The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-09 00:00:00

CRIMINAL LAW OF SCOTLAND.

Mr. WALLACE gave notice that he would, on the
22d of February, move for a Select Committe to inquire
into the administration of the criminal law in Scotland
so far as related to the punishment of prisoners.
COURT OF CHANCERY—COMPENSATION.
Mr. WATSON gave notice that-he would, on the 22d,
move for a Select Committee to inquire into the orders
for compensation made by the Court of -Chancery
with regard to persons filling the offices of Six
Clerks and Waiting Clerks under the 6th of Victoria,
and for an inquiry into the emoluments of those officers
before the passing of that Statute ; and into the amount
of compensation due at that time, and for seven years
after the death of each officer ; and into the circum-
stances relating to the passing of the Act ; the appli-
cation of the money raised thereby, and the propriety of
continuing the same.—{Hear, hear.)
SLAVE TRADE.

Lord PALMERSTON stated that he would postpone
the motion of which he had given notice last night
with regard to the slave trade, till this day fortnight.
LAW OF MASTERS AND SERVANTS.
Mr. MILES gave notice that he would bring in a
Bill to amend the laws relating to masters and servants.
Mr. FERRAND gave notice that, to-morrow evening,
he should put a question to Sir James Graham, unless
in moving, this evening, his announced Bill for the
amendment of the Poor-law, the information he sought
should be elicited. Lord Chief Justice Denman
having, on a recent occasion, declared it to be the unani-
mous opinion of the Judges that, in some cases, it was
necessary to break in on an Act of Parliament ; and it
having also been decided that the mother was always-
the proper party to be appointed as trustee to her own
children, he (Mr. Ferrand) proposed to ask whether, in
the Bill which it was intended to bring in to amend the
Poor-law, the Government had inserted a clause for the
purpose of prohibiting the mother and child from being se-
parated in the event of their becoming the inmates of
a workhouse. _

THt AMEERS OF SINDE.

Lord ASHLEY, in rising to bring forward the motion
of which he had given notice, in reference to the Ameers
of Sinde, said it would have been more agreeable to him-
self, and not a little so to the House, if the subject he
was about to introduce had been brought fore ard
by some Member of greater importance. He had
waited until the close of last Session, partly to
see whether any other Member would undertake
the office of speaking in behalf of these impri-
soned Ameers, and partly in expectation of the arrival
of certain appeals from India to her Majesty in Council.
These appeals had not arrived, but why they had not
arrived no one could say. It might be that their pos-
sessions being confiscated, they had not the means to
forward or to prosecute them ; it might be that it was
out of their power to do anything in their own behalf,
on account of the rigorous imprisonment to which they
were subjected. But whatever was the eause, it was
most fitting and necessary that justice should be done to
those unfortunate princes— (Hear, hear)—and the na-
tional honour of the country vindicated. Now, having
felt most deeply that the question should be entrusted
to other and abler hands, he had, since he gave a notice
on the subject last session, determined altogether to
abandon it, not from any want of confidence in themerits
of the case, but on account of his own incapacity to do
justice to it. But when there appeared in the columns
of the Morning Chronicle—an important paper—a letter
bearing the signature of Sir Henry Pottinger—and such
a letter—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—from such
a man—he did feel that it was his duty no
longer to shrink from the task of bringing the
subject before that House. In this remarkable
letter Sir Henry Pottinger says —" I lamented
over the fallen state of my old friends, the Ameers, of
whose case I all along said, and ever shall say, under all
circumstances, and in all states and parties, that it is
the most unprincipled and disgraceful that ever tarnished
the national honour. No explanation or reason can, in
my opinion, justify such proceedings towards them,
and I know more of them than any man living.
You cannot use too strong language in expressing
my disapprobation and disgust at these proceedings."
True, true to the very letter. These unhappy princes
have strong claims, and he asked, in their name—what
he would not ask in his own—that the House would be
kind enough to give him a patient and even a favourable
hearing.—(Hear, hear.) With the permission of the
House, he would now proceed to state the history of our
connection with that country, and the claims which
these princes put forth to the consideration
and sympathy of the British Parliament. These princes,
whose case he was now bringing before the House, are
—that is to say, were dum regna erant—a combination,
or federation, of crowned heads, ruling conjointly under
the style and title of the Ameers of Sinde ; they ac-
quired their country by conquest, and ruled over a
people of dift'erent language and religion from them-
selves, but if that was to be used as an argument
against the Ameers of Sinde, as he perceived
it was used in ene of the minutes of the•
Governor-General, that argument would recoil with ten-
fold force upon ourselves. Why, what were they in
India ? If they allowed this to weigh a single instant
on their minds as an argument for the course of proceed-
ing against these fallen princes, it-would be retorted with
tenfold vigour upon ourselves. The Ameers were recog-
nised that country by several suc-
cessiveas
Viceroys rnegroojv'esoofrs flnodia. They endeavoured to in-
stitute friendly relations with the Ameers of Sinde,lavni
tdh thendeavoured
Bcouldu
riatci
British
e to
empire.pt Fromrhoevme to them that nothing but be-
nefits from an extended intercourse
1758 to 1799 the East
India Company passed through every variety of favour
and disfavour—of suspicion and fear—of confidence and
jealousy; but at last, in 1801, a treaty was made between the
East India Company and the Ameers. It was the first docu-
ment in the blue-book, and contained this passage : "There
shall be eternal friendship between the British Govern-
ment and the Ameers of Sinde." A second passage stated
that "unanimity shall never cease between the two
nations." The same thing was declared in a new
treaty in 1802, by which the relations of the
former treaty were expressed in still stronger terms.
