The Sun.
London, England, 1844-11-23 00:00:00

SOUTH WALES RAILWAY.
In consequence of the applications for Shares in this Rail.
way having greatly exceeded the number required, those parties
whose applications remain unanswered, are hereby respectfully
informed that the List was closed on the 2d November, and that
the allotment has been made.

By order of the Committee,
FREDERICK G. SAUNDERS,
10, Whitehall, Nov. 21, 1844. Assistant Secretary.

F.— MPLOYMENT. —Persons having a little time
to spare are apprised that Agents continue to be appointed in
London, and country towns, by the EAST INDIA TEA COMPANY,
or the sale of their celebrated teas.

Offices, No. 9, Great St. Helen's-churchyard, Bishopsgate-street.
They are packed in showy leaden canisters, from one ounce to a
pound, with the price and weight marked on each packet, and but
ittle trouble is occasioned by the sale. The license is only I Is. per
annum, and many during the last nineteen years have realised con-
siderable incomes by the agency without one shilling let or loss.
Application to be made (if by letter post-paid) as above.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
The PROTEOSCOPE, a new apparatus for exhibiting
OPAQUE OBJECTS it Nature and Art, showing continued novelties.
The PHYSIOSCOPE, lIYDRO-ELECTRIC MACHINE, DIVING-
BELL and DIVER, DISSOLVING VIEWS, &c., &c. ])r. RYAN'S
LECTURE daily, and in the Evenings of Monday, Wednesday,
and Fridays. Professor BACHHOFFNER'S varied Lectures abound
in interesting experiments.

Admission, Is.; Schools, Half-price.
A New Edition of the CATALOGUE, containing Three Hundred
additional Werks of Art, &c., since the last revisal, is just published
price Is.,

LEAGUE MEETING AT
ROCHDALE.

A meeting of the League was held at Rochdale on
Wednesday night, in the New Hall, Baillie-street,
preceded by a tea party, which was most numerously
and respectably attended. Indeed, so great had been
the application for tickets, that it was found necessary
at the tea party to divide the company into two
rooms—the tables being removed afterwards so as to
make room for the whole company in the Hall, to
take part in the meeting. The gentlemen invited to
be present, and who had accepted invitations to• ad-
dress the meeting, were--George Wilson, Esq.,
(Chairman of the Council of the League), Richard
Cobden, Esq., Wm. Sharman Crawford, Esq., John
Bright, Esq., and John Brown, Esq. (late candidate
for the county) ; and, in addition to these gentlemen,
we noticed the following influential parties resident in
Rochdale ;—Mr. George Ashworth (magistrate), Mr.
George Ashworth jun., Mr. James Littlewood, Mr.
R. Scholefleld, Mr. John Petrie, Rev. Mr. Thorburn
(independent minister), Messrs. Holgate and Roberts
(attorneys), Mr. Robert Heape, Mr. Benjamin Heape,
Mr. Jacob Bright, Mr. Pagan, Mr. Turner, Mr.
Frederick Lane, and Mr. Gibson.

GEORGE WILSON, Esq., in taking the chair, ad-
verted to the progress of the League, and the nume-
rous fallacies it had lived to argue down. He con-
cluded his speech by saying—The battle of free trade
must be fought on free-trade prhiciples alone, and the
man who should strike his opinions on the day of
trial, under any pretence, was little batter than a
monopolist.—(Loud applause.) They had petitioned,
memorialised, and sent deputations in vain to Govern-
ment for the repeal of this law ; they had now
changed their course of action ; they were now deter-
mined to work out their object through the registra-
tion courts, and calling upon their friends who could
afford it to secure a vote, they would become inde-
pendent of Ministerial caprice, or the patronage of
lofty names ; they were determined to rely upon their
own strength, and when the day of contest should
come, they would thus be able to measure strength
with their antagonists, and obtain for the people of
this country the second charter of their liberties—
unrestricted commerce.—(Loud cheers.).
Mr. COBDEN, M.P.,
as
followsit
protracted cheering. He was
pecked
Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen—l was saying to
my friend Mr. Bright that I never spoke so badly any
where as at Rochdale, and I never came here yet that
I did not give you a very bad speech, and a very
short one ; and I can promise you that I shall do no
more to-night, and I can tell you what is the reason.
