The Sun.
London, England, 1868-07-29 00:00:00

1317nuT or Trn PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The Times says the passing by the two Houses of Con-
l'ess of the bill for the protection of naturalised American
itizens abroad will not take anyone by surprise. T4e
oreign-born citizens are sensitive on the subject 4f
heir acquired rights, and the native-born have tlr
reinary patriotic feeling concerning the power of their
ountry to defend all who belong to it. The jealousy which
s always latent between nations, and which can hardly be
aid to be latent in the disposition of Americans towards
England, has been in this case skilfully instigated by
►oliticians. First come the Fenians themselves, whosb
ingle desire, in their action on American politics, is to
►rovoke a breach with England. While they try to the
utmost the forbearance of this country, while they
violate the law of nations and of the Union, by projects
)f armed invasion devised and executed on American
soil, they lose no opportunity of representing their agents
is American citizens condemned by British courts on the
ground that they are still British subjects, and as now
undergoing punishment for acts done beyond the limits of
the British Empire. While the old doctrine of per-
manent and hereditary allegiance might have been easily
reduced to the absurd in any age by very probable
Instances of its results, and it is utterly untenable at the
present time, when the political divisions of the world are
broken up, and whole populations are transferred across
the ocean to new homes, the Timei denies that the law has
been put in force to the practical injury of the American
Irish.

The Post, after giving a history of the dispute between
the two countries, and the disposition on both sides for an
amicable settlement of the question, remarks that it is
perfectly needless to point out that no State has authority
to legislate for another, and that this measure, so far as it
affects to tie up the hands of foreign Governments, or
restrict the powers exercised by foreign judges,
is absolutely void. But, knowing this, as both Houses
of Congress must have done, it is impossible to conceive how
they could have been so blinded by the desire of conci-
liating the mob as to pass a bill which must have the effect of
delaying that settlement of an important question which
everyone in Europe is desirous of seeing completed. Such
a law, however inoperative, must give umbrage to foreign
States, whilst on the other hand it has no redeeming
merit. Great allowance must be made for American
politicians on the eve of a Presidential election ; but, then,
they on their part should have some respect for the sus-
ceptibilities of States which, though not republics, at all
events claim to be considered independent.
The Times considers it rather hard upon elderly
politicians who have been personages all their days, and
who have earned a large claim to consideration, to be
suddenly compelled to adjust their movements not only to
unforeseen circumstances,but, what is worse, to unforeseen
men. It is sad to think of a Baring being compelled to
fall into the wake of a Disraeli for the destruction
of his own seat, or of a Glaistone for the dis-
establishment of a national Church. It is sad to
think that he should have to lift up his voice in
patriotic yet not disinterested protest, yet lift it up in vain.
Mr. Horsman's trial is of another kind, and he has met it
accordingly. With large sympathies for the many, yet
disdaining too close an alliance, and desirious to be at
once popular and original, and aspiring to influence
rather than to lead or command, he suddenly finds
himself the unit in a crowd urged on by irresistible
impulse to some unknown goal. He is obliged
to sit under more than one master, and exhibit
the docility of a tender age or an inferior mind.
It is hard that a Baring should be adrift with no longer a
cause, let alone a borough of his own. Alluding to Mr.
Horsman's new cries, the Times says there is a good deal
that might be altered with advantage in this country ;
but Englansi still contains many things worth contending
for, and we seem to be approaching the line between the
two. We trust it may be found out, and respected.
The Post has great p'easure in confirming the rumours
that have lately been current as to the honours about to
be conferred upon the Marquis of Abercorn. We are
enabled to state that in a few days the Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland will receive from the Crown the highest distinc-
tion of the peerage, and that an early Gazette will record
the nomination of Lord Abercorn to a dukedom.
The Daily News believes that in the next Parliament
we may see a new party, The licensed victuallers think
that they have been too long unrepresented. They have
resolved to return members to the House of Commons
pledged to serve them. No questions are to be asked as
to politics. All that is required of a candidate is the
pledge that he will be uniformly a friend to the " trade."
The great object of the publicans' party will be to resist
every attempt to restrict the sale of strong drinks. It is
feared that the partisans of compulsory temperance
will muster in great strength. To hinder or counter-
act this, the publicans have determined upon raising

