The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-24 00:00:00

restriction upon the poor.—(Hear, hear.) He did not,
at the same time, mean to cast a doubt upon the motive
of the proposer.—(Hear.) Now, in consequence of the
severe re tractions in the country, a number of the rural
inhabitants travelled into the more genial atmosphere of
the metropolis. The City magistrates were elective—not
a baud of brietless barristers, but independent and gene-
rous men, who would deal with the poor as men—
(Cheers)—and it was on account of that well-known
character of the City of London magistrates, that those
who had nothing but humanity to look to crowded the
streets.—(Hear, hear.) Now he would ask the Court
whether they were to interfere a ith such a feeling, and
advise the Aldermen to substitute harshness for the kind
and benevolent conduct for which they were remarkable,
although their conduct produced inconvenience ?
(Cheers.) They knew the deplorable, the dreadful con-
dition of the poor ; but to do the people justice was the
way to do them good, and justice was all they wanted.
Sir PETER LAURIE said that if the subject was re-
ferred to a Committee a great deal of information would
be most undoubtedly received. The Committee would
be told what he knew to be fact, that crowds of paupers
were every day smashing the windows of the Mansion-
house for the purpose of obtaining the asylum of a
prison, and why did they wish to be locked up in prison?
Because they preferred prisons to the unions established
by the new poor-law.—(Hear.) They could not be pre-
vailed upon to accept the refuge of the unions, but they
broke windows and tore their poor-house clothes to
pieces in order to be punished with the less disagree-
able alternative of a gaol. He considered that the
house of nightly shelter in the City contributed
in no slight degree to increase the influx of
mendicants, who came and went away, and re
turned again and again, thus introducing, as it were,
a new condition of pauperism from which there appeared
to be no redemption. Now, if through a Committee
punishment could be made a consequence of such repeti-
tion, some advantage might be expected to this commu-
nity.
Alderman THOYLA.B WOOD supported the previous
question, and agreed with Mr. Lawrence that it was
quite impossible for the Court to deal with a question
which belonged not to the Corporation, but to the pub-
lic at large.—(Hear, hear.) The great nuisance in this
city was the nightly refuge to which the idle and the in-
digent crowded from all parts of the country, and to re-
sort to which they were recommended by the authorities
in the various districts from which they came. Thither
came also the masses of Irish paupers, who wanted to be
removed to their home, and continued to become
chargeable in order to accomplish that object.
The very mention of nightly shelter in the City
of London congregated immense multitudes, and
daily exhibitions were now made of the
result. The members of the Court ought to have
seen, as he had seen on the preceding day,
ten vagrant females at the Mansion-house convicted of
the most rebellious conduct. These women did not
come from any precise locality, but got together in a
union from a variety of places. It was, in fact, impos-
sible to isolate London from the rest of the metropolis,
in the endeavour to obtain a remedy for an evil which
spread far and wide over the whole of London.—(Hear,
hear.) The average of those who came for relief were
not of the industrious, but of the idle and dissolute
classes. How then were the physical ills of such masses
to be remedied ? It must be only by some general
measure.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. PEWTRESS spoke in favour of the motion of Mr.
Corney. He was, he said, sure that the Court would
allow there was an overwhelming mass of poverty. The
newspapers teemed with deplorable evidences of the
fact, and showed that the City was afflicted with
the evil to such a dreadful extent as must afflict
every person of ordinary humanity.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, he believed there was no evil for which a remedy
could not be found ; and, as a matter of course, he
thought the evil of which complaint had been so strongly
made was capable of being removed. The New Poor-law
had been some time ago framed to meet the existing evil,
and in that law it was stated that relief was to be afforded
to those in necessity without examination or question of
any kind previously to the administering of relief. If
that had been carried out in spirit, all the poverty, which
now appeared to be overwhelming, would have been re-
lieved •, but let the Court look at the application of the
law. There was no penalty consequent upon the refusal
of the officers to administer immediate assistance, and the
law was actually not operative in that respect without
some tremendous process. In numerous unions in the
country the relief administered was desperately econo-
mical, and the rules were so stringent, that the poor
were required to work a, certain number of hours
before they received any food, and a certain number
of hours after. Here was a cruel and disgusting
violation of the law.—(Hear, hear.) Persons convicted
of crime were entitled to have two hot meals a day with-
out working for each supply, while those who had com-
mitted no offence were denied a morsel of bread until
they performed the task allotted to them by the men
by whom relief ought to be administered without in-
quiry or question, of any kind.—(Hear, hear.) Was it
not degrading to the poor to deny them so large an
amount of food as was willingly granted to those who
came under the other denomination?—(Hear, hear.)
He was sure the evil was capable of a remedy ; but it
was necessary that all the unions should co-operate in
carrying out the law. There was another evil connected
with the administration of the law. The magistrates
were guardians of the poor, so that they were placed in
a double capacity, which rendered their acts as guar-
dians liable to be appealed against to themselves as
magistrates.—(Hear, hear.) But the paramout evil was
• want of employment. That was the great cause
• of the prevalent distress; but that could also be, in his
, opinion, remedied.—(Cries of" Free trade," and laughter.)
