not con- on which this gentleman sets out. The first shows the
alder that I speak inconsistently with the gratitude evils of the union, the second advocates its repeal.—
which I have expressed to Heaven for our deliverence, (Cheers.) I want to know will Sugden, that cursed, con-
when I acknowledge that we are deeply indebted to the tumelious little English dog—(Cheers and laughter)—
exertions of the Morning Chronicle.—(Bear, hear.) For will that currish„ contumelious little gentleman,
this, again, we have to thank the Whigs, as it is the great I ask, venture to supersede Mr. Grey Porter ?
organ of their party, following honest principles with (Cheers.) I call him a cur, becau ehe barked at us when
consistency and powerful ability.—(Hear.) Never in he dared not bite.—(Cheers.) lie has not the courage
the entire history of England has there occurred to supersede Mr. Porter. He won't venture to act
such another instance of a public journal exposing towards a gentleman of that high station as he has done
with such clearness, with such talent, with such energy, towards some poor county magistrates.—(Hear, hear.)
and with such perseverance, and I will add, with such I admire this pamphlet ; for, though mistaken in some
effect and utility, any public injustice, as that afforded of its facts, it contains the genuine principle of nation-
by the Morning Chronicle, in the manner in which it ality—that spirit which I wish to pervade the people,
shqwed forth to the world the defects of the judg- and which seeks Ireland for the Irish.—(Cheers.) I
anent in the State trial, and the various iniquities by invite that gentleman tojoin us,and I tell him that he will
which every step of the prosecution had been marked. get that leading place among us which his talent, rank,
lam glad to have this opportunity of paying a just tri- and patriotism deserve. Nay, more, I undertake to dis-
bute of gratitude and respect to the conductors of that solve the Association if he does not approve of our con-
excellent journal. While the Tory press of England duct, or can detect us committing one single act affect-
laboured to distort everything that could be made of use ing our loyalty or allegiance.—(Cheers.) From this
to
.injure the cause of the traverser; and to throw an place I call upon him to join us. Perhaps he may hear
Must and unfavourable colouring over their case, the me yet, and though he may think the present time too
rning Chronicle, day after day, persevered in bring- soon, I think the day will come.—(Loud cheers.) This;
inglorward arguments and facts that served to place then, is the time for conciliation. By it you may gain
their cause in a proper and favourable light before the such men as Mr. Porter ; and is he not worth concilia-
public, and in publishing statements and suggestions ting ?—(Cheers.) What would I not do to persuade
valuable for their defence. Even if we had been de- him ? Would I not give a portion of my heart's blood
fated in our application for justice, it would have been to gain him over ? I say, that the man is not honest
some atonement and gratification to us, to think that we who does not wish to see Grey Porter at the head of this
had so valuable and able an advocate ; and now, in the national struggle.—(Cheers.) As for myself, Ido not
born' of our triumph, the Morning Chronicle ought not want to he a leader • lam willing to work in the team,
SO be forgotten, but ought to receive as it so well merits, and I will cheerfully' resign to Grey Porter the reins and
our loudest and most animated cheers.—(" Hear, bear," guidance of the whole —(Lo ud cheers.) The question
and loud cheers.) I have but one remark more to make, for us now to consider' is ---what are we to do ? The
and that relates to an excellent friend of mine, who, I principle of conciliation is ,admitted, but we are not the
think, has been spoken of a little too hard. I allude to less ardently to persevere in working for the p 1
an fullyreeta.ee
y beloved friend, Richard Shell.—(Hear.)
