The Sun.
London, England, 1867-07-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING.
The Loup CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at
five o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

Carnarvonshire Railway and Caledonian Railway (For-
farshire,) Bills were read a second time.
The Earl of CARNARVON said he wished to call the
attention of the noble Duke (Marlborough) to the fact that
the noble duke was reported to have said that the bill
called the " Ten Minutes Bill" was proposed by him (Lord
Carnarvon). Ile would now ask the noble Duke whether
that was the case.

The Duke of MARLBOROUGH said that what he said
was that the Ten Minutes Bill was introduced to suit the
feelings of the noble earl and others in tho Cabinet.
Lord CARNARVON was understood to dissent from
the bill, and the subject dropped.

TESTS ABOLITION (OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE)

BILL.

The Duke of MARLBOROUGH gave notice that he
should move that this bill be read that day three months.
VACCINATION BILL.
This bill was committed and passed.
REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE BILL.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, onThoresumption of
the debate on this important question, said it was
u
not pleasant to speak upon a question which
ono would most probably not be able to alter.
Ho was, however, always glad when a great measure was
introduced into that house to hear that it was to be of
vital consequence to the interests of the people. But he
had heard no such sentiments from the noble earl oppo-
site ; he bad only said that this bill, and he quoted his
lordship's words, " Was so Conservative in its mea-
sures as to leave no ground of apprehension." He
had trusted that others who would come after, members
of the Government, would say something more in favour
of the bill ; but it seemed to him that their only argu-
ments seemed to be that of setting bill against bill, and Ca-
binet Minister against Cabinet Minister. This bill had
come to them from the other house without a division, and
successful in almost every clause, and as this was the last
opportunity of expressing their opinion on it, he should
trouble them with the few remarks ho was about to make.
He should have wished the bill to have been passed upon
a principle which should induce the working men to en-
deavour to gain the benefit of the franchise by increased
industry and sobriety. He had always himself been a
Radical, and should bo so till the end of his days, but his
great object was to advance the condition to the highest
degree of the working man. He should like to see
the working man, from the condition oven of
a sweep, raise himself by honest industry to be
Prime Minister. With regard to this measure,
however, he could not approve of a bill which would
suddenly give to the residuum of society what ought to
belong to the honest, hard-working man. They must
prepare the way before they introduced such extreme
measures—make the people fit to receive them in ac•
cordance ,with the condition of the people.
Why when- we can go down stairs should
we jump out of window ? lie quite agreed with the
noble duke, the President of the Council, this
was not a final measure. It was only a rest-
ing-place by the way, but ho (the noble earl)
considered that it was not a happy resting-place. There
could be no finality except in death. The house-
hold suffrage was not a resting place, even in the
sense of repose. Tho measure goes a great way in-
deed, but the arguments wont much further. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer had made a declaration
that every man of mature ago, untainted by crime, had a
moral right to the suffrage. (Dissent.) Well, he had un-
derstood so—he might have erred ; at all events, they had
instilled into the minds (.1 the people that the franchise
was a right and not a trust. (Dissent.) But he knew that
that impression had gone abroad amongst the people. He
had heard one friend say that the object of going
so low was to satisfy all classes. They had, by
making the vote a right, established universal
suffrage. By the lodger franchise they had given a vote