The Sun.
London, England, 1868-12-08 00:00:00

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a 18:93.

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glz THE AMERICAN MINISTER AND MR.
SMALLEY.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
The London correspondent of the New York
Tribune has written a long letter to the Daily News
to convey to the English a statement of the true
feeling in America regarding Mr. JOHNSON'S course
in England as the representative of the United

States. Mr. SMALLEY asserts that it is injurious to

the interests of his special mission, the settlement

of the Alabama and other claims, as well as preju-

dicial to the general interests of the countries; that
it was calculated to revive the bitter animosities
left by the war, which had in a certain measure
been mollified ; in truth, a skimming of the oil off

the troubled water. lle maintains that Mr. JOHN-
SON'S language is delusive, and ill-calculated as
such for the settlement cf a dispute of which, to un-
derstand the causes of quarrel as well as the temper
of the other side, were the first preliminaries. In
proof, he produces extracts trout the leading Ame-
rican Fillers, choosing the most moderate and influ-
ential. We are bound to say that Mr. SMALLEY
does not ex Iggerate the present tone of feeling in
America as expressed in the presl ; and although
we have modified our statements of it in obedience
to a sound rule, not to assume the momentary irri-
tation, and the strong expressions in consequence
uttered, as the genuine tone of public opinion, unless
accompanied by symptoms which show it to be not a
mere hasty expression of popular indignation. What
the true strength of the feeling is against Mr.ltEvEmn-
JOHNSON we cannot with our present means gauge.

It may be as Mr. SMALLEY represents it, in which
case the present American Minister will be recalled;
but we do not think that it is so deep, and there-
fore so lasting, as Mr. SMALLEY believes. Those
who carefully read even the extracts he has selected
will find that the current is not running against
England, but against Mr. JOHNSON. It is not a
national animosity, but the irritation from the
supposed humiliation of their Minister's con-
duct, especially at the Liverpool banquet, in
his ostentatious reception of Mr. LAIRD. That
from an American Ambassador was irritating to his
countrymen, as it wholly misrepresented them, and
therefore was not only injudicious, but false to Ameri-
can feeling, which the Minister ought to have known,
and which not knowing proves him unqu'ilified for
the post. But, beyond this, what harm has Mr. JOHN-
SON done to deserve recall, and so loud an outcry
against him. Notwithstanding Mr. SMALLEY we
believe the objects of the mission will be happily
achieved in Mr. JOHNSON'S hands, and in failure
one of those rare opportunities may vanish which
come and are lost, it may be for years, and it
may be for ever, because fools who cannot see ne-
glect them. Americans suppose that it is England's
interest to settle this dispute, and their's is to keep
it open, with a view to retaliation hereafter. They
take it for granted that England will go to war
before them, just as they did when the Representa-
tives of nearly all the other Powers agreed to aban-
don privateering as a means of carrying on war,
little supposing that their own commerce would be
the first attacked. Men are never wise in attempt-
ing to erect themselves into a providence, and the
best statesmen are these who make the most of
things as they are, and wait upon HEAVEN'S de-
crees. There is this good in fostering the enmity
of the countries to a point of hostility short of war,
that it effectually prevents either from going to
war. In withdrawing as far as possible from
European complications, England was probably
much under the influence of the feeling that she
dare not take an active part in the face of American
enmity, and Prussia may have had her unchecked
swing from this cause. None can tell how these
cases ramify, reacting upon the original agent,
and it is not wise to throw bommerangs against
which the thrower has to guard and is in danger so
long as they are in the air. Suppose America did
keep this question open, what then is the position ?
Both nations are aware if they go to war that their
commerce may be materially damaged by the priva-
teers sent out by the other, and each has a fair start
in the future to annihilate property, doing as much
harm at as little benefit as can well be conceived,
even to the enptnrers. England, however, starts a
long way ahead, having already had an innings in
the past. Now, it is this innings which makes it
better worth the while of the United States than of
England to settle the question for the past, although,
taking all contingencies, it may be better worth the
while of England than of the United Statos to settle
for the future,calculating the changes as well as we can.
lhe past is positive—the future is problematical,
and time's wheel often turns us heels over head in a
jiffy, working our brains upside down, and showing
what poor things the best of us are. It is therefore
of doubtful wisdom to sacrifice a present advan-
tage at the expense of another nation, for the hope
of being able more grievously to injure that nation
in the future, when the chances are not far from

even that the Power which foregoes the advantage
will be the one first involved in the difficulties it
anticipates for the other. Indeed, on a grand scale,
it is not dissimilar to the notice a Southerner some-
times gives another, that he " will shoot him on
sight ;" whereupon the other goes about with his
hand on his pistol, and takes the first opportunity
of waylaying and shooting him who sent the no-
tice. When two men walk about a town, each
knowing th•it from any corner, in a brilliant room,
at a bar, talking to his friend, he may be killed, he
is disagreeably kept on the qui vice, to the great injury
of his business as well as of his peace of mind. He
has the alternative of being shot, or of shooting a
fellow-creature, and being arrested and tried for
murder, each almost equally pleasant in its way,
and a proceeding which speaks volumes for the good
sense of those who originated the custom. Why per-

