The Sun.
London, England, 1867-10-31 00:00:00

TUE SRN. LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 31, 1867,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer in Scotland

EDINBURGH, Wednesday.

The proceedings at the banquet last night were
not brought to a close until after midnight. Among
the toasts subsequent to the speech of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer were " Her Majesty's Ministers,"
responded to by Lord J. Manners ; "The Two
Houses of Parliament," acknowledged by the Duke

of Montrose and Sir Graham Montgomery; "The
Health of the Duke of Buceleueh," and " The
Health of Mrs. Disraeli." The last toast vvm
acknowledged in a few humorous remarks by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
To-day the proceedings in connexion with Mr.
Disraeli's visit have been of a tbreefold character.
At two o'clock the right hon. gentleman was
presented in the Music Hall with the freedom
of the city ; at half-past three the degree of
LL.D. was conferred upon him by the University
in the hall of the University Library ; and at eight
o'clock be attended a working-men's meeting, in
order to receive a complimentary address.
The Music Hall, on the occasion of presenting
Mr. Disraeli with the freedom of the city, was
crowded, and the right hon. gentleman on entering
the hall was loudly cheered. Among those present
were the Lord Provost of Edinburgh (Mr. Robert
Chambers), Lord John Manners, Sir W. Stirling
Maxwell, M.P., Sir Graham Montgomery, Mr.
Dundas of Arniston, Mr. M‘Laren, M.P., Mr. Jas.
Blackwood, Sir. Jas. Campbell, Sir W. Johnstone,
and the magistrates and town council of the city. '
Mrs. Disraeli, accompanied by Mrs. Chambers and
the Lord Advocate, were also present.
The LORD PROVOST, addressing Mr. Disraeli, said
that as Chief Magistrate of Edinburgh he had been
honoured with the duty of presenting the right hon.
gentleman with a diploma constituting him a burgess
and freeman of that ancient city. The corporation
were gratified to know that he would not decline to
accept this proffered privilege, which, though the
highest in their power to bestow, was in the pro-
gressive change of society of no substantial value.
The gift was more in the nature of a sentiment than
a reality, but this sentiment comprehended much
that was traditionally curious and suggestive. The
history of free burghal communities carried them
back through the long dreary contests of the middle
ages to the Roman republic, in which those institu-
tions originated, and whence had flowed our modern
civilisation and liberty. The burghal community
of Edinburgh, moulded on ancient types, dated
from the 12th century, since which it had a con-
spicuous and honourable place in Scottish annals.
In one thing it had ever been distinguished—
fidelity to the Crown along with the maintenance
of civil rights and privileges. There were times,
at no distant date, when the immunities of a
burghal freeman conferred some species of trading
monopoly, and of these times many amusing as
well as sorrowful anecdotes could be related.
So far as civic corporations were concerned, absurd
trading restrictions bad vanished. There was among
us no longer the odious distinction of free and un-
free, for all were alike, and little remained to remind
us of the past but ceremonials and the interchange
of courtesies like the present—valueless in all but
name. This certificate would be accepted by Mr.
Disraeli as a token of respect and goodwill. It was
conferred on no principle of political partisanship,
but simply on the broad ground of the right hon.
gentleman's distinction as a statesman, and in ad-
miration of the tact, temper, and ability which he
had displayedia connection with the House of Com-
mons, and respect for him also as a man of letters.
Ou the last occasion he had the honour to address
the right hon. gentleman it was in reference to the I
claims of Scotland for a larger ratio of Parliamen-
tary representation, but that was a topic on which
he would not now enter. Ile preferred congratulat-
ing the right hon. gentleman on his arrival in Scot-
land, and in the pleasure which he would possibly
have in noting the vast changes for the better which
the country had undergone, as well as the peace,
prosperity, and loyalty that distinguished iu a re-
markab!e degree the Scotland of the present from \
thu Scotland of the past. Yet,with much to admire,
there was still something to deplore. The country
had long outgrown the organised means of elemen-
tary instruction, and large numbers were growing up
without any proper:means of education. He could
not doubt that the Legislature would shortly grapple
with the subject, and insure that education should
keep pace with political progress. (Cheers.)
