The Sun.
London, England, 1868-04-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 11, 1868

al, to rule on
•••••+•......r•••••••11
the forme and procedure of the tr;
questions of evidence, and at his option'' to au'omit
them to the Senate. This is an important gain, in-
asmuch as it elevates the trial from a mere par ty
gathering, whose proceedings are only worthy of
contempt, to a covstitutional assembly deliberatin g
on a grave national question. It shows, too, that
the noisy and unscrupulous party have not the
ascendancy in the Senate which they unfortunately
still maintain in the House of Representatives, and
there are consequently less grounds for apprehend-
ing that the long talked-of trial will either bring
the American Constitution into contempt or open
anew the floodgates of civil war.

Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH has been figuring away at
Manchester before the Reform Club of that city.
The chairman, Mr. RAW SON, contrived, in the
course of his remarks, to give a little salutary
advice to the members of the Reform party, and
told them that if they had supported Mr. GLAD-
STONE more efficiently they would have had a better
Reform Bill than the one which has lately obtained
the sanction of Parliament. He regretted the mi-
nority scheme in the representation, concluding by
the astounding remark that Manchester would very
probably stand as one in the next Parliament,
whereas by right she ought to have five or six mem-
bers in the House. Mr. JACOB BRIGHT'S speech
was in the usual style, and he dwelt at some length
upon the recent decision that had taken place on
Mr. GLADSTONE'S Resolutions. After discoursing
some time upon the question of the future majori-
ties which Mr. GLADSTONE could hope for,
Mr. BRIGHT treated his hearers to some
of his own views on the subject of the resignation
of the Government. The great majority of the
Liberal side think that Mr. DISRAELI should make
way for Mr. GLADSTONE, but some believe that it
was not necessary to be " too ardent" on that
point. After stating that he himself had no
anxiety, because he firmly believed that the pre-
sent Administration would not long remain as they
were, the hon. member proceeded to do his best to
expedite their departure by a series of taunts and
invectives, most damaging, no doubt, in the opinion
of the assembly to which they were addressed, but
which we daresay the Government will survive.
It was at any rate amusing to hear that the Minis-
try were put in a minority because they had no
policy, because Mr. GLADSTONE only had the start
in this respect by a week or so. As for their
having no control whatever over the legislation
of the House, that is very ridiculous, when
they carried a Reform Bill through it,
which successive Liberal Administrations found
themselves incompetent to perform. It would be
more the truth if we affirmed that the present Go-
vernment had only too much policy to please cer-
tain parties, and that they entertained grave sus-
picions as to obtaining too much popular favour.
Mr. JACOB BRIGHT concluded his very impressive
observations by asserting that he should be very
happy to give a vote that would put an end to the
existence of the present Government, which no
doubt was the passage in his speech most to be relied
on, and which he felt most deeply.

Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH evidently had his cue, and
contrived to please his audience by saying that the
men who passed the Reform Bill did not know
what they were doing. He must say that for origi-
nality of idea and extreme intolerance of opinion, no
one can do better than listen to the speeches delivered
by:those who would set the world to rights their own
way, and are disappointed if any one else succeeds in
outwitting them. The minorities clause was framed
in order that the Upper House of Parliament might
show the " exceeding goodwill which they enter-
tained towards the great constituencies which
return Mr. JOHN and Mr. JACOB BRIGHT." There
is one thing particularly noticeable in all these
speeches, and that is the extraordinary way in
which different things appear, though viewed ap-
parently through the same medium. Thus a
majority for Mr. GLADSTONE like a thing of beauty
is a joy for ever, and must always influence public
opinion, and form a region in political history and
Parliamentary records ; but the triumph of the
Government, whenever it took place is a transient
thing, a mere mistake, and only to be looked upon
with doubt and suspicion. Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH
found himself . in a sort of dilemma, but he
boldly plunged forward, and to the argument put
forth against the Liberals, as to why they did
not introduce the question of the Irish Church
before, he answered that Lord STANLEY brought
forward an amendment, and why did he not say
before what he said in that amendment ?
Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH spoke very sensibly in one
passage of his speech, where he declared that the
case should not be put too strongly against our
own country, for that the conduct of the English
people towards Ireland since the time of the Catho-
lic Emancipation had, on the whole, been kind and
good, " in intention at least." The Prince of
WALES'S visit will not do much good to Ireland,
Mr. SMITH thinks, because the Irish are clear-
sighted enough to see that it is done to conci-
liate them, and that argument may truly apply
to the necessary reforms which Mr. GLADSTONE'S
policy would hasten on ; but we agree with the
speaker in this, that it would have been better if
these Royal visits had not so closely resembled
those of angels, for the Irish are just the kind of
people to take umbrage at this sort of thing, or
consider it an oversight.
Concerning the education question, Mr. GOLDWIN
SMITH was against the compulsory mode proposed
by some, and popular to some extent in Manchester.
" You cannot devise a system," he said, " worked
by the Central Government, which shall suit all
parts of the country," and if you put a child to
school instead of work there will " be disadvantages
at home which will counteract the benefit acquired
at school." Improving our local institutions will no
doubt be a very desirable thing to do, and if more
political knowledge could be diffused among the com-
munity, no doubt important results would follow on
it. Mr. GOLDWIN SMITH led his remarks again to Mr.
GLADSTONE, declaring that he had the greatest
confidence in him, and that he showed himself the
" man," because it was the " hour ;" rather an
equivocal compliment, some might say, who were
inclined to be rational. He also uttered some
truths about the Liberal party, intimating that
they had become thoroughly demoralised by a long
tenure of power, but that in Opposition they had
recovered their virtue, and he is consequently in
no hurry to see them restored to power for their
own sakes. He is compelled, however, to desire
the exodus of the present Government, because they
are sapping the roots of English honour by their
conduct ; they carried a Reform Bill, but by means so
demoralising that it greatly detracted from the value
of the measure. it is always a sure sign that there is
something wrong when such a line of argument as
this has to be kept up, and if we are to look for the
real explanation of this talk about the insincerity of
the Conservative leaders, we should find it in the fact
that they have done good service to their country,
and continued to carry measures which their oppo-
nents could not and would not. 'That is an un-
pardonable offence, and has called forth the indig-
nation of all zealous and extreme partisans, but a
quiet reflection would show themselves and others
that they are acting an inconsistent part themselves,

