The Sun.
London, England, 1857-12-21 00:00:00

SUN, LOND'iON, MONDAY EVENING, MAE 1 WER 21, 1857,

consider the attack upon her as unjustifiable, and
as calling for satisfaction from the Paraguayan

insurrection and in restoring and maintaining the
sovereignty of the constitution and laws in the ter-
ritory of Utah.
I recommend to Congress establishing a territorial
government over Arizona, connecting with it such
portions of New Mexico as they may deem expe-
dient. I need scarcely adduce argumettts in support
of this recommendation. We are bound to protect

the Convention were in favour of establishing sla-
very in Kansas. They accordingly concerted au
article in the constitution for this purpose similar in
form to those which had been adopted by other ter-
ritorial conventions. In the schedule providing for
the transition from a territorial to a state govern-
ment, the question has been fairly and explicitly
referred to the people whether they will have a con-
stitution with or without slavery. It declares that
before the constitution adopted by the Convention
shallbesentto Congressfor admission into the Union
as a state, and election shallbe held to decide this ques-
tion, at which the white male inhabitants of the ter-
ritory above the age of 21, are entitled to vote. They
are to vote by ballot, and that the ballot passed at the
said election shall be endorsed " Constitution with
Slavery," and " Constitution with No Slavery." If
there be a majority in favour of the Constitution
with Slavery, then it is to be transmitted to Con-
gress by the President of the Convention in its ori-
ginal form ; on the contrary, if there be a majority
of Constitution with No Slavery, then the article
providing for slavery shall be stricken from the con-
stitution by the President ofthe Convention ' • and
it is expressly declared that no slavery shall exist
in the state of Kansas, except that the right of pro-
perty in slaves nowin the territory shall in no man-
ner be interfered with; and, in that event, it is
made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified
transmitted to the Congress of the United States,
for the admission of the State into the Union.
At this election every citizen will have an oppor-
tunity of expressing his opinions by his vote whe-
ther Kansas shall be received into the Union with
or without slavery, and thus the exciting ques-
tion may be peacefully settled in the very mode
required by the organic law. The, election will be
held under legitimate authority, and if any portion
of the inhabitantsshould refuse to vote, a fair oppor-
tunity to do so having been presented, this will be
their own voluntary act, and they alone will be re-
sponsible for the consequence. Whether Kansas
shall be a free or a slave state must, tinder some au-
thority, be decided by an election, and the question
can never_be more clearly or distinctly presented to
the people than it is at the present moment.
Should this opportunity be rejected, she may be
involved for years in domestic discord, and possibly
in civil war, before she can make up the issue now
so fortunately tendered, and again reach the point
she has already attained.
Kansas has for some years occupied too much of
the public attention. It is high time this should be
directed to far more important objects. When
once admitted intothe Union, whether with or with-
out slavery, the excitement beyond her own limits
will speedily pass away, and she will for the first time
be left, as she ought to have been long since, to
manage her own affairs in her own way. If her con-
stitution, on the subject of slavery or any other
subject, be displeasing to a majority of the people,
no human power can prevent them from changing
it within a brief period. Under these circumstances
it may well be questioned whether the peace and
quiet of the whole country are not of greater im-
portance than the mere temporary triumph of either
political party in Kansas.
Should the constitution without slavery be
adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of
property in slaves now in the territory are then re-
served. The number of these is small, but if it were
greater the provision would be equally just and
reasonable. These slaves were brought into the
territory under the constitution okthe,United States
-and are now the property of their masters. This
point has at lengthbeen finally decided by the highest
judicial tribunal of thecountry, and this on the plain
.principletliat when the confederacy of the sovereign
states acquire a new territory at their joint expense
both equality and justice demand that the citizens
of one and all of them shall have the right to take into
it whatsoeveris recognised asproporty bythe common
Constitution. To have summarily confiscated the
property in slaves already in the. territory would
have been an act of gross injustice, and contrary to
the practice of the older states of the Union which
have abolished slavery.
THE MORMONS IN -UTAH.
A territorial Government was established for
Utah by act of Congress, approved Sept. 9, 1850,
and the constitution and laws of the United States
were thereby extended over it, so far as the same
or any provisions thereof may be applicable. This
act provides for the appointment by the President,
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,
with a governor who was to be ex officio superin-
tendent of Indian affairs, a secretary, three judges
of the Supreme Court, a marshal, and a district
attorney. Subsequent acts provided for the ap-
