The Sun.
London, England, 1850-04-19 00:00:00

LONDON,

Mr. MATTHEW CLAREE thought the Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Sullivan) had been fully justified in bringing this
subject before the proprietors, tecanse it involved the
great question of adoption on the part of the native
princes of India, according to their religious usages. He
thought it was exceedingly important that they should
review their proceedings with respect to the past, as a
security for the future; and that they should be exceed-
ingly circumspect not to interfere with the right of adop-
tion—a course which would certainly put down the moral
influence of their cause in lndia.—(Hear.)
Mr. SULLIVAN replied—ln the face of this Court I
venture to ask whether a single fact I have stated in the
course of my long address has been answered, or whether
a single argument of mine has been controverted.—
(Hear, hear.) The object of my first resolution was
to deny that you could exercise any right or privileges
over the sovereign states of India which do not belong
to you under the general law of nations or by treaty.
My next resolution declares that the native
princes of India have independent right cf succession
regulated by local usages, and that I have proved by
stating to you a series of instances of adoption spread-
ing over a period of twenty years. My third
proposition is, that those who are not sovereigns should
have their rigbts determined by the terms of the grants
from their superiors. My next proposition has refer•
once to the subject of disputes hstween yourselves and
your allies.—(Hear.) 1 propose that those disputes
should be determined by some competent and impartial
tribunal.—(Hear.) I bare lot en asked what I con'ider
an impartial tribunal; but you know yourselves what I
mean.—(Hear.) You know that wo are not the impar-
tial parties to decide disputes, and to prove this I need
only recall to your recollection what you did in the Set-
ters case.—(Hear.) But, says the Chairman, can you
have a better authority to refer to, or a more impartial
tribunal than that which is composed of members of the
council. Why, that very council recommended
the confiscation of Sattara. Now if the vase
of Sattara has been introduced by implication
it is not my fault, since the object of my proposition is
not to re-open the Sattara_ controversy, but to prevent
their being a dozen Sattara cases.—(Cheers.) Here are
two volumes of your treaties made with the native
powers of India—there are some 400 or 500 treaties in
all by this Company; and when you find the Governor-
General proclaims to the public that it is his intention
to deal with every treaty precisely as he has done with
the Sattara treaty, I think it is time to lay down the
principle that lineal descendants do not necessarily mean
hears male.—(Hear, hear.) And yet that is precisely
what has been hinted at. But I can tell you that, if an
opinion of that sort were to be pronounced from the
chair, your teritories would not be worth twenty years'
purchase.—(Hear, hear.) New, my resolution has
exposed the declaration of the Governor- Ge: eral.
Then he says this much—that he means to deal with all
the powers with whom you have an alliance in the man-
ner I have mentioned, and I want you to determine
whether you will sanction it or not.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
the proposition I have made to you is of a practical
character. Admit its principle and you will not
have the least difficulty in the world.—(Hear, hear.)
You have the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
and why not refer disputes to them?—(Hear, hear.) If

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you have a dispute wiiti the Raja of Budwar, or any Other
of your subjects, he brings you before the Committee of the
Privy Council, and the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council, therefore, is a fit and proper tribunal to which to
refer these treaties. You have no right to take them up
one by one and say the meaning is so and so, and that is
my interpretation.—(Hear, hear.) Now that is precisely
what you have done in the Sattara case; but I tell you
distinctly that the object of my resolutions is not to
open up the Sattara question but to prevent the occur-
rence of a hundred dozen of Sattara cases.—(Cheers.)
That is my distinct object, though in the Sattara case
there cannot he the slightest doubt as to the meaning of
the treaty; and in proof of its necessity need I state
any other fact than that, when it was proposed to refer
for the meaning of the treaty with Sattara to him who
made it—Mr. Elphinstone—that reasonable proposition
was denied, and that you turned a deaf ear to all Mr.
Frere's importunities that you would not disinherit all
the heirs, or who claim to be such, to the prieipality
without giving them a hearing? If, therefore, I hold up
my hand singly in this Court I shall vote forthe reso-
lutions being put, in order that they may be entered on
your records.—(Cheers.)
The resolutions were then put and negatived seriatim,
the Chairman moving the previous question in each
instance.