The burgess ticket was then presented to the
right hon. gentleman amid loud che,rs.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER on rising to
acknowledge the honour was greeted with loud
cheers. He said—My Lord Provost and Gentlemen,
—You have conferred on me a great distinction, and
I can sincerely assure you that I highly appreciate it;
and I do so not the less because I will not affect to be
ignorant that there is no identity, I believe, in politi-
cal opinion between this corporation and that great
political party with whom I am intimately connected
(Cheem.) Therefore, my Lord Provost, I feel that in
taking the course which you and this corporation
have so graciously pursued to-day you are paying a
homage—a healthy homage to that public life which
is the soul of free States, and that by conferring this
distinction on me you wish to show that if an indi-
vidual in this country devotes his life and his best
energies in order to maintain, and, if possible, in-
crease the peace and prosperity of our common
country, whatever may be your political opinions,
such exertions are, in your opinion, worthy of your
respect and regard—(cheers)—and permit me to
say, my Lord Provost, that I think that you and
similar public bodies of this antiquity and import-
ance take a wise course in that behalf, because there
are no higher rewards, no greater encouragement to
public men, than a public manifestation like the
present—that they are respected and recognised by
independent bodies of their fellow-citizens. My Lord
Provost, you have reminded me that this is not the
first time I have had the honour of being addressed
by your lordship. I well recollect the occasion and
the cause, although you have with great delicacy
intimated that you will not dwell upon the subject.
Allow me to say that while I have no inclination to
intrude it upon your consideration, so far as her
Majesty's Government are concerned they have no
desire whatever to avoid any discussion on the ques-
tion of Parliamentary Reform which may affect the
representation of Scotland. The opinion which I
expressed to you on the part of her Majesty's Go-
vernment some months ago, that in the impending
change which will take place in the Parliamentary
representation of this country, it was the opinion of
her Majesty's Government that Scotland deserved
and required increased representation —(loud cheers)
—that is still the opinion of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and one which we mean to support with the
utmost exercise of our influence. I will therefore
say no more on that topic, and only say this, lest
after your introduction of the subject, however
delicately you might have misconstrued my
silence, and supposed that any modidcatiou or
change had taken place in the opinions of the
Government on a subject so important to the
country, and to yourselves so deeply and peculiarly
interesting—my Lord Provost, you have touched
also and more fully upon a question which greatly
engages the attention of the country generally at
present, and peculiarly this portion of her Majesty's
dominions, and that is the subject of education. I
llaving at all times been the supporter of popular I
and public education, believing that a system of I
national education cannot Le too much developed
and pursued, it requires no accidental political cir-
cumstances to induce me to give a more serious at-
tention to the question ; but this I may be permitted
to say, that iu dealing with that important question
I think we should be careful in attempting in some
system, which may be generally extensive and com-
prehensive, that we do not too lightly discard that
which we have already accomplished and Success-
fully achieved. (Cheers.) I think wherever and
in whatever portion of her Majesty's dominions the
question engages the interest of the country, it will
be wise for them, so far as practicable, to avail
themselves of the institutions and machinery that
at present exist. I am not prepared to say, in a
country so ancient as the one in which we live, where
there are such varieties of manners and opinions the
consequences of the freedom which we have all so
long enjoyed—l am not prepared to say that a
similar plan will be adapted to every part of her ,

Majesty's dominions. In Scotland I think it would
be wise of you always to remember that on this sub-
ject of education you have, as a nation, been singu-
larly blessed and favoured. Tho present state of
your national system in this country is one that no
doubt has for some time engaged the attention of
statesmen. You are familiar with the report which
has been made to the two Houses of Parliament,
and with the investigations which have been pur-
sued by the commissioners, eminent for their abili-
ties. For my own part I feel persuaded that
although the admirable principles upon which your
national system of education is founded may be
and ought to be much more extensively developed
and applied, still those principles are in them-
selves of a character so excellent that I think it
would be unwise to deviate from them, as the funda-
mental supports of your national system ; but I
can assure you, my Lord Provost, in answer to your
inquiry upon that subject, that the matter of Scotch
education has engaged, and is still engaging the
earnest attention of his Majesty's Ministers. The
report of the commission is now under their consi-
deration, and I am sometimes sanguine enough to
believe that even in the next session of Parliament,
without destroying that ancient and celebrated sys-
tem which has contributed in its time so much for
the welfare of Scotland, and to the well-being of
Scotchmen, we may adapt it to the requirements of
this age in such a manner and in such a spirit that
you shall feel that a measure of no mean import-
ance to the advantage of your country has been
passed even by the existing Parliament. (Cheers.)