pointment of the officers necessary to extend our
land and our Indian system over the territory.
Brigham Young was appointed the first governor
on the 20th of September, 1850, and has held the
office ever since. Whilst Governor Young has
been both governor and superintendent of Indian
affairs for this period he has been at the same
time the head of the church called the Latter day
Saints, and professes to govern its members and
dispose of their property by direct inspiration and
authority from the Almighty. His power has been
therefore absolute over both church and state. The
people of Utah almost exclusively belong to this
church, and!believing out of a fanatical spirit, that
he is governor of the territory by divine appoint-
ment, they obey his commands as if they were direct
revelations from heaven. If, therefore, he chooses
that his government shall come into collision with
the government of the Waited States the members
of the Mormon Church will yield implicit obedience
be his will.
Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt
that such is his determination. Without entering
upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient
to say that all the officers of the United States,
judicial and executive, with the single exception of
two Indian agents, have found it necessary for their
own personal safety to withdraw from the territory,
and there no longer remains any government in
Utah but the despotism of Brigham Young.
This being the condition of affairs in the terri-
tory, I could not mistake the path of duty. As
chief executive magistrate I was bound to restore
the supremacy of the constitution and laws within
its limits. In order to effect this purpose I ap-
pointed a new governor and other federal officers
for Utah, aad sent with them a military force for
their protection, and to aid as a posse comitatus in
case of need in execution of the laws.
With the religious opinion of the Mormons, as
long as they rem tined mere opinions, however de-
plorable in themselves and revolting to the mond
and religious sentiments of all Olaistendom, I had
no right to interfere. Actions alone, when iu vio-
lation of the United States, become the legitimate
subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate.
My instructions to Governor Cummin. have, there-
fore, been framed in strict accordance with these
principles.
At that date a hope
was indulged in that no
necessity might exist for employing the military
in restoring and maintaining the authority
of the law, but this hope has now vanished.
Governor Young has by proclamation declared his
determination to maintain his power by force, and
has already committed acts of hostility against the
United States. Unless he should retrace his steps
the territory of Utah will be in a state of open re-
bellion. He has committed these ;Acts of open
hostility, although Major Van Vliet, an officer of
the army, was sent to Utah by the commanding
general to purchase provisions for the troops, had
given him the strongest assurance of the peaceable
intentions of the Government, and that the troops
would only be employed as a posse comitatus when
called on by the civil authority to aid in the execu-
tion of the laws. There is reason to believe that
Governor Young has long coetemplated this result.
He knows that the continuance of his despotic
power depends upon the exclusion of all settlers
from the territory except those who will acknow-
ledgehis divine mission, and implicitly obey his
will, and that an enlightened public opinion there
would soon prostrate institutions at war with the
laws both of God and man. He has, therefore, for
several years, in order to maintain his in-
dependence, been industriously employed in
collecting and fabricating arms and munitions
of war, and in disciplining
the Mormons for
military service. As superintendent of Indian
affairs he has had an opportunity of tampering
with the Indian tribes, and exciting their hostile
feelings against the United States. This, according
to our inrormation, he has accomplished in regard
to some of those tribes, while others have remained
true to their allegiance, and have communicated his
intrigues to our Indian agente--
has laid in a
store of provisions for three .years, which, in case
'of necevity, as-he informed Major Van Vlief, he-
bid defiance to all the powers of the government.
will conceal, and then take; to the mountains and
A great part of all this may be idle boasting,"but
yet no wise government
will lightly estimate the
efforts which may be inspired by such frenzied
fanatieilm as exists among the Mormons, in Utah.
This is the first rebellion which has existed in our
territories, and humanity itself requires that we
should put it down in such a manner that it shall
be the last. To trifle with it would be to encourage
there with such an imposing foWrc e it and to render it formidable. e ought tocon-
go
vireo these deluded people that resistance would
as to
be vain, and thus spare the effusion of blood.
We can in this manner best convince them
that we are their friends, and not their enemies.
In order to accomplish this object it will be neces-
sary, according to the estimate of the War Depart-
ment, to raise four additional regiments, and this
I earnestly recommend to Congress. At the pre-
sent moment of depression i.O tije revenues of the
count,y, I sin sorry to be obliged to recommend
such _measures ; but 1 feel confident of the support
of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing the

