The Sun.
London, England, 1868-05-25 00:00:00

PROGRESS OF IMPEACHMENT.

May I.—The Hon. Henry Stanbery began his
argument after Mr. Evarts bad concluded. He read
from a printed document ; blit as he was too weak
after his recent illness to speak long, his secretary
was allowed to continue his able and exhaustive
argument during a large portion of the time. It
fills twenty newspaper columns, and is mainly
directed to summing up the points of the defence.
He commenced by showing that the case of Mr.
Stanton did not enter into the Tenure-of-Office Act:;
even if it aid, as the Act was unconstitutional
it must be void. To prove that the President had
a right to construe laws, Presidents Jefferson,
Jackson, and Van Buren were cited, their acts
having been sanctioned by Congress. It was the
President's duty to defend the Constitution against
such encroachments as that attempted in this Act;
that if he erred in judgment, such an error was not an
impeachable offence; and he concluded this portion
of his argument by asserting that Mr. Stanton had
not been removed as charged in the Articles, as ho
still held possession of the War Department.
Thus he discussed the first eight charges, the ninth
being wholly unsupported by evidence was un-
worthy of notice, and the tenth and eleventh inter-
fered with the citizen's right of freedom of speech,
a right guarded by the Constitution with jealous
care, and provided for in the Bill of Rights ap-
pended to that document. The prosecution had
failed in making out a case sufficient for the con-
viction of the President. He maintained that this
was clearly recognized by the country, which gave
no support whatever to Impeachment, people
being disappointed in the wretched evidence
brought forward by the Managers, and dis-
gusted with the proceedings. He pronounced a
warm eulogium on the President's character and
services. Then he alluded to the open state-
ments made, that the Senate had been canvassed,
and the matter arranged previous to the trial—
concluding an eloquent address in these words :
" But if, Senators, as I cannot believe, but as has
been boldly said with almost official sanction, your
votes have been canvassed and the doom of the Pre-
sident is sealed, then let that judgment not be pro-
nounced in this Senate Chamber ; not here, where
our Camillus, in the hour of our greatest peril, sin-
gle-handed, met and baffled the enemies of the Re-
public; not here, where he stood faithful among the
faithless; not here, where he fought the good fight for
the Union and the Constitution_; not in this Cham-
ber, whose walls echo with that clarion voice that
in the days of our greatest danger, carried hope
and comfort to many a desponding heart, strong as
an army with banners. No, not here. Seek out
rather the darkest and gloomiest chamber in the
subterranean recesses of this Capitol, where the
cheerful light of day never enters. There erect the
altar and immolate the victim." Mr. Stanbery ended
his argument on the 2d May, and closed the Pre-
sident's defence, when the trial was adjourned till
the 4th instant.

May 4.—The galleries were filled to overflowing
to hear the closing speech of the prosecution by the
Hon. John A. Bingham, chairman of the Managers.
He said he did not approach the discussion in a
partizan spirit, but as a Representative of the people
sworn to deal justly. He then noted the fact briefly
of the termination of the war and the subsequent
assassination of Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson's
inauguration. The people had overlooked Mr.
Johnson's conduct in the Senate on the day
of his inauguration, and believed he would obey
the oath of office, and they demanded on his part
obedience to the laws, and it was because he had
violated the law that the Managers were here to-
day. He cared not what demagogues and others
might say, the whole issues joined, and the whole
question to be decided by the Senate was whether
Andrew Johnson violated the law, and whether he
had the power to interpret the laws only as he
understood them. The Senate could decide in the
case as questions of law and fact,
and yet although
this proposition would appear self-evident, hours
had been spent here upon this very point. Tho
Senate is sole and final arbiter between the Presi-
dent and the people, and is made solely the Court,
and he did not therefore see what necessity there
was for so much discussion upon that point. He
conceded once for all that the Senate sitting as a
Court of Impeachment was the highest of all courts,
and this was all that was necessary to be said. The
Court, he repeated, gave the senate all the power
over the law and fact, and what then became of
Mr. Evarts' rhetoric to show that the President
wanted the Supreme Court to decide upon this case
before the Senate did so, and when the Senate has
the sole power to try impeachment? Referring inci-
dentally to Mr. Evarts' speech, Mr. Bingham said
that the gentleman seemed to think that the best
way to make his speech immortal was to make it
eternal. (Laughter.) He then proceeded to argue
that the Judiciary of the United States had not the
power over all questions arising under the Consti-
tution. He then proceeded to controvert the pro-
position of some of the counsel that the heads of
departments Were mere recording scribes, and must
execute the will of the Executive, and he denied the
proposition, quoting the case of Marbury v. Madi-
son. As the Senate has sole power to try impeach-
ment, so it has sole power to decide all questions
under impeachment, and it is in no sense within the
judicial power of the United States. If the theory
is admitted that a President may violate a law in
order to have it tested in the courts, then the Senate
is deprived of its original right to tryimpeachment.