I confess (Cheers.) In answering the question more three
I was angry at his asking a request for me from Peel different subjects arise to my mind. The first relates to
that looked liked requiring a favour, and he ought to the meeting at Clontarf.—(Cheers for some minutes.)
have known me better than to think I could possibly re- That meeting was called legally. It was illegally sup-
ceive anything having the appearance of a boon from pressed.—(Cheers.) We are bound to adhere to prin-
auch hands. No, I would rather have rotted in the ciples, and it is now to be considered whether that rule
gaol than owe my liberation to the pretended clemency extends so far, or whether it has been sufficiently vindi-
uf From this spot I told you, before cated without calling the meeting. For some time I
entering the prison, that there should be no compromise did think that it was absolutely necessary to call it to
Cr shrinking, and there has been none.—(Renewed vindicate a great principle, but on reflecting deeply on
cheering.) The entire of us would perish in gaol rather what has occurred in the House of Lords, and the yin-
than receive as a favour the slightest concession from dication of its legality put on eternal record by Denman
the present Ministers.—(Cheers.) My friend Richard —(Cheers)—Cottenham—(Cheers)—and Campbell—
;Shell was wrong in that, but he is one of those men (Cheers)—l began to doubt that it was necessary. It
who can afford to be once wrong in their lives. His might create ill-feeling, and be construed into a wish to
country owes him a deep debt of gratitude. He ornas insult, and it might alienate friends. What I mean to
xnented and made interesting by his eloquence the du is, upon this day week to propose that it be referred
struggle for emancipation. When I was going on with to a select committee whether or not it is necessary to
any dull speeches, wearying the public mind with my hold the Clontarf meeting.—(Cheers.) Ido not wish to
tiresome repetitions, Richard Shell burst upon the public prejudice their decision, but I must say that my opinion
view with the brilliancy of' some sudden and refulgent is against the calling of that meeting. The next point I
'tar, by the corruscations of his genius, and the majestic wish to lay before you is with reference to a plan which
•2'ut in hullitions of his Powz'rful mind.—(Loud cheers.) I freqeently proposed last year. I mean the collection
the very speech for which he is blamed, Mr. of the Preservative Society for Ireland, consisting of a
ileited from Sir R. Peel a statement which must body of 300 gentlemen sitting in Dublin.—(Great
aim in, the minds of every. honest man, namely, plause.) This point is surrounded by legal difficulties,
tohilagertioo shall show
we had had a tair trial. That asser and must be approached with serious considerations,
is, as I show you presently, worth much, and which we were last year prevented from applying to it
fom this spot I thank Mr. Shell for having drawn it by the proclamation and subsequent proceedings. My
,rth.—(llear,
111,114 too, upon
ITV Well, as we have succeeded, and plan, which I have deeply considered, is shortly this—
&nd merits of faithfulinairtis, of our case, by the prayers that 300 gentlemen from the various counties in Ire-
ur success, not as anythingtians—as we have boasted of land should meet on a certain day in Dublin—(Cheers)
of our own, but as an act —and that their title to meet should be the handing
of that Power who regulates nations--let us next see in of 1001. each—that they should have a treasurer
low we are to conduct ourselves the present occasion. of their own, and have the working of their own
lt is of the utmost importance that we should act die- funds.—(Cheers.) I do not intend that they shall
creetly—it is absolutely necessary that we should act initiate
anything, but that they shall control every-
trusly. We ought to act in the full spirit of c
We ought to endeavour to succeedn pletely governed by them, and not venture upon any act
means
augmenting our numbers by every becoming without their previous sanction.—(Cheers.) A body of
We ought to struggle with renewed energy for the re- this kind would comprise so many of the wealthy and
Pi
Baal eause by such means, and that struggle should influential of Ireland, that it would be an effectual check
either end in our graves or in having an Irish Parlia- to any rash revolutionary outbreak, and would be a
silent once more in College-green.—(Loud cheers.) We steady drag upon the wheel of the movement. It would
wren to be encouraged by what' has passed, and we are be of that bearing on society and high station that it
sucouraged.—(Cheers.) The anti-Irish party—ll will could enter into treaty with Government.—(Cheers.)
