The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-09 00:00:00

WEEKLY

AN TI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE

MEETING

AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE.

The weekly meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League was
held at Covent- Garden Theatre yesterday evening. The chair
was taken at seven o'clock by George Wilson, Esq., at which
time the theatre was no less crowded than on former occasions.
The following is a list of some of the principal persons on the
platform •—George Wilson, Esq., Chairmain ; Hon. Charles
Pelham Villiers, M.P. ; Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. ;
Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; Sir William Baynes,
Baronet ; George Moffatt, Esq. ; Richard Moffatt, Esq. ; John I
;
Potter, Esq., Manchester ; Richard Baxter, Esq. F. Ricardo, I
Esq. ;.11. L. T eedale, Esq. ; R. R. R. Moore, Esq. ; F. H.
Toone, Esq. ; John Egan, Esq. ; R. W. Cole, Esq. ; J. T.
Norris, Esq. ; John Williams, Esq. ; P. Wells, Esq. ; M. B.
Sampson, Esq. ; S. Lees, Esq., Manchester ; J. E. Parry,
Esq., North Devon ; J. B. Smith, Esq., Manchester ; E. W.
Squarey, Esq, Salisbury ; A. T. Squarey, Esq., Salisbury ;
Crosby, Esq., Liverpool; Bridges Harvey, Esq. ; J. Bro.
therten, Esq. ; Cowden Clark, Esq. ; General Sir De Lacy
Evans, K.C. B. ; W. A. Wilkinson, Esq. ; Samuel Lucas,
Esq. ; Ralph Ricardo, Esq. ; William Leaf, Esq. ; J. P.
Bernard, Esq. ; Foster, Esq ; John Lyons, Esq. ;
J. Ivimey, Esq. ; Richard Napier, Esq. ; J. Coppock, Esq. ;
Dr. Cooke Taylor; Francis Place, Esq. ; D. Dewar, Esq. ;
P. A. Taylor, Esq. ; Keeling, Esq. ; Thomas Hodgkin,
Esq ; J. D. Cummings, Esq. ; A. Pattison, Esq. ; P. H.
Le Breton, Esq. ; Arthur Adams, Esq. ; John INPLeod, Esq. ;
J ,eeah Fletcher, Esq. ; M. Andrews, Esq. ; George
Vs'ansey, Esq ; Hemmant, Esq.; Alexander Morris,
Es:q. • George Moore, Esq. ; Thomas Harbottle, Esq.,
Manchester ; Charles Lattimore, Esq., Wheathampton,
Herts ; J. B. Scott, Esq., Manchester.
The minutes of the last meeeting having been read by the
Secretary, on the motion of Mr. Leaf, seconded by Mr. S.
Lees, of Manchester, they were confirmed.
The CHAIRMAN then said—Ladies end Gentlemen, another
week had rolled away, opening up and developing events
which although, perhaps, not of a striking character, would
have no unimportant influence upon this question at some fu-
ture day.—( Hear, hear.) Parliament had been opened—her
Majesty's speech had been read, and he did not know whether
or not any one there present had expected that it would con-
tain an announcement that the corn-laws were to be abolished ;
but if any did he had certainly been doomed to great disap-
pointment. The Premier had stated, in his place, that it was
not his intention to make any •alteration in the corn-law ; and
a Ministerial journal said that the announcement was received
with loud cheers from a great majority of the House of Com-
mons. Now, that such should be the fact, and yet that fact
not by ;any means overwhelm them with astonishment, could
surprise no one who had paid the slightest attention to the sub-
ject.—( Hear.) They never expected that Sir Robert Peel, as
a great statesman, was going to put forth his hand
to heal the wound which monopoly had inflicted, and was in-
flicting, on the industry of this country. They never con-
ceived that, situated as he was, placed in power by the very
parties who now told him they would remove him from power
the moment he abused the confidence they had reposed in him, j
pledged to maintain their interests intact, watched on every
hand, all his speeches conned by rote to be cast into his teeth I
should any change take place; they never supposed that, under I
such circumstances, Sir Robert Peel would come forward and j
abolish the corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He had consented to
serve his party, a party which a single word from him could
shatter into a thouaand fragments in a moment. He had con.
sented to become the instrument of a party which distrusted
him.—( Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) A party which placed
no reliance on his word, as they might gather from the minis-
terial journals and the speeches made at the protection
meetings. It would not be long, he trusted, before ,
another party would rise up in this country, which
would be able to put an end to all the mono-
polising factions which had ruled over it for so many ages.
—( Cheers.) Monopoly was a hard task-master ; it spared
neither young nor old, neither rich nor poor. It would not
spare Sir Robert Peel if he consented to serve it, and became
its willing instrument, any more than it would spare those who
were its unwilling. instruments. It had no respect fur talents,
however high aed commanding ; it exacted from all, rich and
poor, high and low, ail that they could contribute to s.v ell its
enormous gains, and it made no restitution on account of the
poor and the defenceless, according to the principles of mercy.
I'he monopolists, the rent-leaguers, had, no doubt, been well
satisfied by the declarations in Parliament, and yet they had
had their field days in the country since those declarations were
made.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The tenant-farmer's
farces had been acted over again during the present week.
They had seen how suddenly the tenant-farmers had become
conversant with literature, how anxious they were to engage
in correspondence with their brethren, who were tenant-
