The Sun.
London, England, 1850-06-18 00:00:00

thoroughly imbued with the spirit in which the
dispatches were couched. He had been accus-
tomed to regard the doings of the Noble Lord
as characterised by dexterity and skill, but the Noble
Lord showed no signs of those qualities in this corre-
spondence; and the only way in which he (Viscount
Canning) could account for their absence was, that the
Noble Lord was conscious of the rottenness of those
claims. Those were the considerations which induced
him to give his most cordial support in favour of the re-
solution of his Noble Friend, which was not only most
justly, but most temperately express, d; and he feu, him-
self justified in earnestly entreating their Lordships to
consider it well, and above ull to weigh well the value
of the decision which they were called on to make. He
hoped at least they would have the satisfaction of
knowing that they had done what they could to vindicate
their honour. Let them at least have the satisfaction of
knowing that if that fatal page in our history bore re-
cord that it was begun in injustiet?, and carried on in ar-
rogance, it was at least closed with dignity, and that
the same page should bear witness that that policy re-
ceived at the earliest opportunity which circumstances
would admit, the direct, deliberate, and unqualified con-
demnation and censure of the House of Lords.

Lord EDDISBURY said every one must be aware
that in a commercial country like this—with interests
spread over every part of the globe, with our fellow-
subjects in every port and our ships on every sea—it was
of the utmost importance that nowhere should injustice
be permitted towards those who rightly claimed the pro-
tection of the British Government.—(Hear, hear.) It
was almost superfluous to enter into a detail of the
claims which had been urged upon the Greek Govern-
ment; but there were one or two points to which he
would venture to call their attention. When parties re-
ceived injury in a foreign country, it was no doubt in-
cumbent on them to apply for redress—first, to the Go-
vernment of the country in which they had suffered
wrong, before they sought justice from their own coun-
try. This course was undoubtedly followed by Mr. Fin-
lay, whose claims he would, first of all, advert to; in that
case the Greek Government went against the first princi-
ple of their own code by taking away land from Mr.
Finlay and refusing to allow him remuneration. What
in such circumstances was the claimant to do but to apply
to his own Government for that redress which he was
refused by the Government of Greece.—(Hear.) The
case of Pacifico had been ridiculed as one too con-
temptible to be treated seriously, and yet nobody could
deny that his was a case of hardship and oppression.—
(Hear.) When a man's house was assailed at mid-day,
and plundered by those who were known to be in the
service of the Greek Government, and when due com-
pensation was refused, it was monstrous to contend
that we were not bound to demand redress, provided the
individual had claims on the protection of the British
Government. The Greek Government did make a
show of prosecution against the parties engaged in this
outrage, and their statement was that there was not
sufficient evidence; but it was to be remarked that the
sons of the Minister at War, who were present at the
plunder, were never examined. After quoting one or
two passages from Vattel, illustrative of the law of na-
tions on the subject of compensation, the Noble Lord
said it had been asked what would have been done in
this country if a case like those under conside-
ration had occurred here to foreigners ? Now, he had no
hesitation in saying that if a man's house was plundered,
or his boat seized unwarrantably by Custom-
house officers, and all belonging to him taken away, full
justice would have been done him, to whatever country
he might belong.—(Hear, hear.) Than, there was the
case of the Stela° Sumachi, who was seized and treated
with great cruelty and indignity; and also that of the
Fantorae. Now, he denied that the arbitrary seizure of
a man's land, the plundering of a house. the unwarrant-
able seizure of boats and their contents, and the illegal
carrying away and torturing an individual, as in the
case of Sumachi, were matters that should be treated
with contempt.—(Hear, hear.) The Government was
bound to urge its claims on behalf of the sufferers, but
he was compelled to say that the way in which those
claims were met by Greece was just of a piece with the
spirit in which Greece had treated all the demands of
England.—(Hear, hear.) A good deal had been said
of the manner in which the present Foreign Se-
cretary had addressed the Greek Government ; but
he begged to say that the Noble Earl opposite
(the Earl of Aberdeen) had not himself always spoken
very respectfully to the Government of Greece. He
then proceeded to read extracts from a dispatch of the
Earl of Aberdeen, dated December 2, 1844, respecting
the dismissal of General Church, and also extracts from
his 'Lordship's dispatches relating to the payment of
the Greek loan, and the necessity of economy with a
view to that payment, dwelling upon the passages
which contained strong language addressed to the
Greek Government. The, grounds of complaint being
accumulated, what were we to do at last?—(Hear )
'lle Noble Earl (the Earl o Aberdeen) talked of a Mi-
nister with whom we were never safe from war; why,
during the last 30 years peace between England and
France was never in such danger as under the Noble
Earl's pacific administration.—(Cheers from the Minis-
terial benches.) He stated that Sir H. Ward had ac-
cused the King of Greece of assisting the insurgents.
Sir H. Ward did not; what he said was, that there
were parties in Cephalonia who assumed it.—(Hear.)
As to what the Noble Earl said of the British navy,
there was no reason to be ashamed of its conduct.
Its going to the Dardanelles was an act approved
by the people of this country. As for the charge
that the English Admiral bad " said the thing that
was not," he (L rd Eddisbury) would not believe it.
When the Noble Earl expressed his regret that his
(Lord Eddisbury's) Noble Friend the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs did not at once accept the offer of
the good offices of the French Government, and leave it
entirely to them to settle the question, he (Lord Eddis-
bury) denied that that would have been the proper
course, and that if that mode had been adopted, it might
have appeared that the British Government had made
demands on the Greek Government which they did not
believe to be just. He contended that those demands
were just demands under national law ; and it was the
duty of the Minister who was intrusted with the seals
of the Foreign-office of this great mercantile country to
see that injustice was not done to the meanest of its
citizens—(Laud cheers)—he cared not under what cir-
cumstances they were injured—by another country in-
variably refusing to do justice to us. But this the
Greek nation had done ; it was, therefore, the im-
perative duty of his Noble Friend at the head of
Foreign Affairs to insist that redress be given to parties
so injured.
The Earl of HARDWICKE explained that the fleet
under the command of Admiral Parker entered the
Dardanelles through stress of weather, and from no other
cause.