When I have to speak, I like to fancy, at all events,
that I have somebody to be convinced, or somebody
opposed to me : I always had the impression that at
Rochdale your minds were pretty well made up on
the subject of the corn-laws, and your kind reception
of me to-night convinces me more and more that I
have no work to do here.—(Applause). It makes no
matter what our errand may be; in going to some
place to beg money one has to brace up one's nerves,
and get up a face for the occasion ; but when we come
to Rochdale to beg money—though I am happy to
say we have not come to beg to-night—(Applause)—
I am always sure to be told that the money has been
all subscribed and collected in Rochdale for days
before hand.—(Applause). And now, when our ob-
ject, as my friend in the chair has said, is to induce as
many people in. Rochdale as possible to become free-
holders, and qualify themselves to vote in this and the
neighbouring divisions of counties, I am told that
somebody in the room has a book in which there are
already down somewhere about 100 names of persons
intending to become freeholders, so that our work is
done before we begin to talk about it.—(Applause).
Our chairman has told you correctly that the labours
of the League have hitherto been those of prepara-
tion ; that is, they have been trying to convince the
minds of their fellow-countrymen that free trade is a
good thing, and the corn-laws very bad ones. But
something more than that must be done before we can
convince the House of Commons ; for we have not all
our own way there as here; there is plenty of anta-
gonism there to raise a man's spirit for him.—(Ap-
plause). He will hear all sorts of voices and sounds,
except those pleasant and agreeable ones with which
you treat me here. We sometimes receive the
treatment you would expect to receive amongst a
body of newly-caught New Zealanders.—(Laughter
and applause.) Now you cannot change that
opinion by any argument ; you may, perhaps,
convince some of them, but I never knew any con-
verts made by argument ; If they are convinced, they
still don't change. Only one argument goes down
in that House; it is, as Mr. Gisborne once said, a ma •
jonty ; no other argument but a majority goes down
there.—(Applause.) Now, we want to alter the ma-
jority in that House ; and that is to be done out of
the House, and not in it. It is to be done not merely
by converting some of those who make Members of
Parliament, but by adding as many as possible to
those who are qualified to elect representatives.
Hitherto we have been an Anti-Corn-law League,
instructing the people, and agitating them about
free trade; now, I really think we are going to take
my friend Sharman Crawford's business out of his
hands, and advocate an extension of the suffrage.—
(Applause.) We want to persuade our fellow-coun-
trymen to buy the property that will qualify them to
vote; and I most sincerely wish that every head of a
family in this country was worth the money. neces-
sary to buy that vote. But that is much easier done
than many people suppose. Another meridian has
dawned upon us within the last few months. We
pledged ourselves some time ago to contest the
boroughs and try what we could do to gain them ;
but it never occurred to us that we could win counties
in this country. And yet with 252 county Members
in the House, and not six of them voting for free
trade, it has occurred to us that unless we can make
'some change there, we shall not be likely to get a
majority in that House.—(Hear, hear.) Now I be-
lieve the counties may be won in many instances, as
I have before said, much easier than the little pocket
boroughs. There has been a great misapprehension,
both as to the nature of the county representation,
and the means by which votes may be had for a county.
