The Sun.
London, England, 1844-06-14 00:00:00

THE -SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 14, 1844,

they believed would effect that improvement, and at the same
time show a proper consideration for existing interests. He
knew not what might be the effect of a combina-
nation of personal interests against the measure, but
the Government had only acted from a sense of
public duty in proposing it. To that principle they would
steadily adhere. If any difficulty should be thrown in the way
of the ultimate success of the measure, the House, and
not the Government, must be responsible ; and if the
Government should fail, and it should be proved that
increased issue had led to illegitimate speculation,
caused by that issue, they would have the satisfaction
that they had offered advice, and proposed measures, cal-
culated, as they thought, to avert such a calamity.—( Cheers.)
They were not wild enough to suppose that they would, by any
measure, prevent speculation, but when speculation proc
from undue issue, they proposed a measure calculated to cheek
that issue. When speculation arose from other causes,
that spirit of speculation was frequently aggravated by
a paper currency. It was not in their power, nor
had they any wish to check legitimate speculation; he admitted
that they could not counteract illegitimate speculation, but yet,
he asked them not to aggravate its evils by refusing to check
those which were properly within their jurisdiction. —(Cheers. )
Mr. W. WILLIAMS suggested that the debate should be
adjourned. He supported the Bill, but he should wish to have
an opportunity of stating his views on the subject.—( Cries of
" Divide, divide ;" " Go on.")
Col. SIBTHORP, in consequence of the refusal of the
Right Hon. Baronet to accede to the proposition of the Lon-
don bankers, was determined to support the motion of the
Hon. Member for Lambeth, out of justice to that respectable
body, the country bankers. He would sooner place his chest,
with ltlo,t 01/. in it, in the hands of a country banker than in the
Bank of England—the monopoly hank of the country.—
( A laugh.) He was astonished—it anything could be called
astonishment in these times—at the conduct of the Hon.
Member for Montrose, and the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, both of whom had, in 1828, showed them-
selves so wedded to a paper currency that they actually spoke
in favour of the 1/. notes.

Mr. PLUM PT RE complained of the oppression which the
country bankers would suffer from the Bill in its present shape
—an oppres,ion which was aggravated by the belief, on the
part of the country bankers, that the Right Hon. Genileman
would, at least, leave them in as good a position as he bad
found them.

51r. MUNTZ said the only point on which he differed from
the Right Hon. Gentlemen was on the standard of value, which
could never be made to work with the present corn-laws.
There was one point which had fallen from many Hon. Mem-
bers in the course of the debate in which he fully agreed, and
that was, that in every measure which had been proposed they
had failed most entirely.—(Hear, hear.) Whether they
were to succeed in this he would not say. It was
a very serious consideration, and in many minds
it was a very anxious one, seeing that the present measure
was brought in under the auspices of those who had introduced
the previous failures. He should not think of saying more at
that late hour of the night, but should reserve a more detailed
explanation of his opinions for a future stage of the Bill.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House di-
vided, when the numbers were—
For the resolution
Against it 3O
Majority - 155
The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be
committed on Monday.
Sir R. PEEL said that the Dissenters' Chapels Bill must
have precedence on Monday.
DUCHY OF CORNWALL.

Sir R. PEEL moved for leave to bring in two Bills—one
for defintrg certain rights in the Duchy of Cornwall, and
another f r empowering Prince Albert to sell and exchange
certain lands in the Duchy.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjc.urned at Two o'clock.

The Earl of WILTON presented a petition from the
Chamber of Commerce of Manchester against the
Birkenhead Dicks Bills.
IMPORT DUTIES.

