The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-07 00:00:00

age. Five fur. 8 subs.

Capt. Machell's Festival, by Tournament, 3 yrs, Bst slb
(.£10)
Prince Soltykoff's War(Jeffery) 1
Mr. Johnstone's Ziugara, 3 yrs, 7st 13Ib (.£4O)
(Cameron) 2
(Butler) 3
The following also ran :—Dr. Wilson, Festivity, Cou-
leur do Rose f, and Ratty.
Queen, 3 yrs,. ist 81b (.£4O)
Betting -11 to 10 agst Festival, 4 to 1 a,gst War Queen,
and sto 1 agst Couleur do Rose filly. Won by a ne.A.
Mr. Blanton claimed Ziugara, Mr. Hodgman !Jetty, and
Mr. Mackenzie purchased the winner for 180 gs.

Flying - -------- -. _
H4ndicap, 5 sovs each, 2 ft, with 10U added. Five

furlongs. 28 subs.
Mr C. Snewing's Seamew, by Orlando—Ossifrage, 4 yrs,
Tat .................... -; (L'eppler) 1
Lord Wilton's Parma, 4 yrs, 7st 91b (Kenyon) 2
Sir F. Johnstone's Freemason, 4 yrs, 7st (Butler) 3
The following also ran :—Laxly Clinton, Lady Rosehill,
The King's Daughter.
Betting-6 to 4 agst Freemason, 100 to 30 each agst
Lady Clinton and Lady Rosehill, 4 to 1 agst Parma, 5 to 1
agst Seamew. Won by half a length.
The Sulgrave Stakes of 5 sous each, with 40 added Half

a mile. 9 subs.
Mr C. Brower's Prince George, by Prime Minister—
Shunting, 3 yrs, 7st 101 b (.£5O) (Parry) 1
Mr W. G. Bennett's Miss Sophie, 2 yrs, 6st (£5O)
(J ..ffery) 2
Mr. R. Starr's Maria, 2 yrs, sst 131 b (£5O) (Vinell) 3
The following also ran :—Oceana, Woodbine, and
Minster Chimes.

Betting sto 4 each agst Prince George and Maria, 4to
1 agst Minster Chimes, 5 to 1 agst Miss Sophie, 100 to 15
agst Oceans. Won by two lengths.
Captain Michell b.mglit the winner for 295 guineas.
Dee Staid Cup of 5 soya each, 2 ft, with 50 added. Seven
furlongs, 14 subs.

Sir F. Johnstone's Freemason, by Hobble Noblo—The
Bell, 4 yrs, 7st 121 b ................. (Parry) 1
Mr. J. Deurnan's Rhine Niue, 3 yrs, 6st 121b...(kertyou) 2
Mr. Warner's Grand Duke, 4 yrs, 7st 121 b (Morris) 3
Betting-6 to 4 agst Rhine Wine, 7to 4 agst Grand
Duke, 2 to 1 agst Freemason. Won easily by half a
length.

THE STATE TRIA L.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)