farmers in all parts of the kingdom, and, at the same time, they
had seen that the tenant-farmers had no complaints to make at
these meetings. They had heard of special hardens on land,
but there appeared to be no burdens under which the farmers
were labouring, neither rent, nor tithes, nor tenure, nor any
other burden which might have been supposed to affect the
tenant-farmer. The only expressions which were heard at
these meetings were denunciations against the Anti-Corn-law
League.—(Hear.) Why the whole thing was extremely well
managed, well dressed up for stage effect; but it would scarcely
pass muster for all that.—( Hear, hear.) The hand was the
hand of Esau, whatever hand might be presented fur examina-
tion. Strip any one of these meetings of all deceptive appear-
ances; take from the speakers the landlords, the parsons, the
land stewards, the bailiffs, and all those who were interested in
maintaining the present law ; and what would be the roll of
the tenant farmers, who took part in thin movement ?—( Hear,
hear.) They had had, from all the parts of the country, letters
giving them information as to these meetings. Niue out of
ten were scarcely worth notice on account of the smallness of
numbers. He had a letter in his pocket respect-
' ing a meeting, in Lincolnshire, where it was said j
in a morning paper, one hundred tenant-farmers were pre-
sent. The writer of this letter said he counted the parties in
the room. There were forty-nine persons. There were two
clergymen—(Laughter)—there were four lawyers—( Great
cheering)—there were six publicans—(Roars of laughter)—
there were four butchers, there was a banker, there were two
reporters and the writer, all, of course, tenant-farmers.—(Con-
meeterli
edastn.ghi)sne receivedthh e
Town-
hall, laughter.) The speakers were gentlemen who had
taken an interest in a meeting held on the previous day, in a
distant part of the county. The chairman was the gentleman
who, on the previous day moved the first resolution at the
other meeting ; and the gentleman who moved the first resolu-
tion at this meeting took the chair the day before.—(Loud
laughter.) There was a complete change of persons ; and
some one in the room, more indiscreet than the rest, ob-
served that " it was better that this arrangement should take
place, in order that it might appear as though it were another
meeting."—( Laughter.) That was a sample of the meetings
of which they saw such glowing descriptions in the newspapers.
—( Hear, hear.) The landlords and squires were not satisfied
with their majority in the House of Commons, or their still
greater majority in the House of Peers ; but they were ob-
liged now, in acknowledgment of the power of the League,
to prepare against the next general election.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) They knew they were growing weaker day by
day ; that, array their forces as they might, all they could
muster were canvassers, candidates, the old electioneering Com-
mittees, and the political parties who were most interested in
the results of an election. They knew well enough that,
when the question was stripped of a political character, in the
counties, as in the boroughs, the landlords were in a mi-
nority,—(Cheers.) Since they last met, there had been an
election for the borough of Devizes. Under ordinary circum-
stances it would have been held to be one of the most absurd
things in the world to contest that borough with the mono-
polists ; but Mr. Temple, a leading member of the legal
profession, and Queen's Counsel, declared that if there were
but twenty good men and true in Devizes, he would meet
them on the day of nomination, explain his opinions
in reference to free trade, and abide the result.
—(Cheers.) Mr. Temple stood, and, as was expected, lost
the election. But good seed had been sown. The monopolists
boroughs where they were more likely to be successful.—
( Hear, hear.) They would contest all boroughs.—(lmmense
contest s n
those the
in might
,mhtel
eahhh,
aec,si
ei
the
:get:
eeek,hde dr, latßmi
case
principlesei
weegrAhotameai frertr)inre.
a Birmingham,
TgeoThut:ncorheramhoutfhnamtniptitaty,:u.lmbleieliiameetif,jeworillita:tgtor,attorsaluhsbleef,‘ulitlilcivy,icrieh,.caeb_ave,icnsezoetatr(nhififaic_oute:ecuylthst.npaetideveeddroyi
jsuioa.ilD)tdecseoscvnneiti
contest
ehtxcesaesktti,ynptwhk
eanetekw,
which places the advocates of free trade, after borough,anhdatnext
wason
lobayretici;oi n
onceea c each
re-
jected,
Sinceai
Council t
at
taken
for
rf
deputation
subscriptionsn(u al eat uiwodhn
place in some of the smaller towns in Lancashire and York-
the League Fund. A meeting had also beemaenfdhreioeebi
the Anti-Corn-law League. The meeting was open to all ; it
:g
taken
ak e n audience,
up
v antirisv
proper
r independentr
was held in the middle of the day, and 4,000 people attended;
Mr. Cobden, Colonel Thompson, and Mr. Moore, addressed
theds
01.
o e. Ee
position, oBl6t d:voac was collected
towards the great League fund.—(Cheers.) Birmingham had
n
leffortsin e d tu e
wi n
otherertehe
townsbreoiongm
which, allied together, composed the National Anti-Corn-law
Le
made in support of the League. They would not deceive
themselves, they would neither over estimate their own
strength, nor underrate the strength of those who were banded
together by interest against them; but they knew that the
time was gradually approaching when the commerce of this
country would be unfettered, and the labour of the people re-
ceive its just reward.—( Loud cheers.)
The Hon. C. P. \TILLIE/I.s, M.P., then rose to address

