The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-05 00:00:00

inguential meeting?" He re pii6d, " Never in my
life." This he (Cehnel Sibqiorp) con,idrer(ei m2st
s:,tsiactury, corn:nl7, :es it did, Irons ro strong an
out:neat. Mr. Noi ton tld that the Hon. i\lefaher
for the West RiJing had come dawn to Lincoln: on
Tuesday. He (Colouel Sibt7wep) presehned that it was
not on any secret matters; teat there was nething going
clausis forts. But why was he net at the meeting?
If he could not have appeared as a freeholder of the
county, there was another opportunity given him for
arguing the question of free teak; a meeting was held
in the city of Lincoln where every one would have been
at liberty to speak. He, however, cause not, but pt.,-
'erred employing himself, like some quack doctor, in
disseminating little tracts by which he hoped to poison
the minds of the iuhabittnts; but he did not succeed.
The other night, indeed, the Hon. Gentleman challenged

the Hon. Member for Buckiogharnshire to come fJraviird
and enter into the question as to the state of the agri-
culturist-, or rather, he should ray, of native industry;
but as that Hoe. Member had given notice of a motion to
the same effect it would have been wrong for him to have
entered upon the subject tfo D.—(" No, no!" " The notice
as about the poor-law.") lie should like to have
i;elLed to the amendment a declaration that the Home
of Commons, as at present constituted, was inefficient to
e !act. Laws which would tend to benefit the couct-y or
to curry out in-ire satisfactorily the administration of its
affairs. With respect t 3 protec:i-n to native industry,
he was afraid there was very little hope.—(Hear.)
WhiL., he saw so many ausociations formed, theic was
little chance for pre,toction. There was the National
I?eroren Association—what a society !—a sort of Anti-
Corn-law League revived—small in numbers, but ex-
ceedingly deceitful and treacherous.—(A laugh). Then
there was the Anti-Peace Society—(Great laughter)—
he meant the Pea.ie Society.—(Laughter). Oh! slip,
went fir nothing. Well, those he called revolutionary
societies; but then there was the Commission fur the
grand Exposition in 1851; and who patronized it? He
was sorry to say those who ought not to do so.
Foreigners would carry off the premiums out of English
pursue. Perhaps some of the secret service money
might go t)wards them, and be was not prepared to say
that it would not—every trick would bo tried. He had
looked over the list of commissioners, and he did not see
much to give him confidence in the protection of native
industry. First, he saw " our right trusty and well-
beloved Councillor" the Right Hon. Member for Tam-
worth, and then our " trusty and well-beloved" the
Hon. Member for the West Riding.—(Laughter.) If
such were to be the component parts of the Commission,
he could only augur, for experience had made him wise,
that there would be nothing but trick and manceavre—
native industry would be forgotten, and the foreigner
would be encouraged too much, as hal bo n, in this
metropolis and elsewhere—outwitting, if he could, and
outselling the hard-working people of this country. But
then there was the Emigration of Females Society.—
(Hear, hear.) He was sorry to use such a term, but
that society was a premium fir whoredom and nothing
else.—(" Ileac, hear," and a laugh.) If they gave them
employment here, by patting a duty on foreign articles
so as to enable them to compete with the foreigner,
it would do them some good. He did not place
much rel:ance on the apparent prosperity referred
to by his Honourable Relative. A man might
have 5,000/. at his banker's on Thursday night,
but if he paid his debts he might find that he
had nothing there on Friday morning. Accounts might
be arranged so as to present a favourable appearance;
he had he and of such things, and such things might hap-
pen again. Orders might be given for 50,0001. or 60,000/.
worth of timber to be sent to a dockyard, but you might
not hear of payment until it was convenient, and then
when it was put into the account it was mentioned as a
small item. He believed that at that moment items
were pat into the accounts to suit various party purposes.
His Right Hon. Relative spoke of the Excise as being in
a thriving state; but he believed that there were mis-
state merits and misrepresentations about it.—(Hear,
ar.) The most favourable period, from the 10th of
October to the sth of January, was taken; but he be-
lieved that if the statements were analysed and scruti-
nised the fact would not be found to be as stated.

