The Sun.
London, England, 1844-11-12 00:00:00

IRELAND.

ILLNESS OF CHIEF JUSTICE PENNEFATIIER.
DUBLIN, Nov. 9.—The Chief Justice has not appeared
in the Court of Queen's Bench since the second day of
term. His Lordship is suffering under severe cold and
an inflammation in the eyes. Rumours are still afloat of
judicial changes, founded upon the supposition of the
retirement of Chief Justice Pennefather.

ORANGE OUTRAGE IN TYRONE.
We have seen a letter from Dungannon, giving an ac-
count of some outrages by incendiaries. The victims
are Roman Catholics, who had taken land from which
Orangemen had been evicted. Some persons are in cus-
tody, charged on suspicion. Notices had been posted,
awv
eo uolcdc
ur ber
eat, I
il
no vr
theed ptaor tsahkoer
illyamn dasn.
Tthhaots‘e‘ oNuotria'gapesisht
rendered notorious by the former proceeding of the
" Killyman Wreckers.
STATE OF TIPPERARY.
Mr. Sergeant Rowley, in addressing the quarter ses-
sions grand jury at Thurles, on Wednerday, thus alluded
to the recent murders in this county •—" I feel I ought
not to pass over, without remark, the crimes—the many
heavy and dreadful crimes—which have been lately per-
petrated within this riding of the county. If they do not
carry with themselves a strong persuasion to the well-
disposed portion of the community, of the necessity,
upon their part to awaken from their criminal in-
thfferatee—l will not say sympathy with the murderers
—and vigorously to co-operate in the detection of the
guilty delinquents, I cannot think that any means I
might employ could be more effective for that purpose.
How many are there who would themselves shrink
from the crime of murder, think it no harm to
conceal facts which might help to the de-
tection of offenders if promptly stated to the
official authorities ? Such persons may weakly imagine
that it tends to their own security not to mix themselves
up with such matters—they are as foolish as criminal in
thinking so. No man knows, if daring villians gain
confidence from impugnity, how soon the blows may
reach himself ; for every transaction of life, no matter
how trivial, may lead to such crimes, and has been in
this county a sufficient motive to the murderer to strike
his victim and carry out his sanguinary proscription.
Instances are well known of men who have refused to
impart information they were capable of giving, falling
in their turn victims to that system of crime which, if
aidth in checkingeyha
had not
andtactu puttingallyp down.omotl
promoted, they did not at least
m
be very desirable, with a view to prevent the gentlemen,continuance
of such violent crimes, to endeavour to trace the motives
how far those causes (if proper to be rem
which
ascertain mayw h
abte
asuu
spepsoms eady
haveh apv
produced
dproduced them—to
should be
set aside, or be so qualiaed as not to stimulate to violence
may
see
and blood the passions of the people. I will not say that
those who enter upon such discussions n
actuated by the best intentions, and with a perfectotb
e
desire, by the modes to which they resort, to dry
up or to exhaust the springs of crime ; but I can-
not help thinking that it is not quite wise, while
the act of murder is still recent, to raise up collateral
discussions on the general causes of crime, or the par-
ticular motive that may be supposed to have produced
the offence in question. Explanations at such a moment
are too likely to be interpreted as a justification of the
dreadful act, and not only to give additional boldness and
confidence to the ill-disposed, but tend in some measure
to keep back others from aiding in the detection of the
criminal, by throwinv, round him the false colours of re-
tributive justice. Whilst the pursuit is hot, the only
cry should be against the murderer—and it appears to
me that clinical lectures on the exercise of rights over
the mangled remains of the unhappy victim, are, to say
the least of them, ill-timed, and may be very mis-
chievous."
FEDERALISM: LETTER FROM MR. CRAWFORD
—LOCAL LEGISLATION FOR IRELAND.
TO THE EDITOR OP THE DUBLIN EYENING POST.
Sir,—lt seems to me that the time is now arrived
when it becomes the imperative duty of those who are
of opinion that local legislation is necessary for Ireland,
openlyt o state their opinions and their views, and the
means by which that object can be obtained consistently
with the safety
of imperial connexion : the principal of
local legislation, combined with imperial supremacy, is
that by which I conceive both these objects can be
effected. This question has never been raised before the
public mind ; but it is misunderstood by many, and
misrepresented by others, while its friends leave it in
the hands of its opponents to be tortured and twisted at
their will and pleasure, without seeming to have
the moral courage to avow their faith, or to
defend its truth. I am of opinion that those who hold
that Ireland requires the application of this principle
are doing deep injustice to their country by shrinking
at this period from its advocacy. I conceive they
ought to assume an independent position, supporting
their views with honest plainness, unfettered by any
attempt to acquire doubtful support ; but opening the
question to the adherence of all sincere friends of their
country, of every party and denomination, who can see
in it a mode of ameliorating her condition or securing
her rights. Desirous, then, to throw off from myself the
stigma of now deserting a cause which I have long ad-
vocated, I respectfully submit to the friends of Ireland
the following observations:—
I shall, as a preliminary step, refer to the practical
evils which have arisen, and which it may be appre-
hended will hereafter occur, from the existing state of
the connexion between Great Britain and Ireland. I
shall class them under the following heads :-
1. Violation and insecurity of civil rights.
2. Imperfect and ignorant legislation regarding our
local institutions and financial capabilities.
3. The danger and the probability of an assimilation
of taxation.

4. Expenses and difficulties in seeking and obtaining
Acts for improvement.
5. Insufficiency of aid from the State for public works
in Ireland.

G. Evils of centralisation, and probable increase of
them.

7. Inadequacy of the Irish representation in the Im-
perial Parliament to express the wants and feelings of
the people of Ireland.
8. Inadequacy of the Imperial Parliament to do the
work required, under the present system of Parliamen-
tary business.

9. Different e of circumstances between England and
Ireland, rendering assimilation impracticable and inex-
pedient.

10. Proof of the foregoing, from the present condition
of Ireland.

11. Present danger to the connexion of the two
countries.

First—There is no security for civil rights. The
union was based on the theory of identification, but that
identification was not provided for by the Act of Union
—that identification does not exist—that identification
cannot exist between countries whose circumstances are
in every respect so dissimilar as those of England and
Ireland. From this cause separate legislation became
necessary; and how were we treated ? Just as every
country must expect to be treated, and I will say,
deserves to be treated, who place the power of separate
legislation in the hands of the representatives of another