My Lord Provost and gentlemen, I must thank you
again very heartily for the honour which you have
conferred upon me. You have been pleased to say
that it is merely a distinction of sentiment, but I
can assure you that I view it in a very different
light. It is so far an affair of sentiment that it may
not possess, in the vulgar acceptation of the word,
those substantial qualities which you have referred
to; but I can assure you that the regard and re-
spect of my countrymen, and especially of an
ancient corporation such as is the corporation of this
famous city, will always be to me one of the sub-
stantial rewards of life, and which to the last hour
of my existence I shall ever honour and cherish.
The right hon. gentleman resumed his seat amidst
great applause.
The Lord Provost called for " Three cheers for
the youngest burgher," which were given with en-
thusiasm, and the National Anthem having been
played on the organ, the proceedings terminated.
On the right hon. gentleman leaving the hall he
was greeted with loud cheers by a large assemblage
who had congregated outside. Before entering the
carriage he cordially shook hands with Sir Thomas
Gladstone (brother of the ex-Chancellor of the
Exchequer), and on taking his seat in an open car-
riage along with Mrs. Disraeli and the Lori Advo-
cate and Mrs. Gordon he was again loudly cheered.
He was also recognised and saluted on his way
along Princes-street and the North and South
Bridges to the College.

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF LAWS CONFERRED
ON MR DISRAELI AND MR LOWE.

At three o'clock the ceremony of conferring the
degree of Doctor of Laws on the Chancellor of the
Exchequer and on the Right Hon. Robert Lowe,
M.P., took place iu the College Library. There
was a crowded attendance, the galleries and space
around the platform being occupied by ladies.
Before the proceedings commenced Mrs. Disraeli,
who formed one of a party of ladies from Arniston
Castle, was conducted by Professor Lyon Playfair
to a seat at the left of the platform. The proceed-
ings having been opened with prayer, Professor
Muirhead presented successively the Chancellor of
the Exchequer and Mr. Lowe to the Vice-Chancel-
lor, and the degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred
upon them amid loud cheers.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply,
said—Mr. Vice-Chancellor and Gentlemen,—You
have conferred upon me to-day an honour which I
highly appreciate, by making me a member of a
corporation so ancient and so famous as that of the
University of Edinburgh. There is nothing in public
life more encouraging than an expression of confi-
dence from anj body of our fellow-citizens ; but
when it comes from a body so distinguished as the
present, BO connected with the sacred causeof learn-
ing, of science, and of philosophy, I can assure you
there are few things which can accrue to men iu
their public careers that can bring anything more
gratifying—as I am sure it can bring nothing more
honourable—than the distinction you have been
pleased to confer upon me to-day. Your public
orator has referred to my conduct in Parliament,
and my influence upon the legislation of the cuun-
try, and he has, very properly in a scene like the
present, avoided allusion to any public question
upon which any contrary opinions could exist within
these walls. But I may perhaps be admitted, with
reference to the subject of my relation to the legis-
lation of this country, to remember with some grati-
fication that eight years ago I actively contributed
with one who is now one of the greatest ornatneuts of
the bench in this country in that Act of Parliament
which gave an accredited Position to the graduates in
this university, and which I hope laid the foundation
for those further Parliamentary functions which I
believe await them, and respecting which I believe
there can be no party feeling. For my part, I
have always desired to see the great seats of learning
and of philosophy raise their luminous and lettered
fronts in the Parliament of this country, and I shall
be very happy at the conclusion of the next session,
or in due course of time, to see sitting, even if it be
before me, the representative of the University of
Edinburgh. (Cheers.) I know that he will be sent
by a constituency who are deeply interested in the
cause of science and of philosophy. I know that he
will represent a body that has a Brougham for its
Chancellor, and that has the illustrious and eminent
man upon my right for its Principal. (Loud cheers.)
I know that he will be sent by a university whose
labours in the legislation of minds supplied a want
in British literature which was deeply deplored, and
without whose labour on that very
_difficult and
most important of subjects that literature would
have been the shame of philosophic Europe. With
these feelings of respect to your ancient and illus-
trious university, you may conceive my gratification
at being selected to-day to receive this distinction.
