The Sun.
London, England, 1850-02-02 00:00:00

THE SUN,

deemed it advisable to entertain the motion as speedily •
as possible, for it appeared very evident that the order
had worked satisfactorily for the diqatch of business
in former years. That wai the real question which
tlie House was now caned upon to dispose of, and he
believed that nine-tenths of the Members would agree
with him, that the more time was economised the better
would it be for them and the country.—(Loud cheers.)
He did, therefore. hope that this question would be dis-
posed of before anct'aer year was wasted.—(Hear.)
Mr. HORSM AN said that the questicni, was not
whether the motion of the Hon. Member for Montrose
(Mr. Hume) should be disposed of, but whether it should
be adjourned for consideration. The fact was, that in-
stead of one motion or one resolution, the Hon. Member
had proposed a series of resolutions, and it was almost
impossible to say what effect the adoption of Ws motion
would have upon the otherr, which were not
named. The House was, in fact, taken by—surprise.
The Honourable Member for Montrose had dis-
tinctly stated that this resolution was cnly on
experiment, and he thought that the effect of that expe-
riment ought to be ascertained before they took any
step further.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. BROTHERTON had always been anxious, as
the House well knew, to forward the public business.—
(Cries of "Divide, divide.")
Hr. HUME would only say a few words before the
House divided. His only object was to forward the dis-
patch of the public business of the couutry—(Hear,
hear) but session after session had passed
without any step in advance being made.
He should be prepared to make a proposition, that when
any Member thought fit to move an amendment ho
should be required to give previous notice of it, that the
House might know the business before it, and the time
which ought to be devoted to the interests of.the people
should not be wasted.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw.
The House then divided, when the numberOwere—
For the adjournment ' 81
Against it ... ... 151
Majority ••• ..• •.•
Mr. HUME said he was the individual whei.submitted
the proposition to the House fur adoption, not as a per-
manent measure but as an experiment, in order to see in
what manner every possible facility for the complaint;
of the people being laid before the House' could be
afforded, and in his conscience he believed 'lt- had had
that effect. If they went on as they did 40 present,
the time would come when the MinistVW would
be the only parties who would be enabled
to speak. They had an opportunity of
making a House whenever they liked, . and
when any unpleasant or disagreeable motion was brought
on, in nine cases out of ten they could either prevent the
House being formed, or clear the House, and then have
a " count out."

would become of their foreign exports? These were
most important questions, not only to the agricultural
body, but to every man in the country. He had said
there was great pressure upon the agricultural interest,
and that it was owing to legislation. Litt it was not
temporary, but permanent, and would reach oiler cb‘sszs.
They sa'd if free trade is to the order of the day let it
be carried out fairly, and let the manufacturers be
placed on the same footing as themselves. They com-
plain that they are not allowed to grow tobacco, beet-
root for sugar, and barley for malt liquors. Ho should,
for all these reasons, give a hearty vote for the amend•
meat.
Mr. E. DENISON said he bad been long connected
with land, and depended upon it for support. The
question was not whether the corn-laws were to be re-
pealed, but whether certain words were t be added to
the Address. Now, he would ask what use there would
be in introducing these words, unless it aas meant that
they were to be followed up by practical results? Such
must be the intention of those who proposed and sup-
ported their introduction. The meaning then was, that
they should return to the policy which they had lately
abandoned. A petition had been presented that evening
from Lincolnshire. At the meeting at which the petition
was agreed to they were invited to consider not only the
agricultural, but all other interests. The colleague of
the Hon. Member who presented that petition bad con-
grstulst-Al the House upon the prosperity cf the commer-
cial and manufacturing interests. There could, in fact,
12e no doubt that the general interests of the country
were in a prosperous condition. It had ben further
proved that the repeal of the navigator.-laws did not
cause the ruin that was anticipated. There could be no
doubt that the relation between landlord aed tenant was
one of pressure. To adjust this matter how did they
employ themselves? He lived on the confines of the
counties of Lincoln and Gloucester, and must have been
deaf if he had not known or heard how they employed
themselves. They held meetings, where they discussed
the pressure on agriculture with political acerbity, and
sometimes with personal invectives. He lived near the
Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Granby), for whom he
entertained the highest respect. His personal character
was worthy of respect, but he thought he was not judi-
cious in the course he pursued when he addressed the
tenant-farmers. He told them they could not pay rent,
and should not hold their farms. At these meetings
they were fond of the simile with regard to landlords
and tenants—" that they sailed in the same boat;" but,
nctwithstanding, they could not row the boat—they
would not even take an oar themselves or suffer the crew
to do so. They considered the current too strong far
them. It was a cataract which it was impossible to
row over. They declared it was no use to struggle
against the stream, for ruin was certain.—(Laughter.)
The Noble Lord and others said that the only safety,
and security was the return of protection. The Noble
Lord should return to his constituents and say the battle
of protection had been fought and lost. What,:then, was to
be done? Himself (Mr. Denison) and others were suffer-
ing—for he spoke as an owner of land, and of rather bad
land, and that certainly would suffer most—and ho would
make another confession, that ho had a farm witnout an
occupant, and he was told by a tenant-Fernier, who came
to look at it, that he could not think c f taking it until
something was settled.—(Cheers from the Ministerial
benches.) Ho hoped to be excused by the Noble Lord
for having brought these matters under his attention.
Now, one part of his speech had reference to local bur-
dens. The Noble Lord should know that in their
capacity as magistrates many of these local burdens
were under their control. To thens,*as reagistrates,were
committed the administration of local affairs. By attend-
ing to those matters they would perform a most impor-
tant duty. Some years ago, when he first interested
himself in local affairs, he found that out of 157
items of taxation in his own country, ninety-seven
were founded upon no known law, and were of an ille-
gal nature. It was their bounden duty, without delay,
to wake arrangements to meet the state of things
created by the recent alteration of the law. It was
their improving wealth and growing commerce that they
must look to, as a compeasation for their loss.—(Loud
cheers.) For himself he could sincerely say, that
ho would give his vote against the amendment with
confidence, upon the ground of right, justice, and ne-
cessity.—(Cheers.)
Lord NORREYS thought that the amendment, if
carried, would give au indirect encouragement to that
agitation which was now going on to the injury of the
country. He saw no other prospect for the relief of
agriculture than in a wise and judicious diminution of
taxation pressing most heavily upon their interest.
Captain PELHAM said that the amendment which
had bc ea proposed placed him in some little difficulty as
to the vote he should give, for the first time in that
House, as he came from an agricultural county, but pro-
fessed free-trade principles. He was not disposed that
the Gentlemen on the opposite aid e of the House (Pro-
tectionists) should arrogate to themselves the peculiar
title of the farmers' friends. If he supposed that any
measure of the Government would be injurious to that
interest, he should give his vote against it. Those who
sat on the oppisite side of the House went about the
country persuading the people that it was possible to
return to protection, which had been abandoned by the
general consent of the country. The corn-law •repeal
was not carried by stealth. Since they were repealed
there had been a general electior, and that
alteration in the law had been deliberately ra-
tified by the country. He believed that in the
legislation of that House, from 1815 to 1845, for agri-
cultural protection, the prosperity of the country was
not to le looked for, but it was to be f mad in the legis-
lation since the latter year for the general interest. Ho
concurred in a good deal that had Men from Hon.
Members on the other side of the House; but he thought
at the same time that they bad aggravated their difficul-
ties. There was one measure, an alteration of the law
of settlement, that would be of great benefit to the agri-
culturist. The time had arrived for a tail abolition of
the law of settlement. That he was prepared to show at
the proper time. He believed, in a minor degree, that
measures to facilitate the transfer of property similar to
that in operation in Ireland would be needei. Although
prepared to vote for the interest of agriculture, he was
tnot prepared to uphold that interest without any rela-
tion to the general welfare. It wag upon that ground
that he bad been favourable to a repeal of the corn-laws,
and he would be no party to any amendment that would
have the effect indirectly of sanctioning measures for a
return to protection.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER observed that it was a most
grievous mistake to suppose that this question could be
brought to a final settlement by the vote of that night.
—(Hear, from the Protectionists.) It was supposed
from the Speech that her Majesty's Ministers sym-
pathised with the distress of the agriculturists. But so
far from sympathising with the distress existing, they
did not even acknowledge it. They coolly ref. rred to
their complaints, and that was all.—(Hear from the Op-
position.) The pauperism of the county of Lincoln had
increased daring the past year, to a frightful extent.
Oh, they were told, if you will _only embark capital in
land (but where the capital was to come from they did
not say) it would yield a remunerative return. But
it was those districts which had been most improved
by their skill and industry that would suffer most.
He should also say that, with respect to
rents, the same system should be introduced
as that carried on in the mercantile concerns of
this country—that is, to buy in the cheapest market and
sell in the dearest one.—(Hear, hear.) He did not wish
to take on himself the character of a prophet, but at the
same time he should say that the parishes of England
would soon be reduced to a worse state than the parish
of Kilrush, in Ireland, and therefore hoped that the
House would duly weigh the great benefit likely to arise
from the amendment, which he felt_ it to be his honest
and honourable duty to support, because the foreigner
was, by free-trade measures, afforded advantages which
have been denied to the English farmer. He next re-
gretted to state that the advocates of free trade did not
carry out their principles as they would wish to be
thought to do; for when ho turned his attention to the
growth of tobacco, he should ask, why not extend free
trade to this in a country that is well known to be ca-
pable of producing it, if free trade were properly car-
ried out?—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. M'CULLAGH said that he would wish that the
Protectionists would extend the same care and concern
to the Irish farmer as they had evinced for the English
farmer, and therefore begged to call the attention of the
House to the misery and wretchedness pi eealent in Gal-
way and several other counties in Irelend. He did not
think that the amendment proposed would gratify any
sect in Ireland, no matter whether Protestant, Catholic,
or Presbyterian, and hoped that it would not be pressed,
as it could confer no benefit on any class or sect of her
Majesty's subjects.
Mr. R. PALMER said that the condition of Ireland
was not at all improved by the corn-laws of 1846. There
was no ono who could not agree in the reference to, and
regret for, the language in her Majesty's Speech in re-
ference to the distress; but ho thought the paragraph
ought not to be allowed to pass with simple notice,
with regard to the extent of that distress. The para.
graph went on to say, after alluding to the distress,
that allowance must be made fsr recent legislative
change'. Now that was precisely the branch of the pa-
ragraph in which he, and those who agreed with him,
concurred; for there could be no doubt that much of
the distress which now pressed upon many parts
of England, and in an especial manner on Ire-
land, was not only produced but greatly aggravated by
the measure called " free trade." Ho believed it was
indisputable that to that measure the agricultural dis-
tress was to be attributed.—(Hear, hear.) It had been
said, but very erroneously, that this was a landlords'
question; but such was not the case, it was more of a
tenant-farmers' question, and it was a feet that, so op-
pressed were those tenants by the operation of the
change, that they were actually at that moment paying
their rent out of their capital. There was not a doubt,
and he was prepared to prove it, that the distress was
produced by the Act of 1846—the repeal of the corn-
laws. He could show, from the Marh-lane Express,
that there had bean imported into this country, very re-
cently, 201,635 quarters of grain, which amounted to
very nearly one-fourth of their entire consumption. Now,
how did that operate on the tenant-farmers? They would
find that it operated upon that class with great severity;
and not only on them, . but with peculiar and in-
tense severity on retail dealers. Ile could speak from
experience with regard to dealers who were free-traders,
and strenuous advocates En" the adoption of the measure,
that they had tried the experiment, and found it sadly
deficient of the advantages promised to result from it by
those who advocated it when the question was being agi-
tated. With regard to cheap bread, about which so
much had been said, he thought it was quite idle to say
that it was sufficient to put the labourer in a state of
comfort and of elevated condition. He was enabled to
speak to the contrary, and to show that cheap bread—
the result of the change which had taken place—had the
effect, not of making the condition of the labourer better,
but, by its operation, of reducing the scale of wages, and
rendering their condition much worse. It throw men out
of employment, created competition, and much conse-
quent distress. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in

The resolution was then agreed to.
The remaining resolutions were then agreed to.
ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS.