The Ameers asserted that they had faithfully observed
the conditions and spirit of the treaty. Those who
espoused the cause of the Ameers said that the British
Government had completely violated the treaty. To
form some estimate of the character of the two parties it
would be well to refer to history. They would find by
a book lately published by a most intelligent author, that
the demeanour of the Ameers towards the other States
was most peaceable. Could the same be said of
uobject of our efforts in India
wass to Now
obtaitnhe primary
eand unrestricted navigation of
the Indus, and scruple after scruple was overcome in the
minds of the Ameers, who acquiesced in each request
made to them for our political advantage. In the year
1832 we obtained the partial navigation of the Indus,
and, in 1834, the Ameers made further concessions to
meet our views. In the second article of the treaty of
1838, it was conceded that the British Minister should
reside at Hyderabad, with liberty to change his residence
as he thought expedient. From this time up to 1840, there
was a spirit of suspicion, of fear, of alarm, and of
everything likely to excite distrust on both sides. We
then called upon the Ameers to perform their part of the
treaties which we ourselves had violated. In 1840 the
rebellion broke out at Gwalior ; large bodies of troops
were then sent through the country of the Ameers, and
if they had been at all in hostility to us it
would have been of the most alarming consequence
to the British Government in India. They
would find in the accounts of Lieut. Postans, who was

at the time a resident in Sinde, that the Aineei s at that
time gave to the British Government the most cordial
co-operation. The importance of their aid under the
circumstances was rendered unquestionable by the evi-
dence of Sir John Keane himself. He said, in writing to
the G overnor-General, that it would have been impossible
to have proceeded if they had left Sinde in a state of hos-
tility. New, after this, the difficulties of the British Go-
vernment in India increased, but as those difficulties in-

creased there ;asnOdi;PQtion shown by the Ameers to
diminish their friendship. They would find, in the ac-
count of Lieutenant Postans, that at the time the affairs
of Candahar assumed so fearful an aspect as to direct at-
tention to that quarter that the chiefs were left in full
possession of their property. There was then nothing
in the conduct of the Ameers to suppose, that any hos-
tility existed, although at that time they might
have materially injured us, if not have crushed the few
troops which then occupied Sinde. This, it must be
remembered, was at a time when all India was anxiously
watching to catch the spark of rebellion, and to strike
the blow which we were then endeavouring to ward off.
But still the Ameers were true to us, in spite of the

efforts of political subordinates, to vvhoni was en-
trusted the duty of stirring up, as much as possible,
the minds of a fiercely bigoted Mahommedan people.
Let the House observe what forbearance they had shown;
let them observe the precautions which were taken not
to offend either on one hand or the other. The manner
in which the Ameers then acted was strongly indicative
of the faith they entertained towards this empire. There
could be no doubt that they were then subjected to
great temptation by every argument that could be used
on such occasions by the disaffected, the resistance to
which arguments was looked upon as almost an apostacy
in their faith. Yet, in spite of this, they had
continued true to the British Government.—(Hear.)
All this was borne out by Major Outtam. He stated in
1840 that the conduct of the Ameers was most peace-
able,
and greatly facilitated the progress of the troops.
The Governor-General himself also wrote, and
bore the same testimony. The Governor-General
said that the conduct of the Ameers towards
the officers and towards the troops in their passage
through Upper and Lower Sinde was most friendly.
nil was all the evidence which could De show,of

those famous circulars. On the 22d of May, the Go-
vernor-General sent a letter in which he stated his final
conditions to Major Outram. Let any one read them
and say, whether they were not most harsh and severe ;
but little time, however, was allowed for deliberation, an
army having been assembled on the frontier; the nego-
tiations which we proposed were backed by the presence
of a considerable force—violence naturally begot vio-
lence, and distrust and dismay pervaded the whole
country. It was wholly impossible for the Ameers
to control their subjects, and they made an attack upon'
the house of the Resident. Then followed a battle—
the Ameers were beaten and carried into captivity, and
thus those famous treaties, which began by declaring
the inviolability of the country, were wound up by the
imprisonment of the Ameers and the conquest and an-
nexation of Sinde to our empire in India. But those
princes were charged with treachery. No doubt they were
—of course they were—charged with treachery. Every
one who undertook to establish such a weighty inputa-
tion against them would of course be provided with a
precious pretext for it. But where was the proof ?
Again and again he (Lord A.) asked, where was the
proof that those persons were guilty of treachery, either
to the person of the Resident, or to the rights and privi-
leges and power of the British ? No doubt there was
great distrust among the inhabitants—no doubt there
was great desire to get rid of our troops—and no doubt
they availed themselves of whatever opportunities pre-
-sented to effect that purpose. But was there not a
cause for the course of policy which the Ameers had
been compelled to adopt? He would pass by all the
violence of language on both sides, and would come to
the simple facts which must have produced that effect upon
the Ameers, and compelled them to enter upon that course
of intrigue and distrust which ultimately was used as an
argument for their destruction and ruin. In July, 1838,
the Governor-General, having determined to carry on a
system of operations in Affghanistan, was desirous
of putting Sindian affairs in such a position
as would best favour his ambitious intrigue.