There is no excuse for presenting such a monstrous
proposition as this to the Senate. The appellate ju-
risdiction of the. Supreme Court is limited to
cases of law and equity, and under neither is im-
peachment embraced. These were the Manager's
words :

"The gentleman from New York (Mr. Everts) took
occasion to refer to the Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850, a bill
that was disgraceful to the Congress which enacted it; a
bill that was in direct violation of the letter and spirit of
the Constitution; a bill of which I can say at least, al-
though I d3ubt much whether the gentleman from Now
York can, that it never found an advocate in me ; a bill
of which Mr. Webster said that in his judgment it was un-
warranted by the Constitution ; a bill which offered a
bribe out of the.common treasury of the nation to every
ma,gistr.te who sat in judgment ou the right of fleeing
bondman to that literty which belonged to man when
God breathed into his nostrils the breath of life and he
became a living soul ;' a bill which offered a reward to the
ministers of justice to sharpen the judgment of the poor;
a bill which, suiting the conscience of the American people
and the conscience of the civilized world, made it a crime
to give shelter to the houseless or a cup of water to him
who was ready to perish ; a bill enacted for the purpose
of sustaining that crime of crimes: that sum of all
villanies, which made merchandise of immorta
which transformed a man into a chattel, a thin
trade into what, for want of a better name, we call a
slave, with no acknowledged right iu the present, wit
hope of inheritage in the great hereafter, and to whose
darkened soul the universe was voiceless and God him-
self seemed silent; a bill under the direct violation of
which that horrible tragedy was enacted within our own
commonwealth, within the sight, Mr. Chief Justice, of
your own beautiful city, when Margaret Gardner, with
her babe lashed upon her breast, pursued by the officers
of the law, in her wild frenzy forgot her mother's affection
in the joy she felt at sending before the appointed time by
her own hand the spotless soul of her child back to her
God who gave it, rather than allow it to be tossed back
into the hell of human bondage under American law ; a
bill, nevertheless, by the American people even on tha t
day when Anthony Burns walked in chains under the
shadow of Bunker Hill, whore-' every turf beneath your
feet is a soldier's sepulchre,' and whore sleep the first
just martyrs in the cause of American independence, to
be tried before a magistrate in a temple surrounded it-
I.self with chains and guarded with bayonets, and yet tho
people stood by and said •- 'Let the law be executed until
it be repealed.' Talk to me about the American people
recognizing the right of any President to sot aside the law.
Who doesuot know that two years after this enactment of
1852, the terrible blasphemy was uttered in the platform of
the party Whose Representatives to-day insist on the Execu-
tive prerogative to set aside your laws, and annihilate your
Government; that all discussion in Congress and out of
Congress, touching this very fugitive slave bill, should. be
suppressed. The body that adopted that resolution should
have rememberel that there is something stronger after
all than the resolution by mere partisans in Convention
assembled. They ought to have remedied that. God is
not in the earthquake or in the fire, but in the still, small
voice, speaking to the enlightened conscience of men, and
that voice is omnipotent. God knows that for the honour
of our common country I would take the step backward,
and cover the nakedness and the shame of the American
people in that day of American disgrace. They nominated
their candidate for President, and he accepted their terms,
and was carried into the Presidential chair by the votes
of all the States in this Union. With such a record as
that; with such a law, offensive to the judgment and con-
science of the people of the United States, and of the
civilized world, executed, how dare gentlemen come before
the American Senate, and tell us that it is the traditional
policy of the American people to allow their laws to be
defied by any executive ? I deny it. There is not a line
in our history that does not give flat denial to the assump-
tion. It has never been done, never."