--- -----
On the order of the day being read for resuming the
adjourned debate on the Address,
The Marquis of GRANBY said, in the observations
which he should feel it his duty to make on the motion
and amendment before the House he should confine him-
self entirely to that paragraph in her Majesty's gracious
Speech to which the amendment a Si directed. He
thought it would be generally admitted by the House
that it would not be possible fir his Hon. Friend the
Member for Lincoln, and those who entertained similar
views, to agree to thnt paragragh in the Speech of her
Majesty without moving an amendment to it.
That paragraph stated that her Majesty had
great satisfaction in congratulating the House
on the improved condition of commerce and manufac-
tures; and it went on to say that her Majesty regretted
that some distress prevailed among the owners and occu-
piers of land. Now, when it was remembered that these
complaints did not proceed solely from the occupiers
and owners of land,it did seem to him that there was en in-
tention on the part of her Majesty's Government to insult
and annoy an important part of her Majesty's subjects. Ho
did think the mover of the Address would have assured the
House that that language was not intentional, and that
it was an oversight on the part of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, at least, though there might not be an intention
among them to exttnd any measure of relief to the
agricultural interest. Bat what did they hear from
the Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Villiers) when
he came to Ibis fact? The Noble Lord then read
the passage, saying that the Honourable Member had
repeated with a sneer that passage of the Royal Speech.
I.le believed, however, that the distress of tl.e owners and
occupiers of land would receive not only the sympathy of
the members of this House, but of the country at large, .
not, only for themselves but because every thinking
man must know that they could not be destroyed without
their labourers.—(Protectionist cheers.) And the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had admitted that the
agricultural labourers participated in that distress. He
admitted also that the distress fell more heavily upon
the small tenant-farmers, and he believed he was
correct—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—and allow him to
remind the House of the large number of tenant-farmers
According to Mr. Spackman's tables the number of
tenant-farmers of England, including those of Ireland,
was equal to every male above twenty years of age
employed in every species of manufacture in this
country.—(Protectionist cheers.) They were also a
class which had ever proved loyal to the Sove-
reign (Loud cheers) and ever ready and
foremost to defend the constitution of the country.
It had been said that the great distress which now ex-
isted was to be attributed mainly to an over-abundant
harvest ; Oat could it be denied that the importation of
ten millions and a half of grain had forced down prices to
the extent to which they had fallen? Last year the harvest
was not an over good ono, and then they were told that
the distress which unfortunately existed was the result
of a deficient harvest.—(Hear, hear.) Now he wished
to know under what circumstances the agricultural
interest was t) be prosperous ?—(Hear.) Large
meetings had lately been held throughout the country,
in the north, south, east, and west, at which agricul-
turists and farmers attended, and, though no
doubt there was a great variety of opinion,
it was the consequence of the different posi-
tions which they occupied in the country;
but at all these meetings there were present men who
said, that under the present system the cultivation of the
land must ever prove an unremunerative occupation.
—(Hear, hear.) They distinctly told them that no
reduction of rent, no partial remedial measures, how-
ever beneficial, could possibly save them from
the effect of the disadvantages which were now weigh-
ing them down. He, therefore, did ask them to
listen to the complaints of these men ; and he did
hope that those complaints would not all be made in
vain.—(Hear, hoer.) He had observed that a passage
in her Majesty's Speech stated that great advantage had
eacrued to the labouring classes through the re-
duction of the prices of food and clothing, and the
other necessaries of life. That pas: age he would
read. The Noble Marquis having read the
passage, proceeded to say that without attempt-
ing for a moment to question the value of such
a principle, a great, and very possibly a fatal
mistake, would be made in estimating the
labourer's condition if they did not take into consider-
ation the amount of wages which he received; and looking
at that condition he did not hesitate to say that the la-
bourer's condition was worse now than it had been before;
for those who are employed at reduced wages aro
worse off than ever they were. But that is not all;
it is not only those who are thus employed
who aro worse off, but it is those who are unem-
ployed. When I heard the Right Honourable
Gentleman last night reading extracts from
the report of the poor-law guardians, I could
not but remember that at a 'meeting at ,Walt-
ham, which I attended the other day, I heard far-
mers get up one after another and say they had done
all they could to keep their labourers in employ, but they
could do it no longer, and even if they could employ
them they had no money to pay them with. What was
the use of comparing the last year with 1848? that had
been a season of distress in the manufacturing as well as
in the agricultural districts. They should have com-
pared it with 1845, and again, accurately to
calculate the amount of distress, they should take into
account those who were employed upon the roads in the
country, for he perceived that it was a growing practice
among farmers to send their labourers on the roads
instead of sending them to the workhouse. The Nob'e
Marquis then proceeded to read an extract from the
letters which have lately appeared in the Morning
Chronicle, in which it was stated that it was no uncom-
mon practice for vagrants to commit p‘tty thefts
in order to get a week's safe lodging.—(Hear.)
They were willing to work hard, but work could not be
had, and food, covering and firing could not
be obtained without labour. It was an un-
healthy state of things that could not exist.
He (the Marquis of Granby) agreed with every word
of that statement, and asserted that the great de-
sideratum cf the age was to employ the people.—
(Hear, bear.) If they turned to Ireland, the same
state of things would be found to exist. The number of
deaths that had taken place in that county from star-
vation was frightful in the extreme, but it was
the effect of bad legislation, and nothing else
He admitte I the prosperity of manuticturei, and he was
sure every Member of the House would rejoice at it; but
it was necessary t) look into the origin and springs of
thatprosperity. He doubted much whether it would
of a permanent character. Foreign trade
had largely increased, but the home trade was in a state
of complete stagnation . It should be rememberei that
before this prosperity they had had a long depres-
sion and continued convulsions on the Continent, and
to the removal of these causes and the discovery
of California he attributed our existing prosperity.
The Noble Marquis read a letter from a large manu-
facturer in Sheffield, stating that at present many trades-
men in that town were unable to meet their bills from the
existing depression in their trade. He thought then there
was no such great prosperity in the home trade of
this country as had been been represented; and he
feared that the agricultural interest in this
country, on which that home trade mainly depended,
would, under the existing laws, go on from limo to time
declining, until both the manufacturing and agricultural
interests were eventually ruined the home market.
was the great mart upon which they should depend. In
, a series of years, from 1820 to 1849, it appeared that the
value of cotton consumed in the home market was
257,531,9591., and in the home and Colonial 442,330,3251.
They spoke much of the prosperous state of various
branches of manufactures, and referred to articles such
as gloves, but these bad a protective duty of ten per
cent. in their favour. Ile had shown the value of the
home market; he would now draw attention to the
foreign trade. Now, it appeared that the value of the
entire exports to the continent of Europe was but
22,845,6241., and to the United States 10,974,1511,
making a total of 33,818,77iL Suppose the United
States should impose a restrictive duty either on the
manufactured article or on the raw material, or sup-
pose they ahould refuse to supply it et all, what thou

owners to exhibit more energy in the prosecution of
their business, and tali loy on board their vessels
gentlemen of the most undoubted skill and business
habits. A gentleman of great experience in the ship-
ping trade in Norway s,aesd his conviction that every
,Nore co len ship destieed for the lone; voyage must come
to this country, in the first instance, to be coppered, so
completely lied British shipbuilders gained the ascen•
danc, in that gr. at breach of their commerce. Another
punt had been raised in the course of the discussion on
this subject, and that was that a certain degree of favour,
in the shape of protection, had been shown to the manu-
facturing interests in those vestiges of protection which
still remained on the statute-book. Now, there could not
be a greater error than such an assumption. It was quite
true that some vestiges of protection to their manufac-
tures still remained unrepealed, but if any gentleman
took the trouble of looking through the tariff, he would
find that as far as favour was concerned, there was
no ground whatever for saying that manufactures were
preferred to the agricultural interests. The chief
article which still remained protected in manufactures
was silk, which had a duty on foreign imports of
15 per cent., and from which a revenue accrued of
274,0001. Glow, artificial flowers, embroidery, boots
and shoes, and other articles, were also protected; but
the House would allow him to observe that all the great
staple manufacture; of the country were completely un-
protected—(Cheers)—with the single exception of silk,
and that the protection which still remained applied ex-
clusively to the industry of those artisans who took
manufactured goods in a secondary state, and above all
to that class of females for whom so much deserved sym-
pathy had been lately exhibited. The duty on goods in
which they were concerned was as high as 25 per cent.,
the very highest on the statute-book, and which yielded
a revenue of 12,8001. But, then, let them see how the
agricultural classes were situated in the same way, and
then judge if any favour was shown one class above an-
other. Butter was protected by a duty of 10 per cent.,
which yielded a sevenue of 140,0001.; cheese 5 per
cent., yielding IGO,OOO/.; tallow the same, yielding
95,000/4 cloves, agricultural seeds, 38,0001.; and eggs,
which he apprehended were not manufactured articles—
(Great laughter)—brought in a revenue of 32,000/.—
(Hear, hear.) Now he made out a list of manufactured
articles, from which, in the shape of protective duties, a
revenue was derived of 430,0001., while the duties on
foreign agricultural products imported into this country
were nearly the same, as they amounted to 427,000/.—
(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Labouchere) thought it right to
go into that statement, in consequence of what had been
alleged at various meetings in the country, that if they
were to have free trade at all, they ought to have it
equally applied to all branches of national industry. It
was incorrect to say that agriculture was left out of the
question, and as to what had been alleged about the
grievance of not permitting foreign tobacco to come in
duty free, it was well known that any attempt to grow
tobacco in this country would be fruitless if such was
done, and it was therefore obvious that the protection
now on tobacco was no impediment whatever to
British agricultural industry. He denied in the most
emphatic terms that the slightest disrespect was intended
to be cast on the landed interest by the words in the
Speech from the Throne.—(Hear, hear.) He knew from
his own personal knowledge that distress existed, and he
deeply deplored it; but it was his conscientious convic-
tion that they could not do anything more injurious to
those interests than to hold out any expectation that that
or any future House of Commons will again return to
the system of protection, and thus divert their attention
from their efforts to improve their condition by such an
ignis Maus. He was therefore opposed to the amend-
ment, not because distress did not exist in the agricul-
tural districts, but because he believed such distress was
only of a temporary character; for to him it apreared
inconceivable that when their manufactures and com-
merce flourished the fields of that great country could
be left uncultivated.—(Cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI then rose, amidst great applause from
the Protectionists—Sir, I rise to support the amendment
to the Address, which has been moved by the Honour-
able Baronet the Member for Lincolnshire. lam sure
that the Noble Lord opposite will not think it disre-
spectful on my part if I do nct enter into any comment
upon any other portion of the Address which he has
offered to the consideration of the House, which Address
contains notices of subjects of great interest and impor-
tance, upon many of which I myself might venture,
under other circumstances, to require some information
from her Majesty's Ministers. But, considering the
hour of the night, the general tone of the debate, and the
anxiety which I believe is felt on both sides of the House
that the question should be closed to-night, the Noble
Lord will permit me to confine myself to that particular
paragraph upon which my Honourable Friend has moved
the amendment. I believe there is no question in this
House at present, whatever there might have been at
the commencement of yesterday's discussion, that what is
called agricultural distress does prevail. We have had,
after some sceptical expressions, several witnesses from
both sides of the House, of considerable influence and
importance, who have attested that fact, the last of
whom was the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of
the Board of Trade.—(Hear, hear.) And I think I may
stet() without exaggeration that agricultural distress does
pt evail in England, in Scotland agricultural dismay at
least, and I suppose I must leave for Ireland agricultural
desolation.—(Cheers from the Protectionists.) Un-
questionably, whatever might have been supposed to
have Leen the cause of this distress, whatever differences
of opinion might have existed with respect to the de-
gree of this distress—unquestionably it has prevailed for
a considerable period, has evinced itself in a variety of
quarters, and has been expressed by persons whose opi-
nions certainly, from their position and importance, are
entitled to the highest respect. But, Sir, lam entirely
precluded from the necessity of entering into any °vire
deuce upon this important and interesting point, because
the evidence is already before me. I want no better evi-
dence with respect to the existence of this distress, and
with respect to the cause of this distress, than that of the
Hon. Gentleman who moved the Address to her Majesty.
—(Hear, hear.) That Hon. Member has with perfect
frankness informed us, that he has no doubt that a sum
equal almost to one-eighth of the national debt has been
taken from the agricultural class, and within a very
brief period, by the influence of legislative enactments.
—(Cheers.) lam not speaking now with respect to the
wisdom or folly of those enactments, or with respect to
the necessity or expediency of them, I am merely calling
a witness forward who, upon such a topic, must surely
be considered one of a first-rate character—(A laugh)—
who comes forward and tells us that one, and that the
most important, branch of national industry has, accord-
ing to his own account, within a very brief period, been
deprived of the receipt of between 90,000,000, and
100,000,000 sterling, which, according to the Hon.
Member, it was in the habit of receiving, and that that
want of receipt has been occasioned by recent, and cer-
tainly unexpected, changes in our laws.—(Cheers.)
Therefsre, it is evident at present, and I think it will
be acknowledged by all, that it is not surprising that
this distress should be severe —should bo so severe and
so general as that it should be prevalent in England,
acknowledged in Scotland, and that it should be over-
whelming in Ireland.—(Loud cheers.) For cer-
tainly, great as must be the cause Which produces,
if not universal, at least general distress in three such
famous kingdoms, in this financial age, it surely will be
acknowledged that the cause is sufficient when we
hear and accept the calculations of the Hon. Member
who moved the Address to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) Let
me, under these circumstances—the House recollecting
how wide and prevalent is this distress, haw—according
to the Hon. Gentleman who moved the Address which.