He therefore directed a letter to be sent to the Resident
in Sinde, in which there was this famous passage, " The
Governor-General is averse from contemplating such a
result as a refusal on the part of the Ameers to enter
into a composition with Shah Soojah." Such a compo-
sition as what ? Such as might be conducive to their
interest ?—such as they upon due deliberation might
think desirable for their independence ? No such
thing. " Such a composition with Shah Soojah as
the British Governor may think just and reasonable."
That was a pretty way to treat an independent State.
But this was not all. He then went on to say, "In case
of refusal" what was to happen ? That they should
retire from the negotiation, lamenting that it had utterly
failed ? No such thing. "In case of refusal temporary
occupation should be taken of Shikarpore and of so
much of the country adjacent as may be necessary."
Nor was even that all : still more was demanded.
" While
.the present exigency lasts," said the Go-
vernor-General, " you may apprise the Ameers that
the article of the treaty with them"—(the House would
remember with what difficulty the treaty of 1832
was obtained)—" respecting the freedom of the Indus,
and the transit of military stores, must necessarily be
suspended." They must recollect that nothing had yet
been charged against the Ameers. Subsequently, in-
deed, they were involved in intrigues with the Court of
'Persia. He did not mean to defend their
policy; but' he would simply ask, whether they
had set-"-them an unblemished example ?—(Hear,
hear.) Whether_ their own performance of treaties
and open and honest dealings were so manifest that they
could fairly call upon the Atneers: to lay aside all in-
trigue, and not resort to that plotting which, was the
usual subterfuge of the weaker party? Theinterval
was filled up with the observance of conditions, and
all anger appeared to have passed away. But in
November, 1838, there occurred a demand of far
greater importance. The Governor-General signified his
desire to occupy for a time the fortress of Bukhur. Now,
the extreme value and importance of that fortress might
be best gathered from the words of Sir Henry Pottinger.
Sir Henry Pottinger, in a letter, set forth the advan—
tage of which that fortress would be to them. The ces-
sion of that fortress would put Roostum Khan's friend-
ship to the test. He begged of the House to bear
this in mind, that they might hear the recom-
pense which the old man received.—(Hear,
hear.) Sir Alexander Burnes was employed
in the negotiation for the cession of the place, and in a
letter written by him it was said, "If you do not get the
place you must take it." And this was .the way in
which they dealt with the independence of those people,
and now they were surprised that the Ameers re-
sorted to intrigue, for the purpose of defeating them.
On the 25th Sir A. Burnes writes thus :—" It is with the
highest satisfaction I inform the Governor-General that
the fortress of Bukkur has been ceded to the British
Government on the terms proposed." He trusted he
was not wearying the House by entering into these details.
He would now show what pangs it must have cost the
Ameer Roostum Khan to have ceded this place. In a letter
written by Sir A. Burnes, he said the consternation of the
Ameers was very great when it was signified to them that
this fortress was demanded. The whole family of Roostum
Khan were opposed to its being given up, and they consi-
dered the honour of the country was involved in the mat-
ter. This showed the greatness of the concession made for
the advantage of this country. Sir Alexander Burnes,
writing in December, 1838, says, that he visited Roostum
Khan, who told him he experienced the greatest difficulty
in ceding the fortress of Bukkur, and that his whole fa-
mily opposed his giving it up. He told him he was an
old man, and had but few years to live; that henceforth
he had nothing to do but submit, and be the
humble and obedient servant of England. Now
all the use had been made of him; and in Decem-
ber, 1841, Lord Auckland, actuated by a high sense of
honour, and feeling himself bound to redress the acts
of violence and of wrong which had been committed,
directed Sir James Carnac to do all he could to
make compensation. Such being the case, let the
House imagine the dismay and disgust with which the
Ameers must have heard the announcement which
followed, when after such wishes of the Governor-General
when after such a long period of conflicting friendship-
-after snch services as they had rendered to the British
Empire, came forth this verbose and grand epistle to
Major Outram. The Secretary to the Gover-
nor-General wrote to Major Outram to say,
" The Governor-General directs me to inform
you, that he contemplates taking possession of
Kurrachee and the island of Bukkur." Now he did ask
that House, was-there any amount of distrust—was there
any species, of self-defence—which it was not justifiable
for these Ameers to resort to to defend themselves
against the unscrupulous endeavours of the English
to retain their possessions ? He (Lord Ashley)_ declared
his solemn conviction that they had no ground, no right
whatever to charge these Ameers with treachery, even
had they taken the most decided and determined mea-
sures to drive the British, not only from Sinde, but from
the Indian possessions altogether. Now, to turn to
other evidences in these papers. On the 4th of
June, 1842, the Secretary to the Governor-General
writes to the political agent at Sinde, and says :
" The Governor-General has learnt with regret, but
without surprise, your opinion of the infidelity
of the Ameers." He proceeded—" The Governor-
General wishes to be informed if your
troops are in such a position as to make it easy to
annex a portion of the Ameers' possessions to the
British empire." So that on the single opinion—the
mere opinion, of the Governor-General:as to the infidelity
of the Ameers—the political agent was to proceed to
cut off an enormous slice of their possessions, in order to
annex it to the British Crown. Well, was it
to be supposed that Roostum Khan was not
apprised of this ? If they supposed that he, know-
ing these things, would not take every means
in his power to save himself, they must have peculiar
opinions of human nature. Sir Charles Napier, who of
course was in direct and confidential communication
with the Governor-General, says in a letter to that high
functionary—" I have always maintained that we only
want a fair pretext to coerce the Ameers." This
was actually announced by the representative of the
Governor-General, and was it to be supposed that
while all this was going on, while all these schemes
were hatching, the Ameers were going quietly and un-
heedingly on—living as it were in a fool's paradise? At
a subsequent period the Governor-General writes to Sir
Charles Napier as follows :—" I adhere to my
original intention, with respect to the Ameers ;
if any one of them commits an overt act,
his possessions shall be confiscated, and he shall depend
for subsistence on the charity of his friends."—(Hear.