Lord BROUGHAM had listened most attentively to
the whole ot this very interesting, and in his opinion
very important discussion, and he had made up his mind
upon the able statement which had been made on both
sides ot the House. It was commonly observed that he
would be a person fitter for Bethlehem Hospital than
any other part of the world, who should go into the
Court of Chancery for a sum so little as 1001.; but how
much fitter for that retreat were they who rushed into
the Court of Chancery for a thing not worth one
farthing? This was the most insignificant cause of
quarrel that he had ever heard of, and
yet it was such a quarrel that was to embroil
Russia, France, and, indeed, half Europe. He thought we
should yet do well and wisely, and do justice to our own
character as a nation, if that-House by vote rescued itself
from being supposed to be parties to the negotiations,
and to the proceedings which had taken place. He utterly
dissented f:om the doctrine in point of law—he utterly
denied that any nation had the right to go to war with
another power merely to enforce the claims of its sub-
j. cts. He utterly denied that if at the riot at Naples
any French subjects had been injured, that would give
a title whatever to the French Government to demand
satisfaction of the Government of Naples. He denied
that a mere injury done to property, aye or to persons
residing in a foreign country and voluntarily residing there,
gave any right to the nations to which those individuals be-
longed to call for redress, unless it should actually appear
that the law had been violated by the Government of the
country in which these individuals resided, or if the Go-
vernment had wilfully connived at the wrong. There
might be a very good right of remonstrance, but a na-
tion could not proceed to reprisals, which stood on a very
different footing, until the right was not only clear, but
such as to fix the Government against whom they pro-
ceeded with being compromised in the wrong. He
knew that his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston, as we
understood) had been assailed elsewhere, and more es-
pecially abroad, in a manner that was wholly unjusti-
fiable. To his (Lord Brougham's) knowledge, his
Noble Friend had the strongest desire for the preserva-
tion of peace. He had with indignation heard it stated
in France that his Noble Friend was an enemy to peace
betwean the two countries, but he knew that no man in
England was more desirous of maintaining peace. Ho
could give a positive contradiction to every word of the
reports that had been spread respecting the feelings of his
Noble Friend towards France; and, in saying this, he
was only feebly repeating what he had stated in France.
It was not simply to qualify the vote he was about to
give that he made this statement, but as an act of justice
towards his Noble Friend, whose ability in debate and
its the conduct of business was well known. He begged
pardon of their Lordships fur detaining them so long at
that late hour; and uader the circumstances he must re-
luctantly give his vote, conscientiously and deliberately,
iu favour of the resolution.

After a fow words in support of the resolution from the
Marquis of LONDONDERRY,
The lions,. divided, when there appeared—
For the resolution—Contents, present ... 113
11 9. Proxies ... 56-169
Against the resolution—Non-contents, present 77
~ ), Proxies ... 55-132

Majority against the Government ... ... 37
The Hume adjourned at a Quarter past Three o'clock.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—An Extraordinary Case of an
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—Airs. Howden, the wife of a carpenter, residing at Kineton,
noticed about two years a swelling in the upper part of her
arm, which, though not painful at first, ultimately caused her
intense suffering. Whilst under medical treatment a wound
appeared, which it was found impossible to heal, and she was
advised to go to the infirmary, without any other hope of cure
than by amputation; declining to consent, she determined on
giving Holloway's Ointment and Pills a trial, and these had the
happy effect of soundly curing her in a month. - Sold by all
Druggists and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244,
Strand, London.
COUNTY COURT EXTENSION.--The amended Bill
to extend the jurisdiction of the County Courts was yester-
day printed. When originally brought forward it contained
14 sections. It was then " amended" in Committee,and
re-
duced to seven sections. Again it was amended, and it now
contains 18 sections. It is to be further considered this
evening (Tuesday), and it is anticipated that in the Lords
the question of appeal will be brought forward.
THE TEA TRADE, JUNE 17.—The deliveries in
Loudon increased a littlo last week, being ai4,242(b8,