He next considered the references of the counsel for
the defence to Mr. Lincoln in saying that he bad
violated the laws and furnished precedents for Mr.
Johnson's crimes, and charged that they were bold
and calumnious slanders on his memory. The sus-
pension of the habeas corpus was not made by Mr.
Lincoln, but by the civil war, which rendered it
necessary. Congress had passed an Indemnity Act
to furnish authority to the Courts to dismiss cases
brought against the President's agents for what they
had done in pursuance of the Constitution. If such
Acts had been unwarranted, indemnity laws would
have been of no avail. The Tenure-of-Office Act,
which was in dispute, did not allow the President
any discretion whatever. It was his duty simply
to see that it was faithfully executed. The counsel
for the defence had referred to the saccessful resist..
ance that had been made to the " brokers' tax-law"
in New York, on the ground of its unconstitu-
tionality, the brokers refusing to pay the tax, and
the Supreme Court sustaining them in their refusal,
and this had been cited as a precedent for resistance
to the Tenure-of-Office Act. Mr. Bingham said
that counsel making such an argument were not fit

to discuss grave constitutional questions. He then
considered the constitutional provisions relative to
the passage of bills over the President's veto, main-
taining that it was easy to settle the question
whether or not the President broke a law. Read-
' ing the list of powers granted to the President by
the Constitution, he called attention to the fact that
DO power of suspending laws until the Courts could
test their validity was anywhere given, and such a
claim for both executive and legislative functions
was in contravention of the express terms of that
instrument. This claim, he also insisted, involved,
in addition, the assumption by the President of
judicial power, and he characterised the entire pro-
fposition as an absurdity. By the exercise of this
assumed power the President could suspend legisla-
tion of all kinds ; could prevent the creation of
judicial districts, the erection of States, and the
election of members of Congress, the enactment of
revenue laws, and, in short, could destroy the whole
framework of American Constitutional Govern-
ment. Whether he shall be allowed to do this is a
question now tobe determined by the Senate, and for
a righteous decision the prayers of millions ascend.
As to what crimes can be considered impeachable,
Mr. Bingham said that all offences under the com-
mon law are indictable in the district of Columbia,
and that the same offences are also impeachable. If
this proposition was not self-evident, he need not
argue it, for as to the offences specified in the Im-
peachment Articles, he held that no one could
deny
that an open violation of law by the President was
an impeachable crime. No one would deny this
who was not destitute of honour and a sense of
duty. The defence of the President, as exhibited
in his answer, rests on the assumption that he pos-
sesses the right to resist and bring to a judicial de-
cision any law which he supposes to iutrench on his
constitutional prerogatives. This assumption could
readily be made an excuse for refusing to execute any
law whatever. Mr. Bingham then read from a pamph-
let, written by Judge Curtis, one of the President's
counsel, in 1862, expressing a directly contrary view
to that now claimed by the defence, and he com-
mended it as good law. He then went on to say
that no man who did not admit the assumption that
the President possessed judicial as well as executive
powers could deny that his written orders clearly
showed his violation of law, and proved him worthy
of conviction and removal from office. Numerous
legal authorities were here cited to show that the
averment and proof of real intent are not necessary
in proceedings; than no class of persons are exempted
from this, and that in the case of judicial officers
only can ignorance of laws be admitted as au excuse
for error. With reference to the allegation of the
defence that the President suspended Secretary
Stanton under the Constitution and supplied the
,vacancy with a Secretary ad interim as provided by
law, Mr. Bingham claimed that the President's
answers showed a violation of the law on his part,
for that limited the tenure of such appointments to
six months, while the President appointed Lorenzo
Thomas for an indefinite period. The argument that
the President is bound to intervene and protect
the people from unconstitutional laws he spoke at
length to show was a fallacious position ; and he
declared that the people arc the guardians of their
own powers, and that Congress is responsible only
to then. If Congress transcend its powers, it is
the people at the ballot-box and not the President
"who is to apply the corrective. lie has no other
check but the veto, and when that is constitu-
tionally overcome he must submit: Mr. Bingham
here yielded to a motion for the adjournment of the
trial. lie proceeded to argue the question whether
the President had power to remove a head of depart-
ment, and to fill the vacancy thus created during the
session of the Senate, and argued at length the nega-
tive of Vie proposition. If the negative was true, the
President had to violate the Tenure-of-office law and
violated the Constitution. Ile denied that the framers
of the Constitution even intended to invest the Pre-
sident with the absolute power of removal, but in-
tended that the Seuiite should concur. The power
of removal is a legislative grant, and is subject to

