The Sun.
London, England, 1857-11-03 00:00:00

WESTMINSTER.

Mrs. Elizabeth Campbell, a widow lady, residing
at Bloomfield-cottage, Woodford, Essex, and Eliza-
beth Woolfe, described as a servant out of place,
were charged with stealing a porte-monnait, con-
taining two 10/. notes, three' 5/. notes, some gold,
silver, and some postage stamps, from the person
of Miss Anne Ramsay, 15, Sloane-terrace, Chelsea.
On the matter being called on, a solicitor stated
that the circumstances of the case were of a most
peculiar nature, and he would have spared the ac-
cused
being placed in the dock, but that it had been
insisted upon in the ordinary course of business.
He said he appeared on behalf of the prosecutrix, a
lady who had been on Saturday to the City to re-
ceive her income, and returning with it in an omni-
bus, lost it in some very extraordinary way. On
her way home she took out her porte-monnaie for
a shilling, and on arriving at the end of her journey
a short time afterwards, her money was gone. The
prisoners were the only persons in the omnibus, and
as no policeman could be obtained, the driver of
the omnibus took them to the station in the carriage.
They were there searched, but nothing was found.
Acting under the influence and excitement of the
moment she had charged the accused with the rob-
bery, believing them to be the perpetrators.
.of it,
but when she had ascertained the respectability of
the parties she had accused, she used every means
in her power to effect their release, and would with-
draw the charges.
A solicitor on the part of Mrs. Campbell, objected
to the withdrawal of the case, and courted the
fullest inquiry. He had been Mrs. Campbell's pro
fessional adviser for upwards of 25 years. She was
a lady of very considerable property and of toe
highest respectability, and felt acutely at her ad
vanced period of life the injury and indignity that
been inflicted upon her. He insisted on the charge
being proceeded with, as he wished the grounds to
be shown upon which the lady, who was his client,
had been given into custody. It had been most
serious in its consequences to her, and amongst
other unpleasantnesses to which she bad been sub-
jected was that of being stripped and searched.
She was sitting at the further end of the omnibus
from the lady who lost her money. She was never
near ber, and there was no pretence for saying she
had the least opportunity of taking the money.
Mr. Paynter said that the case was one of the
most unfortunate for all parties. Had he known
the peculiar circumstances of the case the accused
should not have been placed in the dock. He could
not insist upon the charge being proceeded with
when it had been withdrawn. The matter arising
out of it must be disposed of elsewhere, as it was
not within his jurisdiction.
The accused were then discharged.

MA.RYLEBONE. —Robert Watts, a respectable-
looking youth, aged 17, was charged with having
stolen a piece of ribbon, value 10s., the property of
Messrs. Spencer and Co., drapers and haberdashers,
Lisson-grove.
The firm having upon many occasions missed
articles of different descriptions, one of the assist-
ants, named Hopes, was directed to keep a close
watch in the millinery department ; he accordingly
secreted himself therein on Saturday evening last,
and, at eight o'clock, the prisoner and another
brought Ilan° a lot of mantles, which had been
made up by his (prisoner's) mother. They passed
through the room alluded to to the cloak-room up-
stairs, whore they left the goods ; and having come
down the prisoner's companion went straight out,
when the prisoner, after looking cautiously
around and seeing no one near him, knocked
off the lid of a nos from which ho took a
piece of ribbon and put it in his pocket.
He
then
hold
quitted the shop followed by Hopes, wh
of him in the street, near the door; the caughtheribbon he
contrived to ;hop down
was directly
trap
door,
beneath the
window, where it 's afterwards found.
He was then given ;Alto the custody_ of Sergeant
Norman, 12 D,
to whom he denied that he had
stolen anything.
He now admitted to the taaeistrate that he was
guilty, and was sent to hard labour in the House
of Correction for three months.
A young Frenchwoman, -named Le Blanc, was
charged with stealing watches, jewellery, and other
articles.
Elizabeth Horeford, lodge keeper to South Villa,
Regent's-park, stated that on the recommendation
of Mr. Martin, a French protestant clergyman,
she last September allowed the prisoner to lodge in
her house free of charge. On Friday, the 9th
October, she went out shopping, leaving the pri-
soner (who had previously told her that she was
going into a situation as governess on the following
Monday) in care of the house. On her return she
found that the prisoner had left, and that her
(witness's) bedroom door had been forced open,
and a gold watch and chain, some ear-rings, and

other things had been taken from the room. In-
formation was given to the police, and Parsons,
182 D, after a long search, found the prisoner oc-
cupying the situation of governess at Rosedale.
Lodge, a school at Richmond. Her boxes were
searched, and some of the missing articles found in
them.
The prisoner was committed for trial.