Sir JOHN YOUNG said he entirely concurred in the

opinion expressed by the Hon. Member for Cork, that
the peasantry cf Ireland were but little interested in the
question of protection, and he would -Like tho liberty ( f
caling the attention of the Hon. Member for Meath
(Mr. Grattan), to a report of a Government Commission

issued in 183,;to inqulre into the state of the peasantry,
and more especially to that portion of it which relatel
to his own county- In giving the detail of the average
number of days the peasantry were employed during
the year, the Commission stated tLa, the most skilful

labourers were employed 150 days in the year—that the
general average employment of labourers less ski fal
was 115 days in the year—and that the average employ.
ment of those who were too young to be employed in
labour of a description suitable to the two classes named
was 70 days in the year. Now that was at a time when
protection, which was said to be of such benefit to those
classes, was in full operation.—(Hear.) The fact war,
that during tle period of protection famine and fever
had been doing their work in Ireland to a fearful ex-
tent, and the Commission to which he had referred, as
evidence c.f its bad effectr, stated that employment
in that country bad been on the decrease since the pass-
ing of the Corn Bill in 1815. As to what was said in
her Majesty's Speech in reference to an extension of the
elective franchito in Ireland, he would be ready to give
the subj 4 ct every consideration. lie held that a well-
devised scheme of the extension of the privilege in Ire-
land would be a great benefit, although be believed there
would be considerable difficulty found in carrying it out.
Before he sat down he would allude to an error which

had crept into the report of the Irish Poor-law Commit-
tee which sat last session. It occnrred in the evidence
of a witness of the name of O'Sullivan, the parish priest
f KClalla/e. That gentleman stated that he lived on
Lord Lansdowne's property, and that the rent he paid
was 20 per cent. above the poor-law valuation. The
noble ownnr of the property, conceiving that such a
statement would lead to the conclusion that his rents
were exorbitantly high, addressed the Chairman of the
Committee to the effe.,t that the statement was errone-
ous, and that he bad received a note from Mr. Sullivan,
who made the statement, regretting it should Lave crept
into the report, and assuring him that the rent paid by
him was far below the poor-law valuation. Mr. Sullivan
had also addressed a letter to the Chairman of the Com-
mittee, correcting the mistatement, and remarking that
instead of the rent charged being above the poor-law
valuation in one townland, they were 8 per cent. below it,
and another 17.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. BANKES said, as the Hon. Baronet had thought
fit to say that during the existence of the system of
protection they were suffering from fever, pestilence,
and famine—

