The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-18 00:00:00

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continued to
say thiit the Preservative. Society, acting like a kind of
House of Lords, would, when brought into operation, be
most advantageous in removing all false impressions and
alarms from the minds of the landed proprietors of the
country. The third subject which he had to bring forward,
was that of the impeachment of the Ministry. With respect
to the Judges, he thought the better course would be
to have an address to the Crown front both Houses of
Parliament for their removal, as was the case in the
removal of Sir Jonah Barrington. That would be the
most constitutional principle, as it would require an iii-
quiry before Parliament in the first instance. He had
himself seen two instances in which danger to property
was anticipated, but in which no danger had followed.
When the Catholic Emancipation was first discussed, he
heard in the House of Commons—where he ought not
to have been—more than one gentleman declare that
the property of Protestants would be endangered, and
its influence shaken to its centre—that claims would be
made upon the forfeited property, and that many of the
Roman Catholics had preserved the title deeds to those
lands, if the Emancipation Act were carried. That Act
was carried. The Irish people had carried it, and that
at a time, too, when the supporters of the cause could
not have collected in a fortnight as many gentlemen as
were now reporting around the table. What was the
consequence ? Had property, he asked, been injured ?
' Had the forfeited lands been claimed ? Had Protestant
influence been lessened ?—(Cheers.) No ; none of these
things happened, and no apprehension had ever been so
futile (except that of the speedy carrying of the repeal
of the union), as the fear that such things could occur.
—(Cheers.) In opposing the Reform Bill, it was said
that, if successful, it woud shake the old institutions of
the country, be the author of many evils, break up the
common law right of representation, and violate those
rights which made property secure. It was said, in
fact, "if you pass this Bill, you deprive, every man of
the value of his property by depriving him of the exer-
cise of its rights." The result showed the fallacy of
those fears. As in 1782 the restoration of Iroland to
her rights had, instead of diminishing the value of pro-
perty, just produced the contrary effect ; and it was a
notorious fact, that in no country in the world had pro-
perty so much increased in value as in Ireland subse-
quent to 1782.—(Cheers.) Now, it was important that
those who thought that the value or stability of property
would be injured by repeal, should become acqtfain,ed with
it and told them emphatically that the repeal would not
injure either one or the other—(Cheers)—but that by it
' the Irish people would have the benefit of Irish taxation,
and he did not think that man worth conciliating who
did not think that worth striving for.—(Cheers.) He
would now come to the address to the people of England,
and the impeachment of the Attorney-General.—(Loud
cheers.) There was no need for him to enter into the
details of the trial ; but he wanted to Lase --thin . They
had heard much of English sympathy.—(Hear, hear.)
He was loaded with letters telling him he was wrong in
fixing on the English people the faults of their governors,
and that he should not have used such harsh language
towards them. Now, he must remind the English people,
with all respect, that they had borne with the greatest
patience with the Times when it lavished the foulest
abuse upon their Irish brethren, and called their priest-
hood " surpliced ruffians—hooded incendiaries—monkish
assassins," and themselves a" felonious multitude."--(Loud
cheering.) Now, if he called them Saxons, was it not a
very mitigated term, comared with the language he had
quoted from the Times, at the period when writing the
Whigs out and the Tories in, which it mainly succeeded
in by exciting a spirit of anti-Irishism and a No-Popery
cry in England.—(Cheers.) Saxon was no term of re-
proach. It was an honoured name, and the purest por-
tion of liberty was derived from Saxon laws and institu-
tions—the Parliamentary system, trial by jury—(Cheers)
—and the shrievalty.—(Cheers.) But even if it were a •
disgraceful name, was not " felonious multitude" rather
worse ?—(Loud cheers.) Was not " hooded assassins"
as bad as " Saxon ?" Was not " monkish tyrants" and
" surpliced ruffians" quite as strong as Saxon ?—(Loud
cheers.) But I'll tell Englishmen what I'll do, said the
Hon. Gentleman—l'll make a bargain with them. Let
them forgive me " Saxon," and I'll forgive the cempli-
ments of the Times.—(Cheers and laughter.) I will re-
mind you how I was received in England during the dis-
cussion of the writ of error. I was received most kindly,
and cheered in my exertions. Mr. O'Connell proceeded
to eulogise the Covent-garden Theatre dinner, and the
warmth of his reception at various times in England.
He was, he continued, now arrived at the time when he
should test the English.—(Cheers.) There should be no
more discussion, one way or another, as to what their
feelings towards Ireland were.—(Cheers.) On this
question they would either join Ireland or not, and, one
way or another, the public mind would be tested.—
(Loud cheers.) He told England, from that place, that
if she joined them they would do her ample justice, and
would sound her praise in shouts whose echoes
should reach themselves again. They would tray
that she might be great and powerful—that she might
obtain every advantage in peace and victory in war.
—(Cheers.) He promised them in return the lion heart
and stout hand of Ireland. He promised them her
glowing intellect and the congregation of her virtues—
her temperance, her morality, her chastity.—(Loud
cheers.) He promised them the whole of these, if they
joined Ireland in obtaining the victory over ii,justiee.—
(Cheers.) Ile had a right to expect it. Supposing that
the Member for the East Riding of Yorkshire and the
Member fer Bath,-Mr. Wilson of the Corn-law League,
and the proprietors of the Morning Chronicle, Advertiser,
end .Globe, as well as the Secretary to the League, were
indicted together, hurled into a dock together, not al-
lowed to appear by attorney, but treated like so many
sheep-stealers, and were tried by a jury of their political
opponents—Mr. Wilson, for instance, by a jury of
tenants of the Marquis of' Buckingham, selected by the
Marquis himself—that they were sent to gaol for three
months without a shadow of law to warrant it, as seven
of his friends were—for where, he asked, was the
authority to do it ?—what right was there to do it ?