legislation. There could be a doubt of the guilt of
the President. There could certainly be no doubt
that all the crimes chargeable were impeachable
offences. To deny it is to place the President above
all law. The.. President had no power to remove Mr.
Stanton, and he denied the position assumed by Mr.
Stanbery that the Tenure-of-Office Act made any dis-
tinction as to Cabinet officers. It might be proper
to invest this power in a President who had proved
faithful, but not in one who bad betrayed his
trust. No President had ever claimed such power as
was claimed by Mr. Johnson. But even admitting
the President had the power he claimed, he was
nowhere vested with power to construe laws for
himself. The law must be obeyed by the President
and people until the judiciary declared it unconsti-
tutional. When the people once recognize the right
of the President to select what laws he should obey,
then there would be an end of all liberty. In this
connection Mr. Bingham adverted to Mr. Evarts'
remarks that Congress was trying to make itself
supreme, and denied any such purpose. At 2.12
Court took a recess. • Mr. Bingham resumed at
2.40, and repeated his accusation of the guilt of
the President, and entered into a defence of Mr.
Stanton. The President had, in the removal of
Mr. Stanton, abused the powers conferred upon him.
Mr. Bingham agreed with the President's counsel
that an unconstitutional law was no law, but it was
not for the President to decide that point, and he
was therefore guilty for the violation. He doubted
whether the President's purpose in removing Mr.
Stanton was to have the law tested in the courts.
A case could have been made in some other. way,
and he believed the statement about the test ques-
tion was only another of the President's falsehoods.
He denied the position assumed that the President
could be convicted for the attempt to remove
Mr. Stanton. Mr. Bingham then proceeded to
argue upon the validity of the Tenure-of-Office
Act, and was referring to the practice of the Go-
vernment in relation to appointments and removals
when he was interrupted by adjournment, and the
argument was continued the next day as usual
before a crowded audience. He claimed that the
Tenure-of-Office Act repealed any power, if the
President had any previously, to fill vacancies in
the head offices of Departments without the consent
of the Senate. The Act of 1789 permitted him to
create a vacancy in one department, but restricted
him to the choice of a chief clerk to fill it; another,
the Act of 1795, went further, applying to the
other departments, but limited the commission
of the ad interns successor to the period of six
months, and was then clearly a grant of power made
by Congress to the Executive, and that, too, a re-
stricted grant. The third, the Act of 1863, abro-
gates both these laws, and again restricts him in his
choice of ad interim appointees. All the legislation
that had been taken assumed the entire control of
Congress over this matter. Mr. Bingham claimed
that the Tenure-of-Office Act superseded all these
previous laws ; that Congress had the right to pass
it ; and that it covered the cases of all the Cabinet
officers, Mr. Lincoln's appointees, or Mr. John-
son's. This point he argued at length, maintain-
ing that the President's term of four years con-
tinued on his death, his successor serving out the
unexpired portion. The wording of the Act
was not " the term during which they were ap-
pointed," but " the term of the President by whom
they were appointed." There was no such inten-
tion in the minds of its framers as that claimed
by the Defence, and the Act could not be so
construed. He then went on to argue that whether
Mr. Stanton was affected by the law or not, the
President by his appointment of General Thomas
had committed an impeachable offence, because
the Tenure-of-Office Act repealed all the powers
of appointment granted by the previous laws. He
asked why the counsel for the defence made such
lengthy arguments to prove the unconstitutionality