petrate as a nation something of this folly of indi-
viduals? The opportunity is open, and whichever side
doses the gate of reconciliation may soon have bit-
ter datiCe to regret the madness. To-day it may be
America's turn to throw cold water on England's
desire for this settlement—to-morrow it may be
England's turn—but both may depend on the fact
that this see-saw will not long continue, but end in
ft dattiStroplie which tray change the destinies of a
country. Thus nations Mid individuals are for ever
playing with their opportunities and losing them.
Should the American Minister be changed and the
Alabama claims remain unsettled, they will assume
at once a totally new phase, for England will be
persuaded that America does not mean a settlement,
and must prepare accordingly. The next Minister
will be received with civility, but with nothing
mare, A day which cannot then be recalled will
lie gene for ever—for the same overtures we are
satisfied will never again come from England. We
would therefore regret if America saw fit to do more
thail to repudiate, as a true representation of her
feelings; the proceedings of her Minister in his re-
eeptitm of Mr. LAIRD. The 7ribune's correspon-
dent has had no small share in creating the feeling
which he describes hi the Columns of the Daily
News; nor should Mr. SMALLEY forget that his
Aid; Mr, 110H/tag GREELEY, is said to aspire
td Mi. JoirgSa's post. his well-written
ietterti ptit the worst aspect on the Minister's
conduet, at a tinie, kid! *heti the eireulation of
the 7ribune had perhaps never be4ii Walled
lyy any paper. The " scurrilous " journal, ag 04
Nlandard unfairly calls it, was circulating as a
Campaign organ all over the country, and was in
efety one's hand. such appeals to American pride
could nOt fall to produce an effect, and would ac-
&Wilt in nd small degree far the indignation being
id general. but the American people cannot blame
the Eriglish ft.4f dedifind to do their Ambassador
honour as a complimect to than, Mailing it as,
plainly as a nation can act as a proffer of the hand
of reconciliation. The rebuff would be indeed felt
were it rudely rejected, and why ?—because an
American sent by Americans met with courtesy, men
who had expressed enmity to the North, arnorg
them a trader who had built and sold at a profit the
most destructive of the Confederate cruisers. At
best this would be but a poor reason, though the
case would widely differ if Mr. JOHNSON failed in
an honest and intelligent discharge of his duties as
an Ambassador. This is far from being shown ;
indeed there is reason to believe that the reverse is
the case, and on this Mr. JOHNSON'S merits as a
Minister must bo tried. We cannot then think
that there is" the depth in the recent ebullition in

America represented by Mr. SMALLEY, as there
is not real cause, and the irritation produced by
the insolent speech of Mr. ROEBUCK, followed by
the LAIRD meeting, the whole happily worked up
by Mr. SMALLEY himself, may cool down and leave
Mr. REVERDY JOHNSON to be judged by his official
acts, and not by his ideas of good manners at table.
Since writing the above we have read Mr. JOHN-
SON'S speech at the Birmingham banquet on Wed-
nesday night, and his assertion that the Washing-
ton Government approve his course and are satis-
fied with the negotiation is conclusive. Mr. JOHN-
SON eloquently reverts to what he has done—the
enormous interests involved in peace, the fearful
losses incurred by war, and the great benefit that
will accrue not only to America but to the world
from the close alliance of these nations, and then
he says, " there remains no cloud, small or great,
to make the continuance of peace between the two
countries at all doubtful ;" adding, " that the
amicable relations between our respective countries
will be placed on a firm and enduring basis, which
it is hardly possible will ever be weakened." Nor
does he alone thus answer the attack made on him
by a large portion of the America❑ press, for he re
plies to the very point urged against Lim—giving
as good as he got. Ifowever forcibly he may ad-
vocate national peace, he himself shows more in-
clination to fight than to be cowed by the torrent
of abuse from America :—" I received civilities
from all I have taken by the hand—every hand
that was offered to me, without regarding the
opinions that any man might have held during our
late unhappy contest. To have done otherwise in
my judgment would have been equally foolish and
ungentlemanly, and I thank Go D that while I perhaps
may flatter myself in believing that I am not capable
of failing on the part of the first, nature has not so
cursed me as to cause me to fail in the latter.
If there are any, either in England or the United
States who are so cursed in that they should
think proper to render judgment against my conduct,
I appeal from that judgment, and shall, in the
language of the lawyers, assign their total disquali-
fication by nature to entertain and decide the ques-
tion." There is nothing like pegging away. It is
the means by which GRANT won, and it is the way in
which Mr. JorPsoN will win. Indeed we are at a
loss to understaad, always putting aside the recep-
tion of Mr. LAIRD, why he should have been so
abused, and we scarcely think that it reflects any
credit on the Republican party press, that so able
and zealous a public servant of the opposite sida,
while honestly and successfully carrying out a
delicate negotiation should have been so furiously
assailed.