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. LowE (who was received with prolonged
cheering) said :—Mr. Vice-Chancellor,—l am very
sorry to say that the right hon. gentleman who has
preceded me has left me very little to do, except to
do that which I am afraid I am not much in the
habit of doing, that is, to agree with him in every-
thing he has said. (Laughter and cheers.) But
before a man teaches be ought to learn, and every
one whom I have the honour to address knows so
much more about this university than I do that I
confess to a diffidence not altogether unaffected when
I attempt to exercise that license of instruction
which you have been kind enough to, confer upon
me. In the article of teaching I,have certainly some
knowledge, for the early years of my life were spent
in giving instruction. in the University of Oxford ;
but in that, as in many other things, I have got a
little rusty,. and then I had the advantage of
teaching subjects which I fl Ltter myself I vas
thoroughly master of, which I cannot say is
altogether the CAS,3 in your university ; but one
thing I can say, and it is, I think the Scotch
Universities —and the University of Edinburgh as
much as any— are models in many respects which
we should do well to imitate in England. I have
been engaged, and am still, with some friends in an
attempt to make the universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, for instance, what the Scotch universi-
ties already are,—not plaus of instruction for a
particular and that a wealthy class, but institutions
that strike deep their roots into the national life,
and extend their power and utility from the highest
class in the country down to the lowest. I con-
sider that of all the honours that have been reaped
by the Scotch universities, nothing is so ennobling
as this—that while they offer an admirable educa-
tion to the children of the rich, they offer an educa-
tion equally suitable and equally admirable to the
children of the poor ; that they enable persons who
might appear, by the narrowness of their circum-
stances, to be excluded from giving full scope to
their talents to obtain an education which would fit
them for any position in life ; that they are the
nurseries from which are sent out ose hardy and

intelligent men whose mission, it seems, is to take
the lead in all colonial enterprises, and to lay the
foundation of future empires in every part of the
world. Gentlemen, I will make this remark from
the observations I have made as an old colonist,—
that nobody succeeds in the colonies like a Scotch-
man, and no Scotchman like one who has been edu-
cated at one of your universities. I have only one
more thing to say, and that has been alread antici-
pated—but it cannot be said perhaps too often—
that while other universiti! s pride themselves in
having persons of rank and title at their head, you
have a much higher distinction, for you have at
your head an honoured gentleman, perhaps the first
man of science of the age. (Cheers.) You thus
appreciate the fact that by elevating such men to
such positions the university receives more honour
than it confers ; and that while it is perhaps not pos-
sible for any institution to add to the lustre of
a name such as that of your vice-chan-
cellor, the fact that you possess him to rule
over you is one of the greatest distinctions you
can possibly confer upon yourselves. Gentlemen,
allow me to express the great gratification I have
received from the honour you have conferred on me
to-day. I do not think it would be desirable in me
to go into any questions in returning thanks, be-
cause what has been done in this matter, I doubt
not, has been done under a strong sense of public
duty. If I were to speak in reference to what you
have done, I must fall into the vulgar practice of
commending myself ; and, on the other hand, if I
were to give way to my own diffidence I must speak
against the body that has just conferred on me this
signal honour. Therefore, gentlemen, finding my..
self involved in that dilemma, I trust you will ex-
cuse me if I conclude what I have to say by ex-
pressing the extreme gratification I have felt that
the Senatus Acadewicus of the University of Edin-
burgh has thought me worthy of the high distinc-
tion it has conferred upon me this day. (Loud
cheers.)

Professor CPAWFORD pronounced the benediction,
and the proceedings terminated.

THE WORKING MEN'S ADDRESS TO MR.
DISRAELI.

