The Sun.
London, England, 1850-04-02 00:00:00

for I good faith, honour, and integrity which was
once regarded, but which now appears to be consi-
dered of but little consequence. The address occa-
sioned a considerable sensation even in this country,
and there can be but little doubt of the wonderful
effect it must have had in Hindostan, among those
who knew not how soon their own trials might come
on, when they might be made victims to the grasping
ambition of their " excellent friends," and condemned
unheard and undefended, after a mock trial, in which
a shadow of decency was not even maintained.
The time has not, perhaps, yet arrived,
when the extent of the impression thus created
can be ascertained. It may never be discovered,
except at a moment of emergency and difficulty,
when it may be too late to remedy the fatal results,
when the avenging Nemesis, that ever attends 'iolated
faith and broken pledges, may bring consternation to
the councils of those who in the hour of prosperity
thought of nothing but advancing their own interests
by any means, and attaining their desires per fas aut
nefas. We would, while repentance is yet available,
while there is still an opportunity of adopting a wiser
and more liberal, as well as a more honourable and
straightforward policy, entreat those placed in autho-
rity—the directors and officials of the East India
Company and more especially those from
whom their authority and influence origi-
nates, the proprietors of East India stc:l, to
weigh well the arguments that have been adduced,
not merely by RuNGo BAPOGEE, or the friends and
adherents of the dethroned monarch, but by many
English gentlemen of great experience, thoroughly
acquainted with the feelings and sentiments of the
natives, and of the absolute necessity of conciliating
their good opinions and appeasing their easily excited
suspicions.

An unimpeachable witness has now come forward,
one who has long been resident in various parts of
India, who held office under " the Company," and is
well versed in the published opinions of the statesmen
who rendered the English name respectable, and con-
solidated the British empire, in Hindostan. In
some respects Mr. SULLIVAN'S testimony is more
' important even than that of the vakeel of
Sattara. The latter may possibly be considered, by
these who are unacquainted with the truth and in-
tegrity of his nature, as in some degree biassed and
prejudiced by his previous education and habits.
He might, perhaps, be looked upon as an interested
witness, deeply concerned in the result, which, if in
accordance with his demands, would make him the
minister of a puissant monarch, with place and
power, and all that ambition could desire within his
reach and at his disposal. Nothing of the kind
can, however, be even hinted at with regard to Mr.
SULLIVAN. Through all the relations of life, in every
clime, and under every circumstance, he has main-
tained the high and upright character of an English
gentleman, a man placed far beyond the
reach of calumny, or the shafts of envy.
His motives cannot be questioned ; nothing
but a love of justice, a desire that " the wrong should
be made right," could induce such a parson to emerge
from his tranquil retirement, from the possession of
all that renders life desirable, to array himself on the
side of the weak and feeble, to provoke the animosity
of the strong and powerful, who spare no pains to
suppress investigation, to cushion inquiry, and to
heap ridicule and contempt upon the chivalrous ad-
herents of a fallen prince, a dethroned monarch.
The pamphlet* of Mr. SULLIVAN, to which
we are now alluding, will well repay perusal.
We would earnestly commend it to the anxious
and attentive consideration of all who desire that the
British name should remain unsullied, and the Bri-
tish power unbroken in the East. Our gallant sol-
diers may still defeat all opposition, Under a GoUGII
or a NAPIER ; they may still triumph over the
native powers with the rising genius of an ED-
WARDES, and of a host of gallant men, whose names
are legion, and whom it might appear invidious to
attempt to particularise. There can be but little
danger of any failure on the " tented field." But
why should English blood be permitted to flow need-
lessly and wantonly ? Why should so sacred a liba-
tion be allowed to consecrate an unholy cause ? We
need not say that we do not allude to the repel-
ling of the Seikh invasion, or the just punishment
of the murderer and rebel Mooute.f. We speak of
the probable wars to which our insatiable acquisi-
tiveness, our unceasing and unconscientious spirit of
annexation, may, and in all human probability will,
give rise. The princes and chiefs are disgusted and
offended. Our empire has already become too ex-
tensive, and is tottering under its own weight. We
are daily adding to the extent of our dominions,
compelling virtual surrenders of various powers and
principalities, and taking away the channels for em