Mr. Broughton highly commended the conduct
of Parsons.

OUR INDIAN POLICY.

(From the Times.)

We have repeatedly asserted both the policy
and feasibility of maintaining in India such a
force of British troops as would at any time b,
competent to overpower, and consequently at all
times to overawe, any native levies, whatever
might be their description or character. This wt
believe to be the fundamental principle of sound
Indian administration. That the system would
be practicable enough can surely not admit of a
doubt in the face of the scenes before our eyes.
If a weak contingent of less than 20,000 men,
aided only by about half as many more collected
from various quarters, could hold their own
against an organised body of 100,000 armed
rebels—men picked for their military aptitudes,
equipped with excellent weapons, and drilled by
ourstives—if a garrison of 500 or 600 Europeans
can maintain themselves for months together
against all the insurrectionary fury of one of the
chief provinces of Hindostan, how is it possibly
to be affirmed that we cannot keep in India a force
sufficient for its protection and control, when there
Rill be no such Sepoy army to oppose us ? We
have resisted the worst conceivable expression of
Indian revolt with an unusually weak army. We
have but to strengthen that army on the one
hand, and demolish the chances of revolt—i.e.,
suppress the Sepoy battalions, on the other, and
our rule will be secure.
Such a system, however, would require consi-
derable modifications in many departments of In-
dian administration, and especially in the regula-
tions touching military service in those parts. If
the European force in India is to be materially in-
creased, it must be upon conditions more favour-
able to those employed than have hitherto pre-
vailed. It is not probable that the necessary
changes, if well undertaken, would involve any
serious difficulty, for the tendency of things has
been for many years in the direction to which we
refer. Sixty or seventy years since service in
India was almost equivalent to expatriation for
life. The voyage was so long and so costly as to be
accepted only once and for all : Indian habits were
so peculiar as to unfit men for a return to European
society, and Englishmen adopted permanently a
species of Asiatic) character with an Eastern abode.