In the evening Mr. Disraeli attended a working
men's meeting in the Music-hall for the purpose of
receiving a complimentary address. Nearly 2,000
persons were present. Mr. C. Scott, advocate, pre-
sided, and opened the proceedings in a speech
eulogising the services of Mr. Disraeli to the coun-
try. The address of the working men was then
presented. They state that they are in no degree
influenced by party spirit, and after expressing
their appreciation of the manner in which the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer had overcome the enormous
difficulties with which he had to contend, they pro-
ceed to say that they hope the auspicious policy
which he has inaugurated is but a prelude to the
passing of many other measures equally healing
and beneficent in their operation. They expressed
their trust that as liberal a measure of Reform may
be accorded to Scotland, and on a similar basis, with
that granted to England. Referring to the discordant
elements which are surging in Ireland, they state
that the unborn generations will praise the name
of the statesman who shall calm the storm of pas-
sion and prejudice which now exists. They then
proceeded to point out the necessity of an improved
arrangement in the internal condition of the
workhouses, and in the laws affecting the combina-
tion of workmen ; but they state that in their
opinion the paramount question of all is the educa-
tion of the people, and that neither religious diffi-
culties nor parental indiference ought to be per-
mitted to stand in the way of that most Conserva-
tive measure—the education of the people. They
also pointed out the urgent necessity for an effective
art education for adults, in order to keep British
industry not only in the high position it has hitherto
occupied, but to enable it to keep far ahead of the
competition of foreign labour.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was
received with loud cheers, said—Gentlemen, and my
good friends, I thank you heartily for the kind
manner in which you have presented this address;
and in the attempt which I am now going to make
in answer to the suggestions %%bleb are contained in
it, I must express myself the more grateful to you
for the manner in which you have received me, be-
cause I alone am responsible for the indiscretion—
if it be one--of appearing before you this evening
and becoming your guest. (Cheers.) I was told that
it would on my part be a great mistake and a
grievous error; that I had been misled and misin-
formed as to the sentiments and opinions of the
working classes of Edinburgh ; and that it was on
my p trt an act most rash and ill-considered, that of
coming to this city to receive—as I have received—
one of the greatest compliments that any individual
has yet bad proffered to him. That I should go
out of the way unnecessarily to destroy the effect
of a demonstration so distinguished would be an
act of folly unparalleled. (Cheers and laughter.)
I was told that I should be met to-night, not by
the working classes of Edinburgh, but by a few
working men in that city. My answer was, that I
knew of no corporate body that could arrogate to
itself the right of representing all the working
classes of Edinburgh ; and that if I believed there
was any considerable portion of my fellow-country-
men in a position of life more homely than those who
welcomed me last night, who on an oceasion like the
present, on my visit to a city of this importance,
desired an interview with one who, however unwor-
thily, is still a Minister of the Crown, 1 did think I
was not doing right to my Sovereign, to my coun-
try, and to my fellow-subjects, if I churlishly re-
fused to them the interview which they desired.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, if I had considered my per-
sonal convenience I certainly should not have been
present at this moment, as I am physically incapable
of addressing you in the manner you deserve. But
when I was appealed to in London on this subject,
and appealed to by men who I believed then and
whom I now know rightfully represent the feelings
and opinions of a considerable portion of the work-
ing classes of this city, I could not refuse them,
although I was then encumbered with all the cares
of a Minister. I could not refuse to receive these
honest men, who had travelled up to London, and
unkindly say that I would not listen to their repre-
sentations. (Cheers, and a slight interruption,
followed by loud cries of " Put him out.") Gentle-
men, I hope that no one will interfere with our pro-
ceedings, and I should be very sorry that anyone
present on this occasion should be forcibly pre-
vented from expressing his opinion. My object is
to make you fully acquainted with the feelings
under which we meet to-night, so that you should
not suppose it on my part an act of arrogance in
seeking this interview. On the contrary, I have
only been influenced by the feeling that if I had
refused to come the refusal would have been unkind
and ungentlemanlike. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen,
I must express to you my thanks for the address
which you have just read and offered to my notice.
There is one portion of that address in which you
will easily believe I entirely sympathise. Probably
there is no man living who more entirely agrees
with you that it is an act upon which the country
may generally be congratulated that the bill which
we introduced for the improvement of the repre-
sentation of the people iu England has passed into
a law. (Loud cheers.) I am glad to find that
so considerable an assemb!y, and one formed, I
think no one will deny, mainly of the working
classes of this metropolis, so entirely approve of that
measure—cheers)—that they believe it was only
conceived in a great spirit and adequate to the occa-
sion, and is calculated to lead to the settlement of a
question which had too long agitatel the common-
wealth, and disturbed and distracted that applica-
tion of the popular energies to other questions which,
if carried into effect, would have tended to improve
the condition and advance the fortunes of the people
and of the country. (Cheers.) This is most gratify-
ing to me, and I am sure will be so to every mem-
ber of her Majesty's Government. The personal
allusions which you have made in that address I
accept as an indication of your kindness to me in-
dividually ; but in a great degree I must admit they
are undeserved. It is not to my individual exertions
that you are indebted for the passing of the Reform
Act. I was supported by colleagues who entirely
agreed with me. I served under a Prime Minister
who is the leading spirit of his Cabinet—(cheers)—

between whom and myself there is perfect and entire
sympathy, and who resolved upon this question from
the first, that nothing should deter us, if possible,
from bringing to a happy conclusion the settlement
of a question upon which vitally depended the great-
ness of the empire and the happiness of her Ma-
jesty's subjects. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, you
are indebted not merely to the Ministry ; you are
also indebted to the high feeling of the existing
House of Commons and the party with which I am
connected, who upon that occasion evinced a devo-
tion and an energy scarcely to be equalled in i he
history of the Constitution of our country. (Cheers.)