the meeting. He said that when he saw the pro-
gress of the it cause, he felt with the Chairman
that there was little cause for dismay, at the new
and would-be threatening attitude which their opponents had
recently assumed. H their cause were based on truth and jus-
tice, he anticipated no disadvantage from the general discus-
.

sion of the subject which they Were inviting, and if it were
true that those who were doomed by Heaven to tall were
doomed to become foolish first, he did think that in this recent
movement their opponents had some intimation of their fate.—
( Hear.) They were making themselves known to the coun-
try ; they were telling the people who they were, and what
they were, for whom such great sacrifices had been, and were
yet being, made, in their trade, their industry, their
wealth, and their greatness.—(Hear, hear.) They seemed to
forget how much their power was rooted in the imaginations
of men, and how much they profited by a confusion in men's
minds between what was great and what was good—what was
rich and what was respectable. There were many who thought
that men of high station and descent would be above sacri-
ficing the interests of the community at large for their own pri-
vate purposes; but how could these people remain longer un-
der t hat delusion, when these men declared, in fact, that they
would serve their own interest at the expense of every other,
and that they would, under all circumstances, adhere to a law
p:.ssed to the injury of the community at large.—( Hear, hear. )
They had now entered the lists with those whose proceedings
they' had pretended to condemn, and he ventured to predict
that they had not the qualities which were essential for the
struggle.—( Cheers.) They were strong in rank ; strong, it
seemed, in language ; and unless monopoly had foiled them,
they would be strong also in pecuniary means ; but, strongest
of all must they be, in their imagination, if they fancied that
by mere bluster, by the use of no better weapon than vulgar
diction, they could dissipate a power which had been brought
to light by necessity and a sense of wrong, and which received
its support from that indomitable love of justice which
had ever pervaded, as he trusted it ever would per-
vade this nation.—( Loud cheers.) He believed their
opponents would first disagree and then disappear. —( Laughter. )
lt was a most diverting scene, he heard, to see these great men
in their waggons and at their windows, teaching their tenants,
what it seemed they had yet to learn, how much good they had
done them, how much they had been protected by Parliament,
how prosperous they were, and, above all, what a vast advan-
tage would accrue to them from suppressing men who ventured
to dispute these things. They had, in fact, found that the
whole machinery for maintaining monopoly was giving way, and
that part of it which they distrusted most seemed to b the chief
screw of the Prime Minister. A Noble Lord told a meet-
ing in Hertfordshire that the farmers should now show their
teeth, and the labourers of Essex were told to speak out. How
the farmers " showing their teeth" would raise the price of
corn, or whether " speaking out " was precisely the use of the
mouth which the labourers in their present condition would
most wish to make, he would not pretend to say.—(Laughter.)
At a public meeting lately held in the county of Dorset, a gen-
• tleman had undertaken to describe the purposes of the Anti-
; Corn-law League. He said—" These persons," alluding to
those who attend these meetings, " are reviving a society
, which arose under Mr. Pitt ; it was originated by the bloody