O t call them the Orange party any longer—should look It could arrange its own plans with Ministers, and stiP u-
pith hope on our efforts, and no longer absent them late terms.—(Great cheering.) No handover-head work,
dePlves from our ranks. They should look with forget- I but steady, deliberate agreement.—(Cheers.) And
mess on by-gone views, and unite with us now for the here let me say that I quite agree in making the expe-
good of our common country.—(ffear, hear.) But, how I riment of a federal Parliament. I want any Parliament
swell we act in future ? Conciliation should be our first i which will protect Ireland, and ask for no more. If we
duty, and I think the best way of our insuring it is by arrive at the period of repeal without some body of this
0-king those who absent themselves from us, to look to description, Government may dictate a plan to you, per-
s;:e manner in which we have acted up to this period. fall short ofjustice, though it may satisfy
baps, which may
Slave we in this struggle injured a single human being? some of you. They can never do so with this Preser-
Vag a elegle assault been committed ? Has the least native Society of three hundred.—(Cheers.) The terms
,violence been done to any person ? No I Miraculous of any treaty must be well considered—financial as well
to speak it, millions have met and assembled together, as political—and it seems to me that we shall here have
Ilind yet not even an accident has occurred. Such is the the workmen to build up the palace of justice to Ireland.
irit of forbearance towards each other that has been —(Cheers.) I will this day week more for a Select
exhibited by the Irish people, that that moral miracle Committee to consider the possibility, of such an assem-
lbas been witnessed, of countless multitudes meeting blade, and to prepare cases to have laid before the most
nether without a single act of violence, without a single eminent lawyers of England and Ireland.—(Cheers.)
Vcident occurring to man, womun, or child.—(Cheers.) We will take care not to bring a single individual within

the power of the law, and we will see whether we cannot
get a second managing body for the people—not a
House of Lords, indeed, but a body possessing more
power, as representing the whole Irish people.—(Loud
cheers.) Three hundred wealthy Irish gentlemen would
make such a body as would bring about the repeal of the
anion with the greatest ease.—(Cheers.) I am not a
person of overweening confidence in my own judgment,
but I have so matured this plan in my own mind,
whilst in prison, that I rely strongly on it, although
prepared to abandon it on the instant, if found to be
at all dangerous or impracticable—(Cheers)—whilst it
must be embraced, if found calculated to bring back
our Parliament to College-green.—(Loud cheers.) I
have addressed you at great length, but I owed you
for three months' rent.—(Much cheering and laughter.)
I am now like an honest man, paying my debts.—(Re-
newed laughter.) And now I come to my third plan,
and it is one to which lam greatly attached. I want to
procure impeachments of the judges of the Court of
Queen's Bench and of her Majesty's Attorney-General
in this country, on these grounds—(Great applause for
some moments)—on these grounds, I repeat, which I
shall set before you, as briefly as I can, consistently
with clearness. The first ground is that of the mon-
ster indictment which was preferred against me—
thirty-six yards of an indictment.--(Cheers and
laughter.) Lord Denman has well described it as a
document calculated to prevent a man from defending
himself. Such an indictment no poor man could escape
from. We were backed by the repeal rent—(Cheers)
—but if such an indictment were preferred against a
poor man, where could he get a brief of it for his coun-
sel? Why it would cost him ten times more money
than ever he saw to do so.—(Cheers.) My excellent
friend Richard O'Gorman (the dissentient grand juror)
ought to be a proud man this day. He alone was right
as to this unjust indictment, and had the manliness and
honesty to maintain his opinions in open court. He said,
" We have spent five days over this bill, and not one of
us can understand it." To be sure they did not care
much for that.—(Groans.) They found it a true bill.