Furlough regulations were, perhaps, necessarily
rigorous, and nothing was so difficult as to revisit
England. Australia, the Cape, any place almost,
might be selected for a change at a less cost than
home, so that in the end military service in those
parts came to be regarded as something altogether
different from soldiering in general. A man would
go with his regiment to other coutries in the natu-
ral course of things, but going to India was like
embarking in a new profession, o: taking up with
entirely new prospects for life.
Experience has now shown us that there is no
real ground for any of these distinctions. Service
in India ought to be as agreeable as service anywhere
else—indeed, more so than on many stations. It is
only at particular spots and seasons that the heat is
excessive ; there need be no confinement or mono-
tony, and we have recently learnt by unexception-
able proof that the climate, even in the greatest
heats of summer, admits of laborious campaigning
without much prejudice to health. We have pro-
bably been over-apprehensive in that respect, and
thrown away our pains. It was stated in letters
from the Camp before Delhi that the men were not
only none the worse, but visibly and strikingly the
better, for the exertions they had undergone ; and
the percentage of sickness, after all their marches
and bivouacs, was considerably less than it used to
be in summer cantonments. Nor must it be for-
gotten that in future railroads will enable long
marches to be in a degree dispensed with, will
facilitate change of quarters, and give easy ac-
cess to healthy stations. Add. to this that the
soldier is now better cared for as regards
the adaptation of his accoutrements to his
dutiee and that all conditions conducive to his
robustness and efficiency are more scrupulously
observed than formerly. The precautions of our
authorities would suffice against anything but an
irresistible climate, and a climate can hardly be ir-
resistible where one great complaint of the service
is that officers grow too old in it to be fit for work.
But there is one special consideration most im-
peratively suggestive of reform in the system of
which we speak. If Englishmen are kept too long
in India not only does the efficiency of the force
suffer, but the individual character becomes im •
paired. A race which governs by virtue of its in-
herent superiority cannot be too
,tenacious of its
attributes. Englishmen in India should be purely
Englishmen, not Anglo-Indians. They should re-
tain all their national qualities, not merely half of
them, and it is manifest that this is not likely to
happen when England and Ine.lia are brought most
effectually into communication with each other.
The old fable of Antteus fits the case exactly. Our
countrymen should return as often as possible to
their country, and gather fresh vigour and na
tionality from the contact. As soon as the character
begins to yield the influences of life, life in Eng-
land should. restore its tone. A very celebrated
Indian officer, Colonel John Jacob, appreciated so
keenly the desirability of this revivifying process
that he advocated the establishment of a Sabba-
tical year"—i. e., the assignment of one year out of
seven to the work of reinvigoration. His opinion
was, that by such an observance the British officer
would be enabled to retain unimpaired and in fell
activity those peculiar qualities to which Hindoo
and Mussulman paid the involuntary homage of pc-
litical submission, and. which must always and ne-
cessarily lie at the foundation of our rule in India.
We have said that things have recently been
tending in this direction, and it would be easy to
multiply illustrations of our remark. Service iu the
East, even now, is not so protracted as formerly ;
transport is far more rapid, communication is
infinitely easier. This, however, is not all. A
variety of other circumstances has been com-
bining to bring the two countries together.
Indian affairs have been discussed in the press
with far greater ability and in Parliament with con-
siderably greater interest than of old—in fact, we
have now examples of statesmen who have actually
seen India without having been in. the Company's
employ. A short time, we may trust, will enable
us to establish telegraphic communication with our
Indian empire, and when that is accomplished, and
the overland route made mote generally available,
there wi!l really be no reason why service in India
should not be thought just as acceptable and just
as much a matter of routine as service in Canada
or Gibraltar. How, indeed, can a country to which
we have just dispatcbed 30,000 men in the course
of three months be regarded as beyond the sphere
of ordinary military duties 1
It would be very desirable also that the visits of
Hiudoos to this country, of which we have already
had several examples, should be multiplied as much
as possible. One would think that when a Brah-
min finds himself entirely free from religious solici-
tation, thoughsalone among 30,00,000 Christians,
he will cease to believe in our anxiety to destroy
his caste in his own land—not to mention that the
unmistakeable tone of public opinion greatly con-
duce to his tranquillity. A Hindoo in England
would learn that even among the most ardent pro-
pagators of the Gospel there did not and never
would exist the slightest desire to extend Chris
tianity by compulsion ; he would hear nothing, birt
wise and benevolent wishes expressed with respect
to the destinies of his countrymen, and could
scarcely fail of being convinced that he had nothing
to fear, though much to hope, from British domi-
nion. This, however, would probably be a work
of time, but we see nothing that need stand in the
way of a prompt and constant communication be-
tween Englishmen in India and their native land.
All furlough regulations should be revised, with
the object of stimulating intercourse with England
—esot impeding it. Officers serving in India should
be no more divested of their national characteristics
than officers serving elsewhere. Nor. should they
in any greater degree regard themselves as detached
from their country. Service in India might easily
be rendered popular when it was found to entail
no disabilities, and to be productive of no estrange-
ments. It would never do to garrison Bengal by a
I.orninant force of Europeans, if those Europeans
were to lie under the restrictions prevailing thirty
years since. India requires, beyond doubt, for its
administration special experience as well as general
ability ; we can never dispense with a school of
statesmen mainly, if not exclusively, Indian as re-
gards their information and their aptitudes ; but
these conditions do not extend to tho military
.de-
partments of the Government. A good soldier is a
soldier everywhere, in one place as welltianatoioneroi;.
in fact, we have just committed the.
India to an army which is touchinoghpaiathesi shores for
ility that a
the first time ; nor is there
regiment arriving there at tha.insympolment would be
less efficient than one which may have. been there
What is required in our officers
these ten years.
is not Indi in experience, but British character,
and that is most likely to be sustained by uninter-
rupted intercourse with the land which has origi-
nally conferred it.

THE HEIRS TO THE PRUSSIAN THBON.II

( From the Morning Advertiser.)
The heir-direct to the Prussian crown is the bro-
ther of the actual ruler, and known under the name
of the Prince of Prussia. In years he is almost as
far advanced as the King himself, the age of the two
being respectively 62 and nearly 61. But as regards
,hysical health and firmness of purpose, there is a
,triking difference between them, the Prince of
Prussia being by far the more vigorous. In dispo-
sition, also, there could not well be a wider dissimi-
larity than that presented by Frederick William IV.
and his brother William—the one leaning.to artis-
ic, and even literary tastes, a lover of art, and
friend of the choice spirits of the chisel and the pa-
'ette, giving his despotism
a Maecenas-like colour-
ing ; while the ideas and intelligence of the other
have never soared beyond the confines of the bar-
rack-yard. However, apart from this difference and
predilections, the political views of the two relatives
tre the same. The libel.' yof th© people has found an
equal enemy in both. Frederick William, in carry-
i,,g out his notions of "right divine," has chosen
o adopt a mediaeval type, and has sought to pre-
sent himself before the world as a crowned St.
George, doing battle with that terrible dragon, the
revolutionary sentiment. The Prince of Prussia,
en his part, has not taken the trouble to idealise
its hatred to free institutions in such poetical garb.
He does not care to don the romantic armour of
the Templar, but contents himself with the more
practical uniform of a Russian General. Yet,
though thus differently arrayed, the King and
Prince, as we have before said, still are in perfect
accord on the great point of trampling down the
liberties of the people. Whether the one carry out
this fell purpose with the " rods," and the other
with the "scorpions," can be of but little import
to the victims themselves.