Now this was written at a time when we were assem

bling
horses, men, and materials at v Sukkur ;
and could it be matter for surprise that the Ameers
became uneasy, and prepared to take measures for
the safety of themselves and their possessions?
On the 27th of November Sir Charles Napier
writes to the Governor-General:—" I have made up, my
mind that although war has not been declared, nor is it ne-
cessary to declare it, I will at once march into the territory
of the Ameers." How then could it be wondered at, that
the Beloochees, excited by national pride and religious
enthusiasm, should take the alarm, and prepare to act?
Why, Major Outram admitted, in one of his letters;
that it was in consequence of the advance of the British
army that the Beloochees would not be restrained, and
also (and let this fact be marked) also that the I meers
bad been occupied the whole day in endeavouring to dis-
perse them. This brought him to the most important docu-
ment of the whole—the minutes of the Conference between
Major Outram and the Ameers, on February the Bth and
9th, 1843, just previous to the battle of Meeanee. It
was most important, because, although it had
been commented on both by the Governor-Ge-
neral ant by Sir Charles Napier, they had left
untouched the most material part of the statement. The
Governor-General repeated the charges of treason
against the Amecrs, and urged them as an argument to
justify their dethronement. The Ameers in that con-
ference in reply to the charge of having written trea-
sonable letters to two of the chieftains, asked
why those letters were never produced ?—(Hear, hear.)
That included the whole case. Why were the Ameers
not afforded an opportunity of proving that they had
never written those letters ? He appealed to the House
to do the Ameers justice—(Cheers)—and justice
could never be done them, until they had had _an

opportunity of disproving these letters. It had
been said that a comparison had been made of the
band-writing, but Meer Nusseer Khan denied that those
letters had been written with his authority. His words
weree' If this letter is in existence show it to me." The
document was not produced. Had such conduct ever
been heard of before ?—(Hear) Would it be tolerated
in any of our courts of justice ?—(Hear.) Would the
law officers of the Crown defend it ?—(Hear, hear.)
He asked fur justice for the Ameers.—(Hear, hear.) He
asked for that which was theirs by the rights of human
nature.—(Great cheering.) One letter, it appeared, ,
had been produced. The Ameers asked to see it, and
the reply Is as on the part of Major Outram,' that that
letter had been placed in the hands of Ali Murad,
who was suspected of having forged every one of the
letters.—(Hear, hear.) That letter hail been put into
the halide of Ali Mural if it eould have been produced

rit ought to, have been produced. That paper was
never shown to the Ameers. Whatever might
be the result of the present motion he trusted
that the treatment which they had experienced with re-
gard to that document would not be suffered to pass
without the marked reprobation of the House.--(Cheers.)
However, the Commissioner proceeded. "The ques-
tion is," he said, " whether you will or will not accept
the new treaty ; if not, the army under Sir Charles
Naper will continue to advance." The Ameers
replied—" If the army advances, our Beloochees
will not be restrained, and we shall be blamed
for the consequences." The Commisioner said it was
in their own power to prevent' them. The Ameers
said, " We deny the charges on which the treaty is.
imposed, but still we
_will subscribe it." Major Outram
proceeded=" The Ameers bes me to write to the General
to delay his march, and to say that if the British troops
did advance it would be impossible to restrain the Beloo-
ches." On the 10th February, Major Outram wrote to Sir
Charles Napier, stating that he had sent off Fitzgerald
with a dispatch on the previous night, announcing that
the Ameers bad subscribed the treaty. On the 12th, he
said " these fools are in the utmost alarm, in conse-
quence of the continued progress of your troops." He
said " he feared that they would be impelled by their
alarm to assemble their rabble with a view to
defend themselves. On the 13th, he wrote
that the Aineers of Upper and Lower Suide
had accepted the new treaty. But now it was to
be observed, that so desirous were these Ameers to
maintain peace with the British empire, that in
their steps, to accomplish this object, they ex-
posed themselves to the obloquy of their own people.