Lord MONTE AG LE then rose to bring forward the
motion of which he had given notice, for a Committee
to inquire into the effect of the present system of
import duties.
The proposition he had to make was
for an inquiry into a subject which deeply con-
cerned all her Majesty's subjects, and in making it
he did not call on their Lordships to come to
any resolution of a definitive kind. He wished
to remove from their Lordships' minds any im-
pression
that might exist that this question
ought to be considered as a party question. It was
n it brought forward by him as a party question at all.
From the inquiries prosecuted by the Committee of
1829, the present Government had drawn several of
their conclusions. It was not consistent with the fact,
or with Parliamentary usage, to represent his motion
as a party movement, or one directed against a par-
ticular interest. It was enong,h for him to say that all
his interests were bound up with the agriculture, and,
in the very first outset, he would admit that there were
many evils and inconveniences with required reform, in
respect to the commercial and manufacturing policy of
Cie country, as well as in respect to agriculture. Many
wise and competent alterations had been made in the
tariff by the present Government, and, that being the
case there could be no objection to a general revision
of our commercial regulations.—(Hear, hear.) But it
was said that property would be endangered, and that
our commercial transactions would be undermined by
the House acceding to his motion. He thought, how-
ever, that there could Le no more seasonable time
f ,r the inquiry than the present. He. would admit that
no financial alteration should he hazarded, unless the
Exchequer of the country was in a condition to meet the
consequences of the change. The result of the tax upon
income, which, instead of producing only 3,700,0001., as
htzd been anticipated, produced 5,250,0001., rendered the
the present period especially favourable for altering the
taxes which were imposed upon a mistaken supposition
that they were useful in protecting agriculture. He
thought that he could show that these duties were no
protection at all—(Hear, hear.) It might be supposed
that the discussion of such a question was not adapted to
such an assembly as their Lordships ; but he thought
that the Legislature ought to examine abstract questions,
to guide them in the application of particular measures.
The Noble Lord then referred to Adam Smith and other
economic authorities, who held that all taxes which pre-
vented the interchange of commodities between two nations
was injurious to both. There were three kinds of duties
to which he wished to call the attention of the House.
One was a duty for revenue merely, which every subject
was bound to submit to, as his share of the general
burden of the State. The next class of duties was what
was called the countervailing duty—an impost intended
to prevent the competition of foreign untaxed produce
with the taxed produce of home. The ease of hops was
one in point. For the purpose of revenue the Legislature
imposed a high duty upon hops, and it would be there-
fore most unjust to allow the hops of France to be im-
ported witheat any countervailing duty, But if you di-
vided society into ten classes, and protected one, then the
nine would have to pay the tax of that one, and if the
whole ten were pr itected, then things would be
exactly as before, except for the distinction and
inconvenience occasioned by an unavailable impost.
It was matter of wonder that a system so objectionable
in itself should have been so long continued : nothing
could justify its continuance. It was to be regretted
that this question of protection had been so long mixed
up with party considerations. H. ? believed that the par-
ties who now supported the sliding scale would not do
so if they were not bound to it by party considerations.
He was, however, ready to admit that they had made
considerable progress in this subject, for which he had
to return his thanks to her Majesty's Government. He
thought that no one could deny that the inquiry for
which he was asking would be productive of good. The
Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government,
in introducing his tariff, said that he brought it forward
to remove prohibition, and to relax taxation. He said
he intended to relax the duty on raw materials,to reduce the
duty on articles partially manufactured, and to reduce
the duty on colonial produce. Now his (Lord Mont-
eagle's) object in moving for this Committee was to see
how far the intention of her Majesty's Government had
been carried out. He admitted that the abolition of the
duty on wool was one of the most beneficial measures
which had been adopted by her Majesty's Govern-
ment. Why then could the same principle not
be applied to other articles of consumption?—(Hear,
hear.) There were protections on the statute
book, which were of the most absurd character. We
exported, for instance, annually, an immense amount of
cotton manufactures, and yet there was a protecting duty
on articles of that description coming from the Conti-
nent. The state of our tariff was a continual reproach
to us, and we could never expect to see commercial
prosperity until it was thoroughly revised. It might be
argued with respect to the regulations as to the impor-
tation of sugar, that there was only a difference of id.
per pound between colonial and foreign sugar; but their
Lordships should recollect that the matter was not to
be judged by the amount of duty imposed, but by the
amount of sugar which was kept out of the market.
Nothing could be more utterly absurd than their ab-
staining from importing slave-grown sugar, because it
was polluted with slavery. Why, they took it from
Russia and other places in exchange for their exports,
and in proportion as they took this sugar from other
countries they encouraged slavery in slave countries.
They were to admit Louisiana sugar where slavery ex-
isted, and they even refined slave-grown sugar here and
exported it to their colonies, so that it appeared they
had a conscience in England, but had no conscience in
their colonies. lie would now pass to the subject of the
timber duties, with regard to which they gave facilities
for the introduction of an inferior article to one of
superior quality. The Noble Lord went on to show
that the system of protection adopted in favour of Cana-
dian timber had been productive of the most pernicious
consequences, had destroyed the export trade to Sweden
and Norway, and the Baltic trade in general, and gave
them a bad article in the place of a good one. But the
inconsiderate repeal of the timber duties subjected them
to a loss of 1,000,000?. It had also a most disastrous
effect on the cooperage trade of the country. The next
disadvantage that !hose protecting duties occasioned was
the diminution which it caused in the home production.
If they left the imports free the exports would take care
of themselves. The Noble Lord referred to the opinion of
Mr. Deacon Hume on this point. Another great disad-
vantage of the protective system was the impulse which
it gave to smuggling. He would only refer to Spain to
show how smuggling was encouraged by high protecting
duties. The Contrabandista system prevailed there to
the greatest extent, and Spain was thereby a loser to the
amount of 3,000,000/. M. Blanqua showed that
the same result had followed from the same cause in
France, and he need hardly remind their Lordships of
the effect of high duties in this respect in this country.
It appeared from the returns of tho French Customs that
3,500,0001b5. weight of silk were entered for exportation
to England, and instead of the English Custom-house
giving something like a corresponding importation, it ap-
peared that only 1,875,0001b5. came there, so that
1,713,0001b5. must have been smuggled, thereby
occasioning a loss to the revenue of 1,092,000/. He need
only refer to the Statute-book to prove the extent..if
smuggling in this country. He would remind their
Lordships of the case of Lord Ellenborough.—(" No,
no," from Lord Colchester.)
woundH coulde
his
feelings. assure his Noble
What
happened to Lord Ellenborough might have happened
Friend he did not intend to
to any one of
.their Lordships. He had been travelling
in France, and in his carriage was found some smuggled
lace,which had been concealed there by one of his servants.
The result of this inadvertent act was,in point of law, the
forfeiture of his horses and carriage, with everything
that it contained. But, perhaps the most serious evil of
discriminating duties was the internal divisions which
they introduced. Let them consider what use had been
made of the prohibition of the export of Irish cattle to
this country, and the manner in which the wool trade
of Ireland had been dealt with to keep alive dissensions
between England and Ireland ; and in this country at
this very moment they had the Anti-Corn-law League,
and the Protectionists arrayed against each other, and on
both sides imputing corrupt motives, which, perhaps,
had no foundation. But, however they might deal with
their own productions, he contended that they had no
right to burden other countries by their vicious legis-
lation, which caused other countries to retaliate and to hold
tip their legislation, as he said before, as an object of
scorn to Europe. If such were the consequences which
flowed from this protection, could they expect that the
Government, or the Legislature which continued such a
system, would enjoy the confidence of the country ? It
might be an easier thing to frame a just system at first
than to correct a bad system which had existed for a
long period ; but this was no argument against in-
quiry, in order that they
.might prepare the way, gra-
dually, safely, and impartially, for the adoption of a
new and better system.—(llear, hear.) He had taken
some instances from their own system of laws ; he
would now advert to similar mistakes made by
foreigners, and see whether they were not equally perni-
cious. The first case which occurred to him was that
of the United States. From the year 1789 to 1807 the
foreign commerce of the United States was tolerably
free. During that period, when there was not such a
word as protection upon the statute-book of Congress ;
and the progress of the United States in wealth and
power and commerce was exceedingly great—(Hear)—
no argument was more frequently used than this, that
although protection might not be justifiable in the matu-
rity of things, yet protection was very necessary at the
outset, and a great many fanciful illustrations were
brought forward to elucidate that point. Now, let them
look at the imports of America as exhibiting
the capacity of the people of the United
States to enjoy the comforts of life. From
1789 to 1807 the population of the United States
was 5,300,000, and the value of the imports ninety one
millions of dollars, showing an actual consumption of ar-
ticles of import and luxury, brought from abroad, equal
to about sixteen dollars and a fraction per head for the
inhabitants of the United States. In 1807 the system
of non-intercourse commenced—then came the war, and
in 1816, what was called the restriction system was
brought into operation. In 1828 it was carried out to
the full extent—and what was the consequence ? Why,
that, in 1830, instead of each citizen of the United
States having at his command various comforts and
luxuries of the value of sixteen dollars per year, he
could only obtain a quarter of that amount. Restric-
tion, which was intended fir protection, led to the crip-
pling of foreign trade, and injury to all the inhabitants
of that country. Then came the Compromise Act.
1 There could not be more conclusive proof of the inju-
riousness of the protective system than was presented by
the example of America. It was dangerous in a despo-
t tic state, but the despot might, by possibility, be a
wise and enlightened man.—(Hear.) In a Republican
state the -system wasmade subservient to the vilest, lowest,
and most personal motives, and became mixed up with
all party
divisions. Taking the years 1841 and 1842,
, he would compare the average imports which ought to