Jacobins of France, and these fellows who attend the League
meetings are great grandchildren of these bloody fellows.
They waet to destroy the landlord in order to pick the
pocket of the tenant, and then send the labourer
to the devil."—( Roars of laughter.) The mildest word
applied to them was blasphemy. But there were some of
them who w anted to put down all discussion on the subject.—
( Hear, hear.) Twenty-eight petitions had been presented to
the House of Commons to stop these mischievous discussions.
This remanded him of a benighted village, in which, whenever
there was a storm at night, the clergyman used to be called
up to read a chapter out of the Bible.—(Laughter.) They
had no intention of being put down ; they had no idea of sur-
rendering one jot of the:r principle.—( Great cheering.) Their
business was simply to increase, by every means in
their power, their efforts to forward the cause.
The recent movement had thrown new light upon the
subject, mai had shown what were the real grounds upon which
their enistiiies proceeded. The Morning Post was the faithful
organ of their views ; as such it had received many votes of
thanks at their meetings.—( Hear, hear.) On the day before
Parliamcn• met, that journal said, " The business of farmers
is to resist, to the utmost of their power, the hypothesis that
any supply from abroad is necessary." It further said that
the business of landlords was to take care of their own interests,
and that the agriculturists of England had a right to the mono-
poly of supelying England with food ; and that the sliding-
seal, sea, corded en that hypothesis. This, at least, was in-
telligible long uage. —( Hear, hear.) The same journal ridi-
culed improvements in agriculture, on the ground that their
effect ea, to increase the quantity and lower the price of
corn, as well as on the ground of their expense.
He had lie• ly heard of a new plan on the part of the monopo-
lists Leine started for the maintenance of monopoly. That plan
was to ether than a system of exclusive dealing. It was only
two days ago that this plan was suggested in the organ of the
Govt rumen', the Morning Herald. If any tradesmen yen-
tored tc condemn the present system of monopoly, all support
was to be drawn from him in his business. Let the tradesmen
be on hunt st titan—let him have a large family to bring up—
yet, if he dared to express his opinion in favour of free trade,
he Wat to be marked as a person undeserving of support in his
business. How could these monopolists have the face after this to
talk of tie morality of the people or of their spiritual destitu-
tion ? This last attempt of the monopolists was most odious
tyrant.v. —( Cheers. ) The free trade party might, if they chose,
adept th, same course, but he would never recommend any man,
who we's a friend to the cause, to pursue such an odious system.
Every o ;in had a right to his opinion.—(Cheers.) He
trusted that this odious and detestable attempt at tyranny on
the part of the monopolists would only encourage the free
traders to fresh exertions.—(Cheers.) The monopolists,
amongst other foolish arguments, had made use of one which
had caused some sensation amongst parties who were inclined
to be free traders. They said that if the corn-laws were re-
pealed, we never could meet the demands of the public cre-
ditor. He ventured to say, that out of all the fallacies which
had been started by the monopolists, there had been none
more worthless or groundless than this one. Did net they
hear repeatedly in the House of Lords, that they could not think
of taxing the bread of the people for revenue?—(Hear
and a laugh?) Why, how was revenue raised, but upon what
the people consumed ? And if bread were cheap, as a matter
of course they would have more money to lay out in those
articles which were taxed for the purposes of revenue. Mr.
Huskiss n, in the very last speech which he made in the House
of Commons said—and his words had been prophetic—that if
the corn-laws were maintained, the only means of maintaining
public fails would be by an income-tax. How true bad his
anticipa ions proved. To illustrate the position he had taken,
he would refer to the revenue received during three years of
scarcity and three years of cheapness. The years 1835, 1836,
and 18,17, were cheap years, and the years 1838, 1839, and
1840, were year of scarcity. In the cheap years, the ave-
rage price of corn was 475. the quarter, and during the years
of scarcity it was 675., being a difference of 40 per cent. It
must be borne in mind that during the last three years, the
population of the kingdom increased one million, and it would
be reasonable to expect that in that account considerably ex-
ciseable articles would have been consumed. The amount of
revenue cull eted during the cheap years was 159,800,000/.,
and the amount during the dear years, when the population
had increav d one million, was only 159,200,000/.—(Hear,
hear.) Now in what was it that this falling off was
most perceptible? Why it was in the Customs and
Excise Departments. During the cheap years the
revenue from the Customs was 117.000.009/., while, during
the dear year, the amount received from tne Customs and Ex-
cise was, not withstanding the increase in the population, only
116,000,000/.—( Hear, hear.) During the cheap year the
revenue received upon spirits, tea, and sugar, was 51,000,000/.,
while during the three dear years, notwithstanding the increase
in the population, it was only 47,000,000/. Now, if the same
amount had continued to have been received there would have
been received annually 2,300,000/. Now what was the deficit
which Sir R. Peel wished to make up by his income-tax? It
was 2,3.14,000/., being only a difference 44,0001.—(Cheers.)
He mentioned this fact to show that the present income-
tax was merely imposed to keep up the present
corn-laws. He did rot knew whether this was a
great or a small fart—(Cheers)—but it seemed to
him to be a very important one. He recollected the present
Minister, when he was bringing in his tariff, in which he
proposed to reduce the duty on cattle, being warned of the
results of his so doing by one of his own supporters—a county
Member. This county Member read a letter, in which the
writer told him what a trade there would be between the
United States and England if the duty on cattle were reduced.
He showed that pros Lion would be abundant and cheap in this
country if this reduction took place. He (Mr. Villiers) re-
membered entering the House at the time, and he was asto-
nished to Lear this good information given by a county Mem-