They gave me no churlish support ; they gave un-
limited devotion to their leaders. But impelled by
the conviction that the settlement of this question
was one of vital necessity, they determined that it
should be settled in a manner which should produce
concord among all classes of her Majesty's subjects.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, you have given me credit
individually for the possession and exercise of
some happy arts in the carrying of that measure. If
I have shown patience, it became my position ; if I
have listened to the suggestions of my opponents
with deference, I only fulfilled the duty of a British
Minister ; but, believe me, I am not entitled to
those compliments which I sometimes receive upon
my marvellous dexterity and patience. (Cheers
and laughter.) I will explain to you to-night all
the arts by which I contrived to achieve this great
success. All the black devices to which I applied
were simply these—upon every question I took my
own party into confideuee ; and when I had to ap-
peal to an independent Opposition, I remembered at
all times that they were men of sense and gentlemen.
(Cheers.) It was by these two means, and these
only, that I succeeded at last, as the organ of a
unanimous Government, in carrying a measure which
I believe will add stability and strength to the entire
community. Gentlemen, your hon. chairman has
referred to my career, somewhat longer now than I
care to recollect ordinarily. (Laughter.) But what-
ever its length and whatever its labours, believe me
that I have a reward in the reception which I have
met from a meeting, not only so numerous as that
which I now address, but influenced as no one can
deny, by feelings so cordial, so friendly, and I hope
so just. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, when I hear, and
when I feel so deeply and so painfully as I very often
have done, of the war among classes, I must say—
taking, I hope, an impartial view of my public career,
which has now lasted longer than the lives of many
men that are now present—thr owing my eye over a
Parliamentary career alone that has continuously
prevailed for upwards of thirty years, I cannot find
that I have ever taken any part hostile, or inten-
tionally hostile, to the interests of the working classes;
that I have ever been connected with those who sought
to be, or intended to be, in antagonism with them.
Now, gentlemen, during these thirty years there has
been a great mass of legislation which has been car-
ried by Parliament relating to, the interests and affect-
ing the interests of the working classes—measures in
which they were deeply interested themselves, which
they promoted by their persons, which they showed by
their conduct were dear in every sense to the inner-
most sentiments of their hearts and souls. (Cheers.)
I have remarked in looking over that period that
during that time I think, if I recollect rightly—but
of course on an occasion like the present I must speak
with that indulgence which I am sure you will accord
to one who has no blue books to refer to in this un-
expected meeting—(laughter)—l think there have
been 32 acts passed relative to the conduct of the
people, and especially of the working class of this
country, in which you take the deepest interest.
There have been laws affecting their wages, their
education, their hours of toil, their means of self-
improvement—laws, the object of which was to
elevate their condition and to soften the asperities
which were the inevitable consequences of probably
any state of society that may exist. (Cheers.) Now,
gentlemen, I can say this, and as 1 am not canvass-
ing for your votes—(laughter) —but speaking as
your guest and visitor on this occasion, it is some
gratification to me, and I think it will fairly be ad-
mitted it is some trial of the disposition and career
of a public man, that of those 32 acts passed during
those 30 years, and that is some trial of the life of
any one, I have invariably supported every one.
(Cheers.) And, gentlemen, allow ins to tell you that
although that legislation is now consi lered to have
achieved results, the benefit to propriety and the
justice of which cannot be questioned, there was not
one of those acts which was not bitterly, ably op-
pose]. I will not say by whom they were opposed
—(laughter)—or by what party they were opposed,
because it is neither my wish, nor is it in any way
necessary to the object of a meeting like the present,
that we should dwell upon these circumstances ; but
this I will say, they were not opposed by the politi-
cal party with which I am intimately acquainted.