The Court then adjourned at three o'clock.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
• GRAND EXTRA NIGHT,
Combining the talents of Madame Sontag, Mdlle. Catherine Hayes,
and Mdlie. Parodi ; Signori Coletti, ITelletti, Lablache, Calzolari, and
Sims Reeve.; Mdlles. Carlotta Grisi, Mario Taglioni, and Amelia

Ferraris,
The second appearance of Signor Baucardi.
The Nobility, Subscribers, and the Public are respectftilly informed
that a Grand Extra Night will take place on THURSDAY, April
25, when will be presented Mozart's Operr,

FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 19, 1850.

ultimately the palatial residences of Alexan-
dria and Philadelphia. It is romantic, moreover,
to have opened a new line of commerce in a quarter
of the globe hitherto only remarkable for the extent
of its piratical devastations ; but, above all, it is, to be
sure, in the highest degree romantic to have disclosed
a channel whereby her Britannic MAJESTY'S steam
navy can be supplied, from Labuan, with coals, at
17s. 6d. per ton, in lieu of with coals at 335. 6d.
per ton from Singapore ! Matter of-fact as we are,
such romance as this will always be welcomed in
England, even by our unpoetic and money. making
generation.

As to the objection advanced against the colonizing
enterprize of his Excellency the Raja of SARAWAK,
to the effect that the locality selected at Labuan is
of a most unhealthy character—it should be borne in
recollection that the evil inveighed against has been
long since obviated, the marsh in the vicinity of the
new settlement having been carefully drained. In
consequence of this it has come to pass that not a single
case of fever has been heard of among the colonists
during the whole course of the last twelve
months, and this, be it observed, notwithstanding the
pernicious influence of a tropical climate upon the
constitutions of Europeans. Of a great warrior it
has been said very beautifully and emphatically—
" If he was guilty of audacity in
,risking the lives of
his men, he was not sparing :of his own !" And the
same might be said of Sir JAMES BROOKE, in re-
ference to his Bornean enterprises. His own con-
stitution, notwithstanding its natural vigour,
was seriously shaken, if it has not been ac-
tually undermined by a fever caught by him some
time back in consequence of the marsh already par-
ticularised. But partially restored to convalesence
by the aid of his physician, and by the beneficial
effects of his recent visit to his native country, Sir
JAMES BROOKE has again, by participating personally
in the late expedition against the pirates, dissipated
all the promiies of returning health ; insomuch that
he is peremptorily recommended to proceed forthwith
for change of air to Penang, and, in the event of that
removal proving ineffectual as a restorative, is
earnestly advised to hasten back at once to England.
That the members of her MAJESTY'S Government
should have pushed forward yesterday for the vindi-
cation of a great citizen and public benefactor like
Sir JAMES BROOKS, is surely not surprising, when,
from the facts already. mentioned, it must be obvious
that his Excellency could not possibly have shown
himself more thoroughly disinterested. It was but
just, consequently, that the charges made by the Earl
of ELLENBOROUGH against one of his conspicuous
integrity should have been disproved by Bari GREY
with so much warmth and earnestness. Such was
due to the reputation of Sir JAMES BRoolut for
valour, patriotism, and singlemindedness.