have been admitted with those which were actually ad-
mitted. In woollens there ought to have been received,
aecording to the average of the preceding period, the
value of 4,257,0001. There had only been received
1,400,0001. In worsteds there ought to have been re-
ceived 5,000,0001., whereas there had only been received
456,0001. In cotton there ought to have been received
6,000,0031., whereas they had had only 2,723,000/. Silks
had fallen from 9,000,0001 to 2,000,0001. ; linen from
3,000,000/. to 1,000,0001., and in short all the great arti-
c:es of consumption had diminished under the system of
protection. What had been the working of the system
in France ? France had been extremely eager last year
for the admission of machinery from this country, and,
to their honour, the present Government gratuitously re-
pealed the export duty. France then imposed a heavy
protective duty on yarns. The effect of that was to
cramp the trade of her own weavers. But no
sooner was machinery admitted from this coun-
try free from duty, than there was a cry
for protection amongst the French machine-makers. A
new protection was asked for against English iron. The
effect of that protection was to destroy the French wine
trade. Thus they went round in a vicious circle of pro-
tection, and injury was done at every step, not only to
the whole people, but even to those for whose benefit
the protection was intended.—(Hear, hear.) But he
had hitherto looked only at the evils of protection.
Fortunately, owing very much to the legislation of
Noble Lords opposite, they were not without instances
of benefits derived from acting on good principles
with respect to this matter.—(Hear, hear.) In
1820, the Prime Minister of England, Lord Liverpool,
stated in that House that he wished there had been no
such thing as a silk trade. Yet what were the facts re-
specting that trade? It employed capital to an amount
of 12,000,000/. a year, the greatest portion of which was
expended in wages of labour.—(Hear, hear.) There
never had been a trade so much the victim of protection
as that of linen ; but, after withdrawing the protection of
4,000,0001., the trade had reached, in the north of Ire-
land, the highest state of prosperity, and the fabrics pro-
duced in that part were equal to the finest productions
of Cambray.—(Hear.) In the case of West India produce,
the protective duties had failed. After the abolition of
slavery and the equalisation of the duties upon East
and West India sugars, introduced by him in 1834, the
West India colonies had improved in their prosperity, and
he had lived to see the day when those who anticipated
only their own ruin from those measures, acknowledged
that they were the most benefited by them. With re-
spect to the article of zinc, the reduction of the duty
from 18s. to 2s. had led to the introduction of that ma-
terial into many important branches of manufacture.
He had laid before their Lordships the whole of his
facts, and all he asked of them was to give him an op-
portunity of laying the evidence before their Committee,
and he humbly prayed them to give him their support.
Fortunately for mankind there had been twenty-three
years of general peace, and during that time the several
nations of the world had been cultivating branches of
industry, of which England had before the exclusive
possession. Why, then, should the industry of England
be excluded from a fair competition?—(Hear, hear.)
America, France, and Switzerland, had become our
rivals, but he believed that if the industry of England
were free it would be able to maintain itself against that
competition. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the
resolution, which was to the effect that a Select Com-
mittee be appointed on the import duties, with the view
of considering the effect produced by protective duties
on foreign commerce.
Earl DALHOUSIE said that he had to claim the in-
dulgence of their Lordships in answering the able and
elaborate speech of the Noble Baron, but he hoped he
should be able to show that the motion ought not to be
agreed to. The Noble Lord stated that there was more
than one precedent for the course which he was taking.
He stated this with perfect accuracy ; but surely the
Noble Lord must recognise a vast difference between
the precedent which the Noble Lord had quoted and the
course which the Noble Lord was then pursuing. One
of the precedents which the Noble Lord had cited was
the appointment of a Committee, on the motion of a Noble
Marquis opposite (Lansdowne) ; but it must be remem-
bered that that Committee was appointed immediately
after the conclusion of a long war. That Committee, it
was true, under the circumstances, produced beneficial
results ; but those circumstances were very different to
those under which the Noble Lord now moved for a
Committee. The Noble Lord then referred, as a pre-
cedent, to the Committee upon this subject which was
appointed in 1839. This Committee also produced
most beneficial results, but it was appointed at a time
when no inquiry had been instituted for many years.
Our commerce had for many years been in a state of
distress, owing to disturbances in the colonies, and a con-
tinuation of war in the East and in China. Those
evils had now, however, passed away, and now,
when the commerce of the country was just
emerging from the effects of those evils, the Noble Lord
came down with a motion for inquiry. It was unrea-
sonable for the Noble Lord to launch into a new in-
quiry before the policy adopted by her Majesty's Go-
vernment, two years ago, had been fully and properly
tested. The Noble Lord had said, that owing to the
surplus that existed in the revenue of the country, now
was the best time to inquire into our commercial system,
with a view to the reduction of duties. 'The Noble
Lord ascribed the surplus in the revenue to the income-
tax and the Chinese money. Why, this itself was an
answer to the argument of the Noble Lord. The in-
come-tax was temporary, and the Chinese money had
arisen out of a fortuitous circumstance, and, therefore,
could be no grounds upon which to make any investiga-
tion into our commercial system, with a view to a re-
daction of duties. The Noble Lord had instanced many
cases in which duties ought to be reduced; but the
Noble Lord must have forgotten, when he did so, the
declarations which were made by the Right Hon.
Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, when
he introduced his tariff. That Right Hon. Gentle-
man then stated that the Government were
desirous of making large reductions in the
duties on many articles, but that, owing to
the large reductions which were already con-
templated, it would be impossible to make the full reduc-
tions which they were desirous of making, and therefore
they had determined to apply the reduction to those arti-
cles which were of the most pressing necessity. The
Noble Lord had referred to the question of sugar at
considerable length ; but as that question would soon
come directly under the consideration of their Lord-
ships, he did not feel that it was necessary for him to
follow the Noble Lord in that part of his argument.
There was another point to which the Noble Lord had
referred, and that was the question of the duty upon
timber. The Noble Lord complained of the reduction
of the duty on colonial timber. Why this was some-
thing like inconsistency in the Noble Lord, seeing that
when the Government with which the Noble Lord was
connected was in office, the Noble Lord himself advo-
cated a reduction in the duty on the article of timber.
The duty on staves he (the Earl of Dalhousie) thought
pressed heavily on the coopers of the country, and he
for one would be glad to see an opportunity fir* of re-
lieving that branch of the trade of the country.—(Hear,
hear.) The Noble rord had dwelt at considerable
length on the question of prohibiting duties, and
taunted the Government with maintaining them. Now
he (the Earl of Dalhousie) thought the Government,
since their accession to office, had not shown a disposi-
tion to uphold prohibitory duties, but on the con-
trary had in many cases proposed their abolition.
The reductions made were very considerable in many
instances, and even in this very session a reduction was
made to the amount of 450,0001., upon wool, and coffee,
and other artieles. Taking this, in connection with the
reductions made two years ago, amounting to 1,200,0001.,
it was evident her Majesty's present Government were
desirous of giving every extension to trade consistently
with existing interests. He had now gone through all
the gronnds upon which the Noble Lord had founded
his motion, and he trusted that, for the benefit even of
those who were engaged in trade, their Lordships would
reject the motion of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.)
The Earl of CLARENDON said he did net blame
the Noble Earl for not having fully answered the speech
of his Noble Friend, which was so abundant in argu-
ment and so conclusive in its logic, that it was impos-
sible to give a complete reply to it. But it seemed, at
all events, that in principle there was little difference be-
tween his Noble Friend and the Noble Earl.—(":Hear,
hear," from the Duke of Richmond.) His Noble Friend
on the cross benches was evidently of the same opinion.
—(A laugh.) But it was impossible for his Noble Friend
to be long in the office which he now so creditably
filled without coming to the conslusion to which the
Noble Earl had evidently come. And they were re-
quisite in the present state of this country. Nobody
could look to the state of the labouring population of
this country without seeing that it was absolutely neces
sary to remove the strictures on trade, however they
might differ as to the time or mode in which they were
to be removed. There was only one branch of trade to
which he would refer, which was omitted in the list of
articles enumerated by his Noble Friend—that was the
cotton trade. In the commencement of that trade it
was subjected to fiscal regulations, but as they were re-
moved the trade increased, and the prices of cotton
goods were lowered till they were made accessible to
the poorest of the people.—(Cheers.) Well, after such
an instance, how could they refuse to proceed in the
course which had been followed by such results?—
(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend had alluded to the silk
trade. When Mr. Huskisson resolved to reduce the
silk duties he was hooted and pelted on his way to the
House of Commons, and was called the hard-hearted
Minister, but in spite of all the predictions which had
been hazarded as to the evil result of his measure, he
persevered, and the consequence was, that instead of the
silk trade suffering fresh mills had been built, the con.
sumption of silk had been increased twelvefold, and
Manchester, instead of employing 3,000 in the trade, gave
employment to 15,000, and the silk manufactured goods
had been raised from 450,0001. to 1,600,000/.—(Hear,
hear.) He would not allude to wool, or coffee, or sugar,
for his Noble Friend had so exhausted those subjects
that he found it as difficult to follow him as the Noble
Earl did to answer him. He would only say a few
words, and they should be with regard to the corn-
laws. He confessed he had seen nothing in the state
of affairs to induce him to alter the opinions he held, and
had so often expressed on the subject. The evils of this
law were as great as ever, and might burst upon them
any day. They made the supply of food for the popu-
lation dependent on the barometer, and if they had two
ec t a
entertained with respect to next vest—(H
or three bad harvests, their most deeply founded insti-
yexp
tutions would be powerless in counteracting the demands
of the people. They had had now two good harvests, of
continuancem ore
har, ear,
than
of averagethem?
There
were but
serious could
apprehensionsthe
hear)—and he regretted that past experience had not
taught them to provide remedies against the recurrence
of such a state of things as happened in 1839, when this
country was on the verge of bankruptcy, and when they
were obliged to apply to the Bank of France for assist-
ance, from which he believed they could expect no
assistance now, even if they were to submit to the
national dishonour of applying for it. They had dabbled
with the sliding-scale, but no useful change had been

