The Sun.
London, England, 1850-07-22 00:00:00

THE SUN,

Viscount PALMELISTON, whose rising was the signal
far a fresh burst of enthusiastic applause, after silence
had been restored, spoke as fellows:—My leyrds and
Gentlemen, when I think of the honourable and flatter-
ing reception which I have received from you this day,
and when I think of the terme—far exceeding anything
which I can feel conscious of droerving—in which
my Hon. and Gallant Friend has been pleased to propose
this toast to you, lam sensible of that truth which we
have otten heard—that it is far more easy to find argu-
ments successfully to repel opponents than words adequate
to express all one's thanks and gratitude to one's friends.
—(Cheers.) It is said, indeed, that from the fulness of
the heart the mouth speaketh; but the heart may be too
full to allow the tongue to give proper utterance to the
feelings.—(Here the Noble Lord became much affected,
and for some minutes could with difficulty proceed.)
Gentlemen,
you have met here to-day, not merely to
testify your kind and friendly feelings towards one in-
dividual, but you have met also, I apprehend, to record
by this public demonstration great and leading principles
of public policy.—(Loud cheers.) lam entitled to info r,
gentlemen, that the principles of policy which have
guided the Government of which I have the honour to
be a member in the administration of the foreign rela-
tions of this country, have been such, generally speak-
ing, and in their general tenor, as to ba thought deserv-
ing of your approbation.—(Loud cheers.) Those prin-
ciples of policy may be described in a few simple words:
the guiding object of the policy of the Government with
regard to its foreign relations has been the interests of
England—(Great cheering)—interests which begin in
the well-being of this country, and which in their pro-
gress comprehend the well-being of every other
country.—(Loud cheers.) In regard to this country, it
is needless to say that it ought to be the first object of
those who are charged with its foreign relations to main-
tain unimpaired its honour. its dignity, and its rights.—
(Enthusiastic cheering.) It is also our duty to protect
our fellow-subjects in whatever foreign land they may
be.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, we are eminently a
travelling, an inquiring, and a commercial nation.—
(Cheers.) There is no part of that great ocean that oc-
cupies so vast a portion of the globe on whose bosom
our ships and our merchandise are not found to float.
There is no land, however distant, or however near,
hover civilised, however barbarous, in which English-
men are not found, either for the purpose of recreation
or of health, in the pursuit of science or of commerce,
or in the nobler and higher vocation of shedding in the
regions of darkness the light of our Christian faith.—
(Deafening plaudits.) I contend, gentlemen, that those
fellow-subjects of ours are entitled, wherever they may
be, to think that they are under the guardianship of
the watchful eye of this country ; and that the arm of
England will either protect them from wrong, or, it
wrong should be done, will be powerful to obtain
for them redress.—(Tremendous and prolonged ap-
plause.) I have said, gentlemen, that the interests of
England lie not only in our own particular objects, but
in the well-being also of other nations.—(Hear, hear.)
The days are gone by, at least in this country, in which
men thought and nations imagined that their prosperity
could be promoted by the adversity of others.—(Cheers.)
We glory in our own wealth—we glory in our own hap-
piness, and we glory in our own liberty; but we are not
desirous to monopolise those blessings, and, so far as our
efforts can be properly exerted, I think it is the duty of
the Government of this country to assist other nations in
following at least our example, and in endeavouring to
attain a position similar to that which we have attained.

