The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-13 00:00:00

Tilt SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FVBRITA ft Y 13, 1844.

had frequently vusquished forces infinitely supe-
rior to therifierves, yet in no instance, not
even excepting the battles of Plessy and As-
saye, was the disproportion or the difficulty greater.
He was glad that the motion had been confined ex-
clusively to the military operations, it being so desirable
that in a vote of thanks they should be unanimous. There
was nothing in the vote that could give rise to a differ-
ence of opinion.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said it was not his
intention to say - anything that could occasion
any difference of opinion on this question ; but
he could not listen to such a motion as this, im-
pressed as he was-with the strong importance and merits
of the services which had been performed, without
expressing his cordial assent in %the expressions of
approbation which had fallen from his Noble
Friend (Lord, Ripon) in submitting his motion
to. the notice of their Lordships. He (the Duke of Wel-
lington) must say, that after giving the fullest consi-
deration to these operations, he bad never known an in-
stance of a general officer who had shown, in a higher
degree, all the requisite qualifications to enable him to
conduct great operations.—(Hear, hear.) Major-General
Sir Charles Napier had manifested the utmost discretion
and prudence in the formation of his plans, the utmost
activity in perfecting the preparations so necessary to
success, and finally the utmost zeal, gallantry, and
soience in carrying these plans and preparations into
execution.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend, in in-
troducing his motion, had: spoken of the celebrated
march of General Napier on Emaum Ghur, and he (the
Duke of Wellington) must say, that it was one of the
greatest feats that it had ever been his good fortune to
peruse, and that it was completely successful.—
(Hear, hear.) He had marched with his army
through the desert with all his heavy guns,
transporting all his materiel as well, and this in
the most extraordinary manner, having thus been, by his
activity, zeal, and determination, enabled to deprive his
enemy of the means of retreat.—(Hear, hear.) Af-
ter his return from this masterly operation, he
collected all his troops and made all prudential and
necessary preparations for whatever position future
events might place him in, should he be called upon to
engage his enemy. It was proved that he could only
collect but a moderato number of troops. That mat-
tered little, for Major-General Sir Charles Napier
had confidence his troops, in himself, and
they had confidence in him. He then was called upon
to make a most extraordinrry attack, which most com-
pletely succeeded, gaining a complete victory, having
secured the gans and materiel of his enemy, and taken
every precaution to keep his own together. Again he
found himself in a position likely to be attacked by a
greatly superior number of forces ; he secured for him-
self and his troops, not only the honour of a glorious
victory by the conquest of Hyderabad, but made his
position on the Indus so good that nothing could sur-
prise him. lie then brought up reinforcements from
Sukkur, and by his activity and decision, found himself
at the head of a stronger army than that with which he
had fought the original battle. Now, he (the Duke of
Wellington) must do Major-General Sir Charles Napier
the justice to say, that in his operations, made with a
view to obtain all the reinforcements he could, he had
manifested all the discretion and foresight of an
officer entrusted with the highest description of
operations. When joined by these reinforcements
he immediately advanced and made his attack, the result
of which was one of the most brilliant victories that
ever was achieved ; and which showed in the general,
in the officers, and in the men, all the highest qualities
that soldiers could possess.—(Hear, hear.) Having
achieved this victory, he pursued his enemy to his capi-
tal, Meerpore—on the borders of the desert, of which
he took possession ; and having afterwards pierced into
the desert, with the view of taking possession of another
post, he did so take possession of it, and so deprived his
enemy of the means of making it an asylum at any time
afterwards.—(Hear, hear.) He mentioned this fact,
because in the course of the operations connected with
it, an instance occurred which manifested in a strong
degree the confidence which Major-General Napier's
officers reposed in him. Having determined on making his
attack on Omerkote, he found a river some way in his rear;
it was most difficult, but necessary to keep up a com-
munication with Hyderabad. He determined to secure
this, and actually sent orders that operations should be
stopped, and directed the troops to fall back on Meer-'
pore. An officer who was there, Major-General Napier's
aide-de camp, rode from Meerpore through the desert,
in the hot season, not less than forty miles, and let him
know the state of the siege. Having received fresh
orders from Major-General Napier, this officer rode baCk
on the same day—thus making a distance of full eighty
miles in one day—and the place was taken.—(Hear,
hear.) They captured the place.—(Cheers.) This he
(the - Duke of Wellington) mentioned as an in-
stance of the confidence in Major-General Napier,
by those serving under his command ; their desire
to further his views, and, in every way they could, to
co-operate with him for the good of the service. He could
not pronounce anything to their Lordships which could
more strongly prove to their Lordships the confidence
of all officers and soldiers in their General.—(Hear,
hear.) He hoped he had said nothing to disturb the
amity which had hitherto reigned amongst their Lord-
ships upon this vote Of thanks, to which never was there
an army more entitled than the General, the officers, and
men—British and native—who had taken part in these
brilliant operations.—(Hear, hear.) It happened to him
to know that the Governor-General had transmitted to
Sir C. Napier his warm.appropation of the gallantry of
the troops at Meeanee. He hoped their Lordships would
be entirely unanimous on this occasion.—(Cheers.)
The motion was unanimously agreed to.
STATE OF IRELAND.