Sir JOHN YOUNG—The Irish peasantry were so.
Mr. BANKES—WeII, that the Irish peasantry were
so, he thought it becoming in any one who entertained
a different opinion to appeal to an authority to which he
conceived the Hon. Baronet would be inclined to pay
the highest resle t. He deprecated the system which
had been observed during the debate on the Address, by
those who supported the free trade system, to appeal to
last yt ar, in comrarison with preceding years, as show-
ing the triumphs of free trade; but in reply to the Hon.
Baronet who had just sat down, he would appeal to a
year during which he was a member of the Govern-
ment, and he would compare the state, not only of Ire-
land, l'ut of the country generally during that year, with
that of the last free-trade year. He would, therefore,
take the year 1845, and let the House see what account
was given of that ear on the opening of Parliament.
On rt ferring to her Majesty's Speech on the opening her
Parliament of that year he found her Majesty rejoicing
that, on again meeting Noble Lords and Hon.*Gentlemen,
she was enabled to congratulate them on the improved
condition of the country. Increased activity prevailed in
almost every branch of trade and commerce, profound
peace existed at home and abroad, and among all classes
there prevailed a spirit of loyalty and general obedi-
ence to the laws. The Speech went on to state that her
Majesty continued to receive from all fireign powers
tikens of their goodwill, and with reference to Ireland
this Government, of which the Hon. Baronet was a
member, made her Majesty say that she had observed
with the greatest satisfaction that the improvements
manifested in other parts of the country had extended
to Ireland—that their political excitement had greatly
abated, and that as a natural result private capital was
more largely applied in the promotion of useful public
enterprise.—(Hear, hear.) After that, how could the
Honourable Baronet rise in his place and say that the
continuance of that system of protection, of which
he and his party were firm supporters up to 1845, had
bean the means of causing such suffering in Ireland as
ho had referred to? With reference to the division on
the amendment on the Address, he did not think that
hia party need at all to be discouraged. In that division
there were three parties pitched against one,and he thought
in such circumstances that one had no cause to be
ashamed of the appearance it had made. As to the di-
vision in the other House, he did not think the result
was at all to be lamented. The question, in his opinion,
ought not to be considered a landlord's question. It
was a battle which must be fought in that House and in
the country, and he did not think the Peers would be
losing much of their dignity if they should altogether
abstain from mingling in the fight. The Hon. Member
fir Montrose (Mr. Hume) said they were in error, be-
cause they could not follow his advice. He did not,
however, conceive the charge just, for they were address-
ing, as was their right to do so, those who formerly held
different impressions regarding the burdens endured by
the'agricultural body, but ,who now, for some reason,
had changed their tactics, and calling upon them to do
that justice which the case required. Besides the Hon.
Member for Montrose seemed at a loss what advice to
give them.

Mr. HUME—I have given you my advice. Join me
to get a reduction of the expenditure.
Mr. BANKES had no wish that they should become
at' a:ied to an insignificant party, and he did not think
it right to taunt them, should they refuse to follow a
coure which might at the time seem safe, but which
might result in a state of things of a dangerous nature.
But the Hon. Member for Montrose bad not been free
from error on this free-trade system himself, and that
made him less inclined to follow his advice. The Hon.
Member told them that the repeal of the cora-laws
would raise instead of lower prices; that it would
equalise prices—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Hume)—but
the result hal shown how erroneous had been his rea-
soning. It hal been said that their manufacturers were
in a state of wonderful prosperity; but he would challenge
tho ,e connected with the cotton manufactures of the
country to rise and say that such was the case. Ho be-
lieved the reverse to be the fact. The woollen:trade, he
believed, was in a somewhat better condition; and ho
mig‘lt mention, in reference to that article, that in
order to repay them for repealing the corn and
navigation-laws, Spain bad imposed an additional
duty on that article cf twopence per yard. Spain was
the only country the llefnorurhaihsle
great triumph,
the West Riding had visited after
twhheicjiholni a. dz
eor
at
bheardhaa
d visitedrevolution.
re v
0I
Inu
teveryiozi
nOstracountry
the lion. Member had visited revolution, instegd Qf free