(Loud cheers.) Only yesterday evening, when I
dined with a large body of your fellow-citizens, not
less in number probably than those I now address,
I had the pleasure of meeting a gentleman who is
my colleague, but who was present there as the pro-
prietor and dweller in Scotland—not only my col-
league, but my dearest friend—Lord John Manners.
(Cheers.) He then recalled to my recollection that
a quarter of a century ago and more, when pro-
bably neither of us thought that we should ever be
the advisers of the Crown, we were working together
for the very objects that are dearest to the majority
of those whom I am now addressing, many of
which, mainly by his influence, much more even
than by my own, have been called into active legisla-
tion, and all of which in their effects are now uni-
versally acknowledged to have elevated and im-
proved the condition of the great mass of the popu-
lation. (Laud cheers.) Nell, gentlemen, perhaps
on this subject I may be permitted to remind you
that the past session of Parliament has given, I
think, some evidence that thefeelings of her Majesty's
Ministers are unchanged on this subject, and that
we haie not forgotten that which is one of the first
and principal duties of any Minister who has to
consider whether by legislation the condition of the
people can be improved. (Cheers.) Although our
time has been engrossed by that great measure which
followed, as I hope it will be followed with regard
to Scotland, by identical legislation—(loud cheers)
—which has greatly increased the popular privileges
of the people of England—notwithstanding the en-
grossing nature of that great labour which would
have been no excuse for any neglect of any subject
by any Ministry, I am proud to recollect the pre-
sent Government have carried two measures, even
in the last session of Parliament, which are of vital
importance to the people. (Cheers.) One of those
is a measure with which you are no doubt well
acquainted, which has extended the principles and
the conditions of the-Factory Act to alt. the trades
of the United Kingdom, which is a measure of no
mean importance, and which very considerably, and
for the better, affects the condition of the people.
'The other is that act which limits the hours of
labour up to 18 years of age, and which, with re-
ference to that condition, has established a system
of compulsory education. (Cheers.) I think, then,
gentlemen, after these circumstances, and remem-
bering that that was the session of all others where
had there been aey insincerity in one's feelings we
might easily have refrained from exerting ourselves
on the subject—l think we may with satisfaction
and just pride appeal to those two measures,
which have passed by the influence of the. Go-
vernment alone, as some evidence that her Ma-
jesty's Ministers are mindful of what the Govern-
ment of the (Items should never forget. (Cheers.)
But, gentlemen, I say that I have from my earliest
public life been of opinion that that assumed and
affected antagonism between-the interests of what
are called the Conservative classes and the labour-
ing classes is entirely unfounded. I sly that if I
had to adduce a further proof of that I would ap-
peal to a measure also passed in the last session of
Parliament, and which I am bound to say, even at the
expense of the reputation of the Government, is even
more valuable than those two measures to which I
have referred, and that is the measure which Lord
Elcho introduced, which passed through Parliament,
and which altered the state of the law as respects
the contract between master and servant. (Cheers.)
In my opinion a more important and beneficial law,
and one which more sensibly ice proves the condition
of the great body of the people, was never intro-
duced and passed through Parliament ; but I say
there is no language which can express, in my

I opinion, the debt of gratitude which the country
owes to Lord Elcho for the untiring patience, the
admirable ability, courage, and determination with
which he succeeded in carrying that measure ; be-
cause, gentlemen, allow me to remind you that it
is very easy to talk at meetings like the present of
introducing bills into Parliament and passing them
through. But the fact is that it is very diffi-
cult even for a Minister to pass a bill---(laughter)
but there is no human imagination, the fancy of
no individual present can conceive the labours, the
difficulties, the discountenancing perplexities of a
private member who attempts to legislate on any
subject of importance; and therefore I have always
considered that the effort, the successful effort, made
by Lord Elcho upon that most important subject—
a subject with which you are so familiar that I am
sure it Is unnecessary for me to dwell upon—can-
not be too highly praised. (Cheers.) Remember
this, that by the old law of England, when a con-
tract was made between a master and servant, the
servant who broke it was guilty of a criminal act,
but if the master broke it, he, of course, was ex-
empted from all such consequences. Now that we
have obtained a new law that reconciles such ine-
qualities, it is difficult to conceive that such a law
could exist in England ; but it did exist, and not in
England only, but in Great Britain—it existed in
Scotland, and it existed, I would not say unchal-
lenged, but certainly not abandoned, 12 months ago.