I am much obliged to them.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Now, this is no idle act of the Attorney-
General. Sugden planned it—Peel has adopted
it.—(Groans and hisses.) Impeachment, I say, then is
our only remedy.—(Loud cheers.) No man is safe from
such a monster indictment. What ought the Court to
have done with it ? I say an honest court should have
quashed it again and again, if necessary, and have said
to the Attorney-General in the words of Lord Denman,
" Pick out your counts, and do not suffocate them be-
neath the number of your accusations."—(Cheers.) The
judges of the Court of Queen's Bench did not refuse to
receive it ; nay, more, they countenanced it ; and, pro-
ceeding as they commenced, refused us copies of the
witnesses' names, the caption of the indictment, and other
privileges which we should have received as a matter of
course in England.—(Groans.) By their conduct they
made this monster indictment a babe of their own luck,
and I say there is no use whatever in the doctrine of im-
peachments if we have not the jddges of the Queen's
Bench brought before a proper tribunal to answer for
their conduct.—(Cheers.) I assert this, and I shall be
able to prove it by competent witnesses, that the Lord
Chief Justice—(Groans)—had the air of a counsel for
the prosecution throughout the trials, and might have
been taken for such but for the place he occupied. It
may be said lam rash in taking this up. Ah Ido not
fear their prisons.—(Tremendous cheering.) I am a
freeborn British subject, standing in this place defending
my rights, and I do accuse those men of injustice.—
(Renewed applause.) lam here to call upon the people
of England to aid me in impeaching those men.—
(Chears.) I have to complain too of their manner to-
wards me. Mr. Justice Crampton—(A laugh)—used to
squeeze up his face at me, as if to strike me with terror
at his lion aspect.—(Roars of laughter.) Now, I ask
you all, did it ever occur at any trial before this, that
the Chief Justice borrowed the Attorney-General's brief
to make out his case and charge from ?—(Cries of No,"
and groans.) You saw him do so.—(Loud cries of "We
did,' and groaning.) Now, Ido say that this is a fact
which must and shall be heard.—(Cheers.) I care not—
not I—for the authority of the Lord Chief Justice.--
(Loud cheers.) I call upon the English people to join
with me and Ireland, and drag him before a proper tri-
bunal, and ascertain whether such conduct as this is to
be tolerated.—(Loud cheers.) My next ground of im-
peachment against him, in particular, is his factious, his
indecent charge.—(Cheers.) It was one-sided and un-
just. In the House of Lords, in the House of Commons,
no one could be found hardy enough to defend it.—
(Cheers.) It was impeached by all, and admitted to be
indecent. I want to know, does it not deserve impeach-
ment ?—(Cheers.) Who is safe from such a charge ?
We have no remedy against the injustice of such a charge,
for it was not upon the record, and so we were deprived
of the advantage of its influencing my appeal.—(Cheers.)
There is no other redress or remedy for this wrong but
impeachment. The next ground I have against them is,
that they admitted newspapers as evidence of facts against
in?, and brought in my friend Barrett's paper, and the Na•
tien, allowing them to be used for the purposes of the pro-
secution. They allowed them as evidences of facts, as if
witness got into the jury-box and swore, " We heard
O'Connell say so and so." Judge Perrin—though cer-
tainly, poor man, he was asleep during great part of the
trial--(Great laughter)—did, however, vindicate his
chart.cter on this point, and refused to sanction this
evident illegality.--(Cheers.) I will not go into all the
wearisome details of the packing of the jury, for it is now
u-.iveraall‘r admitted that it was fraudulently packed. I
shall be elite to prove, I tell you, that not only were pro-
per wanes omitted, but names which ought to have been
omite4 left on.—(Cheers.) That will be one of my facts.
I want to know, too, if the doctrine is to be sanctioned
that Anti-Ropealers only are fit fur the jury-box ?If
so, they will soon have to make short work of it, and try
all their cases with the same jury, for there will not be
more than twelve Anti-Repea!ers in the whole country
shortly.—(Cheers, and laughter.) They'll have to pack
their twelve men into a box like the Wizard of the North,
and carry them about Ireland.—(Laughter.) It was
alleged that fraud had been committed ; and what was
then the duty of the Court—their sacred duty?—
(Cheers.) To discountenance such proceedings and
such a jury, and to put off the trial over and over again.