(Great cheering)—what a cry would have been raised
from one end of England to the other : the very stones
in her streets would have raised their voices.—(Tre-
mendous applause.) The English had a quick way of
remedying injustice. Had such a thing occurred there,
the people would have raised one universal cry, and in-
stead of asking for inquiry, would demand where was
St. James's or Buckingham Palace ?—(Cheers.) Eng-
land would have vindicated justice, and, turning out her
myriads, she would have driven her tyrants from their
seats, however lofty.—(Loud cheers.) Now, was the
Member for Yorkshire in any way a snore free-born
subject than his son John ? As for himself, lie was
born in slavery ; but his son was born free : or was he
not as much entitled to protection as the Member for
Bath ?—(Great cheering.) If not, what became of the
union.—(Renewed applause.) Let the people of England
give up the humbugging idea of.deluding Ireland, and
either join her heart and hand, or allow her to consider
them as her bitterest enemy.—(Loud cheering.) Her
bitterest enemy, he said, because England good be-
tween them and her oppressors, and would not re-
main neutral. England, however, must now take a
part with them or against them.—(Loud cheers.)
He offered her ,the allegiance of the Irish people, which
would make Louis Philippe tremble on his throne, and
would wipe away the disgrace of Mogadore. But he
had his price. He was to be bribed, and his bribe was
justice.—(Cheers.) In return for that he would make
England the greatest of nations.—(Cheers.) He was
amused with a passage of the judgment of the House of
Lords, wherein they commanded that he and his fellows
" should be restored to all that they had lost."—(Cheers
and laughter.) There was the solemn judgment of the
House of Lords fur them.—(Laughter.) How could
they give him back three months of his life ?—(Cheers
and laughter.) An inch was a good deal in a man's
nose,_ and three months was something at his time of life.
—(Cheers and laughter.) They might stop the clock,
but not the flood of time. What could they do ? They
could punish the authors of the wrong, whom he would
be ready to forgive when they acknowledged their •
offences. Having alluded to the peaceable state of the
country, and ridiculed the idea of a Coercion Bill, and of
his abstaining from agitation, as recommended in The
Sun, Mr. O'Connell proceeded to argue that he had been
convicted of fi NAM crimes by the jury, where only five
were charged against him. A gentleman had asked lima
the day the verdict was returned if it was really true,
and on hearing that it was so, he asked him (Mr. O'Con-
nell), have the jury convicted you of the murder of the
Italian boy ? No, said he (Mr. O'Connell), because
they were not asked.—(Roars of laughter.) Having re-
ferred to other circumstances of the State trials, and in-
veighed against Judge Burton and the other judges, the
Learned Gentleman concluded a lengthened speech by a
vivid picture of the triumph of the Irish people eehen
their Parliament should be restored to them, amidst the
loudest applause.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN moved a vote of thanks td
Counsellors Mackey and Burke for their gratuitous ser-
vices at the late registering. sessions for the city of
Dublin. Through the exertions of these gentlemen to
large majority had been obtained on the registry, and,
this fact ought to prove to the citizens of Dublin that,
they had it in their power to rescue the city.
from their opponents. The Hon. Gentlemanhtho
peendwthenatt.
into the subject of the registry generally, and
through the exertions of the Association, the country, at
the next general election, would bo enabled to return
from 80 to 100 Members representing repeal principles.
Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion, and observed
that the gentlemen mentioned were deserving the grati-
tude of the Association for the example of disinterest-
edness which they had afforded.
A vote of thanks, moved by Mr. S. O'BRIEN, and se-
conded by Mr. O'CONNELL, was then passed to Mr.
Crean, the assistant secretary of the Association, for the
efficient manner in which he had discharged the duties
of his office during the incarceration of Mr. Ray.
Mr. Daniel O'Connell and Mr. Ray bore testimony to
the efficiency of Mr. Crean.
Passed with acclamation.
Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he would, on the
next day of meeting, move that a second copy of the in-
struetions to repeal wardens be forwarded to each repeal
warden in Ireland, for the purpose of furnishing the
constabulary in his neighbourhood.
After some further business had been disposed of, Mr.
O'Connell announced the rent for the week to be 715/.
The meeting then adjourned.
Mr. O'Connell does not leave Dublin until tllis day
fortnight.
PROVINCIAL ADDRESSES to MR. O'CONNELL.
DUBLIN, SEPT. 16.—Several additional meetings have
been held, and more have been convened, to address Mr.
O'Connell upon his liberation and triumph.
as•areo.—On Friday there was a special meeting of the
corporation of Sligo, in the Town-hall, at which the
Mayor, Michael Gallaher, Esq., presided. On the mo-
tion of Alderman Sherlock, seconded by Martin Madden,
Dq., ex-mayor, an address to Mr. O'Connell was unani-
mously adopted.
CLONMEL.—A very numerous meeting of the inha-
bitants of this important commercial town was held yes-
terday, the mayor presiding, when an address to Mr.
O'Connell was adopted.