for if it was the principle of the thing they cared about
they would not trouble themselves so much about
secondary causes, and in rejoicing that the " hone'
had come for the fulfilment of their wishes, they
would be indifferent as to whether they were or
were not the men who had brought about the de-
sirable result.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS, FRIDAY, April 10.

" Peace o'r war r is still almost the only question dis-
cussed. The Constitutionnel's assurance that France de-
sires peace, but that if there is to be a general disarma-
ment other countries must set the example, does not
count for much, at least not in favour of peace.
Nearly all the papers comment upon it. The SUcle
says that the Constitutionnel has completely failed
in its object, if that object was to reassure
"alarmed public opinion." The Debats points out that other
nations have as much right to ask France to set the
example of disarmament as she has to ask them. The
Libert4 (i.e., M. Emile • Girardin, whose statements are
always received with great deference) says : "France
armed as she now is, war is certain." The
Epoque, a paper friendly to the Government, says
that if the nations do not desire war, " they
are at least on the qui vine, and distrust each other.'
The Univers says that the article of the Constitutionnel has
a double meaning, and may signify peace or war. The
ifonde (both of these two last papers represent the clerical
party) declares that the article is more calculated to alarm
than to reassure. The Union considers the article a riddle,
but knows that we are sustaining the charges of
war without the benefits of peace. The Gazette de France
laments the article as a proof that France means to arm to
the teeth by sea and land, and to devote to the engines of
war the millions that should be spent on the implements
of peace. The Temps considers the language of the article
most unfortunate, and certainly points to, rather than
from, war. The Avenir National says that so far from
calming apprehensions, this article increases them. In
fact, it is only the semi-official papers like the
Patric, the France, and the Etendard that find any com-
fort in M. Limayrac's famous leader. I should add, how-
ever, that the IndePendance Beige, a well-informed journal,
does not see any reason to fear an immediate outbreak of
hostilities, and states positively that the Danish question
has not " ripened" sufficiently for French intervention.
Nevertheless, it seems to be admitted by the more pacific
that Marshal Niel is determined to place France in the
same position that Prussia was in 1866—able to strike a
decisive blow on the shortest notice.

One of the most encouraging signs in the midst of so
tnuch that is discouraging is the attitude assumed by the
democratic journals. They are strongly in favour of peace.
They constantly point out what enormous sums are being
squandered on armaments, and persistently urge the advan-
tages that would arise if these sums were devoted to the
arts of peace. As these journals have a circulation far
larger than that of the Government journals, it is to be
assumed that the nation really desires peace, and it is to
be hoped that the Emperor will take the general feeling of
the community into account.
The meeting of the Corps Legislatif is postponed from
the 16th till the 20th, and the reason assigned for the delay
is the impossibility of the Budget being got ready by the
earlier day. This incident has given rise to much com-
ment, and it is supposed to indicate a larger loan
than was at first mentioned, the extra sum to be
devoted, of course, to military purposes. In fact,
everything now is supposed to point to the same result.
flue visit of the Danish Minister of War (who by the way
has resigned that post), the sudden summons to Paris of
-the French Minister at Florence, and a rumoured, but of
course unfounded, incognito visit of Bismarck, are all
looked upon as signs of war.
The report of the Empress's visit to Rome, so often
rumoured, is revived. It is now said that her Majesty will
take the Prince Imperial with her, to receive the Pope's
blessing, after the Prince has made his first communion.
which, as I have mentioned, takes place on the 20th.
A. State document has just been published which shows
that Baron Haussm ann has been outrunning the constable.
The " Emperor of Paris " has been spending far beyond
the sums he was authorised to spend. In 1865 the city of
Paris was authorised to borrow £10,000,000. The
" Emperor " has borrowed £BOO,OOO more than that
amount. The city has also borrowed, without leave,
£400,000 of one house, and £920,000 of the Credit Foncier.
Altogether £2,200,000 have been borrowed " irregularly."
It remains to be seen if the Corps Legislatif will take
notice of this.