It is impossible to peruse the report of the proceed-
ings in the House of Commons last night on the
Marriages Bill without expressing the deepest con-
demnation of the unfair and factious opposition offered
to the further progress of that just and salutary
measure, and also regretting that a power so liable to
abuse and perversion should be placed in the hands of
a minority. Under the present system any two or three
Members banded together for the purpose, and indiffe-
rent to the censure and reproach of the community in
general, are enabled to obstruct and suspend the business
of the country, and to overrule the opinions of a large
and overwhelming majority of, their brother repre-
sentatives. They may, if they think proper, even
" die on the floor of the House" before any proposi-
tion can be discussed on its merits, or passed through
any one of its various stages. They may speak any
number of times on the same subject, or introduce
the most irrelevant questions, totally apart from the
matter under consideration ; they may, in fact, dis-
arrange the entire order of business appointed for the
day, but there is no remedy for the out-
raged and indignant majority. After repeated
divisions, in which the " tyrant minority" become
" small by degrees and beautifully less," the majo-
rity are compelled to yield to the reckless antagonism
exhibited by the obstructives. This glaring grievance,
this absurd anomaly, has naturally attracted the at-
tention of the Speaker, who suggested, " in order to
prevent the vexatious repetition of questions of ad-
journment and frequent divisions, that no such ques-
tion shall be repeated within one hour after the House
has decided against adjournment, and that no di-
vision upon the question shall be allowed, unless
twenty-one Members, by standing up in their places,
shall declare themselves with the Ayes." It is in-
deed very desirable that these suggestions, emanating
from a gentleman of such great practical experience,
sound judgment, and deserved influence, should be
speedily adopted. Until some such regulation be
carried, there is always the possibility of the power
being resorted to for the purpose of evading the salu-
tary rules for the dispatch of business, and of ob-
structing the progress of all useful legislation.
Long since we warned the Right Hon. Gentleman
the Member for Bute that the opponents of the Bill
would adopt every means, per fas aut nefas, to defeat
the wishes of the majority. The Fabian policy is
that by which alone they can hope to succeed, and
that will be unscrupulously resorted to on any and
every occasion. The proceedings last night afforded
the strongest evidence of the accuracy of our forebod-
ings. A large number of gentlemen attended

in their places during the entire evening, in
order to assist in carrying a measure which justice
and expediency alike demanded. Mr. STUART
WORTLEY had himself " remained in the
House for many unbroken hours, although
suffering under cevere indisposition, in order to ad-
vance the progress of the Bill." He had listened to

the protracted debate on the question of "doing
away with the trial by jury," and enabling a couple
of the " great unpaid" to direct the infliction of
corporal punishment at their mere will and pleasure
on the rising generation who were on the verge of
manhood. At length, when his exemplary patience
was about to be rewarded, when the time had arrived
for going into Committee on his Bill, the
Right Honourable Gentleman the ex-
Attorney-General expresses " a hope " that
the Bill would not be forced on at so late an hour

half-past eleven), and on Mr. WORTLEY refusing to
comply with this extraordinary request, moved " that
the debate be adjourned." This proposition was
negatived, on a division, by a decisive majority of
63, no less than 152 gentlemen having voted in favour
of immediate progress. A new amendment was,
however, moved by another Honourable Member
for the adjournment of the House, which was
in like manner rejected by a still larger majority
of 95. Undeterred, however, by this unequivocal
expression of opinion, a similar proposition was
again made, without a moment's delay, when another
division took place, and a majority of 85 over-
ruled the vexatious suggestion, the diminished
number being ascribable to the departure of many
Hon. Gentlemen, who left the House in disgust.
Again was the adjournment called for, and at length
Mr. WORTLEY, although supported by nearly three-
fourths of the House, was compelled to yield, and
the debate vs as adjourned until the 16th of May, or,
in other words, for no less than four weeks.
This is neither just or reasonable. It is indeed a re-
proach to the British nation that such tactics should be
permitted to gain even a temporary triumph. Bigotry
and intolerance have thus prevailed, for the time
being, and those who desire to prevent the civil and
religious liberty of their fellow-subjects, to fetter ar.d
restrain them in the most sacred relationof life, are
elated at the result, forgetful of the disgraceful mode
by which it was aehieved. Why, we ask, should there
have been any new adjournment? The principles of
the measure had been canvassed and discussed usque
ad nauseam. Its very details have been fully
and attentively considered, and every reasonable sug-
gestion offered by its opponents had been acceded to.
It was only prevented from becoming the law of the
land last year by the prorogation of Parliament. An
immense body of evidence had previously been taken
before the Commissioners appointed in June, 1847, in
pursuance of a vote of the House of Commons—
evidence that must have convinced any impartial
and unprejudiced mind of the propriety and necessity
of the measure. It was, therefore, no new question,
on which further time was required, in order to pre-
vent Hon. Gentlemen from being taken by surprise,
or being obliged to come to a hasty and premature
conclusion. There were ample data before Parlia-
ment on which to ground its decision ; and yet it was
on such a topic that the minority chose to avail them-
selves of the formidable power with which they are
invested by what are termed " the privileges of the ,