We have all that superstitious notion about land-
owners and land, so that people in the towns have
tacitly agreed to allow that to a certain number of
lords and squires, who dress in top-boots, and waste
most of their time in hunting or worse idleness, be-
longs the county representation—that this representa-
tion belongs to a totally different class from the town
representation. Now, this is the old superstition de-
rived from feudal times, which it behoves us to get
rid of.(Applause.) What is the county representa-
tion ? Not the representation of acres, or cattle, or
sheep. The very voters who compose the county
constituencies go to vote for or against our interests
in towns ; there can be no interests in a
county apart from the interests of the towns
within that county ; for counties without the towns
contained in those counties would be about as valu-
able as the unreclaimed land in New Holland._
:(Applause.) The counties belong to the towns, and
not the towns to the counties ; and to the towns
ought to belong the county representation.—(Ap-
plause.) I believe England is the only country in
the world having a constituency form of government
where the distinction has been kept up of votes for
'counties and votes for boroughs ; in all other coun-
tries with which I acquainted, the votes are given
from sections of country, or by a population of par-
ticular districts; but in no other country is the ab-
surdity continued of sending one description of re-
presentatives for the towns and another for the
counties. We have derived this from our own feudal
system ; it sprung up at a time when there was a ge-
neral belief, and when probably that belief was founded
on something like fact, that there was an antagonism
between the interests of towns and the interests of
counties ; in fact, when our representative system
first dawned in this country there was an antagonism
between towns and counties. The towns were the
residences of men who had attained a certain amount
of freedom, having escaped from the clutches of their
feudal: lords ; the counties were still is their hands ;
and whilst the towns sent up their citizens, their bur-
gesses, to vote in Parliament, the feudal lords and
the counties sent up their knights of the shire to vote
in Parliament also ; and they were at times very
much at war with each other, having separate and
distinct rights. But all that is gone by; nobody
pretends now that the people in eounties can have
different interests from those in boroughs ; and what
I want to bring to your conviction is, that as there is
but one common interest in county and town, you
have an undoubted right to take an interest in the
representation of the counties ; and, in fact, it cannot
be a representation of the county unless it represents
the large towns in the county.—(Applause.) Now,
there has been another great misapprehension ; people
have had an idea—“ Oh, its out of my power to be

,n elector for the county ; it costs so much to be an
lector for the county, I shall never be able to get a
Vote."—(Hear.) They have a notion that it must be
a rich man with an estate to vote for a county, or some-
body at least renting fifty acres of land. Now a
vote for a county may be much more easily gained,
and much more cheaply kept, than a vote for a
borough. How few of you in this borough, now,
can afford to take and keep a. 101. house.; that is, how
few to what there ought to be.—(Hear, hear.) But,
how many more of you can manage to ay out 401. or
501. in buying a cottage, and getting 7 or 8 per cent.
for your money. It is your own ; the purchase-
money is invested instead of putting it into the
savings' banks ; you get your interest and your vote
besides; and you have not to pay something addi-
tional every year, but the investment is paying you
something additional every year instead.—(Applause.)
Now, seeing how much easier it is to have a county
vote than a borough vote, we come here to agitate, to
try to indnce you, first of all, every man to get a
borough vote, and then to get as many county votes
as you can in addition; and, next of all, to urge
upon those who have not got a borough vote, to see
and get a county vote as soon as they can.—(Cheers.)
Don't let us talk about theories for getting the fran-
ehise in some great sweep, which can be obtained
some day, I don't know when ; but let us do some-
thing as well as talk ; let everybody who can manage
to get a vote for the county, get it as soon as he
can, and it will help him to get everything else
right and just that he wants to get.—(Applause.)
A. little while ago there was an election for North
Lancashire. Well, Mr. Towneley Parker, a leading
man among the squires—not a very wise man you
Suppose—it does not require a very wise man to lead
that order—(Applause and laughter)—in addressing
the constituency at one of the towns, said, "I should
like to see any one come forward here to oppose Mr.
Talbot Clifton. Look at the requisition that has been
presented to him! it is signed by people whose in-
come amounts to 400,0001. a year, and I should like
to know who would contend against such an amount
of influence as that." Nothing so easy as to contend
against it ; and show you how ; 400,0001. a year ;
how many votes will that give the landowners—for
that is what he meant ?—(Hear, hear.) We know
that 501. a year gives a vote; a rent of 50/. gives a
vote to the tenant, and that vote the landlord puts
in his pocket along with the rent.—(Applause.) But
farms are not divided now into 50/. each; it is not
convenient to do so. Mr. Towneley Parker's father
finds it necessary to make up his land into farms of
400 or 500 acres, and to get Scotchmen with money to
manage them, in order that he may get his rent.
Now, I'll suppose that they have this 400,0001.
a year let in farms of 100/. a year each, and that they
had their 4,000 tenants-at-will; and we'll suppose
that they command the votes of all of them. This
400,0001. a year of landed property represents a
capital at thirty years' purchase (which land is worth)
of twelve millions. Twelve millions of money, pay-
ing 400,000/. a year of rent, let to 4,000 tenants-at-
will at 1001. a year, gives 4,000 votes. Now let us
see how many votes may be owned in the towns in
North Lancashire—Blackburn, Lancaster, Preston,
Citheroe, andlthe rest, and what will they cost ? Why
4,000 votes at 501, each, of capital, mind you (for
you may buy a vote, I mean the property that will
give you a vote, quite easily)-4,000 people might
qualify themselves at 501. each of capital, which
would be 200,000/. Thus, the mere investment of
200,000/. in cottage property in any town in North
Lancashire would just give the same power to the
owners of that property in the polling-booths as Mr.