' trade, followed in his wake. and in Spain an imposition
of an a ?ilitional duty en the cxporta of this country.--
(I-re, lv:,;r.) In regard to Gr,N lun rstood V•at
ar
tle p cple Manchester were very mach startled at t h
intelligence received from that quarter. He was-
astonished that so trifling and trumpery an affair as that
mentioned by the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign-
office t_La evening, in reply to the Honourable Member
br Sh) ffield, should have given rise to any differences
with that power. It was gross misrnansgemement to
allow such paltry causes to produce such result:; and he
candidly avowed that he thought the time was now come
when they could with propiiety consider the reduction
of the salaries, or of the number of their Ministers st
Foreign Courts.—(Hear, hear.) He thought, without
compromising the dignity cf the country, such might be
done. The expenditure he would stand up against re-
ducing was that which tended to the maintenance of
their power ned dignity at home, and that, he trusted,
would ala ays be maintained in a manner honourable
to the country, and calculated to promote its best in-
terests.
Mr. SPOON ER would have been perfectly content to
have given a silent vote on the question, if he had not
been repeatedly alluded to by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer and by the Hon. Mover of the Address, and
been called upon by them to say why it was that his
prophecies, us t) the effect cf free Lisle upon the cur-
rency, had not been fulfilled. He would answer the ques-
tion without making what was called a " currency
speech." He was aware of the impropriety of forcing his
particular views upon the topic, when ho had so small a
minority with him in that House. But the question was,
why had nut the imports of foreign goods drained our
bullion, as he and those who held his views had predicted.
There were many causes why. The first was, the pe-
riodical influx of gold into this country, caused by a pe-
riod of low prices for commodities. He looked with
alarm at the prospect before u!. The abundance of
gold would promote over-speculation; money would
be abundant only for a sufficient time to sot enter-
prise at work, without giving time for it to return legi-
timate profits. Since 1819 we had had those periodical al-
ternations. and they would come again, altogether irre-
spective of free trade. Another cause was the state of
the Continent for the last two or three years, which had
induced a great flow of gold into this country. In Bel-
gium our sovereigns had been made a legal tender, but
they were now almost entirely withdrawn from circula-
tion, and sent to this country to the extent of two or
three millions. All these causes contributed to produce
the influx of bullion to its present extent of nearly
twenty millions. Another cause might also 'be men-
tioned, which had acted to a largo extent, namely, the
number of English travellers who now spent money at
home rather than upon the Continent. These causes
were, in his opinion, quite sufficient. to account fur the
non-Ufilrnent of the prophecy alluded to. But let
a demand for bullion arise on the Continent,
or a profit be obtained by its withdrawal in

consequence cf a rise in prices, and they would
soon find on what an insecure and unstable founda-
tion their system rested. With respect to another pro•
phecy, it had been asked why the repeal of the corn-
laws had not immediately injured the manufacturers, as
was predicted ? He had never said so. But what be
said was, that it would injure them ultimately. For,
inst( ad of those dependent on manufactures being two-
thirds of the whole population, as was stated by the Hon.
Member for Montrose, and the agriculturists only one-
third, the contrary was the case. If, then, this large
proportion suffered from the change, the home market
would necessarily fall off, and by consequence the manu-
facturer would suffer loss. He could not but repoat his
decided condemnation of any system of legislation which
rendered us dependent upon foreign countries for the
necessaries of life, instead of mere comforts or luxuries.
On that point he would content himself with quoting the
powerful language of the Right Hon. Baronet from
whom he learned the opinions be still retained, though
the Right Hon. Baronet had changed his.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Member for Tamworth had, in
1842, power fully and distinctly laid down the principle
for which he (Mr. Spooner) now contended. The Right
Hon. Baronet then said, " Lookii g then at the question
from this point of view, I retain my opinion, which I
expressed some time ago, that it is of the utmost im-
portance
supply.
—(Hear, hear.)thratyo
you should
this I d
beindepeno not
of foreign
prooesas b
le, absolute
and
lookingind e independence, etnod e n
otherc e forin
te
rthat,egs
perhaps,nothi
would
s r
be more injurious to this country than for it to pass such
laws as would give rise to the opinion that it was in-
tended to assume such au absolute independence, But,
speaking generally, in a country where the labourer sub-
sisted mainly on wheat, t ) resort to a foreign country
for supplies, is to make that country entirely dependent
upon those supplies, rit'ner than to support the workman
by our owe." lie (Mr. Spooner) believed these opi-
nions to be as true and as of great importance as they
were at the time they were uttered. The Right Hon.
Baronet had changed his views, and he for one, did
not deny his right to do so, or the right of any other
person, when conscientiously convinced that ho had
bee wrong. But all that had since transpired—all
that was now passing around them, proved the truth and
the vast importance if the principle, that we ought to
maintain an independence of foreign markets fir the
supply of the necessaries of life. Why had they the
anomaly of unfilled fields and uneesplo) el labour at the
present moment? Because they had admitte 1 the un
taxed produce of the foreigner to open competition with
the labour of our own highly-taxed people. The result
must be to throw the land out of cultivation, and to re-
duce this ccuntry to the state which Ireland
was now in..—(Hear, hear. If this were a mere
question of rent, he would not advocate it.
It was because he Lelieved it was a question of labour,
and labour only, that he entertained it, and he warned
them they would soon find they had been pursuing a
shadow and a delusion which would fail them at the last