Major Outram wrote that the Ameers were execrated
for their dishonourable submission to what was termed
robbery, and that they hazarded their own lives t guard
his person. Major Outram wrote that the Ameers
had sent to him to say that the Beloochees
were quite uncontrollable, and that they had
begged him to leave the residence as soon as Asible,
stating that they gave the advice from pure affebtion.
Then occurred the attack. He must take the liberty of
remarking upon the slovenly and incorrect manner in
• which these charges had been made, which involved
such enormous consequences. Sir Charles Napier,
in writing to the Governor-General an account of the
battle, said, that on the 'night. of the 14th the treaty
was signed, and, on the morning of the 15th, the residence
was attacked, and the Governor-General, in his pro;
clamation, repeated a statement implying the utter
treachery of the Ameers. Whereas, by referring to the
documents they would, ascertain that the treaty was
signed on the night of the 12th, and that between the
12th and the 14th the Ameers endeavoured to dismiss
their people, and warned Major Outram of the
danger in which he was placed.—(Hear, hear.)
He complained " very • much of this sloven-
lines, and of the refusal to show them the letters.
Bat he had another complaint to make ; he complained
of those running comments, those foot-lines, appended
to the letters of .Major Outram, which he thought were
highly objectionable, unless it should turn out that Major
Outram had seen them. The Ameers were defeated and
dethioned. In the dispatches of the Governor-General
the Ameers were spoken of as if they were responsible.
The Governor-General, writing to the Secret Committee,
said the Ameers were entirely masters of their own
troops. It seemed to be doubtful even now that such
was the case. The Governor-General admitted since
then that the Ameers had not control over their troops ;
and if this weak and miserable Government was unable
to restrain even those who were said to act fur it, was
it not cruel that they should be held responsible for
deeds 'over which they hid no control whatever ? He
care'ully abstained from touching on the original policy
I.lkaaiding the annexation of the territory of the Aineers.
.tae. did besitate to say that he still entertained very
strong opinions on r the. subject, but he would consider
the deeds of whif. he A)oke.rin the abstract It was
utterly impossible that theie'Princes could be supposed
to have entertained ,any hostile intentions- to,
wards this country. Why, if they had, would they
have left their women and their valuables in our power?
would they not have taken the ordinary precautions ?
(Hear, hear.) "Would they have left those things which
they valued most at Hyderabad—all their treasure, and
their wives and children ? If they, had intended to
march out and conduct hostile operations, it was mani-
fest they would have disposed of them, and
.sent them
westward. They had on former occasions done so ;
not do so then ? - Was it consistent with common sense
—was it in the course of common reason—that at a
period when our troops were almost defenceless and in-
' significant in numbers, that the Ameers would not have
fallen on them, but reserved' their attack for a period at
which our troops were numerous, and they had no reason-
able chance of overcoming them ?—(Hear, hear.) But
even if the Ameers had been guilty, had they not
been already sufficiently sacrificed ?—( Hear, hear.)
Let the House consider the position in which the
Ameers were placed. They had been deprived of their
throne, of their rank, of their property, and of all inde-
pendent sustenance for themselves and their children.
they had been imprisoned and exposed to the greatest
privations. He 'would take the liberty of reading a
portion of a letter which had been addrespd to the Go-
vernor of Bombay, by one of the captives. The writer
said—"l have received a letter from the ladies of my
family complaining that 565 rupees per month, allowed
by Sir Charles Napier, is not sufficient to keep up their
establishment" The House must recollect that what
would be .a fitting establishment here would be consi-
dered as almost pauperism with the Ameers. This fact,
contained in theletter to which he had referred, was con-
firmed by a private letter which he (Lord Ashley) had
received from Bombay, dated the 28th of November, in
which it was stated that 'the grant to the ladies was in-
sufficient, and although application had been made to
increase it yet that application had not been attended to.
Unless the accounts contained in the letters from Hyder-
abad were grossly exaggerated, the condition of the
poor women Was really wretched, without their lina,
bands, brothers, or sons,-.or any one to whom they
could apply for consolation: As a prison allowance no
doubt the allowance to .the Ameers was liberal, but, as
if it were any allowance to the same persons at large, it
was contemptible. Was it the intention of the Govern-
ment that they should be treated as prisoners ?—(Hear,
hear.) In a letter he had received from Bombay his
correspondent stated that the Ameers had been
thrown into the deepest grief, as they be-
lieved that they were to be, prisoners for life.
They were surprised that such a return should have
been made to them for past services.—(Hear? hear.)