Townley Parker and his brother squires get, by invest-
ing their twelve millions in the land.—(Applause.) Well
now, if these squires will come out, and swagger, and
point to their requisition, and say, " See what an
amount of interest it represents, how can you stand
against such an amount of influence as this ?"—I say,
" Town against county—plain pantaloons against
top-boots and breeches, if you will."—(Loud ap-
plause and laughter.) And I have no doubt, if we
can only raise our fellow-countrymen to that feeling
of self-respect which I long to see within them, that
that the towns are better prepared now to make a
fight in this constitutional and peaceful way, against
the squirearchy, who are attempting to retain a por-
tion of that old feudal barbarism which is exploded
in every country in the world—money for money in
the polling-booth—than ever our ancestors were when
they knocked them out of those old castles of theirs,
and brought their houses about their ears.—(Loud
applause.) We have tried what can be done in South
Lancashire, and don't suppose, because we happen to
have so many large towns in South Lancashire, that
therefore we fight those landed monopolists atso much
greater advantage than the free-traders would have
in some other counties. For it does so happen, that
in Lancashire and Cheshire there is a 'greater num-
ber of large proprietors exercising a predomi-
nant sway in the counties than in any other part of
the kingdom. That is acknowledged and understood
everywhere. If you ask in London where the largest,
and richest, and most powerful landed proprietors are
to be found, they'll tell you in North Cheshire and in
Lancashire, where you'll find your Lord Derbys,
with their estates of eleven miles long ; your Scarris- ,
brick, where you may ride ten or twelve miles at a
stretch over his property ; and your Egerton, of Tat-
ton, with a similar extent of domain—the largest and
most powerful proprietors in the country.—(Ap-
plause.) And it is against them that we have had to
contend in Lancashire, and to contend, too, mind
you, before we had even thought of putting into
force the plan we are new recommending, of bring-
ing up all the free-traders to be put on the register,
by inducing them to qualify for this holy war against
monopoly. Well, in South Lancashire, under all
these disadvantages, we have tried our strength '
against the monopolists; and you know the result.— -
(Applause.) And it has not been long in dei-ng
either. Thanks to our friend Mr. Brown—(Applause)
—for having come forward to fight a forlorn hope ;
for I, having been behind the scenes, can tell you
that neither Mr. Brown, nor some other people who
must be nameless, had the least idea that we oould
win last time. I don't know whether, when E was
here, I told you any fibs, and said that we shosuld;
but you know in electioneering, as in love, you may
say anything.—(Applause and laughter.) But Mr.
Brown knew he had no chance of winning last ti'me ;
nevertheless, he threw himself nobly into the battle ;
he very admirably managed his canvass, and showed
the utmost munificence in maintaining his she re of
the expenses of the contest.—(Applause.) He 'knew
he could not win ; but I think he has a shrewd. guess
now that he'll win next time.—(Loud applause.)
Well, we tried our strength in South Lane ashire
and I'll tell you what happened. Every land ed pro-
prietor of any magnitude, Whig or Tory, v pith the
exception—and a splendid exception it was—c 4' Lord
Sefton, went dead against us.—(Hear, hear.) There
was one gentleman down at Liverpool, or the neigh-
bourhood, a Catholic, who had been so staun ch a
Liberal in times when the only test we put to
people was " Civil and religious liberty all over
the world," that he used to come into I Aver-
pool and take the chair for the Libe rids at
Lord Molineux's Committee.—(Hear hear.) At the
last election they went to him naturally, and: asked
him to do so again. The answer got was, " 'Phis is
quite another question now : this is not civil and reli-
gious liberty;' and they learnt, in short, that the
gentleman had turned corn-servative.—(Applaus e and
laughter.) Yes, and a good many more turned. :orn-
servatives too.—(Hear.) I was in the polling-1. ,00th,
at which I saw a gentleman there who used to be a
flaming patriot of the " civil and !religious libi :rty"
school not more than eight years ago, and who took
the chair at our committees for Lord Molineux and
Mr. Wood, in Manchester. He came to the poll t and
he said—" Mr. Entwisle, I rote against the Le: ig ue—
that's all."—(Laughter.) Now, that was a abby
fellow.—(Loud -applause and laughter.) I'll t 11 you
why; because he had not the courage to say, like
other men, " I am a corn-servative," but lie t tied to
escape by picking a quarrel with the League. —(Ap-
plause.) All shabby men do that.—(Loud api clause.)