The Paris correspondent of the Morning Herald attaches
considerable importance to the article in the Constitutionnel
already referred to, in which the always Imperially in-
spired M. Paulin Limayrac denies that France is desirous
of war, and calls upon other nations to set the example of
disarming. The correspondent, however, so far from
thinking the article pacific, holds it to be the reverse,
and intended as an answer to one in the St. Peters-
burg Goias, which calls upon the Russian and Prus-
sian Governments to summon France to disarm.
The Golos says : " The armaments of France are
a danger for the peace of the world, and, by hook or by
crook, Europe must be disburdened of the crushing mili-
tary expenses which the attitude of France entails upon
her. The simplest way would be for Russia and Prussia
simultaneously to apply to France for an immediate dis-
armament, promising to follow her example. No doubt
that would be a grave step—an interference in the
domestic concerns of the French Empire ; but there is no
help for it, and it is called for by the general interests of
Europe."

There is to be a review of the French fleet at Cherbourg
after Easter. The Emperor and the Empress will be
present.
The Florence correspondent of the Times states that
Baron Malaret's sudden departure for Paris has caused
considerable comment. It is rumoured that the French
'Vinister at the Italian Court has gone to the French
3apital in order to make arrangements for a new treaty of
alliance between Italy and France, which will unite those
two Powers in the war with Prussia which so many persons
believe to be impending. The correspondent does not be-
lieve in any such treaty, thinking that Italy has so much
to do at home that she will hold herself aloof from foreign
complications.
The Opposition in the Italian Parliament seem to have
given up their attempt to obstruct the financial policy of
the Government, and now absent themselves from the
debates. The meal tax will come into operation on June
1. The income tax has been extended to the coupons of
the funds. No exemption has yet been made in behalf of
foreign holders, but it is supposed that Count Cambray-
Digny will provide fcr them, and so avoid the charge of
breach of faith which would bo made if they were taxed.

The Spectator believes that Mr. Disraeli will not quit
office " until taken out by the collar." The Government
will, therefore, fight the resolutions one by one. If de-
feated at last, they will intimate to her Majesty that they
cannot recommend an affirmative reply to an address asking
for the Irish Church as a prey. Nor could they advise
the Queen to reject a prayer sent up by a large
majority. They would, therefore, consult the country ;
but in deference to the feelings of Parliament and clear
expediency, they would defer the dissolution until January,
when the new electorate comes into power. This view is
concurred in by other papers representing various
degrees of political opinion. It is held that Minis-
ters have no intention of resigning or of immedi-
ately appealing to the country. One account is to
the effect that her Majesty has made a special request to
Mr. Disraeli that he will not resign during the present
crisis, and that he has pledged himself not to do so. The
Queen has no difficulty or scruple about the coronation
oath, but hesitates to part with a portion of her preroga-
tive until she has ascertained that it is the will of the
nation she should do so.

The Churchman states that the " recent developments
of Mr. Gladstone have alienated many of his supporters
in South Lancashire, and it is believed that, instead of
again facing that constituency, he will offer himself as a
candidate for the City of London. Preliminary election
proceedings on the right hon. gentleman's behalf have
already been made, and either Alderman Lawrence or
Baron Rothschild will have to go to the wall, in order
to make way for the Liberal leader. It has long been
thought that Baron Rothschild's continued ill-health may
induce him voluntarily to retire. The wealthy baron is
seldom in the House except on the occasion of an impor-
tant division.

A preliminary meeting of influential gentlemen, repre-
senting the various sections of the Liberal party in Chel-
tenham, has been held in that borough, to receive Mr.
Henry B. Samuelson, eldest son of the hon. member for
Banbury, and to hear a statement of his political views.
Mr. Samuelson having addressed the meeting at some
length, it was unanimously resolved that, subject to his
acceptance by a public meeting of the Liberal electors, he
should be invited to become a candidate for the represen-
tation of Cheltenham at the text election. The borough
is now represented by Mr. Schreiber, who in 1565
polled 1,157 votes, beating the present Lord Fitzhardinge
by 28.

There is a rumour to the effect that Mr. Kennaway, a
son of Sir John Kennaway, will be a candidate for the
representation of one of the new divisions of Devonshire.
Mr. Kennaway is the author of an interesting work,
entitled "On Sherman's Track," and dealing with the
famous march of that general through Georgia in the
autumn of 1864.

It is stated that on the retirement of Mr. Cumming
Bruce from tbo representation of Elgin and Nairn,
Lieutenant-Colonel Grant of Grant Mende to become a
candid* f9E th 4 rePreMitAOß Qt