government.
Citizens of the United States also, those who were
established in business at Paraguay, have had their
property seized and taken from them, and have
otherwise been treated by the authorities in an in-
sulting and arbitrary manner which requires redress.
Demands for this purpose will be made in a firm
but conciliatory spirit. This will the more pro-
bably be granted if the Executive shall have
authority to use other means in the event of a re-
fusal. This is accordingly recommended.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

the lives and the property of our citizens inhabiting
Arizona, and these are now without any efficient
protection. Their present number is already con-
siderable, and is probably increasing, not wit hst %rid-
ing the disadvantages under which they labour.
Besides, the proposed territory is believed to be rich
in thoelements of mineral and agricultural wealth,
especially in silver and copper. The mails of the
United States to California are now carried over it
throughout its whole extent, and this route is
known to be the nearest, and believed to be the best
to the Pacific.

It is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming
condition of the territory of Kansas at the time of
my inauguration. The opposing parties then stoo d
in hostile array against each other, and an accident
might have re-lighted the flames of civil war.
Besides, at this critical moment, Kansas was left
without a governor, by the resignation of Governor
Geary.
On the 19th of February previous the terri-
torial legislature passed a law providing for the
election of delegates on the first Monday in Sep-
tember, for the purpose of examining a constitution
'preparatory to admission into the United States.
This law was in the main fair and just, and it is
to be regretted that all the qualified electors had
not registered themselves and voted under its pro-
' visions. At the time of the election for delegates, an
extensive organisation existed in the territory whose
avowed object it was, if need be, to put down the
lawful government by force, and to estabtish a go-
vernment of their own under the so-called Topeka
constitution,/ The persons attached to /this
revolutionary organisation abstained from taking
any part in the election.
The Act of the Territorial Legislature bad omitted
to provide for submitting to the people the consti-
tution which might be framed by the convention,
and in the excited state of public feeling through
out Kansas an apprehension extensively prevailed
that a design existed to force upon them a consti-
tution in relation to slavery against their will.
In this emergency it became my duty, as it was
my unquestionable right, having in view the
union of all citizens in support of the territorial
law, to express an opinion on the construction of its
provisions. Concerningslavery, it has been the prin-
ciple of Congress neither to introduce itinto any ter-
ritory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own
way. Under this Kansas was admitted as a state
to be received into the union, with or without
slavery, as their constitution might prescribe at the
time of their admission. Did Congress mean by
this language that the delegates elected to frame a
constitution should have authority finally to decide
the question of slavery, or did they intend, by
leaving it to the people of Kansas, that they them-
selves should decide this question by a direct vote ?
On this subject I confess I had never entertained
a serious doubt, and therefore, in my instructions
to Governor Walker of the 28th March last, I said

MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS.
Long experience hasdeeply convinced met 13 at a strict
construction of the powers granted to Congress is
the only true as well as the only safe theory of the
constitution. While this principle shall guide my
public conduct, I consider it clear that under the
war-making power Congress may appoint and ap-
propriate money for the construction of a military
road through the territories of the United States
when this is absolutely necessary for the defence

of any of the public States against foreign inva-
sion. The constitution has conferred upon Con-
gress power to declare war, to raise and support
armies, to protect and maintain a navy, to call
forth the militia, to repel invasions. These high
sovereign powers necessarily involve important
duties, and among them there is none so sacred and
so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the
invasion of a foreign enemy. The constitution has
therefore, left, the powers of government on tlii.;3
point to construction, but expressly requires that
the United States shall protect each of them against
invasion.

Now, if a military road over our own territosies
be indispensably necessary to enable U 3 to meet and
repel the invaders, it follows as a necessary conse-
quence not only that we possess the power, but it is
our imperative duty to construct such road. It
would he an absurdity to invest a government
with the unlimited power to make and conduct
war and at the same time deny to it the only
means of reaching and defending the frontiers.
Without such a road it is quite evident we cannot
protect California and our Pacific territories against
invasion. We cannot expect by any other means
to transport men and munitions of war from At-
lantic states in sufficiek time successfully to defend
these remote and distant portions of the republic.
Experience has proved that the routes across the
isthmuS of Central America are at best a very un-
certain and unreliable mode of communication ; but
even if this were not the case they would at once be
closed against us in the event of war with a naval
power so much stronger than our own as to enable
it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes.
After all, therefore, we can only rely upon a mi-
litary road through our own territories, and ever
since the origin of the government Congress has
been in the practice of appropriating money from
the public treasury for the construction of such roads.
The difficulties and the expense of the constructing
a military road to connect our Atlantic and Pacific
states have been greatly exaggerated. The distance
on,the Arizona route, near the 32d parallel of north
latitude,- between the western boundary of Teixait
on the Rio Grande, by the eastern bounel.art of
California on the Collocade' from the best explora-
tions now within our knowledge, does. not exceed
470 miles, and the 'face of the country is in the
main favourable.