If a man wants an excuse for doing what he k aows is
wrong, he picks a quarrel with the League, an el says
—" I am against the League."—(Hear.) No w, this
squire voted for Entwisle because he thought it ; :suited
his pocket to vote for Entwisle ; and he is not only a
shabby man, but a profoundly ignorant one; he did
not know his own true interest, or he woul d have
voted for Brown.—(Applause.) That was the p eople
we had opposed to us at the last election ; tl ie y all
went over. And we had the traitors at our own door
too, men of our own order—men who, as Mr. I ;right
says, opened the gates of the citadel by night ; as it
were, and let the enemy in.—(Applause.) V re . had
then all against us. And now I will tell you: what
we can do ; we can put our foot, the foot of the .1 Vnti-
Corn-law League, upon the neck of every one of M hem.
—(Loud applause.) Aye, we will say sa ft the
proudest of the aristocrats amongst them who nq )hold
this iniquitous system of corn-laws—" At 01; next
election we will prove that you, by identifying your-
selves with this vile system, you, with your ten or
twelve miles' extent of territory, have so forfeit ed the
respect of those around you, that, devoted (Fs the

English people hereditarily are to rank and wealth,
you have so alienated the respect and confidence of
the great bulk of the propertied class—the middle
class—round you, that you have no more poli-
tical power in the country than so many paupers
in a union workhouse."—(Hear, and loud cheers.)
Now, what has been done in South Lancashire—
done, as it were, in a canter—is nothing to what we
will do in future. They talk of recovering their lost
ground next year : I tell them, for their consolation,
bad as they are upon this registry, they will be a
thousand times worse upon the next.—(Applause.)
But this good system won't stop in Lancashire :
already in the West Riding of Yorkshire they have
caught the contagion, and they are meeting in every
town and large village in the West Riding. I have
no hesitation in saying, that North Cheshire will be
as easily won as South Lancashire ; there are only
5,000 or so upon the registry there; not one-half of
the people who are subscribers to the League and free-
traders in that county are upon the register. And
why should not we, in Manchester, and Oldham, and
Rochdale, send our contingent of free-traders across
the Mersey to help them out of their trouble there ?
—(Applause.) North Cheshire, the West Riding of
Yorkshire, and North Lancashire, must be the next
counties to follow the example of South Lancashire.
Then there's Middlesex; I did not think the Cock-
neys would be easily moved, but I bear they are
catching the infection in London; they are proposing
to add 500 or 1,000 fresh voters for the county of
Middlesex before the 31st of January.—(Applause.)
Now, it is a shame that there should be any doubt
about the representation of that county. If the people
of London had only a notion how easily they could
qualify, and how they are wanted to qualify, they
would have ten times the strength necessary to secure
the county of Middlesex to-the free-traders ; and I
doubt not it will be effectually done. Now, we shall
be told that this is very unconstitutional, if it is not
illegal—that is, that we should be adding to the con-
stituency of the country. Why, what does Sir Robert
Peel say ? " Register, register, register;" and we are
about taking his advice.—(Loud applause.) But
you cannot register, register, register, till you have
obtained a qualification to be put upon the register.
Now, the very plan that he proposed for increasing
his strength, and the strength of his motley party in
the polling-booth, is the plan we propose in our case:
but we do not endeavour or intend to do that which
the monopolist lords and :squires have done; that is,
not to make fictitious, to put spurious and fictitious
votes upon the register.—(Hear.) We have no conve-
nient gamekeepers, or park lodgekeepers, whom we can
cram on—no sons, or brothers, or nephews of farmers,
whom we can compel to register, and to swear
that they are partners, if necessary, when they are no
more partners than I am.—(Applause.) What I say
is this—lay out 401. or 501. in property which will
bring you in 41. or 51. a year, and get yourselves
upon the county register, and have a vote. Now, I
was not born and bred a lawyer ; but I will defy all
the lawyers in the land, including Mr. Smith, the
Irish Attorney-General—(Loud laughter)—to prove
that there's any illegality in a man buying a freehold
property that will give him a vote, along with in-
terest for his money.—(Applause.) Whether it is
constitutional or unconstitutional I don't profess ex-
actly to understand ; for I never yet knew anything
good in this country got—whether it was abolishing
the old boroughrnongering system, or getting rid of
Catholic disabilities, or of the Test and Corporation
Acts, or abolishing the hanging of people for a matter
of five shillings—(Loud applause)—l never knew
anything good of that kind accomplished in the shape
of reform, but there was one party in the State—
that party who used to be led on by the venerable
Lord Eldon—who were always sure to get out their
white pocket handkerchiefs, begin a crying, and de-
clare that if that measure passed, the Constitution
would be irretrievably ruined.—(Loud applause.)