The Marquis of NORMANBY rose for the purpose
of laying on the table of the House the resolution of
which he had given notice, and which he intended to
bring under their Lord.ships' notice to-morrow evening:
" That this House, in answer to her Majesty's most gra-
cious speech, assure her Majesty that the House fully
enters into the feelings of her Majesty on that part of her
Majesty's speech with reference to the subject matter
of which proceedings are now pending in Ireland ; and
this House feels it its duty to take the earliest oppor-
tUnity, when no prejudice can arise therefrom, to record
their intention to examine into the causes of discontent
existing in Ireland, with a view to the removal of evils
and the restoration of tranquillity, and also that all
classes may enjoy equal rights and privileges, irrespec-
tive of religious distinctions."
STATE OF SPAIN.

Lord CLARENDON said he could assure their Lord-
ships that he was not actuated by party motives, in
rising to address them—but recent events which had
taken place there, which were pending, were of a cha-
racter too serious to be passed over. He was sure that
these things had attracted the attention of his Noble
Friend opposite, and their Lordships and the country
in general were desirous to receive any information
which it would not be inconsistent with the public duty
to communicate. It should be recollected that Spain
was a country that always must have an important in-
fluence on the affairs of Europe, and its independence
and prosperity was of importance to all. That Bri•
tish statesman would fail in his duty to
the country if he neglected to promote that in-
dependence, and to guard against all attacks
whether open or insidious, or come from what quarter it
might. Events had lately taken place in that country
which imperatively called for • their Lordships' most
serious attention. The institutions and the throne of
Spain were in equal danger • both had been degraded
and set aside, and in their Place had been erected a
military despotism of the very worst character, and of
the most atrocious description, which had been for
months past trampling on the law and outraging the
feelings of the people. That could not be allowed to go
on. No nation would long submit to such a state of
things. It might be almost called a chronic state of civil
war. Other Governments thought themselves justified
in interfering ; and, indeed, no European nation could
long hold back from interfering in the affairs of that
country. Such a state of things might lead to
great dissension among the Powers of Europe; and it was
most important for the preservation of that peace which
had long so happily prevailed, that order should be re-
stored to Spain. The institutions of the country, which
the people so much prided themselves in, had been over-
thrown; or, what was the same thing, had been nulli-
fied. He was far from saying that it was in the power
of his Noble Friend opposite to prevent those things,
but it was hardly possible that this country could be
much longer a silent spectator of such events. Those
who knew Spain must say that certain classes in that
country were very much to blame for their readiness in
calling upon and accepting foreign assistance, come from
what quarter it might. It was this servility and com-
plaisance under a foreign yoke, to which the downfal of
the Regent might be attributed. The intention of raising
the Basque Provinces, and the attack upon the palace at
night, were well known in Paris long before they took place.
With respect to the revolution, which had terminated in
the fall of the Regent, he really believed there never was
a more objectless and wicked revolution. The news of
the Regent's fall, it might be remembered, had been re-
ceived in this country with symptoms of great regret,
and in Paris with a feeling of pleasure. He thought, in
the course the French Goveanment had adopted towards
Espartero, they had committed a great error, because of
the political sagacity which the Regent exorcised on all
occasions, and because the smallest knowledge of the
Spanish character would have been sufficient to have
shown the dangers which must result from his overthrow.
There were no persons interested in maintaining the
thrones of Europe but were interested in preventing the
overthrow of the Regent. The difficulties he had to con-
tend with entitled him to the greatest credit. He had
long, amidst foreign and domestic intrigue, maintained
the Government of the country, without a single
infraction of the laws or the Constitution. With
respect to the Queen, her position would have been
most difficult, even if her accession had taken place
under the most favourable circumstances. These diffi-
culties were greatly increased by her being compelled to
ascend the throne before the period originally fixed,
and by her being made the instrument for violating the
law, and running counter to the prejudices of the people
whom she governed. These were the auspices under
which the youthful Sovereign of Spain had commenced
her reign ; and nothing could have been more easy than
to have foreseen or prevented such a state of things.
He (the Earl of Clarendon) certainly, for his part, did
not believe the rumours which had been spread respect.
ing funds and emissaries being sent from France to
promote and sustain the insurrection ; but had the
French Government wished to uphold Espartero, they
should have enforced the same principles in
Spain which they had in Switzerland respecting Louis
Bonaparte. They might depend upon it that a re-action
would ensue—that the greatest anarchy would hereafter
be the consequence, and that it would be almost mira-
ciilous if the Spanish throne could stand up amidst the
confusion; andyet it was said in the speech of the King of
the French that a most cordial understanding subsisted
between England and France with respect to Spain. It
was strange enough that the announcement of that cor-
dial understanding had been reserved for the time when
everything good had been marred. The question which