that when a constitution shall be submitted to the
people of the territory, they must be protected in
the exercise of their right of voting for or against
that instrument. A fair expression of the popular
will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence.
In expressing this opinion it was far from my
intention to interferewiththe decision of the people
of Kansas eitherfor or against slivery. This Illasvte
always carefully abstained from. 'Entrusted with
the duty oftaking care that the laws be faithfully
executed, my desire, eras that the people of Kansas
should furnish to Congress the evidence required by
the Organic Act, whether for or against slavery., And
in this manner, on their passage into the Union in
emerging from a condition of territorial depend-
ence into that of a sovereign State, it was,their
duty, in my opinion, to make known their will by
the votes of the majority on the direct
_question
whether this important domestic institution should
or should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was
the only possible mode in which their will could
be authentically ascertained. The election of
delegates to convention must necessarily take
place in separate districts. From this cause it may
readily happen, as has often been the case, that a
majority of the people of the state or territory are
on one side of a question, whilst a majority of the
representatives from the several districts into which
it is divided may be upon the other side. This
arises from the fact that in some districts delegates
may be elected by majorities, whilst in others those
of different sentiments may receive majorities suffi-
ciently great not only to overcome the votes given
for the former, but to leave a large majority of the
whole people in direct opposition to a majority •i
the delegates. Besides, our history proves that in-
fluences may be brought to bear upon the represen-
tative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disre-
gard the will of his constituents- The truth is that
no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of
ascertaining the will of a majority of the people of
any state or territory about au important and ex-
citing question like that of slavery in Kansas, ex-
cept by leaving it to a direct vote. How wise then
was it for Congress to pass over a subordinate and
intermediate agency, and proceed directly to the
source of all legitimate power under our institu-
tions. How vain would another principle prove is
practice ! This may be illustrated by the case of
Kansas, should she be admitted into the unionwith
a constitution maintaining or abolishing slavery
against the sentiments of the people. This could
have no other effect than to continue to ex isperate
the existing agitation during the brief period re-
quired to make the constitution conform to the
irresistible will of the majority.
The friends and supporters:of the Nebraska and
Kansas Act when struggling on a recent occasion
to sustain its wise provisions before the great tri-
bunal of the American people, differed about its
true meaning on this subject. Everywhere through-
out the Union they publicly pledged their faith and
honour that they wouldcheerfully submit the ques-
tion of slavery to the decision of the bona fide
people of Kansas without any restriction or quali-
fication whatever. All were cordially united upon
the great doctrine of popular sovereignty, which is
the vital principle of our free institutions. Had
it then been insinuated from any quarter that it
would be in sufficient compliance with the requisi-
tions of the organic law for the members of a con-
vention thereafter to be elected to withhold this
question of slavery from the people, and to substi-
tute their own will for that of legally-ascertained
majorities of all their constituents, it would
hive been instantly rejected. Everywhere they
remained true to the resolution adopted on a cele-
brated occasion, recognising the right of the people
of the territories including Kansas and Nebraska,
acting through the legally and fairly expressed
will of a majority of actual residents, whenever the
number of its inhabitants justifies it, to form a con-
stitution with or without slavery, and be ad-
mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect
equality with the other States. The Convention
to frame a constitution for Kansas met on the fifth
Monday of September last. They were called to-
gether by virtue of act of the territorial legisla-
ture, whose lawful existence had been recognised
by Congress in different forms and by different
enactments. A large portion of the citizens of
Kansas did not think proper to register their names
and to vote at the election for delegates, but an
opportunity to this having been fairly afforded,
their refusal to avail themselves of their right
could in no manner affect the liabilities of the
Con vention.
This Convention proceeded to frame a constitu-
tion for Kansas, and finally adjourned on the 7th
day of November. But little difficulty occurred in
the Convention, except on the subject of slavery.
The truth is that the general provisions of our
recent state constitutions are so similar, and I may
say so excellent, that the difference between them
is not essential. Under the earliest characteristic
action of the Government, no constitution framed
by the Convention of a territory preparatory to its
admission into the Union as a State, had been sub-
mitted to the people. I trust, however, the example
set by the last Congress, of requiring that the con-
stitution of Minnesota should be subject to the ap-
proval and ratification of the people of the proposed
State, may be followed on future occasions.
I took it for granted that the Convention of Kan-
sas would act in accordance with this example,
founded, as it is, on correct principles ; and hence
my iustrnctions to Governor Walker in favour of
submitting the constitution to the people, were ex-
pressed in general and unqualified terms. In the
,Kansak,Ne:braelea Act, this requirement, so accept-
able to the whole constitution, had not been in-
serted, and the Convention were not bound by its
terms to submit any-other portion Of the instrument
to ant.election except that which relates to the do-
mestic institution of slavery. ThiS will be rendered
clear by a simple reference to its language. It was
not to legislate slavery into any territory or State,
nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their do-
mestic institutions in their own way. According
to the plain construction of the sentence, these
have an appropriate reference to slavery. Do-
mestic institutions are limited to the family.
Toe relation between master and slave, and a
few others, are domestic institutions, and aro en-
tirely distinct from institutions of a political cha-
racter. Besides, there was no question then before
Congress, nor has there since been any serious ques-
tionbefore the people of Kansas, of the country,
except that which relates to the domestic institu-
tion of slavery.
The Convention, after an angry and excited de-
bate,.finally determined, by a majority of two, to
so Innitthe question of slavery tothe people. Though
at the last 43 of the 50 delegates present affixed their
signatures to the constitution, a large majority of