There are some politicians, pinning their faith on
he protestations of Crown Princes, who allege that
the Prince of Prussia has become a convert to con-
stitutionalism ! The whole life of Prince William,
however, speaks in language most unmistakeable
against any such assumption ; for, if there is any
one being in Prussia more intensely Royalist
than the King, it is unquestionably the
Prince of Prussia. No reactionary design was
ever concocted in the Castle at Berlin, but in it the
Crown-Prince took a leading part. No liberal
movement was to be overthrown, but he urged the
most violent measures against the defenders of free-
dom. When, in 1847, the King was forced by pub-
lic opinion to grant at.least some shadow of consti-
tution, the only person that refused to swear to it
was the Prince of Prussia. It required a special
order of the King, in his capacity as Commander-
in-Chief of the army, to overcome the Prince's
stubborn resistance. In 1848, at the outbreak of
the popular rising, the Prince advised the adoption
of a sanguinary terrorism against the insurgents
for liberty. To his evil council is it to be attri-
buted that Berlin was converted into a slaughter-
house. And had his opinions prevailed to the end,
the Court would have withdrawn from the capital
to the east of the kingdom, there to call in the aid
of a Russian army ! These, we opine, are but sorry
indications of " constitutional predilections."
During his subsequent exile in this country,
courtly intrigues at Berlin were to some extent
held in abeyance. But no sooner had he been
allowed to return than the coup d'etat of Nov.,
1848, came closely on his heels. In the following
year, the Prince of Prussia, nominated to the post
of commander of the army operating against the
popular movement in Baden, displayed in that
capacity a ferocity only equalled in more
recent times by the deeds of the Sepoys. Under his
auspices acts of cruelty were committed against
helpless prisoners which find fitting counterparts
in the mo-t horrible scenes of the Indian mutiny.
At his orders shooting, flogging, and torturing
went on till the soil of south-western Germany was
saturated with blood and tears, and Baden re-
sembled the Netherlands after the reaction of the
Duke of Alba. Such were, but a few years ago,
the " constitutional practices" of the Prince of
Prussia.
Since then he has continued playing the part of
an evil spirit in the councils of the King, little as
that arch-despot was in want of Macchiavallistio
advice. In the Neufchatel question,, to take a
more recent example, it was again the Prince who
urged, both in the Royal cabinet and in public, the
immediate commencement of a war against Switzer-
land? Thus, on every great occasion, we behold
him the leader of reaction. It requires aninfatua-
tion bordering on imbecility to believe that an a-o-
solutist character of this obduracy would at the age
of 61, suddenly become a convert to the idea he has
steadily striven during a long lifetime to root out
with the edge of the sword and to drown in a sea of
blood.

As for the son of the Prince of Prussia, who
would next mount the Throne after the demise or
abdication of his father, there are but few public
acts from which to draw an inference of hie pro-
bable conduct. So much however is known, that
those who had the forming of his mind, the Pre'
captors of his early education, have not failed to
impress him with the necessity of struggling against
the " demon" of liberty. His tutors—men
of the
school of Haller and Stahl—have taught him to
look to the Right divine of Kings as the only poli-
tical power having a legitimate existence. They
have imbued him with the notion that the chic/
duty of a sovereign is to lead back the people to
that patriarchal creed, and to spare no effort for
restoring everywhere the principle of " true mo-
narchial government." It may be, perhaps, that on
his accession the young Prince Frederick William
would somewhat relax the iron gripe his father and
uncle have placed upon the people. Yet in the main
he would continue the old system, just as has been
done in Austria by that " promising young Sove-
reign," Francis Joseph, whom an English courtier
once pronounced "the hope of his country." Even
as the hopeful Hapsburg Emperor continues—nay,
sometimes even exceeds—the policy of his prede-
cessors by the oppression of nationalities and the
pandering to Popish influences, so the young Prus-
sian Prince, too, would in allprobability continuothe
present despotic system, though perchance under
different colours. The fact is, the royal races of Ger-
many and the Continent in general, have learnt to re-
gard the people over whom they rule as their natural
enemies. Whatever changes, therefore, may occur
in the personal government of Prussia, the question
remains as heretofore, one of " Despotism or De-
mocracy"—two principles between which there oan
never be a compromise.

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