The Sun.
London, England, 1850-03-19 00:00:00

timing ain*

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 19, 1850.
The suggestion made last night by the Hon. Gen"
tieman the Member for the county of Limerick, dur-
ing the discussion on the Parliamentary Voters
(Ireland) Bill, is of a very valuable character. If
fully and fairly carried out, not only on the other
side of St. George's Channel, hut in this country
0E0; it would go far to place the borciugh constituen-
cies on a sounder foundation than is the case at pre-
-540, and to remove one of the chief existing griev-
ances which the Reform Act left unprovided for,
the nomination boroughs, which are still subject
to improper and unconstitutional influences in
the selection of their representatives. From
the
manner in which the suggestion was received by the
Premier, and by the House generally, there is every
reason to hope that it may be carried into practical
operation during the present session, and that 1860
initYal be.distinguished as the year of a second Rs.
or 4A%
There knaireAt or startling innovation contained

in Mr. MONSELL'a proposition. The experiment has
already been tried, and the results have been
most satisfactory. It cannot be asserted
that the system, which is found to work well
in Scotland and Wales, would be unsuccessful
if extended throughout the United Kingdoms. Mr.
MONSELL, it is true, only spoke of Ireland. He
alluded to ten boroughs in Ireland with less than 300
voters in each, and he recommended that neighbour-
ing towns should be added, so as to form respectable
constituencies, not so liable to be affected by bribery
and corruption, or by local influence, as at present.
But why should every beneficial change be restricted
tck Ireland ? Are there not cases as glaring in this
country also ? If Mallow, Dundalk, Athlone,
Ennis, Portarlington, New Ross, Kinsale,
Cashel, Wexford, and similarly circumstanced
boroughs are to be found in Ireland, has
not England its Bridgnorth, Calne, Chippenham,
Devizes, Hon iton, Harwich, Lymington, Marlborough,
Richmond (Yorkshire), Totnes, Thetford, Wilton,
&c., &c.? ALd can it be said that the infusion of new
blood into) these constituencies is not as urgently
required as in any of the Irish boroughs above
alluded to? There are no less than twenty-two
towns in England returning forty-two repre-
sentatiVes to Parliament, the aggregate popula-
tion of which barely exceeds one hundred thousand
souls, which weigh as much in the political scale as
the twenty chief cities and towns in this mighty empire.
Although the latter have nearly four millions of inha-
bitants, the former have one member for every 2,390
persons, while in the latter the average amounts to
no less than 90,000 who are similarly favoured.
Thus, the opinions of a single individual, in the
smaller towns, will neutralize those of 37 persons in
the larger.
The chief feature in the suggestion is, that there
could be no practical difficulty in carrying it into
execution. The examples of Scotland and of Wales
show how the votes may be taken and the elections
conducted, and experience has shown that no reason-
able objection can be taken to its operation.
There is no necessity for in any degree altering the
relative proportions of county and borough members,
for depriving any persons now entitled to the fran-
chise of their privileges. All that would be required
is that towns at present practically unrepresented
should be added to existing small boroughs, which
would then form the centres of enlarged consti-
tuencies. If the principle were once recognised, it
would probably be so far acted on as to make up a
population of at least 20,000 or 30,000 inhabitants in
every district entitled to return a member or members
to Parliament. In anything like an equal
representation, there would be about one member for
every 41,000 persons ; and it is surely not too much
to say, that the absurd anomaly which, in certain
cases, permits 2,000 or 3,000 individuals to return
two representatives, should be abolished with all con-
venient speed.
It is unhappily but too notorious that, at the pre-
sent moment, no less than 69 gentlemen have
seats in the House of Commons, who cannot
be looked upon or considered as popular repre-
sentatives. To all intents and purposes, they
merely express the wishes of their aristocratic patrons,
or what is perhaps even more objectionable, they have
purchased their seats, and consider themselves fully
entitled to make the best bargains for their votes, for
which they have paid the stipulated price. Those
who buy will sell whenever an opportunity may
arise. And the Commons House of Parliament can
never possess the authority to which it is justly en-
titled, or enjoy the entire confidence of the people, so
long as a system so impolitic and indefensible is
sanctioned and tolerated.
To all who desire full and accurate information on
the subject above referred to, we would earnestly
commend the able pamphlet of Mr. MACKAY,* a
work to which we have referred in our columns,
and which may be regarded as constituting the basis
f the chief reforms now insisted on by the veteran
Member for Montrose and his patriotic coadjutors.
Mr. MACKAY has exhibited the question in its tree
light, and exposed all its ludicrous absurdity. He
has shown that a majority of members are returned
by about one-sixth of tlae persons entitled to the
elective franchise; that 180,000 electors send 330 repre-
sentatives,while the remaining 900,000 have but 328 ;
so that, in fact, the third-class towns and small bo-
roughs, including cf course all the boroughs in which
undue influences are in operation, can outweigh and
overrule the electors in all the counties and in the
great industrial towns. This is not as it should be,
or as, considering the extraordinary unanimity exhi