of this law if they did not feel and know that Mr.
Stanton was protected by it ? They felt and knew
also that it repealed all former grants of power to
remove and appoint heads of departments. Mr.
Bingham next spoke of conferences between the
President and Gen. Thomas relative to the policy of
suspending the execution of their schemes until the
result of the trial should be known ; and, referring
to Mr. Nelson's remark that the President was will-
ing to abide the trial, he regretted that his High-
ness had not signified his pleasure to abide the
judgment as well. He charact,.;rized the President's
intimation through his counsel that he did not
believe the Senate was constituted to sit as a Court
so long as States were unrepresented as a piece
of arrogance, and said he would not be surprised
if the President to-morrow should issue a mili-
tary order dissolving this Court. He referred to
the President's language to General Emory, as
a suggestion of the Commander-in-Chief to his
subordinate that he would stand by him in a
violation of law. This, in connection with his de-
clarations to General Grant, would in any other
country have been sufficient to cost the President
his head. This charge of an attempt to create in-
subordination in the army was not one to be sneered
at as the counsel for the defence had done. Mr.
Bingham then considered the 10th Article, founded
on the President's speeches, and argued that his
language in those speeches not only violated
decency, but was the language of sedition. The
sedition laws of 1798, so often referred to as un-
constitutional, were never pronounced so by any
Court. Suchlaws were necessary in times.of danger,
and he further claimed that seditious utterances by
any President were indictable by the common law
in the district of Columbia. Mr. Bingham said he
favoured virtuous, constitutional liberty of speech,
but was opposed to seditious licence, which would
shake the security of peaceful Government, and
reach even the dead in their graves. Mr. Bingham
then considered the 11th Article, founded also on
the speeches, and claimed that the President in
referring to Congress as a " set of individuals,"
used the language of a conspirator, and not of an
honest man. His whole purpose in opposing
the Constitutional Amendments was to revive
the " lost cause." The people had rightly
judged the President's intentions. The averments
in these two arguments are undeniable, and he re-
minded the Senate that many of the offences
charged are indictable in the district of Columbia.
Believing that he had made it clear to every Sena-
tor that the substance of the averments of all the
articles was established on the evidence adduced and
on the law admitted, Mr. Bingham denied that the
American people would coincide in the opinion of the
defence, and considered the character of the confes-
sions made in the President's answer, which he held
were of themselves sufficient to warrant his con-
viction. He insisted that the President's assump-
tion of judicial prerogative was a crime in violation
of the Constitution, which of itself called for his
deposition. The people were determined that the
supremacy of the Constitution should be main-
tained, and Mr. Bingham from this passed on to
an eulogiuru upon the majesty and divine cha-
racter of law. He drew a parallel between James
11. and Andrew Johnson, and said that, as his
usurpations were similar, the President's punish-
ment should be analogous and equally severe.
The triumph of liberty in the war just ended he
could not believe would be thrown away, and
American principles of free Government denied by
countenancing the assumption by the President of
legislative, executive, and judicial functions com-
bined. Then he proceeded in eloquent terms to give
the considerations which in his opinion should in-
fluence the Senate to convict and remove the Pre-
sident and his assured confidence that such would
be the happy result. Mr. Binghani's speech occu-
pied the 4th, the sth, and closed at half-past two on
the 6th May. _ _