a fund. wherewith to aid the return of their friends. With

a" simplicity which we should not have expected at their
hands, they make no mystery about their designs. The
journal which is their organ in the press both pro-
claims the purp-se they have in view and publishes a lii t
of subscribers to the fund. More astute and less simple-
minded persons would have hesitated before giving pub-
licity to a project for controlling the elections through the
medium of money. Deeds like these are generally done
with all possible secrecy.
The Standard Lopes that the summary extinction of Mr.
Ilearden and his motion will not be treated by Mr. Seward
as a casus belli. If the American Government will only
remember that Mr. Bright has been already away for six
weeks, it will not insist upon regarding the facts that .the
Speaker enforced a rule of the House when his attention
was called to its violation, and that no one could be
found—Mr, Bright, Mr. Mill, Mr. Peter Taylor,
and Mr. Lefevre being all absent upon urgent private
affairs—to second the proposal for a select committee to
inquire whether Mr. Train should be exempted from the
operation of the ordinary laws of that part of the United
Kingdom called Ireland, affecting the relations of debtor
and creditor, as proof positive of a settled design on the
part of the English Government and people to deny
justice to American citizens, and heap insult upon the
great American Republic. Mr. Bearden made the state-

ment to the House, but Mr. Reardon read a speech which
'bad been prepared for him. Of the character of that
Op eeeh , full of impertinent and unwarranted attacks upon
all the persons frnm creditors to judge through
whose action Mr. Train is the denizen of an Irish
debtors' prison, we will not speak. We will only record
our own wonder that Mr. Rearden was allowed to go on
reading it so long. There were barely twenty members
present ; there was no more business to transact ; but
nobody moved that the House should be counted—a

strange and by no means sensible timidity having come
over honourable members in that respect—and it was left
for Serjeant Gaselee to call the attention of the Speaker
to one of the most glaring breaches of rule ever committed
in the House.
The Telegraph, commenting on the interference of the
Marquis of Bute, at Cardiff, says that there should be no
constituency so small that a youthful marquis could
menace it into the return of his nominee. Bribery and

intimidation in detail have caused the disfranchisement of

Many boroughs ; but the pitiful dependence of places like
Caine and Cardiff on the mere nod of noblemen, Liberal
or Conservative by chance, is a much more serious reason
for depriving them of any distinctive representation. There
can be no independence in these small towns. And beyond
a redistribution that will give to the metropolis and to
the other great cities and towns members proportionate

to their population, we must have the ballot; which will
protect tenants from the organised intimidation of lords
and squires. No legitimate influence of an intelligent land-
lord need thus be lost, for he could still persuade his neigh-
bours by the force of oratory, or of argument, or even
through the personal kindness of his acts ; but he could no
longer use indirect bribes or territorial menaces ; ho must
rise to argument, not descend into threats. We earnestly
hope, if it is not asking too much, that the Liberal electors
of Cardiff—sincerely Liberal by a large majority—will
disregard the extorted letters and words of the young
lord, and the brutally Lrusque advice of the impertinent
trustee, and that Colonel Stuart will be again returned for
the seat. If not, so much the worse for marquises next
year. Every little fact that exhibits peers in insolent
opposition to the people " tells trumpet-tongued" for the
views of the thinkers in this country—as yet a minority—
who already talk about transforming our hereditary
chamber into a senate, with foolish boys like Lord Bute
and incompetent old gentlemen like the Duke of Portland
relegated to the obscure opulence of do-nothing mil-
lionaires.

Last year, 4,133 horses, of the value of £1r7,638
were exported from the United Kingdom.
THE NEW BISHOP FOR NATAL. —lt is understood
that Dr. Grey, the Metropolitan of South Africa, will
leave England in the course of a few days, being accom-
panied by the Rev. W. K. Macrorie, M.A., incumbent of
Accrington, and that as soon as possible after their arrival
at Cape Town, Mr. Macrorie will be consecrated for the
diocese of Natal. The bishop nominate is well known in
London, having teen for some time rector of Wapping.

PAUPERISM. —The monthly return of the Poor,
law Board shews an improvement in May. At the end of
the first week in that month the number of persons in
receipt of relief from the rates in England, 953,001, was
4.3 per cent, more than at the corresponding period of
1867; at the end of the fourth week the number was
934,517, and the excess over 1867 only 3.3 per cent. But
it was as much as 6 per cent. in the mo",ropolitan district,
7'4 per cent, in Yorkshire, 5'4 per cent. in the northein
district, and 4'3 per cent. in the north-western. The
number in both years is subject to an addition, of about 4
per cent, for returns not here included.