he (the Earl of Clarendon) wished to put was upon what
basis was it that this good understanding rested ? and
what was the policy hereafter to be adopted with respect
to Spain? Whether his Noble Friend thought it con-
sistent with his duty, to give an answer to that ques-
tion or not, he would take the liberty of saying that,
upon the united action of the Governments of France and
England depended the salvation of the people of Spain ;
particularly as this good understanding must involve,
and probably related chiefly to, the marriage of the
Queen of Spam, and upon that depended the peace and
prosperity of that unfortunate country. He was con-
vinced that upon the ,selection of the Consort of thd
Queen depended the establishment of peace and order
there. He was utterly at a loss to conceive upon what
right was founded the claim made by the French Go-
vernment to restrict the Queen's right of choice to a
Prince of the House of Bourbon. The individual that
they selected was the Count Trapani, a youth of 16
years of age, the brother of the King of Naples, and
who had been brought up the Junta at Rome, and was
destined for holy orders. He was astonished that such
a choice should be made—the Court of Naples was the
the only one in Europe that had protested against the
ancient order ofsuocession, and the present King had, after
the late revolution, refused to permit his sister MariaC hri s-
tine to cross the frontier of his kingdom into Naples. If
from such a marriage as the house of Naples would fur-
nish, Spain should again become subject to those
priestly and kingly influences, under which that country
had for so many centuries laboured, he did hope they
would not be able hereafter to plead the advice and con-
currence of England. The Noble Earl concluded by
repeating the questions which he had put in the course
of his observations.