He regretted to utter his suspicion, that the wealthy
L would -rather pay enormous rates than yield to the
poor the power of relieving themselves from the mise-
ries which surrounded them. He hoped the motion of
Mr. Corney would be agreed to, and he would pledge
himself to state before the Committee such matters as
would probably lead to an application for certain amend-
ments in the law. _ _ . .

Mr. RICHARD WILLIAMS advocated the proposition of
Deputy Corney, to whom, ho said, great credit was due
for having introduced to the Court the subject of so
monstrous an evil as that with which the population of
London were beset. He lamented the defective state of
the law which permitted the existence of such a condi-
tion of things as had been just represented, and sug-
gested that a power should be given in the amended Act
to inflict punishment upon those vagrants who, having
been once passed to their settlements, should return as
mendicants to the metropolis. He at the same time
could not help expressing his dissent from the opinions
of those who spoke in general condemnation of the poor
for not finding employment.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. W. H. HALL was for the previous question, and
contended that the Corporation of London had nothing
to do with the que: tion. As to the extent of poverty,
they all agreed on that subject, and they all knew that a
prisoner lived better than a pauper, and a pauper lived
better than an industrous working man.—(Hear, hear.)
After some observations from other members,
Deputy CORNEY replied, and the amendment was car-
ried by a large majority.—Adjourned.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM IRE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE.—Previously to a newly-appointed Governor-
General of India leaving England for the scene of his
delegated duties, a dinner on a scale of princely magni-
ficence is invariably given by the Directors to the indi-
vidual on whom the honours and advantages of the post
have been conferred. To this banquet the members of
the Cabinet, and other distinguished personages, are in-
vited.. In conformity with this time-honoured custom,
Sir Henry Hardinge was feasted and toasted yesterday.
But for the recent misunderstanding between her Ma-
jesty s
Ministers and the Honourable Court, the
proceedings of the day would have commanded no pecu-
liar interest. The recal of Lord Elleaborough
by. the magnates of Leadenhall-street, despite of the
wishes of the Cabinet, and in the teeth of the refusal of
her Majesty's Ministers to concur in the removal of the
" Brummagem Buonaparte," invested the proceedings
of yesterday with unprecedented interest. Would the
Duke of Wellington be present? If present, would
his Grace make a speech? If the Noble Duke deigned
to address himself to the proceedings of the day, how
would he deal with the cause of the new appointment;
seeing the rccal of Lord Ellenborough had induced
hint to apply to the Court of Directors a series of appel-
lations more expressive of strong disapprobation of the
act, than regardful of the rules of courtesy ? Then,
again, how would the administration of the great de-
posed be treated by the Chairman ?—by the Premier, if
present ?—or by the newly-appointed Governor-Gene-
ral ? These, and many other inquiries as to the parts
which would be played by the great personages so recently
at loggerheads, on an occasion that was immediately
connected with the cause of their disagreement, were
uppermost in the public mind. The possibility of some-
thing being said by some one, which would afford a clue
to the cause of Lord Ellenborough's recal, induced us to
scan the speeches with searching attention. 'We hoped
to be able to assist the inquiry, which we knew would
be instituted ; and to satisfy public curiosity, so strongly
stimulated to penetrate, if possible, the veil of secresy
which her Majesty's Ministers seem determined to
cast over the transactions that have led to that re-
cal. The leading personages present on the festive occa-
sion seem to have laid an embargo on their powers of
speech, lest a phrase should escape their lips which
might be interpreted into a meaning of either commen-
dation or blame of Lord Ellenborough's general
policy, or individual conduct. His Lordship's name was
not even mentioned ; nor was an allusion made to him,
personally or officially, by one of the speakers. Lord
I.;llenborough might as well have been born before
the Flood, or never been born at all, so completely was
his Lordship kept out of view during the proceedings
of the banquet given in honour of his successor ! Good
taste induced the Chairman of the Court of Directors
to refrain from touching on the painful and dangerous
theme. The extreme course which the Hon. Court had
f.beenrea freaks
s ocompelledthe
Nobleto takeord hadwho
m stoppedher
.Majesty's t hem
Ministersi vou s
would still have kept in Indit!, to the peril of te
and there was no use
em-
pire, and tho deterioration
ungrateful topic, and scarcely of thek. Company's reve-
nue;newly-appointed Governor ing a return. to an
Gon
vernor-General was,
oc
of suti:rsiefe, .c.Tohne.
fined to general expressions firm
policyldeiermina-
ace. calculated to
tion to govern India upon a
secure the peace, preserve the hu
pro-
mote the interests of our Eastern empire.) Teruns, however,
.throughout. Sir Ilardinge's speech,
a promise of pacific policy, as that which it will be
his earnest wish and aim to maintain. in his admistra-
tion, which we can hardly conceive would have been
iterated, and reiterated, without some, meaning. Re_
membering that Lord Eedllenbbyoromu
agibtasrylnedxipaenditaindnmsi;
nistration has been mark
tahnadt
almostblood and a conquest
rha cootteerisbtic,ean
otfhhelisdgisotvi.negrnumishenintg;
Sir H, Hardmp, thg
the emphatic ples given by
"Peace" should be the aim of his policy and the pur-