They stated that while the Beloochees were in a state of
in's'urrection, they remained quite tranquil, and they
stated that they were entirely innocent of the charges
laid to their account. It appeared that the two sons of
Post Mahorned had been confined in separate prisons,
and their separation had plunged their mother into the
deepest distress. She stated that it would much lessen
her grief if they were allowed to be in the same prison
together. He would next refer the House to a letter of
Sir Charles Napier, and hi doing so he did not wish to
cast any invidious reflection upon that gallant and dis-
tinguished officer. He thought that Gallant Officer was
entitled to every honour that the Crown could bestow
upon him, to the thanks of the House and of the country
for his gallantry. But still, speaking for the Ameers, he
felt bound to draw the attention of the House to this
letter, in order to show the spirit in which the inter
course with them had been conducted, and the insults
and degradation towhich they had been subjected. The
letter was dated on the 18th of March, and was addressed
by Sir Charles Napier to the Ameers in captivity
at Hyderabad. (The Noble Lord here quoted from
the letter of Sir Charles Napier, in which the
Gallant General stated that he was surprised at the false-
hoods the Ameers were telling him in their letters, and
that if they continued to tell those falsehoods, he would
not kill them as they had ordered their people to kill the
English—an accusation, observed the Noble Lord, which
has never been proved—but that he would put them in
irons on board an English ship ; that Shere Mahomed
was a weak man, and would soon be destroyed, and so
would they unless they abstained from a repetition of
their falsehqods. Was that language that ought to be
used to defeated men ?—(Hear, hear.) Even convicted
felons were permitted to urge a good character in miti-
gation ofpunishment, and the House should not forget
the services of the Ameers at the time when we had
experienced reverses in Affghanistan—when the country
was in a state of the greatest anxiety—when our Indian
empire was in danger, they had faithfully rendered us
every assistance.—(Cheers.) In 1841, supplies were de-
manded of the Ameers, and were liberally bestowed.
Detachments of our army were marched through their
country, not only without opposition, but with their free
concurrence and cordial co-operation. They had done
everything they could to serve the British empire. If
they had been our enemies only in our prosperity, it
should be remembered that they had been our friends in
the period of our adversity ; and on those grounds he
called upon the House to interfere in behalf of men who
had been stripped of their public honours, of their
private property, and transferred to the solitude of a
prison.—(Cheers.) He would not enlarge upon their
love of hunting, or their treatment of their subjects; that
had nothing to do with the question. The question was
one of justice.—(Hear, hear.) Let them contrast the
conduct of the present. Governor-General towards the
Ameers, with that of the illustrious Cornwallis towards
the sons of Tippoo Saib. He, the hereditary enemy of
the British in India, had delivered up his children as
hostages, and, as had been recorded by Mr. Mills in his
" History of British India," the Marquis of Cornwallis
hid received and treated them like a fatber.--(The
Noble Lord then read, amidst loud cheering, a paksage
from Mr. Mills' work, relating to the reception and
treatment of the sons of Tippoo Seib.) When, seven
years afterwards, at the final overthrow of Seringapataro.
those princes were taken with arms in their hands, how
different had been the treatment which they had experi-
enced from that which had been experienced by the un-
fortunate Ameers ? A fortress had been fitted up for
their reception, and a liberal allowance made for their
support. Such was the treatment which they had ex-
perienced from the Marquis of Wellesley. They had
been our hereditary foes ; they had been brought up in-
hatred of the British name. Their father and their ;
grandfather had wrought as much mischief. They
had been conquered in a conflict, the last of a
long war. To the Ameers we cwed much. If
they had been once hostile, they had been oft times
friendly, and if they had been conquered in one fight,
that fight had been the beginning and the ending of
an unwilling hostility.—(Loud cheers.) He had often
been told that our empire in India was founded on
?pinion. Ile would ask, was it on the opinion of our
Justice, or of our force ?—(Loud cheers)--and he would
appeal to the House to mitigate that despotic power
which it wasoperhaps, necessary to entrust to those to
whose care was cmfided the Government of our fndian
Empire.—(Loud cheers.) But despotic power might be
generous and just, and many men believed that areraaye
Christian empire would contribute to elevat7ismaisd these
is
the people of India. Whether by such me
Great Britain would hold the empire of the East, re-
mained to to seen. At all events they had not made
_a
very auspicious beginning.—(Hea.r, hear.) If they made
no more accessions to their epIP #
ire let them not lose

1,1
what they had through injustice., Let them nod 0
4,01
at the awful rk-view ; let there be be no cause for.
to regret their confidence, and to exclaim,
Heu pietas ! heti prisca fidesi- . • ad
We perceive no hope of justice for us till
Almighty, on the last• day, pronounces his aivar°
(Loud cheering.) The Noble Lord concluded byl,,
ing for an address to the-Crown, praying that her ,
jesty will be graciously pleased to take into her c4O
sideration the situation and treatment of the Anwei
Sinde and that she will direct their immediate rest°,o
lion to liberty, and the enjoyment of their eststes,` i
with such provision for their future maintenance „.
be considered a just equivalent.•
I
The motion having been seconded.
Mr. ROEBUCK began by. justifying himself As o
the course he pursued with regard to Sinde. lie
ef,
given a notice on„the suojeet last session, but the 1341'4
relating to it were not then ready, and he gave the e,s4
Best notice he could in the present session, but he ",:t:
been anticipated by the Noble Lord_ He did not The
to complain of the conduct of the Noble. Lord, ,b°
wished to justify the course he himself pursuea• ftsi
thought the Noble Lord took too narrow a vie*-°_„o
whole case—too narrow for so serious and so sole,
proceeding. It was easy, no doubt, to produef
dividual instances of oprression, but it was the uu`o
ness of that House .to begin with the beginning,
to consider who commenced the affair, When it tosfice
luntary, and when it became the inevitable consecltst
of what had been done by the predecessor of the pr!;7o
Governor-General.—(Hear.) It would not do to f,Oll
view of the question at any particular point. /1!:-Wi
take a short review of the history ,of Sinde, and st
divide it into certain great epoehs. lip to tke the
fair 1834, the object of the English Government was fare,
fair and legitimate purpose of 'enlarging her commeto
and thereby diffusing the advantages of civiii'ads
throughout the Eastern world. After that their) for
ceedings changed when Lord. Auckland departeufos
India. Before coming to the immediate subject belo
the House, he would give a brief outline of the Pe'' te
of Sinde. It lay in the valley of the Indus tilos
Sea to the Suilej, with an imaginary • line `-`llOll
-eastward to where the Sutlej disembdgues
tern,
westward of the mountains of Hindostan, and the
tory of Gaulpoor was the boundary of the Eastern.