moment, and prcduce a state of general discontent and
destitution. As to the state of the manufac-

taring districts, ho freely admitted they were
at preaent in a state of greater prosperity than
for many years past. Their wages had not bee►,
yet reducad, while the price of provisions was lower.
But be told the Noble Lord that the master manufae-

turers were making nothing.—(Hear, hear.) The prices
at which they were obliged to sell left no profit, and,
deceived by the representations of those who predicted
a long run of prosperity, they would go on manufactur-
ing until they overstocked the markets, and were thrown
into all the misery and suffering of a state of commercial
distress. Bullion would again become scarce, employ-
ment would be largely diminished, and the poor-rates,
which they now boasted were lower by seven per cent.
than they were in that awful year 1847, would again
rise, and rise to an amount far beyond that of 1845. It
was not the raising of rents or the promotion of manu-
factures that should be their care. It was not the pro-
motion of any particular interest, but the raising of
bread and the welfare of the whole people. lie trusted
in God they would discover, k.,efJre it was too late, that
they would not advance these objects by the course they
were now pursuing, and conscientiously opposed as be
was to that course, he would cordially vote in favour of
the amendment.

Mr. MONSELL said he rose to take the earliest op-
portunity of correcting the
mistakes into which the Hon.
atnhda had
boldnessl httle
o Member for Dorsetshire had fallen with respect to Ire-
land. But, before doing so, he would remark, with
reference to the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who
thweae h causedt
asserth
in
e firtshht
that
yHt
their
o. Me h
emct be
nae rtt
ha ta
di doot
Ihwrene
user
htwhahedo
had
j distressusts
legislation.
Mr. SPOONER—Why that is in our amendment.
Mr. MONSELL—It might be in the amendment, but
be had not heard any Hon. Member assert it in that
House. But whether it was in the amendment or not,
it was opposed to the opinions he held upon the subject.
He would not take the more prosperous parts of Ireland,
such as the north and the east, but taking Limerick, his
own county, where nothing but ruin had stared them in
tbs face—where stock and land had alike failed to
return a living, nothing but their legislation
could have prevented the state of things from t•
becoming imperatively worse. The history of the
trade of Limerick during the past three years was
simply this—that the imports to this port had ex-
ceeded the exports from it. They may seek about for
the causes of distress in the agricultural districts of the
west of Ireland as they might, but they would always
come back to this fact, that before the failure of the po-
tato crop Limerick was an exporting port. Subsequent
to that event it had been an importing port. He be-
lieved in his conscience that protection had been the
main reason why Ireland had been sunk in the miserable
state in which it at. present lay. In the year 1836, '
when protection was in its high nod palmy days in Ire-
land, the Queen's Speech contained a paragraph lament-
ing the distress prevailing throughout the agricultural
districts. The report of the Devon Commission de-
scribed the condition of the labouring population of
Ireland at that time, as being miserable in the extreme;
and this was at the time when, according to the Hon.
Member for Dorsetshire, protection was at the height of
its beneficial infl„„e. It was clear therefore that at that
time the poor of Ireland had not the slightest interest in
protection. He believed in his conscience that the pro-
tection agitation which had been carried on in Ireland
during the last two months had done much to set class
against class, and to indispose all parties to act for their
mutual good. Ho besought Hon. Gentlemen to consider
deeply the probable consequence of the steps they advo-
cated in this question, and to assure themselves before-
hand of the correctness of their opinions.—(Hear.)
Colonel THOMPSON had just entered the House
when the Hon. Member for North Warwickshire (Mr.
Spooner) was arguing that it was unfair to expose the
English agriculturist to competition with foreigners, on
the ground that the latter were untaxed. But he (Col.
Thompson) appealed with confidence to the House
whether it was not the real fact of the case that the
struggle was, not between the taxed agriculturist and the
untaxed foreigner, but between the taxed agriculturist
and the taxed labourer of Bradford and elsewhere, whose
trade it was to manufacture goods for the purpose of
being exchanged for foreign corn.—(Hear.) The ques.
tion was, whether it was right and just to put the menu,
facturers of Bradford down to serve the agriculturists?—
(Hear, hear.) What would be thought of the former if,
because they were heavily taxed, they were to insist
upon taxing home-grown corn ? His constituents
said, " If we are not taxed enough, tax us more,
but do not stop our trade, the success of which alone
enables us to pay our taxes, which is, in fact, our life-
blood—our all."—(Hear, hear.) A great deal was said
about the encouragement of native industry. Are we
not native industry ?—(Hear, hear.) Encourage that,
or, at all events, leave it alone to follow its honest
course, without checking it in order to fill the coffers of
another interest. The principle advanced by lion. Gen-
tlemen opposite was the same as if they recommended
putting a stop to omnibuses in order to encourage the
ancient body of hackney coachmen, or putting heavy
duties upon the port wino of Portugal, in order to give
employment to the glassmakers and gardeners of this
country—(Hear)—the result of which on the total
balance of the account would only
h
be, t—St.tho consumer