his speech of last evening, gave a very flattering accourt
of the :tete of things in the country now to that
which prevailed prior to the repeal of the corn-
laws; hut coneurvntly with the state of proEprit; to
which the Right Hon. Baronet ref reed, and cf which
Le so much boosted, there was a great dell i f
The Right Hon. Baronet, to illustrate that s'atem nt,
re terred to the amount of relief given to the poor i,5.18
and that given in 1849, aed argued that the dinsinutien
exhibited in the last over the preceding year shoed
that the measure of free trade was producing the efeets
which its advocates anticipated from it, in reducing the
poor-rates. But although the poor-law returns were, to
a certain extent, a criterion to go by, still, in his (Mr.
Palmer's) opinion, they were by no means to be relied
on as correct, for it was an indisputable fact, that much
of the amount of distress which prevailed in the country
was hidden from the guardians, under whose notice it
never came at all. He could show to the satisfaction of
the House that the special burdens of which so much
had been said by some Hon. Gentlemen, and which
was denied by others, pressed not merely on the
agricultural classes, but bore, also, on the poorer branches
of the manufacturing classes. A great experiment had
certainly been tried in the commercial policy of this
country, and he was prepared to admit that it had, to a
certain extent, and on one side, proved a beneficial one,
but on the other side of the picture—the landed interest
side—there was a dark shade, which exhibited not only
a burtheasome but a most discouraging complexion.
They should restore protective duties—the question of
amount he left to the consideration of another day—or
they must considerably lessen the burthens on land. It
was useless to press those views on the present Govern-
ment, or the present Parliament; but Governments
were not permanent bodies, nor were Parliaments per •
petual, and for this reason he thought the agricultural
interest was bound to persevere in their demand for re.
dress—(Hear, hear)—a demand which he hoped would
eventually prove successful.—(Hear, hoar.)
Mr. MUNI Z could not understand the use cf a de-
bate, the subject of which appeared admitted on all
hands. He regretted that distress prevailed among cer-
tain classes of the community, but that was no reason
why Government should retrace its steps; and, even if
it were willing, it could not do so. Indeed, he defied
them to do so. If there were any retracing of steps it
should be on another principle, and in another quarter.
He had heard it stated that agricultural produce had
advanced in price, but he was not informed of the cause
of that advance. He was of opinion that the price would
be still lower, and that was the reason why in 1846 he
had voted for the repeal of the corn-laws. At that
period he stated that if he did not consider such a
result would follow he should not vote for the mea-
sure. Low prices followed free-trade policy, and
for that reason some interests necessarily suf-
fered. He admitted that there wee, under the existing
laws, a certain extent of prosperity, but then it was a
one-sided prosperity. Had that prosperity arisen from
an alsance of wages ? No such thing. The increased
demand for manufactures had not produced one iota of
an advance in prices.—(Hear, hear.) The condition of
the working classes was improved, but the condition of
the masters had not been permanently benefited.—
(Hear, hear.) He wished to ask, moreover, had not this
improvement brought about by the ruin of the West
India interest, by destroying tt e condition of Ireland ?
And were they not now, as it e as alleged, going to de-
stroy the agricultural interest of England ?—(Hear.)
The Hon. Member for the West Riding in the course of
last session prophesied that the price of wheat would
average 465. Some few days ago at Leeds he told the
farmers that it would not exceed 403., and he told them
they should he satisfied with that sum. How
did the Honourable Member account fir the wide
difference in those statements? Suppose they had pro-
tction again, how could any man exit who manufac-
tured for the export trade? but they could not restore
protection unless it were through a sea of blood, that all
would deeply regret. The question, as had been urged,
was a landlord question at the end, but it was a tenant
question in the beginning. High prices for corn must
decrease the rate of wages and the prices of manufac-
tures. With regard to the navigation-laws, as they
affecte the price of food, there was this much to be said.
The repeal of those laws made this difference, that
whereas formerly the foreign grower ha I not as oppor-
tunity more frequently than once in seven years cf
sending his produce to this country, he coult
now calculate exactly upon reaching our market,
and he could, without difficulty, ascertain the precise
sum per quarter at which ho could land his corn here.
The Hon. Gentleman who moved the Address dwelt a
great deal on the importance of the national saving
which had been effected ; but who had paid for that
saving? If ninety or one hundred millions were taken
out of the pocket of one interest and put into the pocket
of another interest, in what respect was the nation ad-
vantaged? It was useless for the Protectionist to expect
a continuance of their long-cherished boon, and let them
remember that while they were protected they never
expressed the least solicitude for any other interest. In
conclusion, the Hon. Gentleman declared his determi-
nation of supporting her Majesty's Ministers, by his vote
on the Address they had prepared fir adoption by the
Legislature.
Mr. HERRIES declared that those who co-operated
with him would have been unworthy the high position
they fillei, if they had not taken the first opportunity
of placing on record their opinion of the prevailing
agricultural distress, and of the causes which immedi-
ately produced that distress. To the ameadment he
gave his cordial assent, and he then proceeded to take
exceptions to some portions of the Address, especially
to that paragraph which ascribed great beneficial results
to have already proceeded from the repeal of the navi-
gation-lows. He also considered that the inferences
drawn by the Chancellor cf the Exchequer as to the state
of the country were not justified by the facts of the
case. The Right Hon. Gentleman had told the House,
that their exports during the year 1849 had exceeded
to a very large extent the exports during the year
1848 ; but that was no evidence that the trade of
the country had beea benefited in the least do
gree by this free-trade system. Why, 1848 was, it
was well known, a miserably bad year.—(Hear, hear.)
There was great depression in trade—there were dis-
turbances abroad and discontent at home; and with
what justice or propriety, then, could a comparison be
made between it and the last year to prove the benefit
free trade had conferred? But, more than the', in order
fully to establish his case, -it was necessary that the
Right Hon. Gentleman should have told the House what
was the nature of those exports, and where they were
sent to. A considerable portion of their exports went
to China and the East Indies; but as it was well known
that the only article they imported from China was tea,
and that they loaded that with a duty of 100 per cont.;
it could not be said that Le) trade had any effect in in-
creasing
.their exports with that country. But still far-
ther, and in order to show that the exports of 1849 being
larger than those of 1848 proved nothing, he would
remind the house that during the year 1845, when pro-
tection was in full operation, the exports exceeded those
of 1849 to a considerable extsn'.—(Hear, hear.) Ho
did not make those statements as a proof of the failure
of free trade, but simply to show the slender foundation
upon which the Right Honourable Gentleman raised
that superstructure of prosperity which ho had exhibited
to the House the other evening. In regard to the sub-
ject more immediately connected with the amendment
before the House, it had been admitted on all hands
that great distress prevailed among those connected
with agric▪
ulture. Government admitted that there was
such, although not in a satisfactory manner. Those
who had ad dressed the House on the subject also made
the admission, and the Honourable Mover of the Ad-
dress not only made the admission, but told them what
was the cause of the distress, namely, the lowness of
the pri▪
ce of agricultural produce, caused by
the repeal of the cora-laws. But that was
contrary to what the Free-traders said pre-
vious to the repeal of the corn-laws, for they then
declared that the repeal of these would increase the
prosperity of the occupiers of land, and raise its
value instead of lowering it. Was it right that they
should place the agricultural interest of the country,
which was the most important interest connected with
it, in jeopardy, in order to try such an experiment as
that they had had recourse to ? He apprehended nor,
and he did not despair of seeing the day when that
amount of protection which that interest conceived they
were entitled to would be fully conceded to it.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said, conceiving that there
was but one opinion as to the desireableness of the debate
being concluded that night, and being aware that other
Gentlemen occupying a higher station than himself,
would be expected to address the House, he would con-
fine his remarks within a very short compass. At the
same time, there were ono or two observations made by
the Right Hon. Gentleman who bad just sat down
which he could not help referring to in the outset. That
Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that so far as the
navigation-laws were concerned they bad no
right to say that the apprehensions entertained
by those who opposed the repeal of those laws,
as to the evils which would result from the
passing of that measure, would not be realised. Now,
he agreed that it would be wrong either in himself or
any one else to boast of success so far as the effect of
repeal of those laws were a; yet visible. Yet, on the
other hand, when challenged to the contest, he conceived
that he had a right to appeal to Hon. Gentlemen con-
nected with the principal shipping ports of the kingdom
to say whether the effects predicted by Hon. Gentlemen
opposite had been produced by that change.—(Hear,
hear.) So far from that being the case, he never made
an assertion in that House with greater confidence than
when he said that he believed that the shipping interest
of this country wee in a most satisfactory and en-
couraging sta•e.—(Llc ar, hear.) He believed the fact to
be, that there were at least as many ships building at
this mome It in this country as there hal been for many
years past.--(Hear, hear.) Those ships !op building
were of a larger class and a bettor description than
those hitherto built, and in fact the result had shown
that the predictions made on the passing of the mea-
sure, that shipping and ship-building would be greatly
increased by it, has been tally reallsed.—(Hear, hear.)
which was deemed inevitable from the passing of such a
tT3lirmerienawtioans ergy distorapleaeyted
thanadt
acofimrnipeetritdioen-
measure. Those Hon. Gentlemen who had taken a part
in the discussion of the question when it was before the
House would recollect the: numerous letters which ap-
peared from time to timo in the Standard newspaper,
signed by a gentleman of the name of Lindsay, con-
demnatory of the measure, and predicting its evil conse-
quences. That gentleman had since the passing of the
themselves to the altered state of by havng
sAhei
pt
oi sws
nu
ee
rds gasc i rtchuel a re,a
si w
en
nowh c ha t
ohoed etcoo
zeonm de d
mo
dtaht ea
things, itheir
vessels commanded not only by gentlemen of great
nautical skill, but also of expert business habits, and
who were well acquainted with the customs and pecu-
liarities of the inhabitants of the various countries with
which they might trade, in order that they might
enable thenito compete with the ships of other countries.
That was exactly what he:anticipate' would be the effect
of the repeal of those lbws--that it would cause :ship-

e calls upon us to support—how great is the cause of
the distress, and how ascribable is that distress to the
previous conduct of this House—allow me once more to
recall to the house the language in which that distress
is noticed in the Speech from the Throne. Unhappily,
it is not there described even as distress—(Hear, hear)
—but the expression of feeling on the part of the great
classes who have been submitted to the action of circum.
stances so vast as those acknowledged by the Hon. Gen-
tleman the Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Villiers)
are merely noticed as complaints—(Hear, hear)—the
justice of which is most studiously not acknowledged.—
(Hoar, hear.) It had indeed been said in defence—
mind you, after this critical observation had been made
—that in a subsequent sentence these words appear—
" that her Majesty greatly laments that aoy portion of
her subjects should be suffering distress." That is an
abstract observation—(Cheers)—one which bears no re-
ference to the condition of either kingdom, but merely
says that, as an abstract principle, the Sovereign of these
realms sympathises with any class of her subjects who
are in a state of distress. Applying it as an abstract
proposition is virtually to denying that it practically
exists—(Cheers)—and it is followed by a sentence which
is one cf philanthropic mockery.—(Cheers.) Well,
now, is it surprising, is it unreasonable, that in the pre-
sent state of affairs—after all that has passed and after
all that is passing—that this House should meet again,
and that it should virtually not ackno'wledge the exist-
ence of this great distress, which is not only recognised
n
h
by the reputative of the Government—which is even
accounted for by him—that we should not pass in silence
this occasion, especially when we come fresh from our
constituents, who are the victims of this change of your
a producedpr
express
ssour
sympathy legislation, which, whether it be right or wrong, you
Is it, I say, surprising that we should feel it our firhsse?
t
who are suffering?—(Cheers.) Let me beg
causesda gu
rt
ye e to by
o f comeytoh your
rt
prime
distress,forwardnd our
organhere hoa
xtheh House
carefully to consider this amendment, because those
'is upon
it alone that the question is about to be called, and not
upon some imaginary statement of a case which
be convenient to the Government to adopt, anditmay
espe-
cially to any Hon. Member cf that
Government who
may have prepared a speech not adapted
h.toh this amend-
ment.—(A laugh.) The amendment you are now
called upon to decide consists of twow le
now call your particular attention
~ to the first of
them. You are asked humbly represent to her
Majesty that in many parts of United the
Kingdom, and
especially ,in Ireland, vari •
ous classes of her Majesty's
subjects connected with the cultivation of the soil are
labouring under severe distress, mainly attributable, in
our opinion, to recent legislative enactments." Who
denies
that proposition ?—(Cheers.) Not the Hon.
Mover of the Address to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) He
admits the fact, and ho accounts for it; and this amend-
ment is merely prospective of the speech which ho made
lasi night.—(Cheers.) Is it unreasonable, then—or, if
unreasonable, no one can maintain that it is untrue?—
(Cheers.) It has been said that you are called upon by
the amendment to-night to declare that you must in-
stantly return to protection, and that the protective sys•
tem must bo instantly re-constructed in this country. It
may or it may not be politic—it may or it may not be
expedient—to call upon the House to take that
step ; but rely upon it, if we think it our duty to
do it—if we think it is for the advantage of the
country that that step theuld bo taken, we will not