For obvious, rsasons the government ought not
to undertake such &work itself_ by means of its o

agents. - This ought to be committed to other agen-
cies which Congress might assist either by grants of
land or money, or by both, upon such terms and
conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the
country.
Provision might thus be made not only for the
safe, rapid, and economical transportation of troops
or munitions of war, but also of the public mails.
The commercial interests of the whole country,
both east and west, would be greatly improved by
such a road, and, above all, it would be a powerful
additional bond of union ; and although advantages
of this kind, whether postal, commercial, or politi-
cal, cannot confer constitutional power, yet they
may furnish, auxiliary arguments for expediting a
work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced
within the war-making power. For these reasons
I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress
the subject of the Pacific Railroad, without finally
committing myself to any particular route.
THE PUBLIC FINANCE.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will
furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the
public finances, and, of the respective branches of
the public service devolved upon that department
of the Government.
By this report it appears that the amount of re-
venue received from all sources into the Treasury
during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, was
68,631,513 dols. 67c., which amount, with the ba-
lance of 19,901,325 dols. 45c. remaining in the
Treasury at the commencement of the year, made
an aggregate for the service of 88,532,839 doll. 12c.
The public expenditure for the fiscal year ending
30th June, 1857, amounted to 70,822,724 dols. 85c.
of which 5,943,896 dole. 91c. were applied to the
redemption of the public debt, including interest
and premium, leaving in the treasury at the com-
mencement of the present fiscal year on Ist July,
1857, 17,710,114 dole. 27c.
Tho receipts into the treasury for the first quarter
of the present fiscalyear commencing Ist July, 1857,
were 20,929,819 dole. 81c., and the estimated re-
ceipts of the remaining three quarters to 30th June,
1858, are 36,750,000 dole., making, with the bal-
ance before stated, an aggregate of 75,389,934 dole.
Bc. for the service of the present fiscal year.
The actual expenditure during the first quarter
of the present fiscal year, was 23,714,528 dols. 37c.,
of which 3,895,232 dole. 39c. were applied to the
redemption of the public debt, including interest
and premium. The probable expenditure of the
remaining three-quarters, to 30th June, 1858, is
51,248,530 dols. 4c., including interest on the pub-
lic debt, making an aggregate of 74,963,058 dole.
41c., leaving an estimated balance in the treasury
at the close of the present fiscal year, of 426,875
dole. 67c.
The amount of the public debt at the commence-
ment of the present fiscal year is 29,060,386 (lois.
29c., leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of
25,165,154 dole. 51c.
The amount -of estimated expenditure for the
remaining three-quarters of the present fiscal year
will in all probability be increased from the causes
set forth in the report of the Secretary. His sug-
gestion, therefore, that authority should be given
to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of
a limited amount of Treasury notes, is approved,
and I accordingly recommend the passage of such
law.