ber, he being a Monopoli.t ; and he was not a little surprised
at hearing him say that all these benefits would certainly befal
the country if the reduction in the duty on cattle were to take
place.—( Laughter.) Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
himself, only last year, said that he was free to confess that,
whenever there was a good harvest, and prices of provisions were
law that the receipts from the Excise were sure to increase.
Mr. Gladstone had said that he had no doubt that if the trade
in food were opened with other countries that the supply would
be paid fur by the manufactures of this country, and that it
would consequently give a great increase to the employment of
the people.--( Hear, hear.) Why, Sir Robert Peel himself
had said that lie had no d rubt that if they lowered the price of
provisions sufficiently, the people would hardly feel the income-
tax at al. How could they say, then, that the repeal of the
corn laws would render the country unable to keep faith with
the public creditor. The people had never shown any disposi-
tion to cheat the public creditor.—( Loud cheers.) The
Duke of Richmond had a.serted at a public meeting that the
advocates of free trade only wished to defraud the
public creditor. He (Mr. Villiers) was there to say
that there was not the slightest foundation for that
calumny.—(Cheers.) lie said the public creditor never
would be in any danger, except from the class to which the
Duke of Richmond be ouged —( Loud cheers.) Such a
charge came with a peculiarly bad grace from the Duke of
Richmond, inasmuch as he was a Member of the Govern-
ment that proposed that there should be a duty imposed on
transfer of stock.—(Hear, hear, and cries of " Give it him.")
He wished there was more to be said in their favour.—
( Hear, hear.) One Noble Lord at Hertford had stated that
if the corn-laws were repealed, it would tend to diminish the
enjoyments and luxuries of persons of his class. Nobedy
grudged them their luxuries, only let them get them in a'
proper manner. Why should the corn-laws be maintained for
their exclusive benefit. Just as well might the doctor or the
lawyer claim to have a law passed to perpetuate disease
and litiga.non.—(Cheers.) Ile would only wish those who
were not convinced of toe soundness of the principles of free
trade, to consider the arguments of those who were the oppo-
nents of those principles. The motto of the free traders was
"no surrender."—(Cheers. ) And he believed that their
efforts woull succeed for their cause was not like of their op-
ponents powerless, spiritless, and selfish.—(Loud Cheers.)
Mr. Cosoeia next rose to address the meeting, and was re-
ceived with a burst of cheering which lasted for some minutes.
He said, that since he last had the pleasure of meeting them
there, he had had the honour of addressing many large assem-
blies of their fellow-countrymen ; but he assured them that
he looked upon that meeting with surprise and gratification
on account of the enthusiasm even at present prevailing in the
metropolis. He felt very much disposed to give something
like an ABC of the question over again. He had been told
that on that evening they were favoured with the attendance
of many visitors who were neither very well informed nor of
course convinced on the subject. He would therefore first
give the young pupils a lesson in the elementary principles of
free trade, arid endeavour to send them away good missionaries.
Now what was free trade? Not the pulling down of all the
custom-houses; but by free trade they meant the abolition of
all protective duties. They did not propose to do away with
indirect taxation, and to obtain revenue by means of direct
taxation. There were a class of men who had taken
possession of the Custom-house, and had installed
their clerks therein to collect the Customs for their particular
benefit, and the free traders intended to remove them out of
the Custom-house. He would remind his young friends, the
students, that monopolies existing now were analagous to the
monopolies which existed under the Tudors and the Stuarts,
when the Sovereign granted monopolies to the creatures of the
Court for the exclusive sale of sugar, leather, salt, and other
articles. One by one, those monopolies were abolished, until
a law was passed by which it was enacted that no Sovereign
should have the power of granting monopolies of any sort. There
was no difference, however, in the present monopoly which
existed. It eas just as much a monopoly as though Queen
Victoria had granted it to any particular person. The mono-
poly in the sale of sugar was still as great, for our sugar came
from a mere spec of the world, as compared with the South
American continent, the East Indies, China, and the Indian
Archipelago. He believed that many of his auditors that night
were of the agricultural interest. They would probably be
curious to koow why the free-traders called themselses the
Anti-Corn-law League. The reason was, they advocated the
abolition of the corn monopoly, believing it to be the foster-
parent of all other monopolies.—(Cheers.) If they
destroyed that, the rest would follow.—(Hear, hear. )
when Sir 11. Peel proposed the alteration in the tariff, he
(Mr. Cob,len) looked to see if the article of corn was there,
hut he email not find it, and on his a.king why it was not
there, Sir It. Peel said that corn was different to everything
else in the tariff. They were told by the Earls and the Dukes
that the core-laws regulated wages. Now, he would ask the
working people present if, when they were making a bargain
for employment, any reference was ever made as to the price of
corn ?—( Cries of " No, no.") Why the hackney-coach and
the waterteen's fares were all regulated by Act of Parliament,
and yet he dare say, that when those fares were made no re-
gard was p :id to the price of corn.—( Hear, hear.) He had
heard something of women stitch, stitch, stitching for three
halfpence a shirt.—( Hear.) He wished to know if the price
of corn regulated their wages.—(Cheers.) When Sir R. Peel
brought in his corn-law two years ago, he (Mr. Cobden)
moved an amendment to the effect that before passing a Corn
Bill they ought to consider how far it was practicable to raise
in proportioe the wages of the labourer. Sir R. Peel, in an-
swer to that amendment, said it was quite impossible that they
could fix the rate of wages in this country—it could only be
settled by competition with the world's market. He (Mr. C.)
went to a division ; and Sir R. Peel and his friends went out

