The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-18 00:00:00

_Ar Attain
Ant
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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1844,

At the last weekly meeting of the Repeal Asso-

ciation, Mr. O'CorirtzLif—as appears by a report in a
morning Contemporary—took The Sun gravely to
task, for recommending that he should for a time

abstain from agitation. With all due deference to his
better judgment, we still persist in that recommenda-
tion, and we think we can perceive indications, even
iin the Hon. and Learned Gentleman's own speech,
that he will not lose sight of it. For we hear of no
more monster meetings—no more proposals for simul-
taneous gatherings—no more ardent appeals to the

passions and prejudices of the poople; there are

merely to be a. few Repeal dinners given—quite as a
matter of course—in honour of the Liberator's escape
from the stringent embraces of the Richmond Peni•
,tentiary ; and then he will, no doubt, close the cam-
paign for the season, and set out for his mountain
home at Derrynane. As for the projected scheme of
the Preservative Society, this is a matter quite in
embryo as yet ; it may, or it may not, be carried

nto execution ; but, at any rate, it will require
no inconsiderable time for its full development.
Long before it can be matured and brought
into active operation, Sir ROBERT PEEL will
have explained to his " faithful Commons "
the nature of his Irish remedial measures ; and we
conceive, therefore, that we are justified in our belief
that for some months to come, the agitation for Re-
peal will be carried on in a languid and decorous
spirit, to be revived, however, in all its original in-
tensity, should the Premier's plans be such as to dis-
appoint the just hopes of the sister country. A
word here, as respects Mr. O'ComuLL's new
project of the Preservative Society. Ilis object in
originating this aristocratic confederacy is of
course that it may act as a check on the unruly
passions of the masses, and control their movements,
should they be too rapid, or made in a wrong direc-
tion. This is no mere notion of our own, for the
non. and Learned Gentleman himself avows that he
intends his new Society to act as a sort of House of
st rong
Lords—that is to say, as a curb on the blind, head-
impetuosity of the people. Yet, strange to say,
this same people—whose feelings, he thinks, now re-
quire rather a curb than a stimulus—are the same
whose patience, subordination, docility and exemplary
forbearance he has been daily praising for the last two
years and upwards! Not less than forty-five monster
meetings, he tells us, have been held, yet not a crime
has been committed—not the slightest symptom of a
wish to break the public peace exhibited! Surely
there is some little inconsistency here ! What need
can a people, thus patient, orderly, and strictly ame-
nable to discipline, have of a Preservative Society r
They constitute in themselves a Preservative so.

ciety on the most comprehensive scale, and
any more restricted or exclusive one is
clearly superfluous. But let us suppose
this Irish House of Lords established and in full
operation ! Well, what then? Will it, though no-
minally so, be really and truly independent of the
more popular Repeal Association ? Will it be able
to control the movements of that body, and exercise
a superior authority over it ? Undoubtedly not.
The first time the Preservative Society, presuming
to think honestly for itself, comes into direct,
serious collision with the Association, it will
be cashiered at once scattered to the four
winds of Heaven. But this it will never
do, and for the best of all possible reasons
namely, that its sagacious originator clearly intends
that it should be notling more than the creatures of
his own sovereign will—a sort of multiplication of
himself ! "I am France !" said NAPOLEON. "I am
the Preservative Society !" may Mr. O'CoNNELL say,
with equal truth, when once this confederacy is em-
bodied and fairly set a-going.