The only telegram relating to the PRESIDENT re-
ceived during the week was dated Washington,
April 25, and by it we learn that the deputations
from Virginia had been so far successful in their
endeavours to remove General SCHOFIELD from the
command of the district, that ANDREW JOHNSON
had sent the nomination of that officer as Secretary
of War to the Senate for approval. This shows the
steady determination of the PRESIDENT—a deter-
mination fairly illustrated by LORENZO THOMAS
when he answered Mr.-BUTLER'S question, whether
he still intended to take possession of the War-
office, by firmly stating that he did.' There is
as to the result of
ltihtetl e
Trial
; in
for speculatingalm ostbefore what we write
is in type the Verdict of the Senate may
be announced. Indeed, it is clear that either great
difficulty has been experienced by the Court is
arriving at a decision, or the Managers have suc-
ceeded in compelling the Senate for the last week
to listen to their speeches, otherwise the delay is
unaccountable. Mr. BOUT WELL, on Wednesday the
22d of April, began his reply to the arguments of
the PRESIDENT'S counsel. We write on Friday
afternoon, knowing no more than we did last week
—an ignorance which reflects anything but credit
on the London press ; but it is clear that there is
little anxiety about the result in America, as gold
was quoted in New York on Thursday at 139 f,
5-20 Bonds 112 i. On the 11th April, George W.
WOODWARD, Democrat from Pennsylvania, intro-
duced a bill into the House by means of which
Acts passed over the veto may be tested
if the PRESIDENT questions their coustitutionaity.
It enables the PRESIDENT to file in the Supreme
Court a feigned issue, raising the question of con-
stitutionality, and compelling the Speaker of the
House to appear by record or counsel to defend the
enactment. Until the Court pronounces the Act
null and void, it shall be deemed constitutional and
valid. This bill strictly confines the pleadings to
the questions of unc nistitutionality raised in the
PRESIDENT'S Veto Message. Such a measure, if
passed, will be useful in guarding future Presi-
dents against collisions with Congress, and ap-
pears to us a simple and expeditious mode of
settling what might otherwise be dangerous ques-
tions. It will, however, be necessary for the
Supreme Court to be composed of the
most clear-headed, learned, and independent
lawyers in the United States to insure an honest
decision when great interests are involved. But
anything short of usurpation is better than a repe-
tition of the impeachment trial. What will be the
consequence supposing the PRESIDENT to be ac-
quitted ; will the dead-lock then cease, or will
STANTON remain fortified in the IVar-office, backed
by the Senate, whilst LORENZO THOMAS sirs at the
Cabinet meetings as Secretary of War ? If AN-
DREW JOHNSON is aequittel the ruling of the Court
must, we suppos-, bo, that the a'l i,iteriuz appoint-
ment of LORENZO THOMAS is not illegal, not-
withstanding the censure passed by the Senate
as a Legislative body when the PRESIDENT
announced the appointment. Yet that the ap-
pointment was illegal has, we believe, been
proved. But was the illegality of a cha-
racter to warrant the deposition of the PRE-
SIDENT ? If he be not deposed, how are the
present difa•ulties to be got over ? G.ineral
SCHOFIELD has been nominated to the office by
the PRESIDENT, and if the Senate sanction the
appointment, so that SCHOFIELD can at once enter
on the duties, the ad interim difficulty would dis-
appear. But is. the Senate likely to confirm the
appointment? and, if uot, what can they do to pre-

vent during the remainder'of the term the absurd
spectacle of two Secretaries of War in the same
capital, each pretending to administer the duties of
the office ? In case of acquittal the battle will be
renewed, and the PRESlDENT—invigorated by suc-
cess—may perhaps shake off the Congress " hang-
ing on the verge of Government;'' but whether he
does so or not he doubtless will still keep
up excitement and " sensation" at Washington.
We see no reason, however, to modify the opinion
we have before expressed, that ANDREW JOHNSON
will be found guilty on the charges of infringing the
Tenure•of-Office Act, which Act will be pronounced
by the Senate to be constitutional ; he will also be
convicted of having officially communicated advice
to the Alabama Legislature, to defeat the 14th
Amendment, in violation of his official duties, and
in undue interference with the exclusive functions
of Congress. The conspiracy charge has, we think,
failed, the evidence not being such as to substan-
tiate the accusation, and with the charge goes a
large measure of the evil intent attributed to the
PRESIDENT in infringing the Act. The Managers
deny the necessity of proving wrongful intent,
yet, by every means in their power, they
_have
endeavoured to establish such an intent, the latent
being regarded as the essential element of crime by
the criminal law. Had the conspiracy been proved
the wrongful intent would have been evident ; but,
it is alleged, failing circumstantial evidence, in all
trials presumption of intent is accepted. The PRE-
SIDENT, it is argued, in having removed Mr. STAN-
TON, intended to do so, anl the removal being in
violation of a statute, the presumption is that he
intended the violation, and in this design is the
criminal intent, which makes his act a high misde-
meanour. To this he replies that he is not guilty
of a criminal design ; the validity of the statute
being fairly open to doubt, which could only
tested by his violation of it, a course intended to set
in motion the judicial machinery by which alone a
decision could be obtained ; and this, and no other,
was his object. If the PRESIDENT has succeeded in
proving this, he may be held to be innocent of any
mislerneatiour in infringing the Act. But the
evidence goes to show that his object was to get
possession of the War Office, an•i to compel Mr.
STANTON to coin pence proceedings ; the other
view being only supported by ANDREW JOHNSON'S
own declarations. The speeches attributed to the
PRESIDENT during his memorable tour have been
proved ; but, although morally changing, they do
not constitute crimes sufficient for the depsition of
a PRESIDENT. The Russia brings news to the 22,1
April, and the report elsewhere alluded to is shown
to be true, that a motion was about to be made to re-
call the Managers and rescind the Impeachment pro-
ceedings, as it had actually been introduced into the
House by Mr. ROBINSON, and defeated by 91 to 18.
Another was brought forward to have the reports of
the Managers investigated by a committee, but with
what object we fail to gather from Reuter's tele-
gram. It had reference to the evidence. given by
General SHERMAN, but no vote was taken on the
resolution. . •

UN FRILLY G. OF 7RE LINCuLN 370 N U

/1/LVI' A T JVASHINGTON.