. _
As stated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff
of March 3, 1857, has been in operation for so short
a period of time, and under circumstances so un-
favourable to
.a just development of its results as a
revenue measure,
,that I should regard it as inex-
pedient, at least for the present, to undertake its
r4vision.

I transmit herewith the reports made to me by
the Secretaries of War and of the Navy, of the In-
terior, and of the Postmaster-General. They all
contain valuable and important iuformation and
suggestions, which I commend to the favourable
consideration of Congress. I have already recom-
mended the raising of four additional regiments,
and the report of the Secretary of War presents
strong reasons proving this increase of the army
under existing circumstances to be indispensable.
I would call the special attention of Congress to
the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy
in favour of the construction of ten small war
vessels of light draught. For some years the
Government has been obliged on many occasions to
hire such steamers from such individuals to supply
its pressing wants. At the present moment we
have no armed vessels in the navy which can pene-
trate the rivers of China. We have but a few which
can enter any of the harbours south of Norfolk,
although many millions of foreign and domestic
commerce annually pass in and out of these har-
bours. Some of our most valuable points are thus
left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught,
great speed, and heavy guns would be formidable
in coast defence. The cost of their construction
will not be great, and they will require for them
Small expenditure to keep them
biiiiitcaomoommispi
jarioant:ivellny
time of peace they will prove
as effective as much larger vessels, and often more
useful. One of them should be at every station
where we maintain a squadron, and three or four
should be constantly employed on ou
anr Atlanticd and
Pacific . coast. Economy, utility, effi-
ciency combine to recommend them as
almost indispensable. Ten of these small
vessels would be of incalculable advantage to
the naval service, and the whole cost V their con-
struction would not exceed 2,300,000 dols.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior is
worthy of great consideration. It treats of the
numerous and diversified branches of domestic ad-
ministration entrusted to him by law. Among
these the most prominent are the public lands and
our relations with the Indians.
Oar system for the disposal of the public lands,
originating with the Fathers of the Republic, has
been improved, as experience pointed the way, and
gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of
our western states and territories. It has wet ked
well in practice. Already thirteen states and seven
territories hive been carved out of these lands, and

still more than a thousand million of acres remain favourable consideration the interest of the people
unsold. What a boundless project th;s presents to lof this district. Without a representative on the
our country for great future prosperito and power. floor of Congress they have, for this very reason:,
We have heretofore disposed of 363,862,464 acres peculiar claims upon our just regard. To this _I
of public lands. While the public lands are a source know, from my long acquaintance with them, tht
ay
of revenue, are of great importance, their import- are eminently entitled.
ante is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy (Signed) JAMES BUCHANAN.
and independent race of honest and industrious Washington, Dec. 8, 1857.
citizens, who desire to subdue and cultivatethe soil.
They ought to be adminstered mainly with a view of
promoting this wise and benevolent policy. In
appropriating them for any other purpose, we
ought to use even greater economy than if they had
been converted into money, and the proceeds were
already in the public treasury. To squander away
this richest and noblest inheritance which any
people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful
constitutionality or expediency, would be to violate
one of the most important trusts ever committed to
any people. Whilst Ido not deny to Congress the
power when acting bona fide as a proprietor to give
away portions of them for the purpose of increasing
the value of the remainder, yet, considering the
great temptations to abuse the power, we cannot be
too cautious in its exercise. Actual sellers under
existing laws are protected in their right of pre-
emption to the extent of a quarter section of 160
acres of land. The remainder may be disposed of
at public or private sale. Speculation has of late
years prevailed to a great extent in the public
land% The consequence has been that large por-
tions of them have become the property of in-
dividuals and companies, and that the price has
greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase
for actual settlement. In order to limit
the area of speculation as much as possible the
extinction of the Indian titles and the extension
of public surveys ought to keep pace with the tide
of emigration.

THE BELGIAN ELECTIONS.

