The Sun.
London, England, 1868-11-07 00:00:00

fiFIRIT OF THE PUBLIC TOMINALL

The Saturday Review remarks that before another week is
gone this Parliament will be a thing of the past. And
now that its days are over, how are we to speak of it, and
how may we expect that history will speak of it here.
after? In some respects it was by no means a bad Par-
liament ; in one or two points, and especially in its
liberality in religious matters, and in its anxiety to be
just and moderate towards foreign nations, it was one of
the' very best Parliaments that ever sat in England.
Scarcely any Parliament, on the other hand, ever gave
more cause for anxiety and regret than this Parliament
did in the course it took, and the scenes it allowed, during
the passing of the Reform Bills in 'the two last sessions.
Born to love Lord Palmerston, it lived to hate Mr. Glad-
stone. Thus, tossed on a sea of perpetual sea of agitation,
with no convictions, no belief in the guidance and leader-
Idiip of any one, and burning with personal jealousies and
enmities, it suffered itself to be led through the curious
rnaveeuvres which ended in passing the Reform Bills for
the three kingdoms. It is now use now recalling
the lamentable outbursts of bad feeling and bad manners
which came from both sides equally during the last
two sessions ; but we may be rejoiced that the
Parliament that, witnessed and in a manner sanc-
tioned them is- now on the point of dissolution.
Will the next Parliament be very unlike the expiring
Parliament, and, if so, how far will the difference be
owing to the Reform Bill ? So far as we can now see, it
will-be different in two respects ;it will approach the sub-
ject of the Irish Church with confidence and firmness,
because it will have the nation with it, although it will
approach it with tenderness for those affected by its
legislation. The new Parliament will differ from the pre-
sent one in its willingness to obey Mr. Gladstone, and in
the cohesion of the majority. This majority may, as san-
guine Conservatives hope, be broken up, but it will be
incomparably harder to break it up than it has been to
break up the majority elected to support Lord Palmerston.
But this change is the fruit of a very natural reaction
against the proceedings of the present Parliament. Every
one -who knew anything of the provinces knew months
ago that the popularity of Mr. Gladstone in the country
was far greater than any popularity he ever possessed in
London and in the House of Commons ; and at the very
moment when the present House was raging with bitter-
ness and spite against him, the local Liberal agents were
perfectly aware that their candidates could do nothing
with the electors unless they would promise to stick by
Mr. Gladstone. Our contemporary ridicules the Whiggery
represented by the Edinburgh Review, which will not object
to the destruction of hares and rabbits, if the game laws
are not further discussed. The great duty of the new
Parliament will be to turn out the friends of the Quarterly
and adopt the policy of the enlightened Whigs.

The Spectator is, severe upon the Liberal party for their
treatment of Mr. Udger. We feel the more strongly upon
the point of this mischievous pseudo-Liberal dandyism
because we are sure that not only is the nation losing a
great opportunity, but the Liberals are gravely injuring
their prospects with the bulk of the new electors by this
purblind polky of snubbing the working men and paying
obeisance to wealth and titles for their own sakes. The
Conservatives already see the blunder, and are doing'all
in their power to irritate the working class against the
impertinent Liberalism which implores their votes but
will not so much as touch one of their own candidates
with the tongs. The Conservatives, for their part, are
welcoming. " the Conservative working man," doing their
best to make much of him, and it may be even flattering
him with very questionable taste. We may be sure of
this, that if the Liberals of the middle class hold aloof
from the new electors in that spirit of petty social
aristocracy which some of their public instructors strive
to inculcate, the Conservatives will soon outbid them,
as they are already striving to do. Nor will it be by
any means without precedent for the Conservatives
to take a more generous line in social policy than the
Liberals. On the Ten Hours Bill everyone admits that
the Conservatives were ahead of their opponents, and that
they then initiated a Reform which has had a more bene-
ficial influence on the life of the working class than any
reform of recent years, except the abolition of the protec-
tive system. For the present, the immeasurable services
of Mr. Gladstone, and his great genius for the whole class
of social reforms, has restored the Liberal party to its
proper influence over the working class. The day may
come, as it has come in times past, when those who boast
of being the foremost in p4itical progress, may lose, by
their own act, the sympathy of the greater half of the
nation, and shew neither the willnor the power to lead the
claimants of social reforms.