Bur
hesitate to come forward, frankl, and completely, eengratulation with the stern and dark fact, tee.; nue
and tangibly, to express ourselves upon that subject.— I now, your e auperism is very insensibly reducered
rot
en;b' et
(Cheers.) Ido not think that an amendment to the the else is much less encouraging, when w°
Address. is the right occasion far contesting so great the state of the rural districts.
as principle, or for catering ueou eueli encounter; but Meet honourable Gentleman and ii"JseFrailelradYssotea:tld,t,haletd°o
et,nte.l.(ering e-het tee stets the eene try i —belie vete. lees tees great cliff. h, t veers te• manefiewt 71 the
orth is maven; Illy acknowledged tete whether right agricultural interests—that it was in the pe to free
Syron;, the ditress ( f great portiozie of her Majesty's mar ufecturiug interest, at pcsiods IV"
subjects has
een occadoned by recent legislative enact- themselves in a groat decree from teose we, need
meets—l say
that nothing can be more legitimate, no- employed,whereas,g
from circumstances whice.elo for
imposstu f,
thing can be, ,upon our part or upon the part of those not now minutely detail, it was ch any - ee
who syruputhise with the land in its distreseactofthe-so is •
~ an
more clear or corn • slow degre
jabnor
pain duty than to come forward, when cept at a lona interval, by
such an Address to the Throne is proposed to us, and with extreme 'difficult to reduce
of depreesiore
t. ,
°ln eig the
express, with temperance, but with firmness and with they employed. And I have. no hesitation in sayithe t
precision, our belief in the existence of a great calamity, the employment of the rural population daring to- lee
and our conviction that that calamity has been occasioned twelve months has been, to a
by our ; legislative enactments. (Cheers.) But, is amount I believe of not less than 20 ter cent; to lore
there anything unreasonable in it? What caa be more tious honouree!` leg
employment, an employme itcoo
natural than that the house of Parliament which repro- feelings which we have always cherished in tweed Drive
sents the Commons of England—whatever may be the but which is totally opposed to those econonaesni ono
very great degree
is feti,
truth or falsehood, whatever may be the justice or injus- ciples advoesa by 'or. Gentlemen opeetsit,eh'e egricel:
lice, of certain economical principles—what, I say, can imagines that th• pressure ( f pauperises in ‘, instants
be more natural than that when we meet together, and twat districts would bo felt with the flail toe te great
when it is flagrant and notorious that great bodies f neous consequences which are experieraced in seat is,
the people are in a state of great depression and ember- hives a manufacturing industry; but whet Bill, underrassment, that we should come forward and express that that though the result may to more slow, it vit.'h; note
fact dutifully and respectfully to the Sovereign. And the most favourable circumstance', ranch another
what can be more natural than that we should allege permanent.—([fear, hear.) There is, howevelecto will
our belief in the causes—not an unwarranted belief, not reason why, in the agricultural districts. PauPethat yoLi'
a wild or extravagant belief—for we have been antici- not immoilia'ely increase. You quite ferget brows 'le
pated in the course which we have painted out by the have in this couetry social system which I (el le Is
very organ of the Government who has proposed the Ad- law the employment of those who are not eneece
dress?—(Cheers.) So far from this being a violent hour upon a machinery which is sustained bYtetar, hes,
course upon our part; it was a moat constitutional, most of the owners and occupiers of lend-ievort of the
natural, and most probable one, fsr it was the general and cheers.) This brines me to the secend P the
anticipation of the country that her Majesty's Ministers amendment we have suggested, in
the
would have expressed some sympathy with the depres- House, in the first place, to acknowledge 3
es 00(0'1
sion and distress cf the great body of her Majesty's sub- existence of which the Government the
raselvstress is thee
which "distress
jects. They might have done that without giving up any ledged, and to allege that the cause of that di
toil; one,
of those economical convictions to which they have been %hie!) the organ cf the Government has liceePonerstien
such recent converts.—(Cheers.) Indeed, it was for a the second place, to acknowledge that tr referren,
considerable time a very prevalent opinion that her Ma- those legislative enactments to which e texliti°e
jesty's Ministmrs were really not ashamed of feeling some is aggravated by the burden oe locawiii rise env
sympathy with the distress of this great body of the New, is there anybody in this House wile ted by rec.o,
country. There were a variety of rumours abroad, to say that agricultural distress is not aggro va its the lee
which, I confess, I myself never gave any credence, but liar burdens? It has been said, indeei. that _eat, net. a
which, I believe, imparted some hope to those who were stance of the occupiers of ha I, the distresteli etty 17,
suffering during that period. The Right Hon. Gentle- aggravated by these burdens; but nobodY ;at thatio,
man opposite shakes his head, as, I dare say, ho who is such burdens do not exist, and, if existing; close' ea,
in possession of the cabinet secrets has very good reason not press upon some one of the agriculture ter for esto
for that signification of his sceptism ; but there were I think, after the speech of the Hon. Meeineugert ferliest
rumours abroad that a personage of considerable import- verhampten, who was so ostentatiously uree some evert,
ante, who had even reached the highest class in the peer- to propose the Address, that we should be r Test „no
age, did commit that great sin of political economy, of conception of the nature of these burdelmention of °ace
redo tars of Woo
sympathising with the sufferings of the farmers of the Gentleman has derided the idea that a
country. I was always sceptical on the subject—indeed burdens could afford any relief to the ()echos goes fat
I cared nothing about the subject. I don't care if I want lion. Gentlemen opposite to meet Wit :Oh
any duke in the land gives his adhesion to those prin- with some degree of fairness and candourebe other, one
ciples which I advocate in this house, or whether he an- night last year lion. Gentlemen rose 00:00 lateesn
nouuces his defection from them.—(Cheers.) I don't and told us there was no difference bet were te
care ono jot if all the dukes in the land took either any other property; that land was nothiegered hicel
course. It is the cause of labour in the agricultural dis- row material. Those opinions were cnicort ate !art
tricts—(Cheers)—or it is nothing; and if they be not the gentlemen opposite, they have virtually Seep
rea.
interests of the British labourer which vie uphold, all the by the Government, and are, in fact, al,k the eyoll
upatronage of all the peers in the country cannot sustain of their economical creed. Now what e j why "esellY
s.—(Cheers.) Still it must be acknowledged that there tlernen is—if land be only a raw materleeenebeee ,000'
were some foundations for that popular belief at the time. tax it?—(Cheers from the Protectionist ee, soo 00-
There were a great many cabinet councils, frequent and do you not extend to this raw material "'a er rafr
hurried, and the people of the country who had seen mical principle; which you extend to all ehrete.?o
before what were the consequences of frequent and hue- terials ? (Hoar, hear, and renewed ,„ is vet
ried cabin( t councils, were fall of hope and alarm. There land be, as you say, only a raw material, bev7oepeln the
is a story told of a certain gentle.n in, who was once a mufacturer of corn to he subjected to 0t too, thee; tee
Member of this House, and afterwards the Lord Protector principles, and another economical s)es IV, fort
of the Commonwealth, who was himself disturbed by manufacturer of cotton?—(Hear, hearie is use °p
cabinet councils. A certain stranger waited upon him, question you must meet and ens% el% burdens e 0 De"
and he sent him away by saying that "he was seeking you to tell us that if you take off the etipiervilec thi4
the Lord." When he got rid of the stranger, he said, the owner will be benefited, but On, °cao „tee tt.
" What a simpleton the man must be ! lie thinks I The question is far beyond that. eescriuetetleg
was seeking the Lord, while I was only seeking raw material—this material which eves ereat in (0
the corkscrew."—(A. laugh, and cries of " Oh, oh.") other day by a leader of your school at tt,iits notion 4 lo
So it was with the late cabinet councils. The people as the first, the principal, raw material er_e are rift'
of England thought that the cabinets of England dustry?—(Bear, hear.) Some gentle tea, centers
were guilty of the high sin of sympathising think that this is a question of poolerels a eiticnsgiee
with their distress. The people thought the rates, and of church-rates. I tell them it they ilnoreeet
cabinet was seeking the Lord, but the councils fee- complicated and extensive question than to the °or erf,
quently, hurried as they were, merely terminet-id in a From the moment an Englishman is born
under Yoe or le:
cabinet dinner; and it turnedi,out that instead of seek- of his burial the raw material is taxed rhis leenerese
ing the Lord, they were only seeking the corkscrew.— sent social system, in order to guard eithend tbe fee
(Cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers.) Now, after all, the death. If a pauper-child is born, you tee, doete,ree t(.
Cabinet puts a bold front upon the question; and the doctor, and tax the raw material to payieus, regie
only way they can get out of the scrape, according to If the child ba not that of a pauper, its Dirt
ay 10.0
their idea of Parliamentary tactics, is, by asking the gistered. and you tax the raw materiel tn,roti bele rag
Hon. Member fer Wolverhampton to come forward on trar. If the child become a pauper, teyt tae !Pool
the present occasion. We have the Address to the immense edifice to receive him, and ho is Logi,
Throne moved by an old Member f the Anti-Corn material to pay for its erection. It et, We Tee
League, and seconded by a Member of the new l'arlia- you raise an immense edifice, and tax tub.) /' oteje
mentary Reform League.—(Cheers.) I must do this to pay for that—(Hear, and a la" e the retie One,
justice to the candour of the Hon. Seconder, that he in- a criminal, another pile arises, and you tee If teerese'
troduced the topic in his speech to which he is of course atrial to pay the architect's bill.--(ifeanew inet,eoeeltres
devoted, though it does not appear in the Address to her is vaccinated—(A laugh)—you tax the ri isihite 0114
Majesty. He expressed a hope—the organ of the Go- lay the vaccination fee. The child 0 6 liable vie
vernment, be it remembered—that her Majesty's Go- who has 40,0001. a year in the fends, is awatires. tees:
vernment were prepared to support those opinions to virul,nt disease as the child of the agr'oo (f te'd
which he has himself recently given in his adhesion at why, then, should he not pay some Perri sole rood
Freemasons' Hall. But no Member of the Government thee? You cannot in this country exernlhmoo„tret;
has answered that ingenuous inquiry—(Hear, hear)— most important duties of which an Engel are 0.1"
and it still remains a problem, how the ques- without taxing this raw material. If Yeen,,ry listaesi I
tion is to be settled. I suppose it will be in the raw material is tam' to prepare th:ewe neetneof'
this case as in ono even more memorable, if it' you wish to exercise the suffrage, near, below elelle;
the mountain will not go to Ministers, Ministers must taxed to prepare the !is* of voters. of 0f tel:0000tr,
go to the mountain.—(Cheers, and cries of "Oh, oh.") I ask the great economists, the pro
The Right Hon. Baronet the Chancellor of the chester school and their pupils—either the. tbel
Exchequer has called our attention to the state of the the late Government—(A laugh)—how prill,ool
nismufsw:tures of the country. It is no difficulty upon tarn such a state of things according te 1, and r;gli'
our part to acknowledge the satisfaction with which we upon which they have built their finanCiPhAt the !lard
hear her Majesty's Ministers counsel their Sovereign mical system? We ask you, then, now,leeee be,
that the manufacturing interests of this country are in cultural interest is in a state of great anceeeedreeol
a flourishing condition. I may be allowed to say very unprecedented depression, to come forward eerseelloc
briefly, before I touch upon that sulject, that the Right fully and humbly to express to the Crown Yne;ase ea,
Hon. Baronet, in noticing the complaints which had with that distress and your belief that the she the
been made by the agricultural interest of the distress distress is that which has been alleged, 'dot ",000",
which they at this moment experienced—while he has, of the Government on this occasion. I. the toi
in unison with the language of the Address which we sot able ? Is it factious? We ark You, 0/00014 ill;
are recommended to give to-night to the Speech place, to acknowledge that that distress l 5 ;1,70111if pet
which has been delivered from the Throne—while he the burdens that are pressing upon the ego, teat tieelOi
has dilated upon the prospects of the manufacturing in- dustry of Great Britain and Ireland. 14°, to Re° erea„l,
terest, he has at the same time thought it his duty to put this queetion fairly before you, I wallyway heteceet
denounce the manner in which the agricultural body have man can allege a single rational reason 0 wish debt,
thought fit to bring forward their complaints before the oppose these two propositions ? I have no gree'thet tie
consideration of the country and of the Government. It cal what are my ulterior views upon tbiol‘ 1 tbiejer
has struck me as very surprising, diet that Right lion. of the rival industries of this country t 0 put
eett
Baronet, who is himself a Member of the Imperial cultivator of the soil has a right to tee° poi 111;019/09
Gavernmenaespecially at a moment when he tells us that in the first place, that he has a right totet, and eke; to if
all other interests are in a state of prosperity, should same footing as his fellow-subjects--(lle6wenier ere) ee
think it his duty to come forward and say that another and that, secondly, he has aright in his ee(Chetietl eta
great branch, which he acknowledges himself is sutler- put upon a footing with the foreignei.'ot peeve red
ing, has acted in a manner, if not unconstitutional, these are not just principles—if they are,: nip thee Ocelot
unauthorised, because they have come forward those eternal sentiments cf right whiceeust lee If
in a manner quite consonant, not only with must govern nations, or eations tei fen t,e, aso
the Speech, but the machinery of the constitution, admit that lam greatly mistaken. f '5,4,0;01
and expressed their sense of their suffering, and appealed we are advocating the interests, efeeetecer Prto
to this House or to the Throne for relief and sympathy. were t collect the sentiments of the uen•o rethego ofoe
The Right lion. Baronet stated last night that there had much from the declarations that have Lee we-00os,
been very violent language used upon several recent from them during this debate as from t`xotte tbaCei ill eel
occasions. I thought at the time that that was a epodes Speech from the Throne, I should OPP rgent losolOr
of criticism which might have been omitted. It is an insignificant interest, that was e°„citi so nlitre te,P3„cce
rather unusual t carp at expressions which may be tress as to ask for your sympat
hellpYc;ssaillercs'etif3era 0;0;
used at county meetings, for examp'e; but really if he in its suffering as to suggest t
is so critical, I should almost say that he has formed his We are told that they are only " ;0113Vwon aioli
opinion of the violent language used at public assem- piers of land." One of my friends, teenfiebeel ,79085 for'
blies of the people, probably in some town in the country ferd (Mr. lierries) has very able' net who
in which he has taken his summer recreations. I should point; he has shown you that ite lncirc, Pe ref el:
have thought that it was some of the tones of the town merely of the owners and occupier', ealeasti-ee ye- ete
of Leeds that had reached him—l should have thought tunes to-night you are, in a grea" Darr° it °frier'
that he might have been ruminating on some of that upon. But I shall take a much Pell leetiviobe Peoe,it
Jacobin jargon which may perhaps have floated to his the question before I ask fur your m
oot s•
lan"ly hicjet).•
ears from the Free-trade Hall of the town of Man- is only the owners and occupiers of n•
chester—(flear, hear)—and when the Right Hon. Gen- thinking themselves aergrieved, endeioing
tleman, a gentleman from Yorkshire, comes forward own acknowledgment suffering, are c- ore tbrittiea efie
and says that he not only regrets the agitation in the asking you to interfere in their Won:fin conersrlialfeeP
rural districts, but that he disapproves of thetone and of menus a class, are they in number an
it and ette yer,
the strong language used at these assemblies, he might, significant that it becomes statesnee enabeerloceo,o,°°ooP
perhaps, have recollected that there were other popular to pass them by disregarded and count! eo et a ters
assemblies where the language usel was equally strong and there are according to the best °,a.4
mach more unconstitutional.—(Cheers from the Opposi- meeters of the soil in the unite- It is -10 ePeev.
tion benches.) lam sure at least that the Right Hon. Britain and Ireland.—(Hear hear.) rate e% roe
Gentleman would never have heard, at any county merous class—the most numerous eei area tfe
jf `bey fele
LEA 9,
meeting in England, that the English Constitution only country, as regards property; fonder,. eeld
existed on sufferance. He never would have heard at an litl the ' tors in the el P' OP If°,,e
English county meeting that the three estates of the members that many of proprietors alO s?
realm were only to be endured so long as they listened foreigners. Are the occupiers tefe 7(lo4eteo
to the dictation and the caprices of a particular interest. tible in number, in character,s aenril"te- toosetnartels, tatts
—(Hear, hear.) I will not, on this occasion, go into the have, according to the most muse Gre roe
question which the Right Hon. Gentleman has raised in farmaebrs. in _ the. u_nited. kii,unto,netakno xo_inertilter:,kioteet
relation to the value of our exports.—(Hear, hear. I lrel d (Hear, hear.) . ".".7 ediaW boor, 01 0011
am bound to say that, so far as time, and study, and ob- your occupiers, with their 111003 art ote 0 o
servation assist me, I see no reason to relinquish the alone is an affair of millions.--C Jaethat tholednegireeneel
opinions I have repeatedly expressed on the subject. I Opposition.) You acknowledge oc/elieee 000.00
believe, I know it can be proved, that the exchangeable are in a state of greet dist:ess-eineite cdnefeetteriee)
value of the products of British industry has materially are en a state of great distress, an bee
diminished within the past few years.—(Hear, hear.) your recent legislative enactinefneetstiegsy astir' grog
The Right Hon. Gentleman last night said ho could not your Sovereign to treat their Cl' "Mops P
understand my arguments, which went to prove that the and moeleery. (Renewed cries the 00 sale
f one k Y
Manufacturers of England were content to manufacture Why, one would have supeoscee ero.nigetet 09ereiliner'
at a loss. I will beg to remind him of an economical debate, that we had come novelle' to" ant, 401 whottel
paper called the EconorniA in which there has been a assembly el' this session of ree''''„ey Ot yea late 'pee
series of articles most elaborate in composition, and repeal the laws that you have receeosy the ed dec cVeti'
moat ample in calculations, the whole object of which all the principles of political econereord onlithort 0
is to prove that for the last four years the ma- shrived; that you should come fe,r yot_il opal* 00010
nufecturers of Manchester hare been manufac- you have flagrantly erred, and tg bac*,pbere
luring at a loss.—(Hear, hear.) Well, I recom- for national regeneration was to i; so? ere leiTity, ref
mend the Right Honourable Gentleir an—l know not tion which you have quitted. Is! its on ;is evoligeel
whether he has a personal acquaintance with the editor gentleman on this side who 6111.111,5 t Of his
I:,ee doe'
of the Economist or not —(Laughter)—to take advantage occasion from advocating, to the best
wares atoeOeo
of his first ten minutes' leisure, and enlighten himself principles upon which we think t,need bvee to 'ieo ee 0
upon that topic, and ascertain whether it be a fact that this country ought to be catablie",, 011150 bilitllo
1
a Manchester manufacturer can manufacture at a loss, this is the occasion on which we ih tit of tot
TT ar) rev 'JI seas and even continue to manufacture at a loss. The Right troversy and that battle.—(--c appe t pie
Hon.()-
Gentleman, as he thinks, has established his case asked of you is this—that it being OP og 009
that 0 it be tie ere
to prove the success of his system, the success or failure matter of national notorietyop t
_cokor:
of which Ido not at all consider to be the question to- nation is in a state of suffering e, even ee 0 eh
night, or in any way connected with the amendment; of Parliamentary acknowledgiele.n:e has nr,,for Owe
and the only reason for my referring to it is, because I the Government, that that suffari,agw....(', test to the
would not seem to shrink from meeting his statements. by our recent changes in the Jerd--tnteopre9 j oaf
Ile has adduced, as his test, the state of pauperism in hear")—you should come forwe and close Jeteset
the couutry. I accept that test, as far as it is valid, to think it decent to come forwara, the 'the oil P,,00'
try the efficiency and truth of his system; but I must Sovereign your recognition
,01 with es Yoe ege
cax that the data he has offered us have not, in my suffering, and your eyeepattele boingtyg to op) if
opinion, been fruitful of any very encouraging conclu- —(Hear, hear.) Instead a "3 flatterlaotisdonOve
sion. He has established that there is a reduction of pretended it to be, in a matinee not, on 0001'01170A.
p it
auperism to the amount of something under 7 dour of Parliamentary discussion,
_tog, tolle re;tt eerie
per cent. compared with last year—a year of unpa- on the first night of Parliameeto
greneate torieweetief
ralleled gloom, of unprecedented depression, which House cf Commons suddenly,t
.11Veredeoese heo !tie
the Right Honourable Gentleman always told us during which the Parliament cf le,neg.eetes e cent. er,„‘,,,,).
the last session, must never be taken as a precedent, rather (if it does anething) it eleeerincipleory Peed,
because it was a year when the manufacturers of Env,- guided by justice, by that hieinnot'ence ev,..„epsfotteoe
land, in every branch, were in a state of distress which es hich must in the long run ,ell;oprees alfeeeoo.,Q,lt
probably had never been approached for many years. this country, you may not o.weet,, bt!Tfaticefr Ye 4
But the Right Hon. Gentleman now comes forward with your suffering fellow-e 0 griciele ,„/,
this case, that the manufacturers of England are in a sources for the remedy ot it is pOe te(ileeelernle
of tohlitaynclor occlreet,llideriereel
a state of almost unparalleled prosperity-, and he says hear.) Do nut suppose the nestio—Zalneeetole
that pauperism is reduced, compared with the last year escape the settlement
of gloom, to the amount of nearly 7 per cent. If, then, You may pride yourself upmay pride
.ro niefforiaeat 0.1
the manufacturers of this country have been, and are, in (Opposition cheers)— u
Y° full of "8" "; eKilefeel
such a flourishing position—if the manufacturing popu- array of three parties, ,
hostilitY eesit.° 100
lation are not altogether employed, but there is even a unanimous only in their
from
the Opervibett
je eft Ira
demand for labour in the manufacturing districts, how munity—(Great cheering. og t deo,
are we to account for the fact that the rally has not have the happiness of living no w_ooooo,
been much more considerable ? And how, when we are to truth is never unsucce,slchate fogniloor, v
called upon to congratulate the Sovereign upon the ge- principles of jnstice(Ltnutiede ;ow of
Imo prosperity of ountry, TN. %Q 09014° o'o PIQUtarY 1441‘11".—‘-°

