The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-02 00:00:00

country too highly to permit either to be dragged
through the dirt, at the tail of the EMPEROR'S

chariot.
The truth seems to be that the EMPEROR is
losing head, that he is throwing away the trump
card which the infamous attempt of the would-be
regicides and actual assassins of the Rue Lepellc-
tier placed in his hand. The abortive attempt of
a few miscreants, in which, with all the tried inge-
nuity of the police, they have been unable to
implicate a single Frenchman or a single English-
man, is made a pretext for establishing a despo-
tism more grinding even than that of the Russian
Autocrat—a despotism by which the Press is not
only to be completely muzzled, but to be held
responsible for acts of omission as well as of com-
mission—for what it does not say as well as for
what it says—that enables the authorities to seize
any obnoxious person and send him into banishment.
The sufferings of innocent persons are regarded
as of no importance. When the detectives utter
the magic words, " a measure of precaution,"
that is sufficient to cover a multitude of sins—an
excuse for any atrocity provided it received the
Imperial sanction, or rather that of subordinates,
who could proceed to any extremities, under that
convenient cloak.
But it is for the People of France to decide for
themselves, if they choose to surrender themselves
bound band and foot, to be spurned and coerced
by any man it is their own business, and we can
only wonder at their taste ! But we can at
least speak for ourselves anti repudiate the folly
and ingratitude that attempt to make Britons
the serfs of a foreign potentate bowing submis-
sively to his high behests, and ready to abolish
our ancient and time-honoured institutions to do
him pleasure. We tell the Emperor boldly—we
tell his insolent and audacious myrmidons, who
have dared to speak of Great Britain as "a den
of assassins," and to fulminite their absurd
threats—that there is not one, the very humblest
of the refugees, whom we would not protect, so
long as he merited protection, against all that
they could attempt, and all they could do, just as
we protected "the Emperor himself. How dare
they speak of England as the encourager of assassi-
nation. Did we ever reward a foiled assassin
Did any English authority ever pay a sum of
money to one who had fruitlessly tried to murder
in cold blood one of the most distinguished of our
opponents. Let Lours NAPOLEON lay his band
on his heart, and, recollecting the legacy bequeathed
to the infamOus CANTILLON, and the payment of
that legacy with large arrears of interest, honestly
declare who is the encourager of assassination, the
" accessory after the fact," to a wilful and deli-
berate act of homicide
But what can he say respecting his own filibus-
tering expedition against Lioulogne ? That was
an act of aggression against a friendly power—a
decided breach of the English law. He could not
have hopel that the effort would have been blood-
less—at least it was not his own fault or that of
PERSIGNY that it was so. The ono with lead,
the other With cold steel, endeavoured to make it
otherwise. Fortunately for themselves, they
totally failed, and saved their heads, that
would other wise have been forfeited to the
offended laws of their country. But when
Louis NAPOLEON escaped from the fortress of
Ham, did we surrender him to the then Govern-
ment of France, or even expel him from our
shores? Far from it. He found an asylum
when he wanted one. lie was treated with
kindness and consideration, received into society,
and the violation of our laws was forgotten in the
suffering he had endured. We sheltered him in
the dark h.mrs of adversity, until he gathered
sufficient strength to strive to sting the pro-
ecting hand.

WOregard with profound indifference all the
threats that have been hurled at our devoted
heads ; whether they come from Minister, Senator,
or soldier, they aro equally despicable and equally
futile. If any effect could be thereby produced, it
would be one totally adverse to the object for the ad-
vancement whereof they:were fulminated. We may
be engaged in war both in India and China, but
we have men and money sufficient to protect our-
Idves and our eJuutry against aty aggression, no
matter from what quarter it may proceed.

We are not about to pteacb, but there is a
passage in one of the most valuable books in the
Bible—one so much overlooked in the din of
doctrinal controverAy that we hear little of it—of
which we are forcibly reminded by Lord GREY'S

essay on Reform " Surely in vain is the net
spreaad in the sight of any bird," said the Jewish
Sotommr. Now none can be mor e ready than we are
to do justice to Lord Gnat's ability, especially his
ability minus his crotchets, nor would we deny the
ability with which the present essay is written ;
but its drift is too obvious to deceive any one.
The net is spread in the sight of the birds, and
very silly birds indeed must we be if we allow
ourselves to be caught in it. His object is to
keep us out of all Reform this year, and perhaps
for another, and another, possibly till the 3d Earl

GREY shall occupy the place filled by the 2d Earl
GREY in 1832—and then what are we to have as
a Reform Bill? Why, avowedly one which shall
be a compromise between the two great parties
to keep out the people to the end of the chapter.
Demagogues and democracy are the rocks ahead.
A strong people and weak Governments are the
great danger. That a Ministry should be able to
override popular delusions, is one principal end
to be arrived at ; that it should be able to pro•.
pose and carry what it thinks right, is the
corrollary. _ _

Stand aside democracy, let Whiga and Tori

fight it out between them—this is the kernel o
Lord GRry's pamphlet. We have no doubt that
he considers this to be the perfection of Repre-
sentative Government in England. What have
the Tribunes of the people to do on the Treasury
benches? The hereditary aristocracy of our
country, its two divisions rather, are the poles of
good government—popular power is the mere
uninfluential part between them—the mere curved
part of the magnet, juit serving to enable the
two extremes to combine their strength, and exAt
all their energy for their common objects. It is
almost impossible, of ceurs.e, for a thoroughbred
favourin
pow er
while
ne
Whig to believe in the people. He can believe
bidding one or two per cent. more for their
be
which has a tight d• •
taheTorywould do ; they may safely
offered what will give 'them the shadow of
avoid it, than a substance remains with the class
inns to govern, but a GREY
will give n° more
plat of that subatance,
re-mlaror if he can
lats. ELLENBWLOUGH, or
Houses of Lords and Comm 'a
obstruction:3 in the
than any of the
Lord GREI avows thatmthc'ensso•le scope and object
eonlteafnodrmthE:lmwoar: t:illspu.,ulterdaobwln
pthti
ofru glaring ear-
-1 that small boroughs were kept, and monopoliest ;
cooked to render the consti tueucios he counties
easy of digez_
tion for landlord influence 3 and that, though in
the fracas an increase of pompular power was inevi-
table, yet good care was taken that tho people
should not be al'-powerfe. Of course not. Lord
JOHN RussELL very soon to) d us that; and the
PAL3IERSTON Cabinet, with. its aristocratic titles,
and the PiL3LERSION apps intments and promo.