at one door, %% hile about twenty or thirty went with him (Mr.
Cobden) out of the other, and yet those parties who rejected
that motion, in a few minutes afterwards came back and com-

menced pssoirig a law by which they regulated the price of
corn. Why, how they would stare, if a majority of cotton
spinners were in the House of Commons to find that they bad
proposes to ix the price of printed cottons, only, if they were to
do so, th.y would be hooted from the metropolis. In
the iroli trade large fortunes had been lost.
Some Scars ago iron was 151. 10s. per ton. Now, it was
only Si. 10s., yet no one in the House of Commons proposed
measu-es to protect persons engaged in this trade. To show
the fallacy of wages being regulated by the price of corn, he
(Mr. Cobden) was paying more wages to inexperienced la-
bourers than the best agricultural labourer got in Dorsetshire.
—(Cheer'.) If they had a repeal of the corn-laws, that must
increase the demand for labour, both in this country and
abroad, and therefore it must benefit the labouring population.
Why, if it did nothing else, it would relieve the country of
the burden of two millions of paupers, who would then obtain
work. So far from throwing land out of cultivation, he ap-
pealed to the opinions of the Earl of Ducie, confessedly at the
head of the arable farmers of the country, and the Earl Spencer,
who was at the head of the grazing farmers of the country,
and they stated it as their belief that the repeal of the corn-
laws would call all the poor land into cultivation. It had been
said that if the corn-laws were repealed, the foreigners would
send over their corn, but they would _take nothing in re-
turn. Why this, if it said anything, said that the
fo-
reigners were ready to give in their produce for nothing.
Why take new the case of a tailor and a provision merchant
at home. A middling person lives between them, and he sees

-- 4 Al
the tailor eery week carying home butter and cheese fro
provision merchant's, and he goes to him and says, "You. j,i:si ',)'
importing liirgely from the provision merchant, and mt. re%lt 1 s":0V. I:at.
send no clothes in return. The tailor replies that at all tivitA447--. ;'-'t K.2:ei1.,/'
he was all right.—( Laughter.) Upon this the roiddliok ' .--•-N( '''; -''s
1
dividuals would go to the provision merchant, and say " V ,;, - ::: --- , i %.. 1'
41\
are sending largely to that tailor, but you get no cloth' t, ''' J.r. ''•..-";ii.
return." And the provision merchant would answer, "". 0,..'5;.' -- . :1"7":'
but I get money." The middling reciprocity mar, would tartir: ;Irk" 7"— •
another crotchet into his head and go hack to the tailor and
say, " Why this is a pretty drain of bullion—you pay in gold
to the provision man, how are you to get that? that cannot
last you know ?" So then the tailor replies, " Why, I get the
money from the grot er and the baker, and you know my children
cannot live on gold." And so the reciprocity man leaves the house.
He wanted the farmers to understand what the motives and
objects of the Anti-Corn-law League were. He did not choose
to allow the landlords to hack their old arguments. There was
not one new argument adduced—no new "young England'
stood up with the cuckoo cry of protection; in fact, the term
of " protection" put him in mind of that beautiful tale of the
Vicar of Wakefield, where Mr. Jenkinson talks of the cos-
mogony of the world, and, on the strength of that word, takes
in poor Moses, and eventually Dr. Primrose himself.—( Cheers
and laughter.) He did not—neither, he was sure, did
the meeting—like to deal in vituperation ; but still
they all liked to abstract amusement from sources
such as this, and their intention was to publish—be did not
know whether he could call it " elegant extracts"—divers por-
tions of the monopolist speeches as specimens of morals, man-
ners, and humanity ; and he thought that there was one gen-
tleman who had given such a specimen of his oratorical and
descriptive powers in speaking of the League, that his phy-
siognomy should be placed as the frontispiece of the work.—
( Loud laughter.) '1 his individual had called the League Jaco-
bins, Jonathan Wylds, and Jack Sheppards ; and that the
Anti-Corn-law League were composed of a mass of ragga-
muffins. Those were the words of Sir Charles Knightley.
Another gentlemen—a Noble Lord, too—had asked what
this agitation meant. He (Mr. Cobden) did not believe before
that there was so much titled ignorance or coroneted vul-
garity as was mani.ested in this " nobleman's " speech, when
he asked this question. He certainly did not expect to see
much of what might be called iogent argument come from
such a source, but still he thought that he might expect de-
cency of manner at all events.—( Hear, hear.) The League
had been accused of violence ; the League was small at first,
and then there was some excuse for their violence, because all
bodies which were powerless were generally addicted to the use
of hard words, and such was the reason for which they could
excuse the epithets now applied to them by their opponents.—
k Cheers.) In this state of the agitation they had such high
prospects that he should not wonder if the League were com-
pelled not to admit any individual except the/ belonged to the
upper classes.—( Cheers, and laughter.) I" or they had—let
the meeting be aware—mar quisses and eat ls joining the League.
—( Cheers.) But their opponents proposed to counteract the
efforts of the League, by the dissemination of pro-corn-lase
tracts, and having lecturers to hold forth in favour of mono:..
poly. How he should like to attend the first meeting !
( Laughter. ) Let his (Mr. Cobden's) audience fancy a
lecture upon starvation, and then fancy how very beautiful
must be the exordium upon such a subject. The meetings
which had been held had been styled the meetings
of tenant-farmers, but they were nothing more
than assemblages of persons, who could be called nothing
else than auctioneers and valuators of land, and to whom all
changes and rise of rents would be a benefit. Such a class of
men as this were scarcely known in Scotland now. The Anti-
Corn-law party had abstained carefully from interfering with
the meetings, because they thought it unjust for any one to
interfere with the meetings of others, but still this feeling on
their part did not reach their opponents. He was now labour-
ing under a limirseness contracted from this cause. In the town
of Birmingham there were large yellow placards from Mr. F.
O'Connor, calling upon the men of Birmingham to come for-
ward and oppose these " Mill Tyrants." He (Mr. Cobden) was
glad of the challenge, in order that he might have an opportu-
nity of testing the good sense of the men of Birmingham. At
that large meeting four-fifths were working men, yet a body
of fifty in the centre of the meeting, acting upon the signal
of a notorious individual, who sat in the organ
loft, and acted as fugleman, disturbed the whole meeting. He
appealed to the ladies in the gallery, and asked the men present
if they would allow such venal tyranny as that to be exercised
over them there ; and in less than five minutes after his ap;ieal
some few of the most disorderly were removed, and the rest
showed themselves (in the usual manner) quite as great cow-
ards as they were bullies before, and were as quiet as mice in a
church.—(Laughter.) He knew that men could be found
quite ready to degrade the sacred name of liberty. Their
organs of the press—even the Morning Post—(a laugh)—were
trying to put down the Anti-Corn-law League; but let any
man come to the Theatre, and see the order, the decorum, and