041

ill

tie- upon you, then, to night, in the neuse of the gen-
teuinteetnivweBlo7
mainly, are sitting upon these benches—the Ter'''.
of those suff ring classes—l call
2011 ycu to accept either alternative; you shall not
go out of this. IL osi -neer-sent cur purpoees.
"-Meer 1 to " st"-
settaer ricenstruct your commercial system
seen thee° principles favourable to British industry
ii"meh we advocate—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition)
irss,°."ll7 out the principles Upon vhich you have estab-
,..7,l, your now system to their legitimate consequences.
the land
hear.) Do nor, under this system, oppress
You and of England, with the pharisaical pretence that
mere the advocates of a great politico-scheme that
ss_nrot tolerate the taretion of a raw material—et
itle`eica , hear," from the Opposition) —and suppose
mu° time we will endure that the whole social
aelhiiBetkence of England should be founded on a system
life al orning, noon, and night, in every duty of the
sessce4 an Enlishman, taxes the most important raw
You
teal
of a nation's inch', try.—(Hear, hear.) I ask
to te°-nigh', on the behalf of myself and my friends,
eneeitr to no abrogated I eIV3 ; they were planne I by
hes'eveiose subsequent conduct certainly dies not entitle.
lawn to our posthumous respect —(Loud cheers
ircta•
e Protectionists) But I do call upon you to-
ehgeuertsto do justice to the land of England---(Renewed
valves);to the owners, to the occupiers, to the culti-
t(illtetti hieeara)ll the classes
dependent upon the land-
-to those mightier considerations even
ion e industry of mar.—(llear, hear.) You can no
(Ilene, the settlement of this question.—
Cal er,:.) Enshrine yourselves in your pod tico-scoaorni-
eisertvlejae—l accept your principles, I call upon you to
1.40.17et1i to their legitimate coneequeeces.—(llear.)
free this raw material t f a nation's industry be as
re all other .• • H has " from the
>Qaoppos; . raw neineriais.—k, ear, ,
,ititen). Admit in its fulness, with Tess est to the
to all' economical principle which you are extending
etativatltt'her ra.v materials, and do not permit in the
to ten of that raw material artificial restrictions
peil'it"ail when you have debarred it from the artificial
`Orleges which have hitherto been some compensation
Jo:, legislation ; or come
thet • forward and say frankly
People of England, " We cannot afford to do
every
U., land which we are prepared to do tol
us tother field of industry."—(tlear, hear.) Tel
rtefbi,?athrelyforeat that box to-night—(the red box on the
the Treasury bench)—whether the cotton
lade American may come here free and the earth of
sisitor,\d is to be enthralled.—(Cheers from the Oppc-
no icria• ,_Come forward to-night and tell us " There is
~Ishielc,Efu of manufacture which we will not facilitate,
British will not stimulate, which we will not allow
change industry to send forward to' every clime in ex-
ere
re for the productions of foreign artisans, but we
of tusselved that this country shall only be the country
theretufacturers and mechanics—(Hear, hear)—and.
Owes re, while we have, according to our prin-
Mad ti's,e,fts, "cleated every branch of industry, the land,
"ss(Oee," lad alone, shall be our stare and our victim.d
to speak cheers.) I call upon the Noble Lor
terisk" frankly on this subject.—(Hear.) Do not let.
notisio°ulss: Lord suppose that this is a party movement,
pretendg more convenient for a Government than to
deoge,l,suat the great principles of free trade are en
moment and that those who are embarrassing for a
sieeran,t with their movements 'save merely personal con-
time htsal6ne at stake. I tell the Noble Lord that the
lion s gene by for those antiquated dogmas; the quee-
the N. `Lc* serious and too earnest.—(Hear, hear.) Lc t
instie Lord—a fitting man—come forward and do
50,1d7 so the land, and he will find plentiful, zealous,
Op._"!lterested supporters.—(" Hear hear," from. the
minion
role th. But if the Noble Lord thinks that he is to
conibin Country by a heterogeneous and unnatural
en euelt.iTn--that he is to have a Jacobin Free-trader
°utilise...sirs and a Conservative Privy Councillor on theh
Noble Lord cheers from the Opposition)—l tell the
Will de that he may maintain the Ministry but
ise
hos th'tereY the Throne.—(Renewed chsering.) It
1144 nenirs time that I have attempted feebly to express
Who het) no lens to the House in the behalf
,of those
440ret 111°Iir me with their support. I told t ie. Noble.
thet Ws Year that it was in the spirit of conciliation
;We );,,iP,_°leP.—(An Hon. Member on the Munsteria
gNeel.) Yes, in the spirit of conciliation
the hear.)
- Do not imagine that it is not in
key take of conciliation that we speak, because
notwe
afraid the opportunity. of showing that we areLd
cheers r°, those before whom others tremble.—(
entis,,,4°4l the Opposition.) I will tell the Honourable
"a(lie.—"an at least this—that I do not use two languages
that fr' hear)--I am not afraid to ray in this Heti!:
the mat 3? in other places.--(Loud cheers.) I ami
Id° hs,essn of hearing things said in other places which
1114/1"` 'tear in this House.—(Hear, hear.) It is not in
eiiets°use that I sin told that the English Constitution
press Ouse
upon suffrance.—(Cheers.) If I were.t would to ax-
e It Willy
I think exists only upon sufferance
riser vest ,
branch of native industry existing upon the
(Ilekri:shterial obtained from a rival and a foreig,ne h
trola slueur.) Now, we have been told in the .Speech
%kb.° Throne to cherish that constitution which has
tha Hied liberty with order." I want to know what
13 ittolestitution which has combined order and liberty.ieh
eaists eiseoastitution we hear of at Manchester, which
NObleonly by sufferance—the constitution thatw the
4 htiais7rda allies permit only to endure?—(Hears hear.)2
Illeet;as'LwaYs thought it was the constitution that w
(ilee—m, 1, °Madly and deeply in the land of England—
toriot
Pees.' "car.)—the territorial constitution,
it the t
de uncs of this great and ancient monarchy
terra Pend upon the caprice or passion of a great
the i(Opposition cheers.) But I want to know how
;!lassith°,"lo Lord means to maintain this territorial
""ein if he does'not mesa also to maint tin a terp-
to to.PoPulation ? —Olean) I, fir one, do not ask him
tilep"seltain that territorial population by peculiar pre-
bY franchise, which other clines of the popul-
'no leriba
",pOt share.—(Hear.) I has e that confidence. len
9011;7 of England that I feel at this moment all it r
11146,. JUstice —(Cheers)_but justice complete andlw
(Cheers.)'ilsellt..... I oppossed the change in the
veer
~segk.Whiep7egnlated yor agricultural industry. haveh"n e.
A tarLtedifor a moment that I approved c f that change.
deis_
astee-14' 4 more perilous—and, as I believe,
geeht"—sexperiinent in politics never a eat inoccurred.
the ins disturbance of industry, such a
t_p_seffraelel
,cacheetopir.ue that govern the political life of this
vs.•' a degradation of all the means by which
s
coujettleut was carried on, I believe the history of
andhi
I eals4Y does not afford.—(Cheers.) I have ever felt,.
%hro° olaportunity of expressing my convictlontth. that
the land was a mistake greater than supposing art.
the
cl of England did at any time daiend for its fo
tlaire°d- any artificial law whatever. What the land re-
Yet h and what it requit es now is justice, but I never
ee," found a political economist who was prepared.
niutl! forward and offer it.—(Cheers. The mo
you Proceed to speak of the )burdenspe-
tipply, to the soil, he pretends that those burdens
getsit its limited class of aristocratic possessors, for-
blest g tnat the most valuable, the most numerous, the
e
Dr° !4tiftY, and the most hard-working class are ,t
Datrirliet°re of the soil of this country, forgetting that the
_
Whi44,isna are too often prompt to leave the caus_e. of
eolussaueY are the native fs, forgetting those Lin-
k_ *mire c(:).
Lin-
her ler the partners to whom my Hon. Friend the Mem-
Metes ne county referred to -night, and forgetting the
(elteetn„ °ll of the north and the yeomanry of the south.—
.na.as )glbliserty we
have now brought this question to
benohpoint —(Laughter from the Ministerial
ease ttis and cheers from the Prctsctionisti.) I can ex:
indieZe,laughter from Hon. Gentlemen opposite, for I
lettelf-,;110 question has been put in a point of view so
sntes-Tme that they will find very great difficulty in
If the ..„'n that
our demand for tustice.—(CheFlrs.)
cad minister comes forward—as ultimately he wi l—
neghltde'it% the justice of your &aims, and that you
elak t not to be subject to taxation from which other
not are free—if he admits that your property should
la 47.slibject to restrictions to which no other property
(y_
the eueJect, but says, as he will say, that the conditionclef
Rorerolantry
,„ &squires them—he at once admits that in
sal% tCent of the country the political must interfered
4 4411 eielnrnercial principle—(Hear, hear)—an then t
the eo asek bins to do us that justice or to )reconstruct
sious,llinercial system of the country on principles, fa
%Qum to the native industry of England.—(The Hon.
cheerieutnan resumed his seat amid loud and-prolonged
from the Protectionist party.)
1,110 11' 11, RUSSELL—The Honourable Gentleman
satin has Jost sat down asked us not to misrepresent the
Willing which he and his friends have in view; but, un-
otee -tgbas I should be to misrepresent that purpose, I
Itiko;lit to form any correct idea of it, is a thing to me
The 4°Pc`ssible.—(Cheering and much laughter.)
la sl nourable Gentleman who moved the amendment
Puegry temperate and fair speech, told us what his
recent in was very plainly, that wo should reconsider our
4.eelia'Nielation; and I understood him to be, in a very
uotiesdnieetarY manner, laying the ground for that re-
lletr„r4it,i°o, not asking us immediately to adopt any
t':,(l:4 the law, or to come to any binding resolution,
Said, to lay the ground only for the reconside-
of
'4 4, toe recent legislation of the country as regards
eollititiatt,eUltUral and commercial interests. Nothing
Chet hi,utore fair—nothing could be more decided than
tl
all rest); and we, her Majesty's Ministers, being
oaaleeiee
ilkdn that that recent legislation was sound, and that
grcatestid. not be benefiting the country, but doing it the
and rot, I°,ltiry, if wo submitted it again to be altered
tee -`theec,sidered—were immediately prepared to op-
amendment. But then came the Right
(Illy. 4. II 1 Gentleman the Member for Stamford
lti,{NieZerti°s), who complains that there is not
distress sympathy expressed in the Speech for the
Line ea of the landed interest. The Hon. Member for
tioniabsibr! (Sir J. Trotter co) has said explicitly "Your
fo• s •'."`Pathy are not what we ask foe What I
jutice and measures which can show us re-
vile -‘llear, hear.) Then came it
Hon. Gentleman
suttee -*Just spoken Wo have heard of another high
thin rItY. inde d •
see , in another place,
.who goes beyond any-
sus
Nee, have heard in this House, in telling us what are
h‘-'l.O told t"hs for the future, and by this high authority we
• fleet °l
to change the present Govern
th to hat is
then to Ice a new Government in their stead, and
t-e° lio-eZess dissolution ot the present House, t‘o
l'estera'sr ar_linrcient in thei,r place, and to ask for
°se le 'en et protection.—(Cheers.) When I heard
tQhtabareaperitlernen, I thought we should never he
1414 we eh add longer as to the question at issue, and
were mad know what we were voting about—that
aierPress.os g either to restore protection or to maintain
. 6tipriolie.e
%tit) eame
f, • But no—the Hon. Gentlema.n Mr.
tbiguisy's
t!)rur ,syward and, asking us not to inisrc pr, -
Pose, involve I that purpose in such an am-
g„erons, :(Fuage—(A. laugh)—in such tortuous ex.-
k-ic beeourSsaPlesals to our sense of justice, that it
ht_Ove whnt
tsi! agein a matter of the utmost difficulty to
isslughter.) 11,11? amendment is to me an.—(Cheers and
twmr, to thou, let me say to the Hon. Gentleman,
uou"tourees _"uo support him, that I think there are
titueion °lt such
d properly
qnestion, either of which may ha
s'Y
fullowed. The one is tQr

TIIE

you. the iedepeedent Members of Parliament, to say,
We don't agree with all the expressions of this Ac-
dress; we think or e part of it might be more wanly
worded—in another part we think you express t much
seti•sflction. You exaggerate the prosperity that pre-