One of the articles of impeachment shall be this fact :
Perrin did well here.—(Cheers.) But, here, I have
something fur you. I know a man who was offered
to have his fortune made if he would give some par-
ticular information.—(Sensation.) The information
did not exist, and therefore he could not give it •
but, I shall be able to prove that the expres-
sion, " Your fortune shall be made," was used
on the occasion in question, and that by a witness of
the first credit and respectability.—(Cheers.) Again I
say that if that jury had been left to itself, it never could
have returned such a verdict. I say it emphatically that
some one helped them in making up this verdict.—
(Cheers and groans.) Ido not wish now to detain you
in this place, but I may remind you that judges, if not
accessible to bribes, are not superior to favour. Well,
the Lord Chief Justice's nephew has got a place in the
Castle of Dublin.—(Loud cheering.) Young Penne-
father has been placed, and it is said Lord Heytesbury is
to do more for him. Now I say that there should be no
suspicon in such a matter, and that the Chief Justice
ought to have seen his nephew provided for in some
other way.—(Cheers.) lle should have taken care that
no inference—and here I declare I believe that inference,
however natural, to be untrue—should be drawn from
the judgment of the judge, and the promotion of the
nephew.—(Loud cheering.) I do only protest against
the example set by a public man, and the insecurity of
public opinion in a public officer, consequent upon
such conduct.—(Cheers.) There is also some story
of a relation of Mr. Justice Cramptou's having been
provided for, but it is not sufficiently authenticated for
me to dwell upon it. Well, to proceed now—l have
been three months in gaol.—(Cheers and laughter.)
I want to know, do they think I am to submit pa-
tiently to this ? lam not acting from any feeling of
resentment or revenge. I spent an exceedingly plea-
sant three months—(Cheers)—pleasanter because
after the first fortnight I was secure from those ap-
prehensions of an outbreak which had disturbed my rest
for five months previously—(Cheers)—during which
time I never slept quietly.—(Renewed cheers.) Ido not
complain of my imprisonment—pleasanter companions no
man ever had. We had, too, the blessing and the
honour of the sweet companionship of our fellow-cap-
tives' wives—the talent and power of facetious entertain-
ment. No set of men ever lived in more social harmony.
Well, I am not vexed for this, but lam determined on
atonement.—(Cheers.) I defy Vinegar Smith to wipe
away his injustice. I defy England to do us justice here,
or compensate for the harassing of our families and our

and their hours and days and weeks of suspense. Will
they do nothing to remedy these things ? Are these
things nothing, which have now admittedly been done
contrary to law and justice ? Who did so ? It was the
act of the Irish Government that imprisoned us, and
Crampton had his mother wit about him, and put it to
the Attorney-General to let us stand out till the result
of the writ of error was known. Now, I charge the At-
torney-General for not consenting to this proposition.
I charge him and the Government with the crime,
with the sin of refusing to accede to it, and thereby
running the chance of punishing innocent men.
In their conduct was a most plain, palpable want of
honest intention.—(Loud cheers.) How • did the At-
torney-General know but that the judgment would be re-
versed, as it has been ?—(Cheers.) He did not care
for that. He punished us upon the chance of its not
being so.—(Groans.) During the trial he was in con-
stant consultation with Government. I do not know
that poor what's his name—the shin-of-beef Lord—
had much hand in it, but his Government is responsible
for the evil. When Mr. Moore proposed to let the
names be put upon the list by consent, which Mr.
Justice Burton said might readily be done, the At-
torney-General had not a word to say for himself, but
he would not do it.—(Groans.) Now, I want to know,
will not England join me in impeaching these men ?
They have had us three months in gaol ; we are pro-
nounced innocent, and they might have avoided that
crime if they would.—(Cheers and groans.) From this
spot I call on England to join me. I mean to propose
that a Select Committee be formed, of which I shall

cheerfully make one, to go through all the principal
towns of England about two months before the meeting
of Parliament, to obtain an answer to this appeal. We
will say. " Here is injustice done. A packed jury, an
•
unjust judgment, a sentence inflicted before its right is
ascertained, and innocent men imprisoned. English-
men, I will test you ; I will see whether you will join
me, one and all." f not, I will come back, and say to
my countrymen, " Look no more to the pretences of
John Bull; look alone to your Parliament in College-
green."—(Hear, and cheers.) If they did not approve
of this, I will go at any rate. Curiosity to see the lion
who had been caged for three months would bring many
together, and collect crowds around me; and I look for-
m and to success. But here, I ask you, are the Ministers
to escape?—(Groans and yells.) Is Sir J. Graham to
escape?—(Loud cries of " No, no," and groaning and
hissing.) He who had the unparalleled impudence in
the absence of two Members of the House to call them I
convicted conspirators.—(A voice, " He's a liar." Cheer-
ing.) Why, you seem to be as uncivil as Sir Janus him-