tion. The Great Dourannee empire posseased 5°,1
which was governed by the Golora tribe. About seller
years ago the Sovereign of the country, whose of
'seelidant was still alive, was expelled by the it,t,Le
who since governed it. The whole family of the
possessors 'were destroyed with the excenot
one or two who _ escaped, and the desef°oo
of the original possessors was actually in existenee,*
present moment. Sir Charles Napier, in one
•e!
letters, -Says that he had a letter. from this inal!itio,
offering to him half his revenue if he restored binl
kingdoln. His name was Timour, and he lived i „otbe
Punjaub. Thus, if it was a question of humanity,;so
ought go back to the son of the legitimate soverrso
The Ameers having got possession of the king. le,
England was desirous of entering into commercial to
tions with them, and a factory was established to
country which they- thrust out from jealous _feedier
In the year 1809, the grand leading figure, was
loon Bonaparte, and this country stiputated•w"' ref
Ameers Ameers that the French should not be allowed t 0 ell,
the country In 1816, a treaty was entered into, Y;sl
them which was renewed.. in 1820, with.-.the ati,dels
stipulation that the Americans. as well as the .F et
were to be exchided. When Lord William Bentine' sir
to India, he believed it would be a benefit to this cietbe
try if he could enlarge its commerce by way °,„4tltl
Indus. He sent Lieutenant Burnes' according", ""eOll
Court of Lahore, ostensibly for the purpose"of taking sole
fine white horses up the Indus to Runjeet Singh. 00
asserted object was one thing, but the real one 0
survey the Indus, thus showing the corrupt nat°:"92 ie
English poliCy. When Lieut. Burnes went -in l't.by •
Sinde, he• was met by every possible opposition, blir'sch
tortuous and unworthy course, he was enabled to to
the.Sullei. So far, however, .there was little to fin tit
-blame in any one. What next followed WO 5 treolir
the consequence of the negotiations carried on by feti
net Pottinger. Thisttreaty, made in 1832, .wasitati,'
important-one. As all other treaties, so did this.:ig
commence with swearing eternal friendship_( A n 4.
—and with a mutual declaration never to look 7Oss,
grasping eye upon each others power or down el
In that treaty, there were three conditiotgetel
the utmost possible 'importance for the Pali.;
to understand, because, in reference to them he 4100
Roebuck) was •about to bring against Lord'Alle 0e
charges of the most flagrant treachery that ever oicb
lie man had been guilty of. The first condition Wed to
he called ••their attention' was that which bloitsri
English not to•bring any description of arms or A ise,
stores up the river or on the roads to Sinde--(0-,
the second condition bound the English not to'l/0
any armed vessels or boats; and the third conditiVe
that no English merchants should be allowed to setts pt'
Sinde, but-come as occasion required, and having froili
acted their business, they should at once return see;
the country. Now, thus far, they had got W tket'Osto
1834, at which period the British fauthorities e.°,010
into a' treaty with the Ameers. In this treaty (authorities.
Ameers they ratified all the conditions of the 'oejec'
-treaties, adding to them certain- new clauses. "There(oll9
in this—the object from the first,stbough kept as can el'
in the back ground as possible—was the opening ea to
Indus. In the last-mentioned treaty, it watearraltg jisti
put duties and tolls payable in a particular waY' tits'
now-te,the most extraordinary event in all theie
004
actions. idea at this time became, prevalent ,° 010
the rulers of India of danger to the English denr,•,,o)
in India from attempts on the part of hussits. I"isot
was looked upon as influencing Persia, Persia
looked upon as influencing Affghanistan, 7,„i
for the purpose of - defence, it was Prlotet'
to fit out and, send an ex edition against Affghttni
This was in the year 1838. Whilst this idea was hre,;o•
ing in the minds of the rulers of India, Colonel rotilio
ger was directed to undertake further negotiations•e:4
the Ameers, and. proposals were made by him of °_,,tse
remarkable description. Hitherto in all our interc;sl,
with Sinde, all had apparently been fair and above t'rioio
The play, however, was now over—something se'thcif
was about to be enactednadi like the tiger *No, hos
native jungle, it was found that though the Pa ariV
hitherto been velvet to the touch, it was soon to io the
with a terrific and crushing effect. Every loalisi-ir
House-and the country knew the history of Bog pre'
terference in India, how stealthily and carefully w_,tiol!,
ceeded, step by step, till the precise moment forr7a,
arrived, when we did act indeed ! It was the
this country never to interfere in India or 504, tbs
else, without getting something by it. What( 0°
way Lord Auckland set about his designs ? 36 0
to the Ameers of Sinde (se* " Blue Book," P. l';r t°
38), requiring their consent to raise a body of 0o 000
be stationed at their capital. Such *as the proP they
Mit )
made to the Ameers of Sinde ; and in ti nera'y hesf'
knew too -well what they had to expect.—(lo°;.'estal
They had seen India overrun, province by Pod 00
kingdom by kingdom, by the British pewer"-bot t°t
seen her advancing steadily and stealthily. . tiog
-surely—they saw the finger of fate was pol obie deg.,
them, and this was the last step in that inexors.