Now, I don't profess to know what is constitutional;
but if there be anything unconstitutional in becoming
a county voter, I think, as there happen to be already
a great many 40s. freeholders, the constitution has
been pretty much tried in that point already.—(Ap-
plause.) But I would guard you against supposing
that there is anything like trick, or manceuvre, or
anything savouring of finesse, in endeavouring to
increase the voters on the register. It is in accord-
ance with the spirit as well as with the letter of the
law that men should aim at becoming voters. Why
is 405. mentioned, and not 101., as it is, unhappily, in
Ireland and Scotland ? Why, because it is considered
that a man, having the intelligence, and the spirit,
and the desire to possess 40s. a year of interest for an
investment, will be a prudent, careful, thoughtful
man, who will be likely to send proper representa-
tives ; and, therefore the qualification is fixed at that
amount.—(Applause.) It holds out an invitation to
every man who has the means to qualify himself, and
become a voter for representatives in Parliament.
And I cannot Imagine anything more calculated to
do good to that honest and large class of operatives
who cannot afford to live in a 101. house,
end who yet ought not to be excluded from
the franchise—l cannot imagine anything more
calculated to raise them as a class in their
own estimation (and you cannot raise a
man unless by raising him in his own
estimation), than by inducing and persuading
as many of them as possible to possess
themselves of the county franchise, by investing
their savings in a freehold purchase.—(Applause.)
You thus do good not only to those who are encou-
raged to save money with such a prospect, but to a
large class besides, amongst whom you scatter men
whq have themselves obtained a vote, and who will
act as missionaries in trying to induce those with
'with whom they work—stimulating them by example
and by a spirit of rivalry—also to become free-
holders, and therby have a vote in the representation
of the country.—(Applause.) In every point of view,
then, we see nothing but good to result from the
movement we have now undertaken ; I look upon it
with the greatest interest, because I think we have ,
tapped a new vein, as it were, in this agitation, one
that I am sure will be productive of the best possible
results, not only to our agitation (for many things
want doing besides corn-law repeal, and others will
do here no doubt better than we have been able to do
this), but I see the greatest advantage to arise from
increasing the basis of our representative system, by
giving us many additional voters, and particularly by
those whose desire of being enfranchised will induce
them to lay by a share of their earnings, in order that
they may obtain the necessary qualification. Gentle-
men, I don't think I need to say more on the subject
to convince you, for I understand you are already
convinced, and that a very large number are
already prepared to obtain the qualification.
I don't think I need to say anything on the
progress of our cause, or as it regards the main ar-
guments' in connexion with our question. You know
we have rather changed the aspect of affairs in this
country; manufactures are now up in in this draw-
well; the bucket of the farmers is going down
empty, and ours is coming up a little more full. We
are in a sort of intermittent fever in this country ;
the ague is at one extremity to-day, the cold shiver
at the other extremity to-morrow.—(Hear, hear.)