May 6.—:After Mr. Bingham had concluded his
eloquent address, the audience, carried away by en-
thusiasm, expressed their sentiments by loud clap-
ping, which grew into cheers, when men and women
arose, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and giving
utterance to uproarious applause. The Chief Jus-
tice ordered silence to be restored, and, failing this,
he arose and directed the galleries to be cleared.
For a moment the din ceased, then broke out afresh
more violently than before, when Mr. Chase pe-
remptorily ordered all to be turned out. Senator
Trumbull advised the arrest of the disorderly, and
both Mr. Johnson and Mr. Grimes aided the Chief
Justice. Senator Cameron hoped the people

would not be driven out, but the Chief. Justice and
the Senate were inexorable, and the Sergeant-at-
Arms with his myrmidons proceeded to clear the
galleries. The general public in great wrath were
hustled out of the Chamber, and then the corre-
spondents and reporters were expelled, the police
eventually entering the gallery of the Diplomatists,
which they cleared notwithstanding Mr. Thornton's
expostulation, who was compelled to leave. Silence
soon reigned within, but riot without ; Old
Grimes is dead, that good old man" being proposed
as a song to the " indignation meeting," which was
lustily roared for an hour. The Senate remained
in secret session, when a recess took place, after
which the gallerieS were again closed and the Senate
continued to deliberate in secret.

MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)

The jury is the case of General Cole, for the
murder of Mr. Iliscock, failed to agree, and have beau
discharged.

Mr. Evarts in his great speech declared, ,in allu-
sion to Mr. Butler's argument that the Senate was not a
court, that ho had often heard a defendant plead coran non
judice, but bad never heard a plaintiff plead it be-
fore. In citing a furious passage of arms which took place
between Mr. Bingham and Mr. Butler, which took place
a year ago, he drew a striking caricature. Mr. Bingham
taunted Mr. Butler with his military failures, who retorted
that he (Mr. Bingham) had shed the blood of but one per-
son throughout the whole of the rebellion, and that one an
innocent woman. " But what do you think," continued
the counsel, "was the subject those honourable gentlemen
were debating upon ?—why it was Charity." " What ?"
asked a Senator. " Charity," repeated Mr. Everts, using
the Apostolic description most effectively.

Anna Dickenson delivered her popular lecture
"Idiots and Women" in Steinway Hall, New York, on the
Bth instant. It was expected that she would proceed to
Europe in the autumn.

The next annual address before the students of
the Indiana State University is t 3 ho given by Fred.
Douglass.

The Rev. S. M. Merrill, formerly of North
Adams, Massachusetts, whose escapade in connection
with a young lady of that place was the subject of so
much comment a year ago, was formally expelled, at the
recent session of the Troy Methodist Conference, from its
membership and from the church.

George Topley, a celebrated English pedestrian,
undertook to walk 50 miles in 10 hcurs on the Fashion
Course, New York. On the 43d mile he fainted, thereby
losing his wager-500 dols.

The Canadian House of Commons, by a vote of
94 to 36, lowered the Governor-General's salary from
sso,ooo—at which it was fixed in the Act of Confedera-
tion—to $32,000, about the old rate.

A man named Bremer lately died of spontaneous
combustion at Cleveland, Ohio. He drank on a wager sts
large drinks of whisky and a pint of stock ale at a sitting-
With blazing face and starting eyes he reeled towards a,
gas jet, in order to light his pipe, when the noxious gases
issuing from his mouth were instantly ablaze, and the poor
wretch was soon being consumed by an inward,fire:
A requisition has been in course of signarure at
Oxford, pledging the electors to return Mr. Goldwin Smith
free of expense, and assuring him that he should be saved
the trouble of a canvass if he would consent to be put in
nomination. Mr. Smith's unalterable determination to
visit the United. States has, however, induced the pro-
moters of the movement to suspend their operations.
General Schofield has appointed George Cahoon,
United States: Commissioner, Mayor of Richmond, Vir-
ginia, n place of James Mayo, removed, and has also filled
the minor municipal offices by appointments of his own.