The Imperial Review says the friend of Odder and the
wopohipper of Bradlaugh has at length arrived at West-
natiatter ; but we doubt if Mr. Mill has gained anything
by the journey except-the discovery that he might just as
well have remained at Avignon. We would suggest to
him that, though he is far too behindliand to supplant
'Mr. Smith, it is by no means too late to seem to prove
the sincerity of his letter to Mr. Bouverie by making way
for the great uncomprehended Chadwick. It is only too
.plain that Mr. Mill will have to follow Mr. Odder into
'private life. We long ago foretold this last gentleman's
fate, though we certainly were not prepared for the
fefinement of hypocrisy which is causing the various
Liberal organs, now that they have got rid of him at
Chelsea, to speak of him in such flattering terms.
Having kicked him down stairs, they no longer find
it necessary to dissemble their love ; and as he has now
got only the key of the street, they overwhelm him with
out-of-door attentions. One of them suggests that he
should be put up for Greenwich ; but as two Conserva-
tives, and one of them no less redoubtable a candidate
than Lord Mahon, have just come forward for the
borough, it is tiying Mr. Odger's simplicity, already
rudely shaken, rather too far to ask him to accept the
suggestion as a proof of undiminished concern for his
interests.

The London Review says that amongst the many things
which have not changed in England since 1838 is the rooted
aversion to the ballot which prevails amongst what may
still be called the ruling classes. The case of household
suffrage proves how easily, under certain circumstances,
that aversion might be overcome ; but at present
it exists. To some slight extent it is based on
the idea that the ballot is un-English, and on
the presumption that it would lead to lying. But
these grounds would soon disappear if the ballot were
not now, as in 1838, taken to be typical of greater changes.
Our own opinion is that the ballot would not specially
facilitate revolutionary change or greatly accelerate the
national progress; we believe the evils it would correct do
not materially affect the balance of affairs, as they mainly
appertain to the moral aspect of politics ; hut the oppo-
nents of the ballot think it would lead to something very
dreadful. By withholding it, therefore, on that ground
they are avowedly placing an indirect and disingenuous
check on the free Parliamentary declaration of the
opinions of the commonalty. The friends of the ballot
have never discovered an argument more powerful than
that which is thus fairly deducible from the conduct of its
enemies. The London Review holds that the franchise is a
trust, like life and health ; at the same time it is a right,
and the right to vote freely does not conflict with the
trust. Mr. Lytton Bulwer argued that free suffrage was
not only a political, but a moral and religious right, and
that nothing could secure it but secret voting. If Lord
Lytton be of a different opinion, he is less cogent and im-
pressive than in his Radical days. Intimidation
does not work so much mischief politically as morally.
The prognostications of well-informed people in Ireland fore-
tell scenes of the grossest intimidation and violence—scener
which the ballot has suppressed in every country where it
has been adopted. And in England, with a difference,
the same evils will prevail. The ballot alone can cure
them. Let the electors pledge as many candidates as
possible to its adoption in the new Parliament. And let
electors and candidates alike watch the incidents of the
election, in .order to arrive at a sound conclusion as to
whethenthe responsibility of maintaining "public voting,
which drives the elector into the wrong way against his
will," can any longer be undertaken by any enlightened
man intent upon the' well-being of his country.

The John Bull says, if Mr. Disraeli would, in the highest
appointment now vacant, take the bold course, and
recommend to the Queen the prelate who, whether•he is
nominally archbishop or not, is and will he so practically,
whose popularity among the working classes and Dis-
senters alike has been manifested this week in such Low
Church strongholds as Liverpool and Hull, and would
transfer to Oxford the bold archdeacon who is loved by
all who know him, and who won the hearts of every
Evangelical at Dublin—(and any chance of Dean Stanley
being pressed by her Majesty is surely out of the question
after his letter in favour of Mr. Mill)—he would have not
only the testimony of his conscience that he has done what
was right, but he would be surprised to find how popular
he would become, Puritan and infidel growling notwith-
standing, while the English people would be equally sur
prised to find how sober and discreet an archbishop was
Wilberforce, and how fair and liberal-minded a prelate
was Denison.

UNIVERSITY OF EDINEVRCIII.—A me3tlng of StII
dents opposed to the return of Mr. Moncreiff, NI.P., or
any political candidate for the office of Lord Rector, was
held on Thursday evening. The chairman stated that
230 votes had been recorded in favour of Mr. Tennyson,
who had, however, courteously declined to be put forward
as a candidate. Several gentlemen were then nominated
as opponents to Mr. Moncreiff, including Lord Lytton,
Sir Roderick Murchison, Mr. John Ruskin, and Mr.
Lowe, M.P. A show of hands was taken, when Mr. Ruskin
P,114 114c1 the greatest ramber of ladies