vail.; in one place, a7vl do no regret the distress which
prevails with sufficient sympathy in aeether; but there
are general phrases, and 'cc tn, a to give our concur-
rence to the Addrese" Another tour: e, which is
equally Parliamentary and constitutional, is to say,
" The state cf the country is such, and the views of the
Government are so erroneous, that r. e cannot allow
one day to pass, and we must ta once express our opi-
nion, and whether in a minority or iti a majority, call
on the House of Commons to say if a system injurious
to the best interests of the country should be hersevercd
in, and ask fir better legislation than it is in the power
of the Government to yield." Bet the Honouraele
Gentleman has taken a turd course—that of having an
unmeaning amendment.—(El(•ao l.eir, add a laugh.)
And, not being satisfied with the Address as proposed
by her Majesty's Ministers, proposes to have :or address
obscure and ambiguous in its phrases.—(N", no.) That,
I say, is the result of the Honourable Gentleman's
amendment.—(No, no.) What have wo been told?—
(Cries of " Read, read.") I will read it preeently.
The Honourable Gentleman says we are not restoring
protection by this proposition, and ire are not preparing
to revert to a course ofpolicy that has 1 e2n abandoned. Now
in rt ferring to the amendment, I must first observe as to
what has been called the insult to the agricultural inter-
est which has been ofThred by her Majesty's adviser-. I
cannot but say, in the first insoince, that nothing was
further from our intention—(Hear, hear)—that we
have heard with great regret e f the suffering and
distress which exists in various parts of the coun-
try ; and nothing would give us greater pleasure than
to be able so say that by some manner of relief that suf-
fering should be put an end to. The words of the Ad-
dress are:—" The House sympathises with the regret
with which her Majesty has observed the complaints
which in many parts of the kingdom have proceeded
from the owners and occupiers of land, anti beg to as-
sure her Majesty of the sympathy with which they hear
that her Majesty greatly laments that any pot tiers of her
subjects should be suffering distress; while it is a source
of sincere gratification to her Majesty to witness the in-
creased enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts of life
which cheapness and plenty hare bestowed upon the
great body of her people." Now, the amendment pro-
posed is as follows:—" That we regret, however, to be
compelled humbly to represent to your Majesty that in
many parts of the United Kingdom, and especially in
Ireland, the various classes of your Majesty's subjects
connected with the cultivation of the soil are labouring
under severe distress, mainly applicable, in our opinion,
to recent legislative enactments, aggravated by the pres-
sure of local taxation." I own Ido not see that in these
words, except as regards Ireland, there is any material
difference from the words we propose in the Address. We
say—(" Read, read," from t..e Protectionists)—l will
not read the words again, but I have read the words as
regards the distresses which involve the agricultural in-
terest. We say we sympathise with her Majesty "iu
learning the distress which prevails among a portion of
her subjects." The amendment says there are classes,
especially in Ireland, suffering severe distress.—(Hear,
hear.) But certainly there is another question raised in
this amendment. It appeared to us, much as we re-
joiced in an opportunity e f advising her Majesty to de-
clare the opinions we entertained as regrrds the recent
commercial policy of the country, that this was nct a fit
time to propose that those expressions cf opinion should
fall from her Majesty.—(Hear, hear.) It has always ap-
peared to us, in conformity with recent custom, that, as
to matters of legislation with regard to which Parliament
may have to give an opinion in the course of the session,
it is better to reserve them on the first night, and rather
to give an opinion with respect to the actual state of the
country than to attribute that state to the cause of legis-
lation or to any acts of Government. But the amendment
does not take that course. It goes on to say, after
declaring this distress is mainly attributable to recent
legislative enactments, that this distress has been aggra-
vated by the pressure of local taxation.—(Hear.) Now,
I mast say that if I had thought it right to advise her
Majesty to give any opinion as regards recent legisla-
tion, I should have advised that in saying " it is a source
of sincere gratification to her Majesty to witness the
increased enjoyment of the necessaries and comforts of
life which cheapness and plenty have bestowed on the
great body of her people"—l should, I say, have been
disposed to add that this "greater enjoyment of the ne-
cessaries and comforts of lift" was in a great degree
owing to the recant legislation cf the Crown.—(Loud
cheering.) Nothing would have pleased me better than
to bring to a test at once this question, whether that le-
gislation was calculated for the benefit of the people or
not.—(Cheers.) I did not think it respectful to those
who entertained different opinions to do so. I was in
hopes they would have brought the matter to a test.
Some have declared they would—the Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Disraeli) seems to entertain a different opinion.
With regard to one subject, however, on which he di-
lated at considerable length, I rather think he must have
an apprehension which I should be glad entirely to re-
move. The honourable Gentleman speaks of the
heavy tax on the raw mater:al—meaning the land of the
country. I fear, he fancies that my Right lion. Friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer is about to propose an
increase in the land-tax.—(Laughter.) Now, it is not
for mo to inform the Hon. Gentleman or the House of
the nature of Cabinet secrets, but with respect to the
mysterious Cabinets to which the Hon. Gentleman
alluded, and which were generally held every autumn, I
can assure him, without taping him eery secret, there
did not issue out of those Cabinets any determination
to increase by ono penny the present land tex.—
(Cheers and laughter.) I suppose the Hon. Gentleman
was afraid we might have a lopted a ter t tin plan which
ha'! been much discussed out of doors, and has excited
great ait,ntion in the country, and which proposed a
great augmentation of the and-tax.—(Cheers and
laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman seems to apprehend
that my Bight Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had resoli el to get hold of the land for the
purpose of taxation—an error from which he might
easily be sevel, by considerations of the most obvious
kind. I here wish to address to the House a few brief
observations on the present condition of the land of
England The subject is one upon which [much could be
said, but I do notnow propose to go into it at any length,
yet I do not wish to sit down without saying a few
words as to its past state, its present state, and that
which is likely to be the future condition of the land of'
England. Ten years ago I could not—nor could any
man—be insensible to the fact that the population
this country had been greatly increasing, and was likely
still 'Lather to increase; that, also, that population
might, and was very likely at no distant time to to ex-
posed to the rivalry of foreign manufacturers; and that
the necessity of employing that population, and of sup-
plying it with food, was one of the highest and most
urgent which the Govcrnmseat of this country had to per-
form. If during any considerable portion of time it were
to be without the means of productive industry, the most
serious grounds of alarm could not fail to arise; and I.
therefore, entertained a strong disposition to effict a
compromise on the question of the corn-laws—a com-
promise by which protection might be somewhat reduced
without admitting too large a quantity of fo-
reign corn. Such a change I did believe
would not have borne too hard upon the
landed interest, because I had no intention that
the change should be effected at once, but on
th• contrary, that it should be gradually introduced.
That proposition, as we all very well remenater, did not
find favour with the landed interest, but it did meet
with favour from those who called for a total repeal of
the corn-laws, or who, up to that time at least, were
loud in making that demand. Those, I say, who were
for total abrogation would then have been content with
the proposition which I at that time regarded as a fit-
ting compromise on the question of the corn-laws; and
their that body which the lion. Gentleman opposite
considered to be so formidable—l mean the Anti-Corn-
law League—would at once have dissolved it:ea. If
our proposition had been agreed- to the League would
have proceeded no further. But at the end of the }ear
1845 the Government of the day held that they could
no longer maintain the corn-laws, and the repeal of
those laws took almost immediate effect. Foreign corn
lOW soon admitted, and no doubt a considerable sum was
added to the revenue, though addition to the revenue
was by no means the purpose with which the mea-
sure was introduced ; but some revenue was collected
which proved by no means onerous to the people, and
by the change thus effected the people were enabled to
get cheap food. But the policy which we are now called
upon to reconsider is one that has be ea tried only for a
single year. Now, under what circumstances are we
called upon to do this—what is the present state of the
country? If we look at the great interests of England
we shall find that they are in a satisfactory state. The
main body of the people are I think to be judged, to
some extent at least, by the state cf the pauper popu-
lation. I find, for example, that, amongst the able-
bodied poor, there wore 30,000 fewer paupers on the Ist
of January in the present year than on the Ist of Ja-
nuary, 1849. I find that the condition of the shipping
interest is equally improved. I find that our exports in
1849 were greater by 10,000,000 than they were in the
year 1848, and there can ba no sort of doubt that other
sources of wealth have, during the period to which I
refer, been advancing in a like proportion, and the ac-
counts regarding them are on the whole satisfactory.
If I look to the excise, by which much of the comfort
of the people is truly indicated, I find that the state of
the excise returns shows a very decided improvement in
the condition of the people. From all parts of the coun-
try we hear that the great body of the people enjoy the
advantages of cheapness and of plenty, and are now in a
much better condition than they hal been for some time
previously. Is this, then, the time at which we should
be called ou to retrace our steps?—(Hear.) I must say
that I have always considered that a great transition
like this could not, under any circumstances, have
been accomplishe I without some degree of suffering ;
a transition from restriction to complete freedom could
scarcely, under any state of flings, be brought about
without occasioning some degree of inconvenit rice, and
perhaps of injury, to the owners and occupiers of
land. That suffering certainly has reached them,
but not in so aggravated a form as we had beard stated
in this llouse.—(" Oh, oh.") I repeat that it came by
no means in a form so aggravated as the repreeentations
made in this House would lead any one to suppose.--
(Hear, hear.) I beg e f the Reuse to remember the state
4f prices during that uneasy and troubled period. In
the year 1815 wo heard the most grievous complaints.
thel sameththing
e d
at thehi farmer
rna
in the
m 31,e
heard them again in the year 1822; we were then
t
Ittagrive up his land; we were told
"Now, what are the facts? 11813eGhwairtvhesetqoufall8f.3111
the state e thingsn
l'°na(ititle
'prices of 1836 bear some analogy t.
in tire present year. Corn then fell to 365. the
quarter,
which was 4a. Sd. a bushel under the prices of this year.
But the Hon. Gentlemen repeats emphatically that
there
were no foreign importations within that period—
that
all the money then laid out in wheat was p
for English wheat. If that happened to be theal
Case of a defective baivest, wh" diffmAcc would