r effected. Under -inch a system as litevailed at present
foreign countries could not be induced to grow corn for
them, and the people of thiscountry would have barely
to depend on their own prodtice. The Noble Earl
had referred with satisfaction to the reduction that had
been made in the tariff. He was rejoiced, also, at those
reductions upon a different ground—on the ground
that correct principles had been recognised, and not
that paltry reductions had been made. The
-Right Hon.
Gentleman at the head of the Government would not
have made elaborate theses for the purpose of those
little reductions, if he had not some higher object in view.
The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) knew well that
the population and productive power of this country were
daily increasing, and that it was necessary to accommo-
date their system to the change of circumstances. No
one was found to defend monopoly ; but they were
always told that, if they carried free-trade into effect,
they would injure the revenue, and render themselves
unable to pay the public creditor. It was not against
taxes and revenue that the free-trade principle was
directed, but protection in favour of particular
classes. It was a fallacy to pretend that free-trade
would abolish the Customs' duties, because those duties
were uniform, and the proceeds went into the Treasury.
Their obligations to the public creditor ought to have
the effect of making them more careful not
to impose taxes for other purposes unnecessa-
rily. He was sorry to see that the doctrine
of retaliation appeared still to find favour amongst
many intelligent classes in this country. The
mode of retaliation selected generally tended to injure
themselves as well as foreigners. By imposing retalia-
tory duties thy compelled themselves to buy dearly what
they might otherwise buy cheaply. If other countries
refused to take their manufactures in exchange for their
own produce they must seek to attain their object by
other means. All attempts of foreign countries to in-
jure them were greatly assisted by a system of protec-
tion. Free trade was the best means of promoting peace
amongst the nations of the earth—far better than com-
mercial treaties, which were alivays accompanied with
distrust, and in which one of the parties always consi-
dered himself either a victim or a dupe.—(Hear,
hear.) He should rejoice if it were proclaimed to
the world. that henceforth they would engage
in no more commercial treaties.—(Hear, hear,) They
owed some reparation to the world for the bad example
which they had hitherto set them. He believed that the
carrying of the motion would be the prelude to a change
which would be most beneficial to all commercial
nations.

The Earl of COLCHESTER said that if mankind
were likely to forget their jealousies he should concur
with the Noble Earl in the sentiments which he had
expressed ; but, believing that such a result was not to
be expected, he could not agree with the principles of free
trade. He thought it would be very unwise to deprive
colonies of the discriminating duties which at present
existed, in the uncertain ho that they would eventually
be benefited.