of port wine would give an increase of price without
ge ting anything for it in return ?—(Hear.)
ViAiourit di RNAIZI) denied tt a. frr e trade had done
anything to improve the condition of Ireland, a, alleged
by the lion. Member for Limerick. He also denied the
assertion of that Hun. Member, that the recent protec-
tion meetings in that country had hr.d Vie mischievous
eticet of setting class against class, and aLio in pn.vent-
ing the cultivation of the soil. These meetings were
attended by persons belonging to various &asses, and
they were invariably told not to trust to protection alone
but t' rely mainly on their own exertions.—(Hear,
hoar.) He suggested that the:Government would assist
materially in alleviating the prevailing distress in Ire-
land if they were to extend the time for making repay-
ment of the advances which had b: en made to that
country under the Temporary IlcEe;:' Act, &c., by fa-
cilitating the construction of railwayc, and employing
the able-bodied poor on public works. Ile warned the
House against the danger of depending on f)reign coun-
tries for any large supply of their daily food, and con-
elude I by saying that, if the farmers were to have no
protection in the shape of duties upon foreign corn, he
hoped the House would at least do them the common
justice of relieving them of the burdens which had been
imposed upon them in consequence of their having e
joyei protection.—(Hear, hear.)
Colonel DUNNE expressed his surprise at having
heard the Hon. Member for Limerick assert that In -
land had not been injured by recent legislation—seeing
that that Hon. Member had recently dra vn up an (li-
berate report with reference to the Newcastle union, in
which lie had proved, in the clearest manner, that the
country hal suffered from recent legislation.
Mr. MONSELL said he had referred to recent com-
mercial legislation.
Colonel DUNNE, in continuation, said ho would give
no opinion as to whether free trade in the abstract was
right or not, but taere could be little doubt rf the fact 1

thTt it had inflicted injury on Ireland.—(Bear, hear.)
The principal advantage which the Irish firinPr had
gained from protection was the possession of the English
market; and, considering that the Legislature had de-
stroyed Irish manufactures on the express understanding
that Ireland was to find food for England, England was
to supply them with manufacture', he thought that that
formed a special case in their favour for the conti-
nuance d protection. There could be no gnestion
but that, viewing the country altogether, it was in a
gradually sinking condition. Look, for exawple, at the
savings banks. In 1343, the deposits in the Irish
savings tanks amounted to 2,927,0001.; in 1843 they
had fallen to 1,334,296/. In 1345 the circulation in
Ireland was 6,544,0001.; in 1843 it had fallen to
3,311,0001. In 1547 the land in cultivation in Ireland
represented in value 16,500,0001.; in 1848 it hal fallen