And this is the natural result of a system which
sets the laws of nature at defiance. But bear this
in mind : whilst your spindles are at work, if report
speaks truly, profitably at work just now, there
is that going on in the agricultural districts which
will assuredly bring those spindles in a short
time to a stand-still, or make them revolve with little
profit. You hear at agricultural meetings of the
want of employment for the labourers ; and the
farmers cannot employ them because they have not
money to pay them. Why cannot they employ and
pay them ? They have had a good harvest ; every
body admits that they have had a most splendid crop ;
and when they have been favoured by nature with
an abundant harvest, how is it they cannot afford to
employ their labourers and go on cultivating ? Simply
for this reason—they have taken their land at a rent
calculated at 565. or 60s. a quarter, and they are now
selling it in the country places at about 425. per
quarter.—(Applause.) But in those places where
the farmers have taken their land on a corn rent—
that is to say, to pay so, many quarters of corn for
their rent, whatever the price of wheat may be, as the
farmers in a great part of Scotland are doing, and on
Lord Radnor's estates :in Wiltshire—very much t)
that nobleman's credit—they are doing very well in-
deed, and making more money than when wheat was
high. I have got here a letter from a leading farmer
in Haddingtonshire, a district of the Scotch Lothians,
where farming is carried to such perfection, and he
tells me that the farmers were:never doing better in
Haddingtonshire, where they pay rent in proportion
to their produce—that is to say, if a man engages to
two
hundred two hundred quarters of wheat as rent for
hundred acres ofi laons. d,
if
pays 500/., hewliea
paysotnilsys
4001
.a
;quaanrdtert,hhue
if it is 4
thus
it makes no difference to him whether his produce is
high or low, onlythere isisthloiswa,dvaaandtagbe advantage, hise always
must must prosper when wheat
pay his labourers better after a good harvest than
when corn is dear.—(Applause.) What does this
prove ? That all the distress of the farmers in the

._ ~
....- ...."-- / -....
P syouolt;
hear
rf
about
tantdhe
malt-tax
_ .
bX-16 .►
y„,4: ogy:l;f,-,,,_. _,,,, 1- ' , ;7.3
,E, r) ~, ,i• ,
:,_ ,•
~.. C ~ .. %
NO VA •-•... . '''' At ir.-7:l[-:- 4,:- N. • :
_,._- ,c 4- ' -,- -- -
, it.....,--‘, - -co,
. ---„,c, 4 A.l) lig ti,
Ap
ga -..„ '
...7''' '1,111i1C'4.;.7.:','" ~, %; ..;:.''' Imo 'MN; `" - ' "''
. - 41 -.--
''',,
L........mb
.
,
41111P_ _ _____
been foolish enough to en
calculated upon wheat at 6C
they only get 425. for i
taxi
that the farmers are apt to
-,z,.. )--
.--1
~7.'-' , . .or .' - _ ~.,_
___4llk• to_ :•11' ' 'ii/I :. ' '\ , ~, 411%
iffrillib' ‘l4: 114:7J; It 4:7-11a;xreAlii
niv+
merely a pretence to keep these]
- and prevent them inquiring int(
—(Applause.) But, mark me ;
No. 16,309. LONDON, SATURDAY EVEN I N G -- U. N. NOVEMBER 23, 1844. PRICE 54 distressed, they cannot be cul
AV You hear of forty labourers in
.—.----_.
off to the union workhouse.—(ll(
THE SUN is Published EVERY MORNING at FIVE O'CLOCK, in Time for the EARLY TRAINS and TOWN DELIVERY; a SECOND EDITION (Evening Sun) is Published in Titne for tke AFTERNOON TRAllv,q
_ case is where an unfortunate B s
other day, m the parish of y
containing PARLIAMENTARY and Iza other NE W'S in LONDON lip to that Bow. 700 acres, and where there are
and a THIRD EDITION at ,SEVEN O'CLOCK, for POST,
1 ployed, at Bs. or 10s. a week.
ADVERTISEMENTS INSERTED in ALL THE THREE PAPERS, Morning Neon, and Night, thereby insuring a
lector
cetoW
elector
and COEIN7'RY CIRCULATION, at ONE CHARGE. this only amounts to 501. a week,
wages paid upon 700 acres of
~. .
................
foror the
eoeucnotuvuty 't costs so much to be an 1 Englbi,h,, peryle,,l,ier!diit!fily are to rank and wealth SOU T H WALES
..It A I L. W.A Y. '
R OVAL
The
PROTEOSCOPE,
anew
apparatus INSTITUTION.
for
exhibiting
consequence of the applications for Shares in this RaiI.LEAGUE MEETING ATI, for th
I shall never be al& t. ...(- .i I ~,. much smallest
w wages
sy oausr
that individual
parish conof
....... i......,.. .....tlw ownnariati thn niinahpr r flirt.' thnse °attic. OPAQUE ORJFOT,I im tintiirn rind Art olanwinst continuednovelties.