• The Pall Mall Gazette says an English officer
with the Abyssinian expedition, in a letter dated Mao"'
dale, April 20, writes:—" We are now on our way back,
and all are delighted to get out of the'God-forsaken coun-
try. For the last three days we have tasted no drink
at any time but muddy water—no rum, no milk. Our
food has been preserved vegetables, tough beef, and
Abyssinian black broad, which is the most awful compound
of straw, gravel, hair, unground wheat, and beastliness of
all sorts that you can imagine. The very thought Of
English bread and cheese and beer makes one nearly
mad."

The New York Sun says Governor Fenton is " no
such man" as to sell out his faded Vice-Prosidencinl
chances fora Cabinet seat. The New York politicians are
all virtuous, of course. Just now in Albany they haTe
voted themselves honest men, and voted out a member of
the Legislature who dared to suspect his fellows of ani
lack in that particular. But we shouldn't like to see the
governortempted too strongly, for all that. President Lau-
rens P. Hickok of Union College at Schenectady, Nov'
York, has tendered his resignation, to take effect July 22,
when the sixteenth year of his connection with the c allege
will terminate. Among the causes of resignation, of which,
there are several, the principal is " the deep disagreement
in spirit and action which now prevails, and for years has
existed in the college faculty, and which has spread its
influence into the board of trust." •

Mr. Anthony Trollope is described by a reporter,
who saw him at the Impeachment trial, as bald, 1011
heavy and reddish sido whiskers. Ile wears spectaclog
with perfectly round glasses, weighs at least two hundred
pounds, and has the general appearance of a heavy busi-
ness man of considerable intelligence. . _

Ben. Wade is reported to-have said, after hearing
speeches on both aides, about a hundred hours, that lie
considered Demosthenes and Cicero two of the greatest
pests and mischief-makers that over existed.
Charles Dickens carried off with him to England
three large packing boxes full of all sorts of presents.

General Phil. Sheridan was at Burnet House,
Cincinnati, on the sth inst., and was present at the mar-
riage of Colonel L. M. Dayton, of General Shermaus
staff, and the bride Miss Nellie Phillips, of that city. The
following were the groomsmen and bridesmaids ; General
Turner, U. S. A., and Miss Kitty Phillips, Corn. Breese,
U. S. N., and Miss Ward, Major Howell, U. S. engineerst
and Miss Perry, Captain Woodruff, U.S.A., and Alis 9,
Neave. Colonel Forsythe, of General Sheridan's staff, lou
several other military officers in uniform, were preseill
and witnessed the ceremonies.
The screw steam sloop Alert, 17, which arrived
at Plymouth on Tuesday, spoke the United States ship
Italia, May 3, lat. 31 42 N., long. 40 42 W. _

Professor Charles P. Bronson, a well-knoivo
teacher of elocution, has just died in New York. His last
work of importance was a Bible, so painted as to show se"
cent, rhetorical pauses, and emphatic words. He had Pe!
completed a new edition of his " Elocutisn," which hL
reached in its old form a circulation of 120,000 copies.
The immigration at New York this year has 114:°
kept up to last year's figures. For the first four montliS
of 1868 the total number of arrivals at Now York Weg
37,579 as compared with 43,061 for the corresponding 13°-
riod of 1867, a decrease of 11,482.
It is stated that in an investigation now pending
in a St. Louis court, evidence will be brought to show the
use of a corruption fund of $350,000 by one of the Patel°
Railroad Companies to secure the passage of a bill in it 4
favour.

The Hungarian Government has opened with the
United States of America negociations with the view of
extending to Bavaria tho stipulation of the Amorico-Pru6"
sian treaty relative to naturalization.
GOAT ISLAND.—Orders have been received to
make this island, which is reserved by the United States
for military purposes, an engineer depot. The company
,
at Black Point will be transferred to it, and a permanent
station established.

In Calabria and in the southern districts of Sar-
dinia every scrap of vegetation is being devoured 11
myriads of locusts.