tiny which was to bring their own unfortunstert4ifi'j
pality under our sway.—(Hear, hear.) Tll°lo e
which we made was denied. What matter? 1%
the the
we do? Why we put the screw upon 1000
threatened them—we told them we would let t tenS",
Sikh monarch amongst them. The Ameers our
. to o .6
well knew the consequences of not receding- 0 grele.
islands. They had got a commercial treaty withs realer
and, as we called ourselves, , a magnanifoeu loose
They had entered into a treaty with us, one e ascii%
which especially prohibited us from having. °Ts ropo6
his, a;,
or raising an army in Sinde—and yet-was th'
.tion made to them. They had, previouSlY t°.e•scheie
cepted a Resident of us. Now was matured tu 0002 t,„
of advancing on Affghanistan, and hereirlhe
origin of all. the • evils—(Loud cheers fromt"e goo;
tend benclies)--herein was the source wke,,"he net waters of bitterness—(Cheers)---andl3llo",se
charged Lord Auckland and the Right lieu's si
the Member for Nottingham (Sir J. Hobhollse Pale
cause of all the evils that had since beset our 11 r all t:
empire, Of all the disasters in AffghaniStan, °.` the
s• a- •ois'
miseries which had befallen alike the Inulatho *not
European community.—(Loud cheers froln, tostre ,;te
terial benches.) How did he (Mr. Roebuck) A the is
that charge? One of his resolutions charge': rcss
Governor-General, first, with injustice
Ameers, and next, with conduct which deitlec)'its‘teoll(l;oll43oCt;,Y.
want of anything like a sound, wise, annati°,oo4.liottos
Well, he had said that in 1838 he had enter jolt ut,
treaty with the Ameers of Sinde, and before ,t,tos oge
dry with which it was written, before the Yea to dingle
Lord Auckland actually took it upon hiroseidid it i1!,,511
of the whole principality of Sinde. And he bones
way"lle set on Shah Soojah to relinquish for coo_4cll,o
claims to supremacy over the country,
~_°'!-Las
of the payment of such sums as—as what ?T
on
be determined under negotiations to be Ftth Go/ewe
carried on by whom ?—carried on by the Br' cued,
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Now, unsolicited, liz7ou anobo
undertockto make ourselves mediator betroost, for
dependent'country and a poor unfortunate outu' esell et/
lived on our charity, and,whom we set tiPeerelli'''
our own purpose. He had no army, h soo.Plosl
anything. The army was called ush, et,
but it was• recruited by the 14nif. 10 °the
by the English, officered by the Englis having
0.. to
it was the . English army, and these power of this army to back us,
the Ameers, thus adding insult to injurssenvei the
_l'e'ro
0,11,ei!
Pottinger was, now sent with what was.
_futile fitaettot
partite treaty, het was warned not to let roadft,hd
laid dowwei;
know anything about it until everything whiont_ to
then he was to announce the penalti.esrito°. _reel
_f_,„
would be subjected, in the event of their thl:ybthekDtelitt
the payments to Shah Soojah, as regul
undertell wed'
then fe`-?ee t°
mission aenrinminentt.he Coloneltransac tiPoontstiNn,:gheierb e
against the 14 p
the Ameers loudly exclaimed ae, Goeerla „re
t
The Enos to e
which they were subjected. „soar ha
vail on Shah Soojah to reduce the chin's "Low, sto'bo
then insolently promised they would
.el-10,-,l__,,ieh he it
on the AmeerS to a reasonable amount.
re_,
these thingsßight,
brought down there, and have to hear c
by the 'lit te
not a downright insult to their understansouP
soned on, as doubtless they would off,pri
lion. Baronet (Sir John Bobhouse), as Isere we ol
ad
common sense and common honestY (a, verYosh
dared to set up a man as a king who,
_thus.
t. so
Soojah would never have- dared to opeable inteigjoh°
ment we did so, would have starved butnts niou
uTheo
the Ameers of Sinde but for our abom
these -tions.
Hobhouse) had the hardihood to P
a glorious ojsk
and yet the Right Honourable Bar'ijonainet (sir thing'
upon us and the world as great and g 5,010_,11
The next paragraph went on to say that " °"0,110
e";
had arrived with his own army." His ~oyesnor„. the
carrying out the palpable fiction. The t..s but. at ._a
ral " advised" the Ameers to the enter into,
to 0001,
same time suggested that it might be proper t°
a ai9.P°. sue
them to come into, his views, and if thtre__Zin. 510,4
tion among -them to the contrary, his -11?ru_ opfriS Se'w
would regard the demoastretion of such

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