it have made to the farmer, provided always that
I e recch sel as much for his wheat under
a system tf unrestricted import as under one of high
protettion ? If the farmer gets 40s. fo- his wheat, of
what importance would it be is him whether his rival
in tlle market cone from the next parish or the ad-
joining county, or from a neighbourinq kingdom, or
from the c t'esr side of the. Atlantic. It would be no
matter to him with whom he competed, provided his
prices remained the same. I have heard the Hon. Gen-
tleman say that in the course of the last year we have
imported 12,000,000, quarters of all kinds of corn, and
4,000,000 of wheat ; that the whole has been consumed,
and that the stuck now is low.—(llear, hoer.) I cannot
sympathise with complaints founded upon such a state
of things. If the working man gots his 1 a' cheaper,
I cannot sympathise with those who complain of that ;
but I rejoice that the fact is so, and I rejoice iu the
prospect which it offers of further and increased im-
provement. Other considerations present themselves
to my mind into which I will not go at length,
but I wish shortly to :tete, that when any grset branch
of trade has been for a considerable time under
severe restrictions, and that those restrictions become
relaxed in any degree, that there immediately ensues
a great rush into that branch of trade or commerce,
that the capital, the tare t speculative and enterprising
tendency of tt e people of this country, are directed into
that chariu.l, that a great al.undancto of the article which
forms the staple of that hale is produced, and that the
trade therefore for a time becomes leis profitable. We
tound that to be the case when the South American
trade was opened—when the China market was opened
ti e time that the charter of the East India Company
espied. A similar ease is now occurring with respect
to the corn trade; and many of those who have thus en-
ga!sed in the corn trade ate likely, I fair, to become
losers and not gainers by their enterpriFe. As to all the
calculations of profit and loss that have been made.
which seem to lead to the conclusion that the prices f
corn will be permanently lower than they have been
during the last ten years, I have only to say that et the
beginning of tee change now in progress every charge
was cstimat oa the previous condition of the trade,
and with reference to the existing restrictions, but of
course when the foreign corn comes into the market the
consumer would obtain his corn at lower price, and thus
the calculations would of necessity be deranged; and
therefore I think that calculations founded on the average
of the last ten years cannot be implicitly relied upon,
still less can any calculation be relied on which limits
itself to the last six months.
Mr. CHRISTOPHER said, he made due allowance
for the difference of the two periods.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL resumed—Having thus
touched upon the present state of the question, I ask
the House—are we to take the first step towards a return
to the old system of protect: ere? We have been told that we
must re tarn to thesystemofprotection; that sooner or later
to that wo must come ; that taking taxes off the landed
interest will not do even if that species of relief were
carried :to the utmost [possible extent—effectual relief
cannot be afforded otherwise than by protection. The
question now is not whether we shall keep up restric-
tion, but whether we shall change fundamentally our
commercial policy. Shall we, by Act of Parliament,
enable the growers of corn to obtain prices in their
markets different from that which they would otherwise
have been able to receive? The question certainly is
ono of the utmost importance and delicacy. If my
Right Honourable Friend were to raise a re-
venue from manufactured silk imported into this
country no great body of persons would be affected
by the measure. But the supply of food fur the people
is a widely different matter, it affects the whole body
of the people—not merely the owners and occupiers of
land, but the entire population, and I cannot but wonder
at the attempts lea/tidy made at public meetings to limit
and confine the question within such narrow bounds as
some persons have attempted to set up. I observed at a
recent public meeting that Lord Downshire complained
that he had not teen able to obtain a majority at a re-
cent meeting that he Lad called in the county Down,
because, he said, 1 e-sons who had no stake in the coun-
try, and who had no business to be there, had intruded
themselves upon the meeting. Why, Sir, on this ques-
tion every man had, a right to be present and to give his
opinion upon it.—(Cheers.) There is not a man, a
woman, or a child, who has not an interest in it, and if
you put on a duty that you say will raise the price of
corn Is., or Is. 6d., or 2s. a bushel, every man would
count that Is., Is. 6d., or 2s. as something which he had
to pay for the support of his family in addition to that
which he would otherwise hate had to pay. Now, are
you ready to face that question ?—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial bench.) Are you ready to face the discon-
tent that such a proposal would occasion?—(Cheers
from the same quarter.) And here lit me observe that
you would be considered responsible, not only for
the effect which your law would produce in raising the
price cf corn, but also for any additional rise that might
be caused by the seasons in this country, or that acci-
dental circumstances in foreign countries might produce
in the present state ef things. At present the price of
carts may rise from 40s. to 455. per quarter, or from 455.
to 50c., and no man in the country had a right to com-
plain, nor would he complain.—(Cheers.) It would be
said, " Justice is done us; we have the price of corn as
cheap as it could be;" and if the price of bread became
dearer the people would have no right to accuse our
legislation; but if we should have a rise from 403. to
455. a quarter after we hal passed a new law to regu-
late the price of food, depend upon it the discontent
would be deep and universal.—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Gentleman accuses us of sneering at the lauded inte-
rest because they complain. Now, I acknowledge their
right to complain. Every Englishman thinks himself
entitled to complain. The landed interest have a per-
fect right to make complaints, and to utter them as
loudly as they please. Well, then, in this case I am consi-
dering you would have complaints loud and deep enough
to Parliament for having caused an additional price to be
placed upon the food of the people. Do not conceal that
from yourselvt s. You are ready to face, and no doubt
you are ready to overcome, any complaints against the
established institutions of the country; and any attack!,
itr example, upon the House of Lords, as an institution
not useful wad beneficial to the country. I believe you
would be able tli overcome such attacks; but is it not
wise not to put any occasion of discontent before the
people, and not to raise the price of food? Look at the
situation in which we have stood during the last two
years. Have our institutions been assailed?—have we
had anything beyond the lowest murmurs from the people
in general?—(Hear.) But had the general election found
this question of protection unsettled, and had put it be-
fore the country, who shall say what subjects would not
have become mixed up with that discontent, and what
institutions you might not have been called upon to de-
fend? Let me tell you it is far wiser not to put these in-
stitutions thus in question. Defend them, you will tell
mo, you can and will, and I shall be happy to be associ-
ated with you in their defence. But it is the course of pru-
dence to continue in the policy you have pursued, and not
to raise complaints by the people that, by favouring any
particular class and raising the price cf the necessaries
of life, you have caused a doubt to be raised of the
sympathy of the Legislature with the great body of the
people.—(Cheers.) If you Wee that course, I beg you,
and through you the occupiers of land in this coufitry,
to consider our present position. I do not know a
higher or a better position than that of a gentleman in
England. It is Mr. Gibbon, I think, who says that ho
thanks God that he was born an Englishman, and that
again he thanks God ho was born an English gentleman.
An English gentleman in the possession of an estate in this
country is looked up to by his tenants, to whom he is
able to do acts of beneficence and generosity—(llo,r,
hear) —having enough business to occupy his time and.
enough leisure for literature and for his amusements. It
he is called upon to take a seat in the Legislature he may
take a part in stirring debates and thus may influence
the fortunes of this country. Such a mail in such a
condition is most fortunate. I say you will do most
rashly if you risk it by the pretence of giving to a par-
ticular class an advantage by legislation which other
classes do not ask, and which, if they did ask, they would
not obtain—(Hear, hear.) If that be so, I ask the house
to be content with the present state of our legislation.
We have made a great change which has been accom-
panic 1 by distress among a portion of the people of the
United Kingdom. It there is anything that the Hem.
Gentleman opposite can suggest fur the relief of that dis-
tress with fairness to all other classee, let that be pro-
posed and considered—accepted if useful, rejected if not.
But do not attempt, now that the question of protection
has been decided by one Parliament—now that those
who have in that Parliament given their vote for the
destruction of protection have been again returned—do
net now attempt by a fresh vote to disturb that question,
and to make it doubted whether your deliberations have
that consistency, that firmness, and that regard to the
interests of all her Majesty's subjects which it is your
bounden duty to entertain.—(Cheers). DI me add,
likewise, that my Velief is that the course of policy begun
by the Legislature in 1842 by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Tamworth, and continued in sub-
segue et years, by his Administration and that succeeding
to it, is to open a great course of peace and prosperity
to this country and to the world.—(Loud cheers.) be-
lieve also that with respect to the Act passed last session
f the rep( al cf the navigation-laws, we have never
been sufficiently shown what benefits that Act may give
us.—(Cheers.) That the eations of the world should
be in haste to follow you in the course you then adopted
is what I never expected, and what I am happy to re-
cognise. But if you say now that you are about to go
back to your former system of restriction and protection
—if you proclaim that you are about to resume that
which you a short time ago discarded as an injurious
theory and an unjust practice, then you may expect no
such benefit and advantage from those foreign powers.
You may expect them to be confirmed in all their notions
of the benefit of restriction. By your decision to-night
you may, not only have a great influence upon the wel-
fare of the people and the fortune's of this great state,
but you will likewise decide whether your example will
be beneficial or injurious to mankind.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN—I do not rise to make a speech, but
to express my regret that the occasion has not been
afforded us of discussing the question which it was ex-
pected would have been raised to-night.—(Hear, hear.) I
came to this House fully convinced that before 48 hours
had elapsed an opportunity would be afforded us by
Honourable Gentlemen opposite of discussing in this
House the principles at issue between Free-traders and
Protectionists. What has passed in this country of late
has convince I mop the desirableness of having that dis-
cussion, fsr I admit tl at a large and influential body of
tenant-farmers. in the country are under the impression
that the question of protection and free trade has not
teen settled in this House. The agitation that has been
going on during the last three months has been suffi-
cient to show any one who has his eyes open, that
an intense feeling and belief exists on the s art of the
occupy ing tenants that this House is prepared to re-
consider the question of the corn-laws, and that an injury
has been done to a portion of the community that this
House will remody.—(Hear.) Now, it is said that this
is not a movement of laudovmers, but of the farmers;