VIENNA, DEC. 16.
A leading article on the result of the Belgia 11,
election, which is in the Oesterreichische Zeitung 01
this day is calculated to produce a deeper imprei-
sion on the minds of the Austrians, as well of high
as of low degree, than all the pastoral letters and
Jesuitical homilies which have been addressed tr.
them since the conclusion of the Concordat. Tim t
article is too long to be transferred to your columns p
but the following extract will convey its mean-
ing :—" Although the Papal Government, if
unaided, would not be able to maintain
possession of its territories, it has recently
obtained victories equal to those obtained by Gre-
gory VII., Innocent 111. and Sixtus V. The
policy of the Papal See in 1847 gave such offence
to the great Catholic Powers that it appeared as if
a lung time must elapse before the Church could
regain its influence ; but she is as powerful, . in-
fluential, and triumphant as she was in the times
of Louis XIV. If a great event had not a feW
days since occurred in a small State, the world
would have been justified in believingthat thewheal
of history was moving backward, and would not
come to a stand until it reached the court-ydof
Canossa, where temporal power was trod under
foot by spiritual authority.* The issue of the
Belgian elections is neither a simple party'
triumph nor an occurrence of mere local
importance. It is a great historical event, which
goes far to prove that the successes of the
Church daring the last 10 - years have not been
obtained over the masses of the people. The
word ' Ultramontane' can be applied to single
men, and even to classes, but not to nations. In
Sardinia, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, France,
on the Rhine, in Austria, and even in thd
domAin% of the Church, - the great masses of the
people are not Ultramontanists. To the Ultra-
montane party belong many men of high in-
tellect, pure character and elevated position, but
still it has singularly little real power. Victories
obtained over the masses are generally durable in
their effects, but not so victories obtained over
individuals or classes. If • the result of the elec-
tions had proved that the Belgian nation ap-
proved of the policy of the ultra-Catholic
party, it would have been a tremendous triumph
for Rome. The reverAe was the case, and
de cofneatse-
quently Rome has suffered a tremendous ..
Ultramontanism may find supporters in Universi-
ties, in Governments, and in palaces, but sooner or
later it must give way to the opposition offered by
the masses of the people, with whom it finds no
favour."