Among the daily evidences of increasing attention
to the true elements of social improvement, we are
most pleased to watch the awakened attention of the
public to the advantages of railroads. These high-
ways of civilization, as we may really term them, are
multiplying in every direction where, at two extreme
points, or at intermediate positions between them,
there are manufacturing, or agricultural, or commer-
cial capabilities to be developed, combined, and ex-
tended. All the improvements of the mechanical as
well as the elegant arts—all the discoveries of
practical science in every department of human
knowledge—may be expected to multiply in
importance, to be facilitated and varied in
their application, in the same ratio in which railroads
open up, or connect, new theatres for their develop.
ment. And that these vast public works, by econo-
mising—to an extent which, twenty years ago, was
inconceivable to the minds `of the most sanguine pro-
jectors—the proppytions4,:f time within'which given
distances may JO- traigirsed with peifitet ease and
safety by the traiktle!, in common-tifith the cor-
respondence, and .iltet", goods, cittle, commodi-
ties, and the variecTiarbAoxis of4Likie districts of
country—that th4ie-Wsiis:tigo, bymeans, ex-
pedite the work ,efioktrilfzii*, cfst An testable fact,
- f,, ii,,ll4ti They are the lines•civer e al enlighten-
ment,, and phil*phida
,-.1 46servation,, way be said
r,
to overtake the:haltinetrogkeis of)litejudice and
error; and classes of the conimunitrYfrom the most
distant corners of the empire are btfrught in a few
hours into intimate communion together, which would
have remained, but for this noble application of steam
to locomotive power, as segregated from one another,
and each as ignorant of, and as little sympathising
with, the wants-or the wishes, the prosperity or the
privations, the feelings or the functions of the other,
as their fathers or their forefather had been for cen-
turies before them. The fatal prepossession that it is
the business of each class, and of each member of a
class, to attend with exclusive selfishness to their own
concernments, is fast disappearing before the convic-
tion which railway intercourse is every day diffusing
among the various sections of our entire community,
that, in the advancement of the common prosperity,
consists the best guarantee for the improvement
of private interests. In this principle there
is no novelty. There is nothing in so self-evident a
proposition which may not have suggested itself to
every reflecting mind, that has been turned to this
subject, a hundred times before. But we may be
excused for doubting whether its true meaning, and
the business of giving to it, each man in his own
sphere and with his own energies, practical effect and
application, were ever one half so strongly impressed
as they have been by the experiences resulting from
railway travelling.
In our advertising columns we have published an
abstracted prospectus of a new projected railway in
Ireland, to be called the " Great Western Railway
from Dublin to Mullingar and Athlone." The scheme
appears to be ushered into public notice under the most
respectable and influential auspices; and from the
statements comprised in the advertisement, it would
appear that the expense of construction will not ex-
ceed the moderate charge of 11,0001. per mile. The
line of country is one, undoubtedly, of singular im-
portance, and well adapted for the laying down of
such a line of communication ; to which, the circum-
stance of its extreme termini being at the one aide the
metropolis of the kingdom, and at the other one of its
most central and commanding towns, must, we should
apprehend, impart very considerable importance. It
is true, indeed, that the whole line is to be but sixty-
eight miles in length, and the contemplated capital is
not proposed at a higher figure than 750,0001. But if it
be, thus, a railroad not projected on the monster scale of
its astonishing namesake in this country, or of the vast
London and Birmingham line, it by no means therefore
follows that it may not be fraught with ultimate advan-
tages to Ireland not less signal than any which have yet
ensued from those gigantic undertakings to the Eng-
lish public at large. We speak on this occasion quite

irrespectively of the magnificent profits which the

one last named has returned to those who stand in
the position of original speculators in, or subscribers
to, it. There are other—and obvious lights—in which
the expansion of such a system of intercommunica-
tion must be regarded in Ireland. It will act, in that
distracted kingdom, for the most pacific as well as
the most politic of purposes. It will, in a few years,
e,tablish the empire of regulated industry and
trading enterprise over the irregular and tumul-
tuous efforts of a needy and excited people. In
the influx of business, capital, and employment,
which are the inevitable concomitants of railways,
that suffering people will find more wholesome objects
of solicitude, a more legitimate exercise of their great
powers of application and endurance, a more per-
manent market for their labour, a wider and a better
scale of wages, and a greater and easier command of
the necessaries and conveniences of life, than the
illusory boon of a repeal of the union can ever really
afford them. Let us be understood to say this in no
other spirit but that of fairness to them, and of con-
viction on our own parts. We do not mean to dis-
parage for one moment the zeal, the talent, or the de-
votion, of so many who have conscientiously and en-
thusiastically advocated that repeal, any more than
we mean to retract our own objections to a plan for
dismembering the integrity of the empire. But if
the Irish people shall ever be brought to sum
up the amount of all the value they have
realised from the agitation of the repeal
question, and to contract the amount of civil as well
as political improvement which the champions of that
question have promised them, in the event of its
success, with the certain benefits—social, civil, and
political, public and individual—which would flow
from the execution of an extensive and well-admi-
nistered plan of railway communication throughout
the length and breadth of their beautiful island, we
are certain that they would see in the completion of

these works the only certain and practical remedy
for those evils of misgoverment, and of misunderstood
or neglected interests, on which they found their de-
mand for the dissolution of their political union with
Great Britain. English capital, of course,
would be the main source from which the
necessary investments would be advanced; but
the Irish small farmers, graziers, labourers, and
tradesmen, her manufacturers and her agriculturists,
would be those who would be at first, and ultimately,
the classes most benefited. They would be the par-
ties to whom the change from their present condition
of restraint, disadvantage, or privation, would be the
most palpable and the most salutary. The "rail-
road" would prove the true " pacificator"—its well-
filled trains the true "halls of conciliation." The
same physical powers whose magical operation would
virtually approximate the south to the north, would
rapidly produce the moral union of the Protestant
and the Roman Catholic population; and cement an
imperishable alliance between the men of Ulster with
the men of Munster; of the people of Leinster with
the races of Connaught; and of the whole Irish
nation with their brethren of Great Britain.