ployrnent to those bold and energetic spirits who will
not remain in a state of peaceful tranquillity, and who,
if they cannot take service with independent
sovereigns, will employ themselves in stirring up
commotions, exciting tumults, and steadily fanning
the flame until it break into open and undisguised re-
bellion, the issue of which it is impossible to foresee
or calculate.
In what may perhaps be termed the preface Mr.
Sunmv.arr quotes the opinions of three distinguished
statesmen—Sir THOMAS MUNRO, Sir JOHN MAL-
conm, and Mr. ELPHINSTONE—who have gained
European reputation for their distinguished conduct
in our Eastern empire. They all agree in the view
so strongly expressed by Sir JOHN MALCOLM, that
"the tranquillity, not to say the security, of our vast
Oriental possessions is involved in the preservation
of the native principalities which are dependent
upon us for protection." " These," said that
able diplomatist " are also so obviously at
our mercy, so entirely within our grasp,
that besides the other and great benefits which we
derive from these alliances, their co-existence with
our rule is of itself a source of political strength, the
value of which will never be known until it is lost.
They show the possibility of a native state existing
in the heart of our own territories, and their condi-
tion mitigates in some degree the bad effects of that

too general impression that our sovereignty is incom-
patible with the maintenance of native princes and
chiefs." He also adds his conviction, that " though
our revenue may increase, the permanence of our
power will be hazarded in proportion as the terri-
tories of native princes and chiefs fall under our direct
rule."

Mr. SULLIVAN applies these :opinions, long since
put forward, to the case of the unfortunate and
deeply injured PERTAUB SKEAN, and he calls upon
the Company not to yield to the temptation of lay-
ing violent hands upon the territory of Sattara, a
spoliation which justice and sound policy equally
forbid.

He then enters into a history of the case of the
RAJA. lie shows that that monarch was denied
copies of the depositions used against him, and that

a mere memorandum, which he sent forward to show
how common were such charges against men in autho-
rity, and how infamous was the character of some of the
men who deceived him, was construed into his
Highness's defence, and that he was thus condemned
without a hearing.

We cannot conclude without giving one extrac
from this admirable letter

" This, no doubt (says Mr. Sullivan), is a very tire-
some subject, and it may appear to the majority of the
people as trifling as it is tiresome, but to those who
have had experience of the feelings of the chiefs and
princes of India, it will be considered a subject of vital
importance, as one upon which may binge the future
loyalty and affection of those princess to the British
Government. If an act so purely arbitrary and unjust,
as the deposal of the Baja, be aggravated by the for-
feiture of the son, under an arbitrary construction of a
treaty by one of the contracting parties, there is not a
chief or prince in India, who is bound by treaty or en-
gagement with the British Government, but must
tremble for the safety of his possessions. Every one of
them must fear lest his turn should come next—lest the
. .

British Government, when coveting a portion of his
territory, should put forward a charge of treason, and
when the accused should demand to be put in possession
of the evidence upon which it professed to be founded,
he should be told, as was the Raja of Sattara, that it
was of a nature too secret even to be communicated to
the amazed."

• "A Letter to Sir John Ilobhouse, Bart., M.P.,
conveying the opinions of Sir Thomas Munro, Sir John
Malcolm, and Jr. Elphinstone, on the Impolicy of De-
stroying the Native States of India." London: G. Nor-
man, Maiden-lane. Pp. 22.

SOUTHAMPTON, TUESDAY MORNING.—By the
packet just arrived from Ilavre we learn that the cotton-
market yesterday was very brisk, with an advance of from
ae. to If. on Saturday's rates, sales to two o'clock am3unt-
ing to 1,499 bales. As the steam-packet was leaving Elam)
the ship Ilouennais, from New Orleans, with 2,422 bales of
cotton, was telegraphed as being in eight.