—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, Ido not mean to say, as
those who have endeavoured to thwart our policy have
unfoundly asserted, that we ought to go like knight
errants of civilisation forcing institutions on other
countries, exciting them to discontent and encouraging
them to disturbance.—(Hear, hear.) Such is not a part
of the duties of the Government of England.—(Cheers.)
But when we see nations which are endeavouring in con-
junction with their Governments to improve their in-
stitutions—when we see nations sensible of the evils
under which they are suffering, endeavouring rationally,
temperately, and calmly to improve their condition—
they deserve at least the sympathy of England—(Loud
cheers)—and if other powers, differently impressed
by opinions, should endeavour to interfere, in order
to prevent the development of liberty—(Cheers)—my
conviction is that the Government of England will
always be supported and backed by the people of Eng-
land in throwing our weight into the scale, and endea-
vouring thus to restore the balance.—(Loud applause.)—
And, gentlemen, be persuaded that that can often be
done without endangering the continuance of our peace-
ful relations.—(Cheers.) Do not imagine that we are
less sensible than any man in the country of the value
and importance of peace—do not imagine that we think
lightly of the calamities of war—of the interruption
which war interposes to every improvement, social,
political, and commercial. Do not imagine that we are
insensible to the reasons which ought to deter the go-
vernors of any country from involving, without absolute
necessity, the people with whose destinies they are
charged in the miseries and calamities of war.—(Hear,
hear.) But, gentlemen, do not let the people
of this country imagine that every angry word that may
fall from other Governments will be immediately
followed by a blow.—(Loud cheers and laughter.)—
Do not let the people of this country believe that
every angry demonstration—every exhibition of dis-
satisfaction, diplomatic or otherwise (Laughter)—
that may come from Governments whose policy and
views may be thwarted by the views and policy
of England, will necessarily lead to hostilities.
(Hear, hear, and applause.) Anxious as the people of
this country are—and to their honour be it spoken, I
believe no other people are more anxious for the preser-
vation of peace, or more desirous to avoid war with any
country whatever—ye:, believe me, that no other coun-
try is a bit more desirous, and for the hest of all reasons
of going to war with England, than England can be of
going to war with it.—(Loud and long protracted
cheering.) Gentlemen, this consciousness of strength,
this feeling of national power, ought never to tempt the
Government of the people of England to do anything
that is unjust or wrong.—(Loud cheers.) Bat it ought,
at least, to bear us up in pursuing the course of justice
and honour, and must induce us not lightly to give way
to apprehensions which may be founded on no real
ground.—(Bear, hear.) Gentlemen, I feel that we may
be proud, and reasonably proud, of the country in which
we have had the good fortune to be born.—(hear,
hear.) It seems to me that this British nation
is destined by Providence to bear an honourable part
in the promotion and advancement of the ci-
vilisation of mankind.—(Loud cheers.) It is from this
hive that that swarm has proceeded—the busy, active
swarm which has covered, by the works of its construct-
ive industry, the wilds and primeval forests of North
America.—(Cheers.) Thera is no land, however re-
mote, in which Englishmen are noti ntroducing the arts
of civilisation and the blessings of Christianity.—
(Cheers.) And here, in this land, in which we are at
home, we may feel proud in thinking that wo hold out
to all the civilised nations of the world an example of
internal organisation, of systematic and progressive im-
provement, of practical proof and consciousness, that in
improving and repairing ancient institutions, you give
them strength, and do not overthrow or destroy them.
I say that tis country is holding out to the civilised na-
tions of the world an example worthy of the imitation of
the ablest statesmen, and worthy also of the admiration
of the wisest philosophers.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen,' again
must thank you—inadequately thank you—for the great
and distinguished honour which has been conferred
on me this day; but I beg to assure you that,
though my words may fall far short of my feelings,
and infinitely below that which is deserved by the kind-
ness which I have received at your hands, the recollec-
tion of this day will be impresed upon my memory to tke
latest hour of my existence; and that in any act of my
public life, in which I may feel hesitation or doubt, the
recollection, not only of the kindness you have exhibited
to-day, but of the handsome and generous support which
I have received at your hands in moments of great per-
sonal and official difficulty—(Loud cheers)—will encou-
rage me and support me always in the performance of my
public duty—(Cheers)—and this you may depend on,
gentlemen, that so long as this country has the good for-
tune to be represented by such men as those whom I see
around me—so long as the people of this country aro
animated by those generous and patriotic feelings which
have led you here to-day, there can be no danger that
any Government of England will shrink from the per-
formance of its duty, nor will there ever be peril for the
fortunes of our country.—(The Noble Lord resumed his
seat amid deafening and protracted cheering.)
Lord JAMES STUART said,that the committee of which
he had the honour to be a member had chosen him to
propose a toast which be was convinced would be well
received, nay, he hoped enthusiastically received, by all
shades of reformers assembled in that room.—(Hear,
hear.) He was quite aware that the members of the
Reform Club comprised people of every variety of
reform sentiments; at the same time, recollecting the
benefits which had accrued to this country from the pos-
session of office by Lord John Russell and his colleagues
—(Hear, hear)—he (Lord James Stuart) confessed he
could have no want of confidence in offering this toast to
the company. He had had the honour of being one of a
deputation which waited on Lord John Russell to invite
his Lordship to be present on that evening. It certainly
was a disappointment that Lord John Russell could not
attend, but the Noble Lord said that the state of his
health alone prevented him from accepting the invitation,
and he added also that he highly approved of this de-
monstration.—(Cheers.) Indeed, he (Lord J. Stuart)
should have been disappointed had any other senti-
ment been expressed by the Noble Lord ; and his con-
viction was that the whole of the Cabinet entirely
concurred with their Noble Colleague whom they had
now the honour to meet.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord
J. Stuart) should not enter into any comments on the
policy pursued by that Noble Lord (Lord John Russell)
either during his possession of power or in the course
pursued while Member of the House of Commons during
the last thirty-eight years ; he should only advert to
certain facts in his political life which marked him as
one of the most eminent statesmen which the country
had given birth to, as a friend to civil and religious
liberty. He (Lord J. Stuart) would allude to the effec-
tive means by which, in 1827, his Lordship repealed that
which he (Lord J. Stuart) conceived to have been the
disgrace and shame of the country—the Test and Cor-
poration Acts—which had been on the statute-books
for upwards of a hundred and fifty years, and which
so unjustly excluded Dissenters, on account of their
religion, from their rights as citizens of England. It
would also be recollected how ably the Noble Lord and
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It was quite true that the corn-laws had been repealed
by that statesman whose departure they all so much re-
gretted ; yet, at the same time, the • Ince of Lord
John Russell was not unavailing, and ho would also
bring to the recollection of the company the great ohli-
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in 1645, the ueighbouriDg utitims.—(Hear.) The