to 12,500,0001. As to the poor-law, it might be true
that the number of recipients had somewhat diminished,

but the expense had not been reduced. The manage-
ment of the poor-law authorities remained as costly as

over.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, the Noble Lord the
Member for Bandon hal spoken of the different pay-
ments made on account of former advancos to railways
in Ireland, and suggested that they should be consoli-
dated. That question had been for some time under the
consideration of the Government, and he hoped that on
a very early day his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor
of the Exchequer would be able t o state the propositio❑
which the Government intended to make. With regard
to the wish which the Noble Lord hal expressed
that further assistance should bo give❑ to those rail-
ways, he hoped the Noble Lord would not
forget that not only had there been the advance
he had mentioned, lately made by the Exchequer
Loan Commissioners, but likewise with respect to the
trunk lines, both in the south, south-west, and west,
there hal been schemes proposed to Parliarneat, and
now carried into effect, for the formation of lines to
Athlone and Galway, and to Drogheda and Armagh.
In the present state of the north of Ireland, with the
prosperity experienced by Belfast and the neighbour-
hood, there would bo no difficulty in completing the
lines which they had been told last year it was de-
sirable that the Government should undertake. As
regarded the general state of Ireland, no doubt there
would be other opportunities presented to them of dis-
cussing that question. In respect to the statement of
the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, that though there
had been a diminution of the numbers relieved under
the poor-law in Ireland, there had been no dimi-
nution in the expenses, he begged to state that thin
was an error. He believed the difference of expense
for last December, as compared with December of the
former par, was nearer 60,000/. than any other sum.
Comparing the sth of January, 1849, with the sth Ja-
nuary, 1850, he found the decrea,e of expenditure was
upwards of 9,0001. The Hoc. Member for Montrose
(Mr. Hume), who spoke early in the evening, addressed
several observations to bins on the subject of the exten-
sion of the franchise in this country. lie would not
enter into argument, or give any reasons on the subject
at the present moment, as his Hon. Friend had left the
House, but would merely state that it was not the in-
tention of the Government t) propose any Bill for the
extension of the franchise in England during the present
year. The Hon. Gentlemen and other Members would
probably discuss that question iu the course of the pre-
sent session, and he (Lord J. Russell) would be ready
then, as he hoped he should be at all times, to asiert
and maintain the opinions he held. He should not fur-
ther detain the House.

Mr. FRE WENhoped the Noble Lord would consent

to propose to Parliament that the interest paid by the
respective railroads i❑ Ireland should be more equalized.
Mr. SADLEIR, thought the lion. Gentleman who
moved the Address had expressed too sanguine visws
with respect to the recovery of Ireland. Any one who
reflected on the awful calamities t) which that country
ha i been subjected must be conscious many years would
elapse before it resumed the prosperous condition it had
e .joyed previous to 1845. He appealed to Hen. Members
acquainted with Ireland, whet`ier there were not tem-

porary consequ ?pees, resulting from free trade, which
pressed on the agricultural classes with great severity?
Unfortunately, it was impossible for an agriculturist in
this country to emancipate himself without sacrificing, a
great amount of capital which ho had sunk in the im-
provement of the soil, under the expectation of receiv-
tng prices that were now impossible. In Ireland, if
an equitable 'adjustment a rent could bo obta'ned, the
farmers could still cultivate the land with suc-
cess. It was impossible that the Irish people could
come to any arranger it on this question if lef% to
themselves. The great difficulty was in the vast extent
of land in the hands of particular individuals, by far too
large both for their own interests and that of the public.
Again, there was nothing more common than to find the
owner of land in Ireland with a rental of 1,0001. a year,
who was not entitled to expend 200!. a year, and a pro-
position to such an individual to effect an equitable ad
justment of rent was equivalent to telling him to retire
into the workhouse. Ile trust id that a short Bill would
be introduce 1, giving all the railways in Ireland who had
still to purchase land, the same facilities that hal been
given last cession t) the Mullingar Railway. The Great
Southern and Western Railway of Ireland paid no less
than 45,000!. as their solicitor's costs for the purchase of
land; but if they had the benefit of the Mullingar
clauses the costs could not possibly have been more vim
5,000/. The costs of inquisitions on land by the same

company paid in fees to assessors and jurors, and in
dinners and refreshments, wore no less than 36,0001; and
the whole amount paid for land by that company was