- If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sec
tions of States or 'companies, as they have done
heretofore, I recommend that the intermediate sec-
tiens retained by the government should be subject
leepreemption. by actual settlers. It ought ever to
be our cardinal policy to reserve our public lands
as much as may be for the actual settlers, and this
at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best
promote the prosperity of the new states tied terri-
tories and the powers of the Union, but shall secure
homes for our posterity for many generations.
The extension of our limits has brought within
our jurisdiction many additional and populous tribes
of Indians ; large proportions of which are wild,
untractable, difficulty of control. Predatory and
warlike in their disposition and habits, it is impos-
sible altogether to restrain them from committing
aggressions on each other, as well as upon our
frontier and territories. Expensive military
expeditions are frequently necessary to over-
awe and chastise the more lawless and hos-
tile. The present system of making them
valuable presents to influence them to remain
at peace has proved ineffectual. It is believed to
be the better policy to colonise them in suitable
localities, where they can receive the rudiments of
education, and be gradually induced to adopt
habits of industry. So far as the experiment has
been tried it has. worked well in practice, and it
will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the
present system. The whole number of Indians
within our territorial limits is believed to be—
from the best data in the Interior department—
about 325,000. The tribes of Cherokees, Chocfaws,
Chicksaws, and Creeks, settled in the territory set
apart for them west of Arkansas are rapidly ad-
vancing in education and in all the arts of civilisa-
tion and self-government, and we may indulge the
agreetible anticipation that at 'no very distant day
they will be incorporated into the' Union as one of
the sovereign states.
It will be seen from the report of the Postmaster
general that the Post-office Department still con-
tinues to depend on the Treasury, as it has com-
pelled to do for several years past, for an important
portion of the means of sustaining and extending
its operations. Their rapid growth and extension
are shown by a denoininal statement of the number
of post-offices and the length of post roads, com-
mencing with the year 1827. In that year there
were 7,000 post-offices ; in 1837, 11,177 ' • in 1847,
15,140 ; and in 1857 they numbered 26,586. This
year 1, 725 post-offices have been established and 704
discontinued, leaving a net increase of 1,021. The
postmasters of 368 offices are appointed by the
President. The length of post roads in 1827 was
105,336 miles ; in. 1837, 141,242 miles ; in 1847,
153,818 miles ; and in the year 1857, there are
242,601 miles of post road, including 22,530 miles
of railroad on which the mails are transported.
The expenditures of the department for the fiscal
year ending the 30th June, 1857, as adjusted by
the auditoi, amounted to 11,507,670 dole. ; to de-
fray these expenditures there was placed to the credit
of the department on the 7th July, 1856, the sum
of 789,599 dollars. Mao gross revenue of this
year, including the annual allowances for the
tranportaaion of free mail matter, produced
8,053,951 dollars, and the remainder was supplied
by the appropriation from the treasury, 2,250,000
dollars granted by the act of Congress, approved
August, 1856, and by the appropriation of 66,883
dollars made by the act of March 3, 1857, leaving
252,763 to be carried to the credit of the depart-
ment in the accounts of the current year. I com-
mend to your consideration the report of the de-
partment in relation to the overland mail from the
Mississippi river to San Francisco, California. The.
route was selected with, my full concurrence as the
one in my judgment best calculated to attain the
the important object eontemplated by Congress.
The late disastrous monetary revolution may
have one good effect, should it cause both the Go-
vernment and the people to return to the
practice of a wise and judicial economy both in
public and private expenditures. An over-
flowing treasury has led to habits of prodi-
gality and extravagance in our legislation it
has induced Congress to make large appropria-
tioni to objects for which they never would have
provided had it been necessary to raise the amount
of revenue required to meet them by increased
taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to
pause in our career, and to scrutinise our expendi-
tures with the utmost vigilance, and in pgrtorming
this duty I pledge my co-operation to the extent of
my constitutional competency. It ought to be ob-
served at the same time that true public economy
does not consist in withholding the means necessary
to accomplish important national objects entrusted
to us by the constitution, and especially such as
may be necessary for the common defence. In the
present crisis of the country it is our duty to con-
fine our appropriations to objects of this chara oer
unless in cases where justice to individuals may
demand a different course. In all cases care ought
to be taken that the money granted by Congress
shall be rightfully and economically applied.
Under the federal constitution every bill which
shall have passed the House of Representatives
and the Senate shall before it becomes a law, be
approved and signed by the President ; and it not
approved, he shall return it, with his objections, to
that house in which it originated. In order to
perform this high and responsible duty, sufficient
time must he allowed the President to read and
examine every bill presented to him for approval.
Unless this be afforded, the constitution becomes
dead letter in this particular, and even worse, it
becomes a means of deception. Our constituents,
seeing the President's approval and signature at-
tached to each act of Congress, ale induced to be-
lieve that he has actually performed this duty when
in truth nothing is, in many cases, more mit.° ended :
From the practice of Congress, such an examination
of each bill as the constitution requires has been
rendered impossible. The most important business
of each session is generally crowded into its last
sittings, and the alternative presented to the Pre-
sident is either to violate the constitutional duty
which he owes to the people, and approve bills
which for want of time it is impossible he should
have examined, or by his refusal to do this, subject
the country and individuals to great loss and incon-
venience. Besides, a practice has grown up of
late times to advise me in appropriation bills at
the last hours of the session ou new and impor-
tant subjects. This practice constrains the Presi-
dent either to suffer measures to become laws which
be does not approve, or to incur the risk of stop-
ping the wheels of the Government by voting an
appropriation bill. Formerly such bills were con-
fined to specific appropriation for carrying into effect
existing laws and the well-established policy of the
country, and little time was then left to the Presi-
dent for their examination. For my own part I
have deliberately determined. that I shall approve of
no bill which I have not examined, and it will be
a case of extreme and most urgent necessity which
shall ever induce me to depart from tnis rule. I
therefore, respectfully, but earnestly, recommend
that the two houses would allow the President at
least two days previous to the adjournment of each
session, within which no new bill shall be presented
to him for approval. Under the existing joint rule
one day is allowed, but the rule has been hi thei to
constantly suspended in practice that important bills
continue to be presented to bias to the very last mo-
mentno of the session,. In a large majority
Ilfie the
great public inconvenience can arise fromoft
of time to examine their provisions, bo.
bill be
constitution. has declared that if a
he last ten days
d to the President withineat
to caseshe want
return, either
of the session he is not re
up and passed
required to
be a law. Tt
with a veto, in
may then lay over, and be
inconvenience would be
at the next session. Great
which case itaken
• d in regard to appropriation bills ; but,
experience
the late excellent law allowinga
fortunately, under
diem to members
of Congress
salary instead of a per
the exponsemoot „ien.,e of a
s. :alted se:s,ion
will be greatly reduced.
I cannot conclude without commending to your

* This is an allusion to the Emperor Henry
many, who, being clothed in penitentials, waited three
days in the court of the castle of Canossa before he W
admitted to the presence of the Sovereign Pontiff' GiTgo of
rt
VII.
.The castle belonged to Mathilda, the Margrarie
Tuscany, who was on remarkably intimate terms with
Holiness. IV. of filer'