The Duke of RICHMOND was very much surprised
to hear from the Noble Earl (the Earl of Clarendon) that
the agriculturists had it all their own way. If he stated
that against farmers, they would tell him that be must
have dreamt it. Would any man say that the farmer
was not taxed more than any man in the country? The
farmer who did not make 3001. a year by his farm, paid
more than the manufacturer who made 30,000/.—(Hear.)
He did not at all like the speech of his Noble Friend the
Vice-President of the Board of Trade—(Laughter)—and
in voting against the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord
Monteagle), he only said that whilst he disliked the
Government much, he liked his Noble Friend less.—
(Great laughter.) It was said that the country should
not be dependent upon foreign nations for the supply of
food. But, he would ask the House, was it the way to
make the country independent to ruin the farmers ?
(Hear, hear.) He was an agriculturist, and he did not
deny the interest which he had in agriculture. But he
believed that the whole object of the free traders was to
reduce the wages of the labouring people. It was the
opinion, he was happy to say, of the great body of the
labourers that they were better in their present
condition than they could be under a system of
free trade.— (Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend
had referred to the embarrassments of our commerce,
with America, and had argued that those embarras-
ments were owing to our corn-laws and other protective
duties. But was not the fact notorious, that to obtain
the produce of America we sent out hard dollars, and
got bad bills in exchange.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
He for one would never consent to a reduction of pro-
tection to agriculture; and he would also support the
protection of the manufacturer.—(Hear, hear.) The
agriculturists were restricted in many respects. They
were prevented by an Act of Parliament from growing
tobacco.—(Hear, hear.) Let the free-traders take away
those restictions before they attempted to make the
people of this country dependent upon foreigners for the
supply of food.
The Earl of WICKLOW would not intrude upon
their Lordships, but thought if he gave a silent vote, his
motives and reason would be misunderstood. He en-
tirely agreed in all the arguments of his Noble Friend who
brought forward this motion, but he did not think that
the Committee could be granted without creating great
alarm and embarrassment.—(Hear, hear.) He must say,
however, that he fully concurred in all the opinions of
his Noble Friend, and in none more firmly, than that
abstract principles must always be applied with caution.
There was really no difference between the principles
laid down by his 'Noble Friend and those acted upon by
the present Government. The difference was one only
as to time. He felt that the Government was acting so
wisely, that whilst he agreed with the theory of his
Noble Friend, he was compelled to give in his adhesion
to her Majesty's Ministers, who were carrying out the
same theory with sound caution.—(Hear, hear.)
_____

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose to support the
motion of his Noble Friend. He thought the Noble
Earl who had just sat down, and the Noble Duke on the
cross bench, ought to vote for this motion, inasmuch as
their speeches were both made up of arguments in its
favour. The necessity for this inquiry was made the
more apparent by the fact that within the last five years
five distinct failures had taken place in attempts to ne-
gotiate with respect to our commerce with foreign coun-
tries. He believed that the only means of relieving the
commerce of this country from its distress would be for
the Legislature to place it in a state of freedom.
It was said that things which the Government had
touched were in a settled state. So far from things
being in a settled state, he believed that not many hours
had elapsed since the person highest in authority on
those subjects declared in another place that they were
in a transition state with regard to sugar.-- (Hear,
hear.) That was the comfortable state of settlement in
which they were in.—(A laugh.) In every case wherein
free trade principles were carried out they were followed
with the best results. The question of sugar was a most
important subject, and the people of this country had
more right to complain of the character of the legistation
of the country in respect of it than any other subject.
This country had the most extended commerce. What
was the result of that ? It was that the labourer of
such a country was not able to consume one-half of the
sugar that was sent out to the Cape of Good Hope.—
(Hear, hear.) Yet the people were told to be proud of
a system which took away from them the benefits of that
extended commerce.—(Hear, hear.) How was it pos-
sible they could be believed to be sincere in their legis-
lation with regard to sugar ? because while they professed
to be guided by principles of humanity they yet seemed
to consider the interests of a particular class alone.—
(Hear.) But he thought that all due consideration
should be given to the West India interest. What they
ought to do was to facilitate the introduction of
Africans into the West Indies, subject to no other con•
ditions than that they should not proceed to the West
Indies without proper precautions being taken to pro-
vide them a suitable means of transit, and allowing
them free liberty to go back to Africa when they pleased.
lie heard with great pleasure the sentiments of the
Noble Earl; and if this country arrived at a state of
great prosperity, it was, as Lord Liverpool said, in spite
of their prohibitory system.—(Hear, hear.) He should,
with great pleasure, support the motion of his Noble
Friend, and he recommended its adoption to their Lord-
ships.—(Cheers.)
The Earl of WINCHILSEA said that, in the present
artificial state of this country, it would be impossible to
apply the principles of free trade, however well they
might be adapted to a new state of society; but, borne
down as they were by the national debt, how could they
adopt the principle of free trade ? It was the
duty of every Government to encourage home
production ; and he found that the same sys-
tem was adopted with regard to the manufacturing
interests of other countries. They were so burdened
with taxes that protection was necessary t.) enable them
to pay those taxes. In his opinion the home market and
the colonial market would be amply sufficient to main-
tain their prosperity, without any reference to the
foreign trade at all. For this reason he should oppose
the motion of the Noble Lord.

Lord MONTEAGLE replied.
Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared—
Contents—Present
Proxies 37

- 75
Not Contents—Present
Proxies
—lB4
Majority against the m0ti0n..... —lO9
The Vinegar Duties Bill then went through Com-
mittee, after whichtips adjourned.

LADY LONDONDERRY'S NEW WORK .—We are
requested to state that Mr. Colburn, of Great Marl-
borough-street, has this day published the Marchioness
of Londonderry's " Narrative of her Visit to the Courts
of Vienna, Constantinople, Athens, Naples, &c.," in one
volume, Bvo., with portrait, price 14s. bound, which can
aow be had of all booksellers. Mr. Colburn has also
just published:--2. The seventh volume of Miss Strick-
land's " Lives of the Queens of England," containing the
sequel of the Life of Queen Elizabeth, and the complete
Life of Anne of Denmark--3. " The Bridal of Meicha,"
by Mary L. Boyle, ss. 6(1. bound—and 4. A new and
cheaper edition of " Frederick the Great, his Court and
Times," edited by Thomas Campbell, Esq., 2 vols. small
Bvo., 21s. bound.

A
meeting was held on Tuesday evening, 11th
instant, at the Town-hall, Reading, for the purpose of
taking into consideration the objects and intentions of
the National Animals' Friend Society, of Exeter-hall, J.
Seaman, Esq., in the chair. The meeting was ably ad-
dressed by Messrs. May, 11. May, Rev. W. Legg, E.
Carroll, Esq., Rev. J. Statham, and other gentlemen
and ministers, and resolutions passed in praise of the
cause of this very valuable Institution, whose exertions
have been lately directed to the great cruelty so preva-
lent in the county of Berkshire. This meeting sepa-
rated highly gratified with the evening's proceedings.
PUBLIC- HOUSE LICENSES.—It is said to be in con-
templation to revise the whole system of licensing inns
and public-houses during the next session of Parliament,
so as to place it on a similar footing to that now in
practice on the Continent, by which the revenue will be
greatly increased and monopolies to a very great extent
done away with.—lpswich Express.