The Illinois Agricultural Society offers premium°
of $lOO, $75, $5O, and $25 for the best groves of young
forest trees. California might do well to offer similar in:
ducements for the encouragement of the growth of forest
trees in the Sacramento and tributary valleys.

Births.
a
HALLIDAY—On the 21st inst., at Otterbourne, the W.lf 00,
Capt. T. E. Halliday, Royal Marine Artillery,
v•
daughter.
LANE—On the 22d inst., at 7, Radcliffe-gardens, the svift)
of Capt. G. Lane, Royal Body Guard, of a daughter. ,0
LAVE—On the 22d inst., at Plymouth, the wife of CaPt4l
Lane, Royal Marine L. 1., of a daughter.

Marriages.
etir
Cun,E,—WESTERN—On the 23d inst., at St. Peter's Chg•
Eaton-square, Robert C. Cure, Esq., eldest son of CAP! y,
Cure, Esq., of Blake Hall, Essex, to Margaret WI
eldest daughter of Sir Thomas Western, Batt., °
Felix Hull, Essex.
ref°
MACFARLAN—TomniNs—On the 19th inst., at St. Geoa.s.,
Church, Hanover-square, .Tohn G. Macfarlan, FY- h'
of Upper Norwood, to Ellen Tomkins, youngest claug
t.tr of the late Wm. Toatkins, of Kensington.
Deaths.
Rir
DICKSON—On the 21st inst., at Folkestone, Col. •-•

Dickson, of Syclenhatn, Roxburgh.
EnwAßDs—On tho 21st inst., at Parbury, Frorne-Selso°3'

Wm. Edwards, Esq., aged.B6. •
stet'
lIALroRD—On the 22,1 inst., at \Vistow Hall, Lelce
shire, Sir Henry llalford, Bart., aged 72. ace/
LEWIS—On the 23d inst., at 33, Westmoreland-P der
Westbourne-paric, Thomas E. Lewis, late Ceal"l°
in her Majesty's Indian Navy, aged 40.
PAL3IER—Cn the 22d inst., at 13G Kensington-parlt-r°
Mary Palmer, aged 65. clo et
S MITII—On the 22d inst., at 8, Craven-place, A.c°
Smith, aged 98.

London : Printed and Published by WILLI:IM AND° 10.
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tug Sus Vince, No of
Strand, in the Precinct of tho Savoy, in the o°u3`l
Middlescx.—Mouday, May 25, ISCS.

TimA
This eel
Prize Medal
It is Puri
Sold in 7
the Agents
8. (
Observe
Ila LL N

LUT

li:Rus
Old or 1. "ANCiI ,
able Week]
Forms free

J AI.

rtntANTE
Izirrtting
t 9 those of
hp with
0 clock En

R°Y

First
Madame
eXclusiv(
Mr. A. c
BIDNE)
ICATTII
Mr. LAE
Privatl
r-roni.na

The

SPECI,
Mice Du

CA

Ona
IL—rat-kROGI3in
rt• CO
SUCCOSS 01
COMique
Star Cot;
ti, vrTE
-;
'"Rucy,
Rarden).
Astlers'a
ing /Mlle
Austin al
a Powern
eess of th
SPlral As
forniance
2.!, the Er(
tlendersc
Lee; dan
W
a
ellaractet
Rosalind,
tOn, the e
levelath
`aiILF,TE
Perfonne
111.°reesoz

EA
Rion,
ca-; or,'•
.14(31

Thiß m
wiving I
PY Stour
cior the
'ol° or

C 50.
GLAsi

IVIVr(
This
h, ours
aOr 60
°hernia

~`
~~:

curls L.
t3°ld at.
"d 141

Gitl

colour
feetly
6i.. e
Ch4asi

tIA
Irioves
with„
". ; se

Ve,r4
Nta,„
all Oh(

fit
Eleven ,
ternain
'Stamps
and al

ITC

uor tj
n
11EAL

0„
YearB
21b
ri,
142;i4'
also ;
trOe