371,178/.. no leis than five times the valuo of the land

being paid in some instances.
Lord NEWPORT did not think the arguments of the
Honourable Members for Limerick and Cavan were in

favour either of protection or free trade; and he ex-
pressed his conviction that the country viewed with
deep dissatisfaction the omission of such words from the

Royal Speech as were contained iu the amendment pro-
posed to the Address. Protection was not a question
electing agriculture only; it concerned all classes of
trade; and the operatives were beginning to feel that
the principle of buying in the cheapest market and sel-
ling in the dearest was ruinous to the labourer. He did
not wish the country to recur to a system of protection
of a restrictive character. Protection, however, was the
best principle upon which the country could be governed,
but, on the other hand, if free trade was to bo the prin-
ciple of legislation, he called upon the Government to
carry it out by repealing the duties upon tea, malt, hops,
spirits, tobacco, and every other article which entered
into the consumption of the poor—(llear, hear).
Lord CLAUD HAMILTON begged permission
briefly to explain his reasons f>r voting in the minority
on Friday night. He had not spoken in the debate, t'e-
cause, having only arrived from Ireland on Thursday,
he was too late to speak on that day, and on Friday the
House was too impatient and desirous of coming to a
decision. He therefore voted, with the determination

of explaining at the earliest possible period. The fact
was, he liked neither the Address nor tho amendment,
and ho voted in the minority, not out of any spirit of
hostility to the Government, nor in the spirit of the Ad-
dress, but merely because he felt that the kingdom of

Ireland, as an important part of the United Kingdom,
had not met with the proper respect with which it should
have been treated in ber Majesty's Speech. There
might have been at least some expression of sympathy
for its condition, if no hopes were held out of remedial
measures ; whereas all that it had met with was a
recognition of its deep distress. But even that was
glossed over and immediately followed by a jubi-
lation upon the general prosperity of the empire.
For that reason he had voted against the Address; but
he at the same time did not coincide in the least in the

idea that the distress of Ireland was owing to any late
legislation—to any of the so-called free-trade measures.
—(Hear, hear.) For ho thought that Ireland could be
very prosperous under free trade—(Hear, hear)—if it
wore not for the unfortunate circumstances that had pre-
ceded the passing of those measures. He had listened
with pleasure to the most able, eloquent, and winning
speech of the :Noble Lord at the head of her Majesty's
Government; but not one word about Ireland did ho
hear from beginning to end of it.—(llear, hear, and a
laugh.) Ile could only say that he wished ho were as
ignorant of her miseries as the Noble Lord seemed
to be.

Colonel SIBTHORP said he had been misunderstood
by an Hon. Gentleman opposite. He firmly believed
that protection would be regained.—(Hear and a laugh.)
The report was
.brought up and agreed to, and the
Address was ordered to be presented to her Majesty by
the Speaker and al many Members ai chose to accom-
pany him to-morrow (as we understood).
PRINTING COMMITTEE.
Mr. CORNE WALL LEWIS proposed the following
Hon. Members to form a Select Committee to assist Mr.
Speaker in all matters which relate to the printing ex-
ecuted by order of this House, and for the purpose of
selecting and arranging for printing returns and papers
presented in pursuance of motions made by Members
of this House:—Mr. Cornewall Lewis, Sir Robert
Harry Inglis, Mr. Pusey, Mr. Vernon Smith, Sir John
Young, Viscount Mahon, Mr. Hume, Mr. Cardwell,
and Mr. Loch.
Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that he would move
to-morrow for returns of the salaries received by all per-