The Earl of ABERDEEN thought the question of
their relations with France would justify a motion before
the House, rather than a mere question. He rejoiced
that the Noble Lord concurred in the general expression
of satisfaction at the establishment of a good understand:
ing between this country and France.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord had entered at considerable length into
the events that had taken place in Spain, in the attempt
to establish the constitution existing there, and had de-
scribed the various impediments which had been thrown in
theway of the completion of that design. No one was better
acquainted than the Noble Lord with the anomalies
often presented by Spanish affairs ; but he believed it
would puzzle him, or any one else, on looking back on
the various revolutions, insurrections, and changes, that
had takep Owe there for the last ten years—since the
death of ling Ferdinand the Seventh—to give any intel-
ligible or consistent account of the causes or motives of
any one of them. When an event of this kind took
place it was very easy to attribute it to foreign influence,
and to say, Oh ! this was plotted in Paris—that was
contrived in London. The Noble Lord knew well that
if the overthrow of Espartero was supposed to have been
contrived at Paris, it was no less generally believed that
his elevation to power was contrived in London ; this
was believed to have been as much an English project,
for English interests, as his downfal, according to the
Noble Lord, was attributed to the efforts made in France,
and the contrivance and assistance of the French Govern-
ment. He believed that both one and theother statement
had an equal degree of truth—that is, they had no truth
at all. He was as satisfied that the English Govern-
ment had nothing to do with the elevation of Espartero,
and the consequent abdication of the Queen Regent, as
he was that his overthrow was not the work of the
French Government. The late revolution in Spain
might be objectless and senseless, as the Noble Lord
had described it, but to say that it was not a national
revolution, was to say
.what was contrary to all observa-
tion. In the course of six weeks there was not a village in
Spain that had not declared against the Regent; there was
no party in the country, even including his own sovereign,
who did not unite to expel and overthrow the Regent.
When he was escaping from the troops who pursued him
to Cadiz, when he found himself in safety there, he
dared not proceed to, or land, at any one of the thirty
or forty strong places which Spain has on the coast,
but sailed direct to England. Had he not lost
all hope of support, he would not thus have
at once abandoned his country. He contended
that so general a movement could not haVe been
perfectly national.
pro-
duced His Nobleb Friend
nd
knew
wncy ;it
that
he wasvt as
personally accused
of being the author of the revolution of La Granja ; but
however much or little the Noble Lord might have had
to do with it, it was certain that their course of policy
had been to meddle too much with the affairs of Spain.
The fall of Espartero himself was hastened by a very
general belief that he was under the influence of Eng-
land. There was no characteristic of the Spanish peo-
ple more marked than their resistance to foreign influ-
ence. Though they might submit to it for a time, yet
they would rise and resist it afterwards, at a time when
they might destroy the wholesome influence that we did
possess. He assured the Noble Lord that the good
understanding with the Court of France, with
respect to Spain, was not founded on any
specific engagement. It was founded on a belief
that the interests of the two countries were not so much
at variance as to prevent their acting cordially together,
and it was founded on a mutual trust in the honour and
integrity of each other, and rested on a desire to secure
the complete independence of Spain, to promote the es-
tablishment of the constitutional system, and to deve-
lope the great natural resources of that country. These
were their only objects ; he acknowledged no other—he
knew no other. With respect to the marriage of the
Queen of Spain, that was exclusively and entirely a
Spanish question, to be decided by the Spanish people
themselves ; he could assure the Noble Lord that Eng-
land and France had come to no understanding on this
subject which could interfere with the complete inde•
pendence of the Spanish nation. Whether they might
think fit to choose a Prince of the House of Bourbon or
not, was for themselves to decide.
The Earl of CLARENDON expressed his gratifica-
tion at the opportunity he had given for the answer of
the Noble Earl.

Lord HOWDEN said that he had travelled a good
deal in France and Spain, and he believed it would take
two or three years to do away with the effects of
what the Noble Earl (Clarendon) had said on this subject.
The House then adjourned.

Tuesday week, and also gave notice that in the event of
the House agreeing to the amendment of which the
Hon. Member for Sheffield had given notice on the
motion of the Hon. Member for Pontefract, proposing
that a provision should be made for the Roman Cathoic
clergy of Ireland, he (Mr. Hume) should propose that an
humble address be presented to her Majesty,praying that
her Majesty would be pleased to direct an inquiry to be
made for the purpose of ascertaining whether the number
of perc-ons dissenting from the Established Churches of
England, Ireland, and Scotland, was not greater than
the number of those in communion with those churches,
and, if so, whether the time was not arrived when the
public property which had been devoted to the uses of
those churches ought to be withdrawn, regard being had
to existing interests, and whether the greater portion of
it ought not to be devoted to the promotion of national
education.

whether, as there was no difficulty in find-
ing respectable tenant-farmers to act upon . the
Commission, without salary, the Right Hon. Baronet
would consent to nominate some ; and, supposing his
answer to be in the negative, whether he would consent
to associate some of the humbler class of farmers with
those already named in the Commission, paying them for
their time and trouble ?
Sir R. PEEL said the lion. Gentlemen must have
misunderstood the answer which he (Sir Robert Peel)
gave the other evening to the question of the Hon.
Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley). He meant to say,
and he thought he did say on tint occasion, that he was
not prepared to agree to any alteration in the constitu-
tion of the Commission. The Commission had made con-
siderable progress in their labours, indeed he had reason
to suppose some portion of their Report would soon be
ready, and he was, therefore, not prepared to sanction
any interference with it.
Mr. ROSS said he, thought the Right Hon. Baronet
had not answered in a satisfactory manner the second
part of the question put to him—namely, whether the
humblest class of the farmer-tenantry were to be exa-
mined before the Commission ?
Sir R. PEEL said that he was most anxious to con-
sult the
.opinions of all classes ; but still he thought
that the object of the Commission would not at all be
served by the indiscriminate admission of such evidence
as that alluded to by the Hon. Member.