that they recognise as their representatives and leaders
the gent:ornen I see opeosi.e, and they believe that a
large body of those gente neen nave come to this
House prepared to vindicate the principles they thiok
juA. Now, I will willingly admit that so far us the
Government have been concerned there has been no
die:petition. to filter epotf:this getestion.—(llear, hear)—
and that there has not been tile sliglstest hesitation on
their tart to meet it on its merits at the very opening
of the session.—(Cheers.) The reutiele has been
frequently made, and the lion. Member (Mr. Disraeli)
has himeel alluded to it in no kindly to rinse thet the lion.
Member for Wolverhampton, who used to bring forward
an annual motion for the repeal ef the corn lawn, la•.
been put forward on this occasion to move the Address,
and that the Government were prepared to oiler a dis-
tinct negative to the principles that the Protectionist
party advocated. Now, in the early part of the debate
the lion. Geetlernen opposite who addressed the House
have taken a fair and candid course. They have not
dealt in mystification, and they did not attempt to talk
of all things except that which was before us.—(A
laugh.) They said that protection was desirable for
the interests of this country, and they discussed this
question. But what has Wien from the Hon. Member
for Bucks? That Hon. Member has changed the
character of the debate, and has altered the issue of the
division, for he said that the aineedment be fore the
House was net a question of protection sad flee trade.
—(Hear, hear.) The lion. Member distinctly said that
he was not going to discuss whether protection is to be
or is not to be the principle ( f this House, and that no
Hon. Gentleman who voted t)..ight would commit
himself to that questior. New, teat was a very sorry
beginning after so loud a preparation.—(Cheers.) I do
not knew whether the farmers are aware of the position
they are placed in by these declarations. If we find a
body of gentlemen in this House who agree with their
leader, then we know what course they are going to take
But when I find that gentlemen who address us before
their leaders are prepared to take the course I have de-
scribed, and then that they are fAlowed by their leader
who distinctly repudiaoas everything that his followers
have said before him, the farmers must have greater
acuteness than any one possesses on this side of the
House if they can understand the position in which their
interests aro placed.--(Hear, hear.) Why, the rank and
file are going one way, the leaders another, and their
partisans out of doors will have to decide which to follow.
The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) speaks a good dual
about what has been said out of doors, but I thiak it
would be as well if ho would turn his attention to the
facts and arguments brought forward in this House. The
lion. Gentleman sometimes makes 'statements out of
doors as well as other people, and occasionally intro-
duces a little invective and personality, though he dis-
likes it so much in other people.---(Hear, hear.) I re-
member the Honourable Gentleman having a meeting at
Marlow—(A laugh)—and that he stated at that meet-
ing that it was not a becoming thing in Members of Par-
liament to meet out of doors and discuss public griev-
ances, the House of Commons being the proper arena,
especially for such controversies as that of protection.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, here I am, not in Buckingham-
shire, but on the floor of this House, ready and anxious
for a discussion with the Hon. Gentleman.—(Cheers and
laughter.) The lion. Gentleman, however, has t Ikon up
every conceivable topic except that of native inducry.—
(Laughter.) He has talked a great deal about those
who have the raw material of laud. Ido not knew how
often he has referred of late, but it must be at least fifty
times, to the raw material of land. At Marlow, or some
other place, he said the land was a raw material; but he
said sorni thing more; he said the raw material belonged
to the landowners, and that no Act of Parliament, no
power could make him lower his rent—that was a ques •
tion between him and his tenant. Now, the Hon. Gentle-
man takes this raw material as a thing that ought to be
specially indulged—that is, you must reduce the taxation
on the raw material of land. But how the abolition of
taxes on the raw material that belongs to the land-
owners can benefit the farmers is beyond my compre-
hension.—(Cheers.) My understanding of the case of
the farmer is, that he complains his capital is diminish-
ing—that is, that the stock he has in the raw material is
diminishing, and he wants us to raise the price of his
produce in order that he may save this fleeting capital.
But the Hon. Gentleman opposite, instead of proposing
a protective duty to raise the price of the farmei'e stock,
gives us a quarter of an hour's discussion upon a propo-
sition that will reduce the taxation on the landowner's
raw material.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I think
everybody will admit, whatever they may think of free
trade or protection, that it is desirable that this
question should be settled as soon as possible.—(Loud
cheering.) No honest man in the country, I say it
advisedly, can desire that that this que,tiou should be
kept over longer than can possibly be avoided. It
there be any party in this House, any individual in
this House, who wishes to make protection a stalking-
horse to power or notoriety, or . for temporary pre-
eminence—if it were possible any individual could have
any such motive, or hoped to get into office for a brief
period (for it could only be for a short time) by means
of this question of protection, by playing with it, by pre-
tending to advocate protection when in his secret soul he
never dreams of obtaining it in this House—l say, any
one who, for such purposes, would keep alive this ques-
tion, would be one of the greatest enemies the tenant-
farmer could possibly bave.—(Cheers.) And not only
so, but the greatest enemy of the country at large, be-
cause all have an interest, whether tenant-farmers or
matiufaotuters, in the successful pursuit of agriculture
in this country.—(Cheers.) Now, I have the fullest
confidence in every class of my fellow-countrymen, that
they cal accomplish anything that huuasu beings can
accomplish, if you only let them know what they have
to de.—(lleer, hear.) But if von tell men, while
they are suffering from want o? exertion and new
arrangements, to wait with their arms folded till some
other power intervenes to do that for them which
they can do for themselves, you will render the finest
ruco in the world powerless.— (Cheers.) Ido not um-
derst,nd the tactics ► f gentlemen opposite, nor how the
Protectionist landowners should pursue the course they
are now ding. Why, they are running about b.c
farmers, disgusting them with their lan4.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Do they think it possible they can carry on
such tactics with success)—(Hear.) Were there ever
dealers iu any raw material before that acted so foolishly?
—(Cheers and laughter.) There is an unsavoury simile
which I must not give in this House, but which they
may go to Billingsgate for, that will exactly suit their
case.—(Laughter.) They seem quite unconscious of the
consequences to themselves. This question of free
trade or protection must terminate some time; and
when it is decided do not Honourable Gentlemen see
that the very arguments they are now putting
forth to disparage the land will bo turned against
themselves at their audit tables with compound
interest?—(Cheers.) Has there been no sensible man
among them—not one clear-headed sensible being, to
tell these unfortunate misguided landowners that they
are doing their bezt to ruin themselves and their chil-
dren after them—(Laughter)—not only so, but that they
are doing all they can to vilify those who prognosticate
that some good may yet be done by them?—(Hear,
hear.) Does a worthy gentleman step out from the or-
dinaryahigsenptrloemfeassnione,arlriykiengMorn. Hbuuxsitnaebslse —in
walksos
(Laughter)--and suggest some things that may be done
f
bytbem
;or does
Loadenhall-street propose to them how to bring in a
barren heath, he is instantly vilified by Hon. Gentlemen
opposite.— (Hear, bear.) It may he he cannot show by
his accounts or his debtor and creditor account that he
makes money by his
experiments.
But what inventor
ever made his first experiments profitable? Why, the
manufacturers had made their fortute: from the costly
experiments of inventors. I really cannot understand
on
what
rational principles Honourable Gentlemen are
acting. I think that there is good reason for the com-
plaint that the Marquis of Granby should be allowed
to go at large and run about the country—(Great
laughter)—telling
the farmers that they cannot carry on
their business if they paid no rent at all.—(Laughter.)
should very touch like to bear some of the converse•
ions that will take place at Belvoir Castle next audi'

day .—(Laughter.) What I want to know, however, is,
when are we to have this question discussed? The Hon.
Member (Mr. Disraeli) has told us this question is not
to be discussed now. Last session the lion. Gentleman
attracted my notice from the way he evaded the ques-
tion of protection, the systematic, careful, cautious way
in which he evaded it, and tried to turn the attention of
the House to the taxation of the raw material.—
(Cheers.) Now. I think it comes with a peculiarly bad
grace from the Hon. Gentleman that he should act in
such a way as this, for he has been so constantly the
censor of others, whom he accused of having led a party,
while secretly convinced that that party sought objects
they could not accomplish. If the Hon. Gentleman
means to accomplish protection, it must ha on the merits
of the question, not by sarcasm and vituperation and
invective—not by the more fireworks of rhetoric, but
by substantial facts and arguments.—(Great cheering.)
He has been fairly challenged by the speech of the
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Villiers), and no question was
ever more ripe for discussion in this House. I hope,
therefore, ho will lose no time, but give notice to-
morrow, if possible, of the time when he will discuss
the whole question, not in Buckinghamshire, but in
this House.—(Cheers.) I must say I admired greatly
the speech of the Noble Lord, who took a large and
comprehensive view of this subject, but I think the
Noble Lord was in error when he said an Bs. duty in
1841 would have stayed the question of entire free trade.
At all events, whatever might have taken place in
1841 in 1846 a calamity occurred that must for ever
haveswept away all duties whatever.—(Great cheers.)
I have only to repeat in conclusion my request, in the
name of the farmers of England—(Loud cheers)—and
for the sake of the community at large—(!Tear)--that
the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, as ho values
the interest of the farmers and as he values his own
reputation, will lose no time in bringing for ward the
question of agricultural protection in this House.—
(Loud cheers, and cries of " Question.")
Mr. 11. DRUNIMOND said, as the Hon. Gentleman
had avowed that be would watch, and call upon the far-
mers to watch, the conduct of those who had been a, i•
dressing them at their public meeting., to see whether
they would avow in that House the sentiments they had
expressed out ( f doors, he begged to give the Hon. Gen-
tleman notice that he was fully prepared to justify every
word he had uttered elsewhere, and was prepared to go
into the question whenever the lion. Gentleman pleased.
Though he felt that Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the
House did not require his cegis to be thrown over them,
still le would take upon himself to justify their conduct
as well as his own on this question. In order that the
Hon. Member far the West Riding might d'stinctly un-
derstand the ground on which he put the question, it was
this—that be (Mr. Drummond) cared not, comparatively,
for the welfare of the landlord; that he cared not, com-
paratively, for the welfare of the tenant; but he accused
the Hon. Gentleman of sacrificing the English labourer
for tho sake of— (The cries of " Question" and " Divide"
drowned the closing words of the sentence.) That was
his point. The Hon. Gentleman could not therefore
now mistake what WM the quesawl at issue.—(Cries of
"Diviclo.")

Colonel THOMPSON rose, amidst loud calls for a
division. The Hon. Gentleman persev,-, A, amidst a
Babel of sounds all around him, in ..adressing the
House. He slid it was not at his opri...a whether he
addressed the House or not; but he shouli Jo it as brit fly
as the temper of the House appealed to counsel. He
represented a constituency whose interest; were directly
destroyed by the principles advocated on the opposite
aide; and the speakers f that side nay? furnished him
with his text. The Protectionist apt akt.,rs had made
loud demands for justim.. He would ask ?that would be
thought of his side, it ihe people of Bracf;rd had stated
that they had mills end nianufaet vies which only wanted
one thing to make them go on, and il,at was a duty on
home-grown corn? (Beee the discord rose to a tremen-
dous pitch, in the midst of which the Her. aid Gallant
Member persevered in insisting on bc.ing heard, speak-
ing at the top a his voice, and evidently enjoying the
scene rather than otherwise. In a lull of the corm we
caught a eulogy on the character of the Right Hun.
Baronet the Member for T iinworth, wlich was evidently
intended to try whi r tie Protectionists would give
voice to an opposite opinioc,and it was remarkable that they
remived it without any mat ktd att•nipt at interruption.)
Tho Honourable and G .11ant Member pros. eled to say
ho would take the ass:stance a a piece v f history, given
bye clerical wit now dec,a3ed.—(Loud noises from tie
Protectionist benches.) lle would assure the House it was
a better joke than had bet n uttered by the best of the
Proteet'otiist or,t Ciat nigl.t —(Laughter and cheers.)
A bishop was pressed by a stt of hungry followers fir
f and he cried, " Throw out to them the dinners of
t' e an and Chapter."—(Laulchter.) Now, the Pro-
.e._•tionist claim was to throw out the din: ers of the
people of Bradford—(Cheers)—and he did not see why
that should be agreed to without the stoutest possible
opposition. He would now go to the consequences
which the Protectionists had entailed on themselves by
this effort to return to protection. They had laid open
the sore place.—(Prodigious uproar) Manchewer with
fourteen thousand constituents sent two Members, and
the Tower Hamlets with fifteen thousand, while places
under the influence of the agriculturists sent two
Members with three hundred. The Protectionists had
reiterated their assurances that they would never give over
till they got back. Their chances of getting back were
therefore dependent on their preserving an advantage of
fifty to one in the representation.—(Tremendous out-
cries.) He wondered where the Hon. Member for Not-
tingham was eclipsing himself ; for if he could see him
he would arik him whether this was not the opportunity
to cry to those dogs of war he was reputed to have under
his control, "Up guards 1 and at em."—(An inde-
scribable torrent of cheers and cries with a view to
drown.) All this would be carefully explained in those
calmer assemblies which were the first workshops of all po-
litical combinations. He had always been opposed to that
burning of the regiruentd books which had taken place
in one powerful association, on the accidental success which
the enlightened and conscientious conduct of the Member
for Tamworth had given them; and he hoped they
would now see tho necessity of throwing all their force
into the new line he had pointed out, of demanding the
cessation of the fifty-fold majority of the agriculturists
in the representation. He thanked those who had sup-
ported him in gaining the hearing he had had, and
there were places at Bradford, and larger still else-
where, where any di fats in the explanation of his views
could be amply supplied.
The House then divided, when there append—
For the amendment ... 192
For the original motion ... ... 311

Majority in favour of the Address -119
AUSTRALIAN COLONIES BILL.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL poAponol the introduction
of this Bill from Monday until Friday.
The House adjourned at Two o'clock.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, Feb. 1.
:sittings et Nisi Prius before Mr. Justice ERLE and a

Middlesex Common Jury.)

BREACH OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE--RALFIIIDE V.