The 15th of April, being the anniverzary of Pre-
sident Lincoln's assassination, was the day chosen
for unveiling the statue in front of the City
Hall, raised to his memory by the citizens of Wash-
ington. The business departments, the muni-
cipal offices, and the public schools closed, flags
were displayed at half-mast, and cannon fired
at stated intervals during the d ty. Major B.
B. French delivered the. address, Colonel E. B.
Orrostead recited a poem. Andrew Johnson,
who was present, said :—" My friends, it is
hardly necessary for the to inform you what is
now to take or who the distinguished
person is who will perform the ceremony. The
anxiety depicted in your up`urned countenances
plainly tells that you are awaiting the unveiling of
the statue," when he pulled the cord, and the cover-
ing fell amidst vociferous cheers. The monument
is about 40 feet in height to the top of the statue.
It rests on a solid foundation of blue rock, six feet
in depth. The base is an octagon, six feet in
height and about seven feet from side to side, on
which the base of the column rests, the lower
part corresponding with the base, and the up-
per part with the shaft, being circular and
moulded. The shaft is eighteen feet in height,
with an average diameter of three feet (tapering),
and is surmounted by a moulded cap, four feet
square and two feet thick, on which rests the base
of the statue, and the statue itself. The figure at
this height looks to be about life size, and stands
facing south. It repr6ents Lincoln standing with
his left hand resting on the emblem of Union—the
Roman Facii—his head erect, with a slight incli-
nation forward, and right band partially open, as
in the attitude he was wont to take in addressing
an audience. The design was first made in clay by
Mr. Flannery last summer, and was subsequently
cast in plaster. The model attracted much atten-
tion as a spirited design and excellent likeness. Mr.
Lot Flannery, the artist, was introduced, and loudly
cheered.--Anglo-American Times.

THE AMERICAN PRESS ON GEN. GRANT.

The newspapers are more than ordinarily busy
with General Grant. The Neu York World has
had the bad taste to cast aspersions- on his
courage. It says :—" He has never been in
the thick of a fight, has never led a charge, has
never chivalrously exposed his person to danger."
Mr. Wendell Phillips has been working to prove
Grant a drunkard, and has freely used the columns
cf the Anti-Slavery Standard to support his accusa-
tion "of drunkenness in the streets of Washing-
ton." The evidence which satisfies Wendell Phillips
is worth giving. It mainly consists of a letter from
Senator Wilson, who declares "he had seen Gen.
Grant in his camp, in his office, at his own house,
and at dinner parties where liquors were freely
used by others, but had never seen him drink even
a glass of wine, nor had he ever seen him when he
had the slightest reason to believe that he was in
any degree under the influence of drink." Mr.
Puillips argues, first, that Wilson fails to state that
be had never heard from trustworthy sources of
the public drunken exposure of his candidate ; next,
that Mr. Wilson's character is to Mr. Phillips suffi-
cient, as he knows it well, and the conclusion he
arrives at is " to me no further evidence is neces-
sary." We forgot to add another strong proof ad-
vanced by Mr. Wendell Phillips, viz.,—that Wil-
liam E. Dodge, President of the National Temper-
ance Society, after a visit to Washington, " assures
the temperance men they need have iio fears"—a
little speech which, according to Ur. Phillips, " the
thoughtful Teetotallers" will consider conclu-
sive. The President is one of the most bit-
ter of Grant's accusers. In his interview with
the correspondent of the Cincinnati Commer-
cial, to which we alluded last week, Andrew
Johnson said, "He was perfectly willing they should
investigate his condition on that trip (round the
circle). The public had been led to believe that he
was intoxicated all the way, from the time he left
Washington till he got back. But let them take the
trouble to find out, and .they would discover that
that was a mistake. They will find out, at any
rate, that I didn't drink half as much as one or two
others about whose condition nobody dares to say
a word.'