the enthusiasm which pervaded the vast multitude he surveyed,
and then see what the materiel was upon which the League
rested.—(Cheers. ) If a meeting wore called to take the sense
of a particular town, county, or borough, he thought it was the
duty of every man to attend and state what his ideas were of
the means most likely to conduce to the general welfare. He
invited the monopolists to.come and meet him as his object was to
make converts by reasoning. On the 2-/th of this month, he
in-
tended proceeding to Gloucester, where, and with all sincerity,
he invited the monopolists to come and meet him, and then
and there discuss the point at issue. The monopolists at-
tempted to say that the acts of the Anti• Corn-law League
were alone countenanced by the rabble of the towns ; bet was
it not fifty of the rabble of Birmingham who tried to break
up the meetir, then ? All that was wanting was for the
working and industrial classes to enter into the matter heart
and soul, and then monopoly would be broken up . If the
people of London were to speak trumpet-tongued upon the sub-
ject, there was no Minister of the Crown who dared to maintain
office, if he supported the system of monopoly by which the
people of this country were crushed to the earth. Mr. Baring
had designated all those who voted against him as rabble, and
he (Mr. Cobden) was very glad to say that he should be one
of this rabble, for he should be registered very shortly in his
right as an elector of the City of London.—(Cheers.) The
moment that the public voice became strong and unanimous
that moment must monopoly fall to the ground.—(Cheers.)
General EVANS next rose, and apologised for speaking after
the eloquent gentlemen who had just addressed the meeting.
When two parties are opposed to each other, that party which
most continually shuts and changes its policy and tactics is most
sure to be in error. At first, the Anti-Corn-law League were
treated with derision, but now its opponents recommended to
the agriculturists that they should, in order to compete with
foreign countries, study all the various branches of agricultural
chemistry ; and the First Lord of the Treasury had offered
the services of one of his bulls to improve the breed of cattle.—
( Laughter. ) The Anti-Corn-law League had gone into the
agricultural districts, and now they heard of farmers' dinners
and the like, at which were Dukes and Earls, to counteract the
reasonings of the League amongst the tenant-farmers. He
should not much longer trespass upon the attention of the meet-
ing, for they had heard from Mr. Cobden the A B C of this
great question. With respect to the cry which had
been raised by their opponents, that it was necessary this
country should be independent of foreign countries,
he would ask was it right that any one country should be in-
dependent of another? He denied most distinctly that thow
laws which by taxation prevented this country from trading
with foreign countries afforded the slightest benefit or protection
to the tenant or occupying farmer. If the agriculturists
claimed the right of protective duties, why were not all other
trades in the community entitled to a similar right ? Another
cant phrase was very general the—" wooden walls of Eng-
land," but all dispassionate and thinking men must see that the
source of this glory and bulwark of England lies in the com-
mercial navy of the country. Even if free trade were to be
considered simply as a matter of mere revenue they would find
that the abolition of all restrictive duties had the effect of in-
creasing the income. When the duty on coffee was reduced to one-
half the consumption was increased in three or four fold. The same
was the case with respect to wool. Again, although the French
Government increased the duties on English manufactures,
yet when the English Government reduced the export duties
the amount of duties increased from 600,000/. to nearly three
millions, or nearly five fold. In conclusion, he should say that
he hoped the great mass of the people would still adhere to the
firm determination which they had already manifested, and.
the result would be ultimate reform of those laws which pressed
so heavily upon the industry and energies of the people.
After the Chairman had announced that the next night of
meeting was fixed for Thursday, the 15th inst., the assembly
separated.