bited by persons of all shades and varieties of political
opinion on the suggestion of Mr. MONSELL, we think
we are justified in saying it will be. No time should
be lost in carrying it into effect. Ttie approaching
Easter recess will give Ministers ample leisure to
mature the project, and the time should not be
wasted or misapplied if they desire to have an op-
portunity of achieving this reform, an honour that
may otherwise fall to the lot of a private Member.
Whatever may be the result, Mr. MONSELL, who has
long been one of the most useful representatives from
the sister kingdom, will have earned for himself the
thanks and gratitude of th 2 community in general.

Now-a-days the conviction is becoming so power-
ful and prevalent as to the necessity of emigration
from the mother country to her colonial possessions,
that the advocacy of this method of national advance-
ment has extended from the provinces of the journal.
ist and the pamphleteer to those of the novelist and
the mercantile speculator. Hence it happens, that
while we find the best and the most beautiful of the
fictions penned by Sir BULWER LITTON, adorned with
attractive delineations of the settlers' life in Austra
lia, we simultaneously observe the formation of one
company ufcer another—associations projected for
the purpose of facilitating the movement from Eng-
land towards her more remote dominions. When-
ever among those societies we are enabled to recognise
any that appear to us calculated to advance the cause
all of us have so much at heart, whenever we detect
the benefits likely to accrue to emigrants guided
under judicious management, and whenever,
moreover, we perceive that those various
benefits and advantages are guaranteed by the
substantial excellence of the names enrolled
upon the directory, and prefixed to the prospectuses,
we are eager to recommend the examination cf the

plans advanced by the originators to such as are
seriously solicitous to try their fortunes in our fruit-
ful hut uncultivated colonies. In commending an
such projects, nevertheless, to the consideration of
these adventurers, it becomes to us a matter of con-
scientious responsibility to abstain from doing so in
all cases but those in which we discover the soundest
calculations and the most indubitable securities. Re-
cently we have had occasion to express our approval
of one or two such undertakings, in no instance,
however, before we have subjected them to the most
scrutinizing investigation. While expressing our
earnest sympathy in the benevolent scheme of Mr.
SIDNEY HERBERT, and entertaining a kindred regard
for the philanthropic project of Mrs. Cursuorx, we
have not overlooked the necessity of witnessing the
accompaniment of all such humane enterprises with
others established upon a strictly mercantile, though
at the same time also a similarly beneficent principle
—whereby the persons conveyed to our distant
colonial possessions might be enabled after their ar-
rival there to prosecute their agricultural and other
labours with a probability of reaping reasonable and
rapid advantages. With this intention—with the in-
tention of demonstrating the feasibility of such appa-
rently incongruous association!, working in unison
not only without detriment to each other, but with
the certainty of mutually promoting the interests
of each other—we have, as already intimated,
referred from time to time to the csta-
blidiment now Of a chnritahle fund, now of
a ccinaareial association, each and all of them
undertaken equally with a view to promote the
general cause of emigration.
Among other undertakings of the ab,ve-mentioned
character which appear to have sprung very recently
into existence, one, entitled " The Colonization As-
surance Company," scorns to us to be eminently cal-
culated to advance the interests of the mother
country and of her Australian possessions. Of course,
vOlile accomplishing this twofold achievement, the
company will loik sedulously to the simultaneous
advancement of those interests which come nearer