- COURT CIRCULAR.
His Majesty the King of Saxony, attended-by. his Excel-
lency Baron Gersdofl; the Earl of Morton, Lord in Waiting,
Lord Charles Wellesley (Clerk Marshal), Equerry in Wait-
ing, his ExcellencyM. de Minckwitz, Count Albert Vitzthum,
Baron de Reichert, and Dr. Carus, left Buckingham Palace,
with his suite, in two open carriages and four, soon after ten
o'clock -yesterday morning, for Richmond Park.
His Majesty, on arriving, walked in the Park, and also
promenaded on the terrace with his suite. The King then
re-entered the royal carriage, and drove to Kew, where his
Majesty and suite were received by their Royal Highnesses
the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, attended by the BA-
roness Ahlefeldt, and 'Baron Knesebeck.
The illustrious party visited the Royal Botanical Gardens,
where the King remained a considerable time.
On the return of the royal party to to the residence of the
Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, a dejeuni was served.
In the afternoon, the illustrious party left Kew, passing
through the gardens, for Sion House, to honour the Duke
and Duchess of Northumberland with a visit ; the King of
Saxony and the Duchess of Cambridge were in an-open car-
riage, her Royal Highness driving.
The Duke and Duchess of Northumberland received their
illustrious guests and conducted them through the conser
vatory and pleasure grounds. After inspecting Sion House,
the royal party:drove to Ealing- park, and were received there
by Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence, who attended their illustrious
visitors through their beautiful flower gardens and pleasure
grounds,

The King of Saxony, attended by his suite, left Ealing-
park for town, and the Duchess of Cambridge returned to
Kew His Majesty arrived at Buckingham Palace at seven
o'clock.

The Queen and Prince Albert took their usual daily walk
yesterday in the gardens of Buckingham Palace. His Royal
Highness Prince Albert rode out on horseback, attendedby
3fajor-General Sir Edward Bowater.
The Royal Family were taken airings yesterday, in the
royal gardens.
The Earl of Hardwick, Lord in Waiting on the Emperor of
Russia, and Colonel Wylde, Equerry in 'Waiting on his Im-
perial Majesty, returned to Buckingham Palace yesterday
forenoon, from Rotterdam.
The royal dinner party at Buckingham Palace, yesterday,
included the Earl of Ilardwicke, and Mr. George Edward,
and the Hon. Mrs. Anson.

The band of the Coldstream Guards was in attendance at
the Palace during dinner.
His Majesty the King of Saxony left Buckingham Palace
shortly before eight o'clock yesterday evening, to honour the
Earl of Aberdeen, her Majesty's principal Secretary of State-
for Foreign Affairs, with his company at dinner, at his Lord-
ship's residence in Argyll-street. His Majesty was attended
by his Excellency Baron de Grersdorff, Monsieur de Minck-
witz, Count Albert Vitzthum, Baron de Reichert and Dr.
Carus.

The Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal Highness the
Duchess of Gloucester yesterday at Gloucester House.
A meeting of Members of Parliament took place yesterday
afternoon at the official residence of Sir Robert Peel, in Down-
ing-street. The meeting was attended by about 200 Members
of the House of Commons.
Sir R. Peel was accompanied by Lord Stanley, Sir James
Graham, the Chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Gladstone,
Sir E. Knatchbull, and Lord Granville Somerset, and also by
Sir Thos. Fremantle, Hon. H. Manners Sutton, and other
members of the Administration.
The Members assembled soon after two o'clock, and broke
up about three o'clock. The following were among those
present :
Lonos—Ernest Bruce, Charles Manners, Northland, Pol-
lington, Mahon, Ingestre, Grimston, Clive, Bandon, Claud
Hamilton, Chelsea, Barrington, Alford,
RIGHT HONOURABLES—J. Nichol', F. Shaw.
HONOURABLES-11. Fitzroy, F. Charteris, James S. Wort-
ley, W. B. Baring, W. Dawnav, Mr. Smythe.
Sins—Howard Douglas, J. Yarde Buller, J. Walsh, W.
James, J. Hanmer, F. Trench, R. Pigot, James Flower,- John
Johnstone, T. Dyke Acland, Horace Seymour, Thomas Fre-
mantle, T. B. Hepburn, J. Mordaunt, W. Heatheote, J.
Owen, W. Codrington, J. Rae Reid, J. Chetwode, E. Filmer,
Henry Halford.
MESSIEURS—Rashleigh, Charles Russell, Gally Knight,
Sanderson, John Round, Hope Johnstone, Bailey, Charles
Round, Hogg, Neeld, Dickinson, E. Shirley, Dugdale, Est-
court, Montague Gore, Munday, Tatton Egerton, H. Baillie,
A. B. Hope, Balfour, Chute, T. Hussey, G. Arkwright,
B. Botfield, Lyall, W. Beckett, Whitmore, Abel Smith,
Acton, L Bruges, Lockhart, Long, Cornewall Legh, R. Eaton,
A. Oswald, Irving, F. Tollemache, Barneby, A. Hussey, Hall,
S. Irton, C. Adderley, J. East, Astell, Hardy, Forman,
S. Lane Fox, M. Milnes, Greene, Mackinnon, B. Cresswell,
W. Martin, B. Escott, Packe, C. Hodgson, Blackmer.,
J. Blackburne, Forbes, Masterman, W. R. Collett, G. Thorn-
hill, P. Borthwick, Rice Clayton, W. F. Mackenzie, An-
trobus, Broadley, M. Brisco, Kirk, P. Greenall, Quintin
Dick, W. Baird, F. Hodgson, B. Hughes, A. E. Fuller,
E. B. Denison, G. Palmer, Lawson, A. Copeland, Mildmay,
H. Stuart, Blackstone, Sturt, Bramston, Farnham, M. Gas-
kell, Liddell, Stanley, Buckley, J. H. Campbell, J. Stewart,
Palmer, Darley, Trotter, 0. Morgan, Wodehouse, Tomline,
Kemble, H. Drummond, Tollemache, Newdegate, Colvile,
Mainwaring, Lefroy, W. Feilden, Chapman, Stuart Wortley,
Colquhoun, W. Praed, M'Ceachy, Godson, Homily, Alliz,
Smollett, Davies, C. Hamilton, Neville, Dodd, Cardwell, Clive,
Shirley, Repton, Entwisle, Waddington.

