The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-06 00:00:00

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PRICE 4d.
STAMPED sd.

t well heithCerLottillceli‘lotro
nodfaytl:er
,Eruxecshdeqayuelr
iiwnitioetlti to the
ehreibt his intention to introduce alterations
put a
anddual
ua I
vote,
,e 0 thent e,
but t distinctlyh that
with respect
informed
NNt 1
e stp
e q
cute
ts
o t i ot n h
e,
that he intended to abandon the clause
ah
to everything else we must enter into the
discussion on the bill, trusting to the good
the house
faith of the Government. But rumour has been
busy during the intermediate days. It became known,
I have no doubt, that it was your intention to press
strongly for the enlargement of the franchise to be
given by the Government bill, and the consequence
is that last night we were told that clauses were in
preparation which were not iu the nature of altera-
tions of the bill, but of additions to the bill, and
were intended to assist the compound householder to
obtain enfranchisement. What may be the value
of these clauses it is impossible now to say. What-
ever may be their value, I cannot see that it can be
otherwise than wise to move that instruction, be-
cause that instruction contemplates drawing a line
which the committee would not otherwise have the
power to draw. I think, however, we may assume
that the clauses are intended to make the bill more
acceptable to the Liberal party ; and if so, I shall
contemplate them with great satisfaction, because I
feel they will make it much easier for the Govern-
ment to accede to the principles we lay down, to do
away with the frivolous and needless distinctions be-
tween man and man, and to concede frankly to the
the principle that the franchise should be enjoyed
equally by those in a condition of life and a posi-
tion of independence which will give
them a title to
the franchise. If it had been in my power, I would
not have requested your attendance here until we
had been in possession of the new clauses, and if this
were a time when an Opposition should search for
causes of complaint rather than look them over and
treat them lightly, I think that we might complain
that these clauses, touching a most important part
of the subject—because two-thirds of the house-
holders below .£lO are compound house holders—that
these clauses, I say, should not be in our possession
until to-morrow morning, and that we have therefore
no power to take a Parliamentary step upon them
before the bill goes into committee. No one here
will be fettered in his discretion in discussing those
clauses by anything which has now passed or which
may be agreed upon. (Hear, hear.) Being totally
ignorant of their character, I cannot speculate on
the subject. Our duty has been to call you togetheK
at the latest moment when we could proceed in con-
formity with Parl:amentlry rules, and give due
notice of our intentions. If we have not done all
that is desirable, I trust that you will see that we
have done all that is in our power. (Cheers.) I
think if we are enabled to proceed as thus far we
have proceeded—l mean unitedly—we have every
prospect of bringing this difficult and contestedques-
tion to a satisfactory solution. (Cheers.) Ido not
think that is a state of things in which we should
feel any distrust of ourselves or of the prospect be-
fore us. If any one has a right to feel that it is I. I
have the most painful conviction of my inefficiency
in giving effect to your wishes in circumstances so
difficult as those in which we are placed ; but I do
not wish to shrink from endeavouring to attain
whatever is possible. (Loud cheers.) To attempt
the impossible is not the act of a rational man ; but
to attempt the possible is. And if I am favoured with
the hope of being able to assist in maintaining that
union and concord in our ranks which we have thus
far maintained, I shall go forward cheerfully to dis-
charge my part of the duty, and I shall endeavour
to discharge it in the spirit in which you wish it to
be. discharged, and with every hope of success.
(Loud and prolonged cheers.)
Mr. LOCKE—The instruction to the committee
should be limited to that portion which gives them
the power to alter the law of rating. If you take the
other part of the instruction it is open to objection.
It may be urged very strenuously by those who are
opposed to us that by taking the other part we are
lessening the number of persons to be placed on the
register. In one direction it would increase that
number, but in another it would diminish it, because
it:proposes to draw a particular line below which
persons cannot have the suffrage. Now, the propo-
sition of the Government is this—that aman who is
a householder and pays his own rates is to have a
vote ; but this proposition goes to this extent, that if
a person is a householder, but is rated below a par-
ticular line, he is to have no vote. Therefore, what-
ever may be our view on the subject, I think it
would not be advantageous to us to put the whole
of that instruction on the paper, because objec-
tions might be made to it by many gentlemen
who take a different view from that which is em-
bodied in the instruction as to the mode in which
the question should be settled. But if we adopt
merely the first part of the instruction, it will be
equally competent afterwards to move the latter
part, or, indeed, any other amendment which any
hon. member may wish to move.
Mr. Met:lN.—lt is our duty to consider, in the
first place, whether we cannot find any common
ground on which we can act. We are about to take
a step which demands forbearance for our own side,
and tends to obviate controversy on the other side
of the house. Let us hope that, while we are obviat-
ing controversy with the other side, we may also
avoid controversy among ourselves, and with that
view, when a proposition is made by our own leader,
we must not be quick to take exception to it. The
instruction may be regarded as a disappointment to a
certain view that may be taken of the franchise. I
will not say what my view is, because my wish is to
adopt some proposition as a common ground for us
all, and, therefore, without reference to my own
opinion, that it seems to me that an appeal should
be made for individual forbearance, and for each of
us to make concessions so as to get a common ground
of mutual action. I think the rightfion. gentleman
will find that common ground in committee on the
course he proposes. We are not now finally dis-
posing of the question. We should do well, if, in
grappling with the Government who have introduced
a very bad bill, we were to put ourselves, as far as
possible, into the hands of the leader of the Opposi-
tion, and deal with the matter as if he were the
leader of the Government and had introduced a Re-
form Bill. And lam sure that the more hon. gen-
tlemen will forego their own personal pretensions,
and will allow the leader of the Liberal party to
deal with the bill in committee as he deems advisable,
the better it will be for the country and for the
Liberal party, and the more likely to result in our
obtaining a good measure.
Mr. CLAY—The best way is to go into committee
armed with such powers as may be necessary to turn
a bad bill into a good one. I look at that instruction
very much to see how far it will help us, and how
far it will impede us in committee. If the instruction
had been simply to confer powers on the committee,
of dealing with a subject with which it could not
deal without that power, I for one, and I believe
every gentleman here, would have done nothing but
accept it with pleasure. But that purpose is carried
out in the first line, and I should have much liked
that the instruction should have stopped there. But
the instruction goes on beyond that and lays down
a particular plan. Now, such is my confidence in
the right hon. gentleman that I should be ready to
adopt that or any other plan he might propose. But
I say that it is not necessary to lay down such a
plan on the instruction, because, immediately you
do that you come in contact with that small rag of
principle that is left in the Government bill—the
personal payment of rates. It is very true that we
have heard from the Chancellor of the Exchequer
be guided
that evidence of au unusual disposition to
by the House of Commons to make the bill along
with the house of Commons and in accordance with
their wishes—to grant almost if not everything we
wish. But he will not make concessions before going
into committee. His promises of concessions point
to concessions to be made in committee, and although
my opinion may be of very little value, I give my