* " E!ectoral Districus. An Inquiry ilizo the workmg
of the R.iforin Bill." By Alexander Diackiiy, Esq.,
Barrister-at-Law. Loudon: Charles Gilpin, 1543.

home, the interests of themselves, of the directors,
and of the shareholders. Without the recognition of
the feasibility of this latter project, and tha►, too, on
a very agreeable and comprehensive scale, we
should, especially in a mercantile country like
England, and in a mercantile age like the nine-
teenth century, be disposed to view the proposed
enterprise with an unconquerable suspicion.
Such suspicion, indeed, comes so very naturally,
that it attaches itself unfortunately to the strictly
charitable associations, so that the secretaries and
treasurers of such associations are not unfrequently
watched with a distressing, because undeserved, jea-
lousy. Be it said, therefore, at once, that the com-
pany here alluded to is in no degree to be regarded
as a merely benevolent undertaking, but that which
is indisputably beneficent in all its immediate and
ulterior tendencies—it is certain, when carried out, to
secure to itself the re ward of its very laudable exer-
tions. It has been a subject to us of very consider-
able satisfaction to observe that the scale upon
which the whole scheme bas been projected
is of a kind altogether so comprehensive
and cosmopolitan, that it embraces alike
the intended emigrants from England and others also
from the different nations of the European Continent.
It is worthy of recollection, in reference to this fea-
ture of their enterprize, that the soil and climate of
Australia are capable of supporting, with an abundant
and various productiveness, the different agriculturists
collected together from the diversified dominions of
the old world. In the provinces of that southern
continent, where according to one of the most
brilliant wits of oar generation, the earth is;so genial in
its exuberance, that it requires only to be tickled with
a hoe to make it laugh into harvests, the English
settler might tend his apple-trees, the German his
vineyard, and the Servian his plum orchard, each with
large returns and entire satisfaction. Consequently,
it is not with pardonable rashness, but with laudable
prudence, that the Colonization Assurance Company
have proposed aiding the ambition alike of English
settlers and settlers from the Continent; and if the
association be only carried on in accordance with these
same wise and enlarged principles we are satisfied
that it must rise simultaneously in popularity and
prosperity.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