Annnlw —Bowles.
CoLoNms—Hugh Baillie, Wood, Rushbrooke, Rice Trevor,
Verner, Pennant, Powell, Sibthorp.
CAPTAINS—Harris, Meynell, A'Court, Gladstone, Jones,
Polhill, Taylor.
The Commissioners for Metropolitan Improvements had a
meeting on Wednesday, at the office in Whitehall-place.
There were present the Earl of Lincoln, Lord Lyttelton Lord
Colborne, Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Hope, Mr. Gaily Knight, Mr.
Alderman Humphery, Mr. Milne, Hon. C. Gore, and Sir IL
Smirke.

The Governor of the Bank of England had an interview
with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday.
The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yesterday.
Mr. Loftus Wigram, Queen's Counsel, was heard on a peti-
tion from Tobago, "The Colonial Bank v. Campbell!'
Messrs. Bindersley, Wigram, and Burge, Queen's Counsel,
were heard on an appeal from Madras—
" Moottoo Vyaya Raghanadha Bodha Gooro Surmiyperria
Woodia Taver, Zemindar of Shivagunga, in the Zilla Madura
(the original defendant), appellant, v. Rany Auga Moottoo
Natchiar, widow of the late Zemindar of Shivagunga, in the
Zilla of Madura (the original plaintiff) respondent ;"
And, by order of Revivor
" Srimut Moottoo Uyaya Raghnadha Gowery Vallabha
Perria Woodia Taver, v. the Reny Auga Moottoo .Natelustr.'
At four o'clock their Lordships postponed this case, in
order to give judgment on an appeal respecting a codicil to
the will of the late Marquis of Hertford, " Croker v. the Mar-
quis of Hertford."
Dr. Lushington, Judge of the Admiralty Court, gave judg-
ment on the part of their Lordships, affirming the decree o
the Judge of the Prerogative Court (rejecting the allegation
to probate, dated in October, 1838). With respect to costs,
however, under the peculiar circumstances of this case, their
Lordships would advise her Majesty to direct that the coati
of this appeal be paid out of the estate. The Court then rose.

VEGRAVESEND,STROOD,ROCHESTER,
and CHATHAM RAILWAY (Emslie's line).
'llls PROVISIONAL COMMITTEE beg to infirm the numerous
-applicants for SHARES, who have not received answers to their
several applications, that it has been found impossible to return a
separate communication in each instance. This announcement will,
it, is hoped, be accepted as a sufficient apology.
HENRY MEAD, Secretary.
Offices, 12, Moorgate-street, June 13, 1844.

Lord MONTEAGLE moved for a Committee of
Inquiry, relative to the effect of the present import
duties.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE opposed the motion, and,
after a lengthened discussion, the House divided, and
the motion was rejected by a majority of 109. The
House then adjourned.
In the Commons, several petitions were presented
against the Bank Charter Bill.
Mr. C. BEEKELEY wished to know from Sir J.
GRAHAM, the cause of the delay in introducing the
Charitable Trusts Bill. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said the
LORD CHANCELLOR was entrusted with the Bill, and
he had every reason to believe it would be introduced
forthwith. A number of other Members tried to
elicit from the Home Secretary when the Bill would
be introduced, but no satisfactory answer could be
obtained.

On the order of the day being read for the second
reading of the Bank Charter Bill, Mr. HAWES moved
that no sufficient evidence had been laid before the
House to justify the proposed interference with banks
of issue in the management of their circulation. He
then entered into lengthened details on the currency,
and contended that no good reason had been shown
by Sir R. PEEL for altering the system of currency
which he had adopted in 1819.
Mr. HASTIE seconded the motion, and said he felt
bound to declare that the present Bill introduced by
Sir ROBERT PEEL, contained more elements of panic
than any preceding one.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the
resolution, and thought it would have been more
manly to have moved that the Bill be rejected altoge-
ther, than to assail it on mere points of detail.
Several other Members spoke, and ultimately the
resolutions were carried by a majority of 155, there
being 185 for it, and 30 against it. The Bill was
then read a second time, and ordered to be committed
on Monday.

The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at Two o'clock.

We quote the following from a Morning Contem-
porary :—" Yesterday evening, the large arched
window in the side of the, tower of St. Stephen's,
Walbrook—a church celebrated for its architectural
beauty, as being the chef d'oeuvre of Sir CHRISTOPHER
WREN—fell with a tremendous crash upon the pave-
ment below. The whole of the wooden frames, with
the cross iron bars, bolts, and glass embedded in the
lead, lay for some time smashed to atoms on the
pavement, and were at length removed into the
church portico; while the beadle and others ascended
the tower to inspect the state of the other windows,
which were found to be in a very unsafe state."
This accident, which by the bye, might have
been attended with very dangerous consequences,
inasmuch as a woman and two children, who
chanced to be turning down Walbrook at the time,
" narrowly escaped destruction by the intervention
only of a few inches"—this accident, we say, could
not have been unexpected by the parochial authorities,
for Dr. CaoLy, several weeks ago, publicly called
their attention to the dilapidated condition of the
church, warning them that not only were the win-
dows unsafe, but that the very pulpit was tottering;
and, moreover, that there was not a pew door but
what gave indications of an intention ere long to part
company with its hinges, and grievously endamage
the toes of whoever happened to be passing up or
down the aisles at the moment. But, as has been
IA ell observed, " that which is every body's busi-
ness is nobody's business," and not until some
man of note in the parish has had his " re-
spectable " sconce cracked by the fall of another
r. indow into the street, or the amiable rector has
tumbled through his pulpit, and suffocated the clerk
beneath the weighty avalanche of his descent,—not
until some accident or other of this sort has happened,
will the parochial authorities of Walbrook thank it
their duty to set in right earnest about the necessary
repairs of their Church. But our object in alluding
to this matter is not so much to recommend the im-
mediate restoration of the long-neglected St. Ste-
phen's to its pristine state of beauty and safety, as to
point out the absurdity of the Bishop of Lownori's
favourite scheme for Increasing the spread of reli-
gion by the erection of new churches in the City and
its suburbs. Of what earthly use is it to build
additional churches, when those which we already have
are only half filled, and what is worse, are regarded with
so little respect, as to be permitted—as in the case of
St. Stephen's—to fall into a state of dilapidation ?
Those of our citizens who decline attending Divine
service at the old churches, will certainly feel no very
ardent desire to attend the new ones. The apostolic
Bishop's first object should be to increase, by his in-
fluence and the zeal and frequency of his ghostly ex-
hortations, the number of the church-goers in his
diocese ; and when it has been satisfactorily demon-
strated that this number has so greatly multiplied
that there is not sufficient accommodation for them
in the churches alreading existing, then it will be full
time enough to solicit subscriptions for the erection
of new ones. But to build additional religious struc-
tures while some of the old ones are tumbling
to pieces for want of the necessary repairs, and the
majority are rarely, if ever, more than half filled,
seems to us to be about as absurd a crotchet as could
ever enter into the head of an episcopal dignitary. It
is not a useless multiplying of churches that will make
the Bishop of LONDON'S flock more religious than they
now are, but the increased zeal and efficiency of his
clergy, shown by their exhibiting a kindlier sympathy
with the feelings and interests of the poorer classes in
their respective parishes. It is to this, and this only,
that we look for that improved religious spirit among
his vast flock which the ghostly Prelate hopes to
excite merely by the erection of new churches, just
as though it were the church, and not the minister,
which possessed the power of reformation. But we
are at no great loss to account for the good Bishop's
urgency in enforcing this architectural crotchet of
his. As a matter of course, his power and patronage I
will be wondrously strengthened by the building of
new religious edifices, and this is a consideration of
no slight weight with an active and ambitious Prelate,
who possibly imagines that a day may come—and at
no distant period—when he may enjoy the enviable
distinction of signing himself "CANTUAR."