" I think I can guess the name of one of them,'
sail I. Didn't he go from Cleveland to Detroit,.
and wasn't it announced with a great flourish of
trumpets that he had left your party in disgust ?'
" Yes,' replied the President, ' he went to De-
troit ; but it wasn't because he was disgusted with
my politics at all. In fact he wasn't in a condition
to know much about politics just then.' "
There is a report at Washington that Butler had
made advances to patch up his quarrel with Grant.
A friend of Butler's called on the General, who
quietly observed, in answer to what the friend had
urged, that he had no misanlerstanding with But-
ler. It was true he did not think very much of
him, but that was merely a private opinion. Grant
has contradicted the rumour that he had publicly
expressed his opinion that it was necessary to get
rid of the President. No_ less than eight new
biographies of the General are in the press,
which are expected to come out iu the fol-

lowing order, and in time for the Presidential
campaign :-1. Charles A. Dana, author, Gurdon
Bill, of Springfield, publisher. 2. A. D. Richard-
son, author, American Publishing Company of
Hartford, publishers. 3. Henry C. Deming, author,
S. S. Scranton and Co., of Hartford, publishers.
4. E. D. Mansfield, " The Veteran Observer" of
the New York, Times, author, R. W. Carroll and
Co., of Cincinnati, publishers. 5. John S. C.
Abbott, author, B. B. Russell and Co., of Boston,
publishers. 6. J. T. Headley, author, E. B. Treat
and Co., of Now York, publishers. 7. P. C. Head-
ley, author, Derby and Miller, of New York, pub-
lishers. 8. Author unknown, Ledyard Bill, of New
York, publisher.

ENGLISH AND AMERICAN EXPENDI-

2 URE IN CIIIIVA.

Some years ago the Manchester school, after
getting the British Parliament to accept the princi-
ples of free trade, endeavoured to attract attentio❑
to the expenditure from the Imperial exchequer for
the benefit of colonies or dependencies in remote
parts of the globe, but the effort so made, but
languidly persisted in, has done little else than
operate as a reminder to the public, and has never
been so far intensified as really to arouse public
action in the matter; nevertheless, the change of opi-
nion that has undoubtedly taken place of late years
as to the expenditure of the revenue of the United
Kingdom might besupposed to have resulted in a con-
siderable reduction of expenditure in those cases
where such expenditure is unconnected with Imperial
interests and benefits, or a particular class, ora parti-
cular locality. We feel in some sense provoked to this
line of reflection by an examination of class V. of
the Civil Service estimates recently laid upon the
table ofthe-41ouse4oi-• Commons. - - -Th is -el ass -emu—
prises the colonial, consular, and other foreign
services ; its amount is £486,277. Five and twenty
years ago, namely, in 1843, it was £403,336
among its details is £117,615 for services in China,
Japan, and Siam.

A reference to the Report of the Secretary of the
Treasury Of the United States, on the state of the
Finances, made in 1867, shows how much more
cheaply some things are done at Washington than
in London, the total expenditure for "Foreign
intercourse" at the Capitol being £.254,703, as
against the £486,277 expended by England, and,
so far as can be ascertained, the expenditure
by the American Government for civic estab-
lishments in China and Japan must be under
.410,000—in the case of interpreters alone
America only spends £2,007 as against Eng-
land's £23,600. Who will not say, after this, that
John Bull's extravagance is in excess of his good
sense, and that to carry out his theory of developing
commerce, and his dictum of civ is Romanus sum, he
puts his hands into his pockets with a questionable
prodigality. There is little doubt that America
takes the correct view of this species of expenditure,
and feels that if it is incumbent to have estab-
lishments for the assistance of her merchants
that her citizens are not to be immoderately taxed
for the purpos?. For ourselves we would almost
go further, and ask why these charges should not
be borne by those who benefit by the establish-
ment they go to maintain. The development of the
trade with China, Japan, and Siam has undoubt-
edly benefited those engaged in that trade, and if
they find it necessary to resort to consular and
judici d functionaries, why should either the Bri-
tish or American tax-payer so good-naturedly
pay those functionaries, when, individually, they
do not benefit by them ? One thing is very certain,
so far ..AY. Efigland—ig codeeined,' 'add -trat is, Mar
these charges upon the pocket of the British tax-
payer nullify the supposition that any earnest ap-
plication of the theory of the non-diversion of taxes
has been attempted, because this charge for China
has arisen entirely within the period during which
the theory of non-diversion was first propounded,
and was most agitated and canvassed ; but-
under any circumstances we are at a loss to
understand why England should pay more than
America—one would suppose that their pay-
ments would be much about the same. Per-
haps some acute member of the House of
Commons who has a secretary that can coach
him with the Board of Trade returns, Nl‘Culloch's
Commercial Dictionary, and a few other equally in-
structive but distracting publications, will employ
his superior intelligence in questioning the affable
lord who at present presides over English Foreign
affairs, and elicit some explanation of the matter.