[ADVERTISEMENT. 1
SUPPLEMENTS GRATIS
WITH TIIE " DISPATCH."
Every Week during the
GREAT NATIONAL TRIAL AT DUBLIN,
A succession of

SUPPLEMENTS GRATIS WILL BE PUBLISHED

WITH THE DISPATCH.

The First on SUNDAY, February 4, con- /
16
taining Mr. Shell's Speech, a gem of oratory... S
The Second (of the full size of the WEEKLY
DISPATCH) on SUNDAY, February 11, con-
taining the Speeches of Mr. Whiteside, Mr.
O'COnnell, and other Leading Counsel who 48
may address the Court in the course of the
Week, for which the services of several Short-
hand Writers of Eminence have been engaged.
The dimensions of the succeeding Supplements will be re-
gulated by the importance of the matter; but the last Sup-
plement will be also of the full size of the DISPATCH, and
form the early portion of the trial, and embrace the proceed-
ings from the commencement to that stage at which the first
begins, so that every subscriber to the WEEKLY DIS-
PATCH will be in possession of a complete and faithful re-
cord of this great national trial—a trial which must become
a matter of history, and ever be regarded as en event of un-
usual importance.
A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH of MR. O'CONNELL
will precede the account of the Trial, which will be written
by a Gentleman intimately acquainted with the " great
Agitator," and consequently one who has treasured up many
reminiscences that will render the Biography a paper 41
general and absorbing interest.
The SUPPLEMENTS, forming a great number of columns,
will be printed uniformly with the DISPATCH, and contaiu
a quantity of information equal to at least au Octavo 'Volume
of 1,000 pages.
Orders received by every Bookseller and News Agent in
the United Kingdom, and at the DISPATCH Office, 139,
Fleet-street.

PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET.
LESSEE, Mr. J. M. MAI)DOX.
THIS EVENING, FEBRUARY 9,
Will be repeated an English version of DON PASQUALE.
Principal Characters by Madame Eugenia Garcia, Mr. Allen, Mr.
burdini, and Paul Bedford.
After which, the Petite Drama, called THE GREEK SLAVE.
Zaida (the Greek S are), Madame Eugenie Prosper.
fo conclude with the New Musical Burlesque spectacle, entitled
THE MAGIC MIRROR. Sing-Song, Mrs. H. P. tirattan; Poo.
Poo, Mr. Paul Bedford ; Sloe-Leal, Miss R. Isaacs.

A.ITLEI's ROY AL AMPHITHEATRE OF ARTS.
Under the Management of Mr. Batty, Proprietor.
Triumphant Success of the Equestrian Novelties and Pantomime.
THIS EVENING, FEBRUARY 9,
Will be performed the Grand National Spectacle of THE BATTLE
OF WATERLOO. Napoleon Buonaparte, Mr. Gomersal, his ori-
ginal character
New Scenes in the Circle, and Unequalled Feats of Horsemanship.
To conclude with the Pantomime of HARLEQUIN TAM
O'SHANTER.

DAVIDGE'S ROYAL SURREY THENI RF
Enormous hit of Stella Rittersdorf"—more crowded than ever—
Increased attraction of the best Pantomime in London, overflow.
ing with fun.
THIS EVENING, FEBRUARY 9,
Will be repeated a New Drama, entitled STELLA RITTERS.
DORF. Supported by Messrs. Saville, Hughes, Hicks, It. Honner,
Neville, Vale, Smith, Johnson, Lewis, eslop, Mrs. R. Honner, Mrs.
Daly. Mrs. Hughes, Miss Terrey, and Mrs. H. Vining.
After which, A CHRISTMAS CAROL, by Boa," with
splendid Appointments.
To conclude with an entirely new Grand Comic Pantomime, with
Splendid Scenery, Superb Dresses, Inimitable Properties and Tricks,
every thing new and of the most costly description, HARLEQUIN
GRAMMAR, or, Lindley Murray,and AE I 0 U. Harlequin, Mr.
W. H. Harvey ; Grotesque, Mr. Stilt; Clown, Mr. Fuller ; Pants.,
loon, Mr. Hawkins ; Columbines (alternately) Miss M. R. Fair.
brother and bliss Sharpe.

ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, FEBRUARYS,
Will be produced THE GNOME OF THE GOLD MINES.
supported by Messrs. Freer, Nantz, Miss Vincent. &c.
After which, THE FAIRY LADY • or, The Cabinet of Bronze.
To conclude with HARLEQUIN LINCOLN LUCKY OF LAM.
BETH; or, The 'Three Sisters of Witch Willow Dell. Harlequin,
Mr. Chapin ; Clown, Mr. Scarbrow ; Pantaloon, Mr. Morelli ;
Columbine, Miss M. Schmidt.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE TIIIS DAY.
Morning .. b minutes after 5 I Evening •. 25 minutes after 5.

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