Madrid journals of the 6th have been received, but
they contain nothing remarkable. Even the butcheries
committed in Catalonia seem to be regarded as no
novelty, and are announced as mere matters of course.
In Valencia the same scenes are enacted. The
Madrid Gazette publishes several bulletins dated
from that place, stating that more Carlists had been
taken prisoners and shot. In one of these bulletins
we find the following horrible announcement :—"lt
is calculated that within the last fortnight General
VILLALONGA, whose exertions are extremely merito-
rious, has caused one hundred and thirty-six to be
put to death. The most important capture and exe-
cution was that of MAasaL, one of the chiefs, who
assumed the title of Colonel. He was taken on the
coast just as the small squadron on board of which
their MAJESTIES were repairing to Barcelona was
passing by."
The Madrid Bourse was closed on the 6th, it being
the Feast of Corpus Christi.

Most of the Paris papers of Wednesday contain
the dispatches from General LAMORICIERB, relative to
the collision between the French and Moorish troops,
which appeared in The Sun of yesterday. It seems
to be regarded at Paris as a matter of very little im-
portance, and the journals in,seneral give them with-
The Earl of CLaafirrnoN, In the House of Lords, out any comment. It had little or no effect on the
last evening, put some questions to the Earl of ABER• funds. According to the Reforme, matters of some
11.EEN, relittive. to the collision which had taken place importance are in agitation in that part of Africa.
the rendezvous of all
between the French troops on the frontiers of Mo-
"The coast of Morocco," it says, "is about to become
rocco, and the troops of a chief, under the authority the naval flags of Europe. A
Dutch squadron is about to quit Flushing under the
of the EMPEROR. lie. asked whether hostilities had
actually commenced, And whether her MAJESTY'S orders of Prince lIENRy of the Netherlands, and will
Consul had not taken means to pre:rent a result which not fail to remain some time before
it will find French, British, Spanish, and, probably,
must be injurious to British interests. The Earl of
-ABERDEEN said he did not believe that w..1.1' was in- American, ships of war. At the same time we learn
- from Christiana, of the 28th of May, that a Norwe-
tended either by the French or the Emperor of Mo
occo. A collision certainly had taken 'lvice • ' gian frigate and corvette, and a Swedish frigate,
but he ,p_ ,
believed it was without the v,-Zsh would sail for Tangiers, where negotiations
of enber • - - were being conducted with the Emperor of
party. He had received no intimatiod
from the .
be__ . , British Consul that a wee had 1 ,MOROCCO." Most of the journals gave short biographi-
v" Prechtlined• against infidels—he did ,Q, ,
not believe. eai notices of the Duke of ANGOULFME, and bear
that a,
:there Y sudr.proclamation had taken ' to the vc Bence of his private character,
place, and that t teattniony e... e
was no' probability Globe, " there never was
letween Feane and A that a war would take place but, Adds one of then', the
to believe that' the tor.oceo, as he had every reason a man born to the inheritance of a throne, who pos-
collisionwhich required to
'was accidental, 'and that, but had taken place Messed fewer of those qualities which are
emperor of Mot, 'occo had withdrawn
few, days previous, the •• vender one worthy of ascending it. lie could
forces from the L 'COntier. mulravvia one-half of his I
t L.boarcely have been a King at the Tuileries, and it'
- - • r i..,r ' , i Ness more than ridiculous to call him King in his 1

exile." He was born at Versailles on the 6th of
August, 1775, and was consequently in the 69th year
of his age.
The Presse thus announces a change in the Greek
Ministry : _ _ .

"The President of the Greek Ministry, M. Mavrocordate,
has just given in his resignation, and all his colleagues were
on the point of following his example. This Cabinet, formed
under English influence, had, from the moment of its acces-
sion to power, met with an opposition to which it was at
last obliged to yield. General Colletti, who is not hostile to
French influence, will, without doubt, be charged with the
formation of the new Ministry."
THE BOURSE-WEDNESDAY, JIINt 12.
- •

First Highest Lowest

Price. PTice. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents• . l2l 95 .. 122 10 .. 121 85 .. 122 10
Four per Cents
Three per Cents... .• 82 35 .. 82 40 .. 82 35 .. 82 40
Bank of France
Laftitte Bankal,ooof. Sharesll32 50 ..1132 50 ..1132 50 ..1132 50
Belgian Fives, 1831.
1840 ........ 106 .. 106 .. 105} .. 105;
Spanish Active •••• • • .... 30; .. 30; .. 301 • • 3
Passive ...... ...... 51 .. 51 .. 51 .. 5
Threes .
Portuguese Five per Cants.. 46; .. 46* .. 46; •• 46*
Neapolitan.. •• •.. . • 99 90 .. 99 90 •• 99 70 .. 99 70
Roman .• .• ..•• ••
RAILWAY SHARES.
---

Versailles, R.B.— —• • :T.::: 370 • • 370 .. 370 .. 370
L. 8.• • •• • • ...... 240 .. 245 .. 240 .. 240
Rouen ... ..... 945 .. 950 .. 945 .. 950
Rouen to Havre•
Orleana ••• •• • • •........... 955 .. 962 50 .. 950 .. 955
Strasburg to Bale ••• • • • •••• 231 25 .. 236 25 .. 220 .. 236 25
Avignon to Marseilles— •• 740 .. 747 50 . 740 .. 747 59