We have received the Paris journals of yesterday.
It would appear from the following article which
appears in the Napoleon that the PRESIDENT of the
Republic has actually surrendered himself bound hand
and foot to M. THIFES and the Orleanists, and has
consented to become, instead of the Chief of the State
—the elected of six million Frenchmen—the underling
of a faction, the tolerated of the club of the Rue de
Poictiers. The Napoleon says :
"The Paris elecuou is a ray of light darted into the
depths of society. The evil is revealed, and in the face of
this revelation all political distrusts have disappeared.
The President claiming the honour of a generous initia-
tive, decided n surrounding himself with all persons of ex-
perience, all devotedness. It has been seen by the eager-
ness with which all the most important men responded to
the call, what real patriotism there la in the views of certain
parties, so often accused of after thoughts, and in the
minds of the statesmen to whom personal views were at-
tributed. The President of the Republic himself nobly
dispelled the imaginary notions which ought noses to
have been entertained of the exile restored to his
country by the Republic, and raised to power by the na-
tional will. Both sides separated, animated with a like
self-denial, and an c quid zt al for social interests,
which now become the predominant political in-
terests. The election of the 10th March Las
cemented and ailed the union of the two great
powers of the state. This is not the first time that
imprudent adversaries have served the cause they
sought to oppose. Such a result narrows considerably
the Ministerial questions which have so much occupied
the journals. The question is not who shall be Minis-
ter, but what will the Ministry do in accord with the
Assembly? It is not our province to prejudge the reso-
lutions of the Government and the Assembly. What
we have to record with satisfaction is their perfect sym-
pathy, their emulation to give to society all the guaran-
tees of which it now stands in need more than ever, and
which it has a right to require on the morrow of a sur-
prise brought about by secondary circumstances it is
true, bat which, if its dangers were not understood,
might one day compromise the general cause of order
and civilization."
In another article entitled " the situation," the
journal of the Elysee thus confesses its sins and prays
to the parti-pretre for absolution :
i• The barbarians are at our gates, but be not ucessy,
they will not get into the place neither by cunning nor
by force. We have behind our ramparts an immense
population which, notwithstanding some traitors, will
always render impossible the triumph of an enemy e hose
only object is pillage. Though our adversaries should
increase their numbers by some other deserters, they
would not succeed. Have we not fur us justice, truth,
and civilization. The prevailing true idea now is, the
bettering the condition of the pourer classes, an improve-
ment which it is impossible to effect if the Government
is not strong, and society does not feel confidence. The
false m.•tio.n is the doctrine which pretends to reach
the same end by the overthrow of all that exist., and
by the triumph of chimeras which have no root in the
past nor hope in the future. If the •Government has
conimitted errors, it is quite ready to admit them, for it
desires but the good, and is ambitious of ao other glory
than that of saving the country."
The Journal des Debate, the accredited organ of
the.Orleanist faction, does not fail to take note- of the
unconditional surrender recorded in these articles of
the Napoleon:—
"The note (it says) published by the Napoleon ap-
pears to have a certain official character. This declara-
tion is the result of the interview which took place im-
mediately after the elections of Paris between the Pri si-
dent of the Republic and some of the most eminent men
of the Parliamentary majority, Messrs. Mold, Triers, De
Broglie, Berryer, Montalembert, St. Priest, and General
Changarnier."
It would appear as though the defeat of the re-
actionaries at the Paris elections had so stunned them
as actually to have deprived them of their senses.
The authorities have actually commenced prosecu-
tions against all the Republican journals for having
urged the people to abstain on Friday from any
demonstration which could by possibility lead to a
breach of the peace, and, as if to render their
intentions still more unmistakeable, the Pa-
trie, the Minixterial journal, in one of its
leaders has the following passage :—" Do not despise
the sword. Contempt of force is foolish. :"he
enemy within must be destroyed. The sword is
HOLY." ROBESPIERRE talked of the " holy guillo-
tine," and has deservedly incurred the execration of
posterity fur the phrase. Where is the vast differ-
ence between his holy guillotine and the holy sword
of the reactionaries, seeing that each is to be used to
shed the blood of political opponents, only because
they are political opponents ? The Republicans are,
however, too prudent,to afford their opponents the so
much desired opportunity of using the " holy
sword ;" they will bide their time patiently, knowing
that the elections of 1852 will give them a decided
majority. The reactionaries also are aware of this,
and universal suffrage, heretofore the theme of their
eulogium, has all at once lost its prestige. Already
are measures talked of to be adopted by the Assembly,
in direct violation of the Constitution, to hamper the
exercise of universal suffrage, but even the adopfion
of these measures will not excite the people to
violence, or afford toCUANGARNIER the desired oppor-
tunity of using the "holy sword."
" The people," says the National, "are calm
because they are strong, they are patient
because theirs is the future. You can-
not deprive them of either their calm, their
strength, their patience, or their future." In another
part of the same article the National, addressing the
reactionary factions, says—" Moral force and mate-
rial force have alike deserted you. On whom do you
rely ? Is it on the Bourgeoisie, which has just con-
demned you ? Is it on the Proletariat, which sees in
you its irreconcileable enemy? Is it on the army,
which has proved to you that it intends to be the
army of right and of principle, and not the Praetorian
guard of ambitions reprobated by all ?"
The Republique thus shadows forth the tactics of
passive resistance which will be adopted by the Re-
publicans, should the reactionary Assembly attempt
to violate the Constitution. It says—
" It is evident that means will be sought of suppress-
ing, if not of perverting and falsifying universal suffrage.
That is what we have to watch. Thank heaven, the
Constitution has put a check to retrograde attempts, by
deciding that the suffrage should be direct and univer al.
That if a violation of the Constitution be attempted we
have a sure weapon—the refusal to pay the taxes—'
more universal suffrage, no more money.' This argu-
ment rendered all others unnecessary."
Even in the Assembly the reactionaries eannot
refrain from giving utterance to their rage and fears,
tl ey scold like old women. On Saturday they in-
tsrru aed M. JULES PAVILE no less than fifty-two
tines in the course of his speech, and at length M.
SEGUE D'AGUESSEAN, one of the moat bigotted of the
parti-pretre, exclaimed, " Paris by its late vote
uttered a cry of war," to which M. JULES
FAVRE justly retorted, " And you have now
uttered the language of an insurgent," an opinion
in which M. DuriN seemed to concur, as he called
the worthy ci devout Noble to order.
The Patric is endeavouring, in conjunction with
to organize a system of ex-
the AssenibMe Nationale,