The Madrid journals of the 10th have arrived.
M. Mawrnizz DE LA ROSs had not yet declared whe-
ther or not he would accept the office of Minister for
Foreign Affairs, which had been offered him
by the QUEEN, and it was thought he seemed
but little disposed to join an Administration
headed by so violent a man as General NA RVAEZ.
The retrograde policy pursued by CHRISTINA and
NARVAEZ is producing its natural results, and the
Carlists are now become so influential as a party that
they have been enabled to return no less than forty

Deputies to the Cortes. This is one of the effects of
CHRISTINA'S endeavours to curry favour with the
priests, who are Carlists to a man. It would seem
that the Government is becoming seriously alarmed
at the growing influence of the Carlist party. The
elections at Barcelona passed off quietly. NARVAEZ,
who was at the head of the poll, only got 900 votes.
The Progresistas took no part whatever, and have
abstained throughout Spain from taking any part in
the elections.

We have received the Paris papers of Monday. On
that morning, at eight o'clock, the guns of the " In-
valides" fired a salute in celebration of the conclusion
of peace between the King of the FRENCH and the
Emperor of MOROCCO. The conclusion of the peace
!is the subject of comment in all the Parisian journals.
The Ministerial organs comment on it in a tone of
the highest exultation. The Globe says :
" This grave affair of Morocco is nobly terminated.
The Emperor Tuley Abderrhaman has yielded to what
he saw before him ; he has comprehended the magnani-
mity of France, after having experienced her power. We
consider it superfluous to dwell on the consequences of
this important event ; all men of sense understand them.
A glorious peace, with all its consequences ; Algeria
freed from annoyance; the impulse of great public works
confirmed ; France employed more than ever in further-
ing the happiness of her populations ; parties disap-
pointed in their hopes of disorder ; a. great epoch the
more for the King's reign—such are the contents of the
dispatch which roe lay before our readers."
The Journal des Debals is even more triumphant
in its tone. Not so, however, the Opposition prints.
They only see in the conclusion of this peace a fresh
instance of the subserviency of France to England—
they infer that the Emperor of MOROCCO has not
" demanded," but only "accepted" a peace which
was tendered to him, and express their fears that the
island of Mogadore has been evacuated without suffi-
cient security having been taken to ensure the expul-
sion of ABD-BL-KADER.

" It will be necessary," says the Constitutionnel,
" to ascertain if Mr. BIILWER has not been the medi-
ator in all this affair; and if this pretended peace
without indemnity, without guarantee, has not been
brought to us all prepared, and imposed as the plan
of the campaign had been."
The National is indignant at the terms granted
to Morocco, complains that France who gives an in-
demnity to PRITCHARD, does not ask the smallest
coin from the Emperor of Moaocco.

THE BOURSE-MONDAY, SEPT. 16.

First Highest Lowest Las'

Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cults, ex di., 120 OS .• 120 05 .. 119 95 .• 119 95
Fours., ex dlv • • 102 40 •• 102 40 .. 102 40 .. 102 40
Tkree per Ceuta •• 82 25 .• 82 25 .. 82 10 .• 82 35
Bank of France....... ..... 3060 .•3060 .•3060 .•3060
Laffitte Bank, I,ooof. Sharesl677 50 ..1077 50 ..1077 50 ..1077 50
5,000 f. Sharessos2 50 • • 5055 ..5052 50 ••5055
Belgian Bank 1841— • • ...1075 ..1075 ..1075 1075
Belgian Fives, 1840 .... • . 105 k .• 105 j • • 105 l 105 k
1842 ........ 108 .. 108 .• 108 •• 108
Spanish Passive
Active 321 .. 321 • • 321 • . 321
Threes • 34k .. 341 • • 341 • • 341
Portuguese Five per Cents • • 46 • • 441 • • 46 • • 461
Neapolitan • 94 70 98 70 .• 98 70 .. 98 70
Roman .• .... 1051 .. 105} •• 1051 .• 1051