..._ __.... _.. .
elusive defiling. This is a dangerous game, for if the
Socialists in the Faubourgs were to do the same, the
reactiontireis would lose at least three votes for every
one they would gain. The AssembEe Nationale ap-
pears to puhli).h its lists of proscription at
hap-hazard ; in fact, it declares that it
wishes to give those whom it acetifies wrong-

• fully an opportunity of denying the reports in
circulation, thus cunningly endeavouring to do away
with the secrecy of the ballot, by regarding all who
do not declare their votes as having voted against its
friends. It is to b 3 regretted that any of the persons
denounced should have taken the trouble to contra-
dict the statements of the journal, the course should
have been for each individual denounced to have en-
tered a separate prosecution against the gerant.
The Itioniteur du Soir says—
" Troops continue to be sent to the frontier. It is
stated that several regiments of infantry in garrison at
Paris have received orders t) be in readiness to march
this week for the north."

. One of the Paris journals has the following :
"At the beginning of April the following changes in
the eavalry of the garrison of Paris are to take place:—
The 9th Regiment of Dragoons, which formed part of
the army c f the Alps, and acted so energetically in the
affairs of Lyons, is to replace at Paris the 2d Dragoons,
who have distinguished themselves in all the emeutes
under the command of the brave Colonel de Guyon.
The 2d Chasseurs, who were so energetic at Niort und( r
the orders cf M. de Cotte, is to replace at St. Germain
the Ist Cuirassiers, who are to go to Lille. The sth
Hussars are to come from Pontivy to Paris, and the sth
Ll:leers are to go from Paris to Pontivy, The Ist Lan-
cers are to replace the 4th Dragoons at Versailles."
The Moniteur du Soir says that the PRESIDENT of
the Republic will accompany the GRAND DUKE of
Baden on Friday next to the frontier, and will
afterwards visit the garrisons of the departments of
the east.

A letter from Toulon, of the 14th inst., states that
the French fleet, which was expected in that port,
had received counter-orders, and would remain in the
Bay of Naples to wait the course of events.

There were some fluctuations in the quotations of
Government Stock at the Bourse today, but prices
were better maintained than on Saturday. The
Five per Cents opened at 91f. 95c, fell to 91f. 75c.,
rose subsequently to 921. 25c., and closed at 92f. 15c.;
the Three per Cents. closed at 57f. sc. ; Orleans Rail-
road Shares, 765 f. ; Rouen, 45f, ; Havre, 2361.25 c. ;
Great Northern, 4361. 25c. ; Avignon, 197 f. 50c. ;
Vierzon, 3171. 50c.; Basle, 115 f ; Bordeaux, 4001. ;
Paris and Strasburg, 3451. ; Tours and Nantes, 2451. ;
the New Roman loan, 77g.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK-EXCHANGE, MARCH 18.
Dutch Rhenish, 2143—Luxembourg, PA—Northern. of
France, 12%.