I say, then, that the man who could have the cou-
rage and determination to carry such an improve-
ment of the laws of his country deserves the grati-
tude and approbation of his countrymen. (Cheers.)
But with respect to the observation with which I
started, I must say that I have never heard that
Lord Elcho was a very advanced Liberal, or that it
was in consequence of his very profound conviction
of opinions that bear that down that he was induced
to come forward and make that determined effort
in which ho succeeded. I% hy then, gentlemen, I
think that I have shown you that there are good
grounds to believe that my opinion is just, and that
there is no necessary antagonism between the inte-
rests of those classes popularly described as the
Conservative classes and the labouring classes of
this country. My opinions have been expressed not
only in Parliament, but by other modes not so im-
portant, to which the chairman has referred. I
have always looked upon the interests of the labour-
ing classes as essentially the most Conservative in-
terests of the country. (Cheers.) The arts of labour
have been to me always as sacred as the arts of pro-
perty—(cheers)—and I have always thought that
those who were much interested in the stability,
and even the glory, of the State are the great mass
of the population, happy to enjoy the privileges of
freemen and good laws, and proud at the same time
as inhabitants of a great country to give their name
an honourable and glorious reputation in every
quarter of the globe. So much, then, with refer-
ence to the measure which we passed last session,
and which you I am glad to say so fully appreciate.
So much with reference to my individual influence
in the carrying the measure which was much sim-
pler than it was described in the newspapers, and so
much with reference to the general sentiments and
principles of the party with which for 30 years I
have been connected in Parliament, with regard to
the interest that we take in the general welfare of
our countrymen—those countrymen, I am proud to
Bey who, by the united influence of that party, are
soon about to exercise the noblest privileges of free-
men. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I ought not to
forget that in the address which you have presented
to me, and with which, I can assure you from the
bottom of my heart, I am most deeply gratified,-you
have not only referred to the past, but you have
thrown a prophetic eye on the impending
future. Gentlemen, you have enumerated in
the concluding paragraphs of your address
various questions which must attract the at-
tention of the Senate, and may agitate the for-
tunes of realms and empires. Many of you appear
from the tone you have adopted to have very decided
opinions upon these questions. Allow me as a prac-
tical man, without wishing to offend anybody pre-
sent, to say that in the catalogue of questions you
have referred to are contained all those important
political problems which the wisest statesmen and
the most powerful ministers have hitherto not been
able to solve. (Laughter.) Whether your confidence
would be increased in the on this occasion if I came
forward with a solution, I will not attempt to decide,
but having a great respect for the opinion of Scotch-
men—(laughter)—believing that not merely from
their education, but from their race, they are a very
shrewd and discriminating people, I am rather in-
clined to conclude that if I were to offer a solution
of all these questions, even if it agreed with the
opinions and prejudices of the large majority present,
instead of their confidence being increased in their
guest, they would say, " This man is much too quick
for us." (Laughter and cheers.) " We would
rather trust our fortunes and the interests of the
country to one who pondered and hesitated a little
before he gave so decided an opinion as he has done."
I take it for granted that like all prudent men you
are fond of detail, because, after all,-upon a perfect
knowledge and right appreciation of detail the
settlement of great questions mainly depends ; and,
gentlemen, I think I may venture to say that none
of the questions which you have introduced in these
last paragraphs of your address, although you may
have arrived at certain conclusions as you are justly
entitled to do, which so far governed your conduct,
and to which you have a right, to call upon those
who regulate your affairs to give their earnest con-
sideration, the anomalies may be removed, the im-
perious conduct and consequences may be repaired,
and thus put an end to any of those questions. I
very much doubt whether there is anybody present
who is prepared to propose a measure which practi-
cally and completely would effect the somewhat vain
conclusion which influences your opinion. Gentle-
men, there are one or two of those subjects upon
which I may speak in more confidence. You seem
to express a desire that a Reform Bill should
be introduced in the next session of Parlia-
ment, in which franchises of not less importance
should be secured to the people of Scotland than
have been Secured to the people of England.
(Cheers.) Upon this subject, gentlemen, I can
speak in confidence, because it is one which I have
entertained and mastered, and my colleagues have
duly considered it. It is their intention to intro-
duce on the earliest possible occasion a bill to im-
prove the representation of the people in Scotland ;
and certainly I shall be no party to the introduction
of the bill if it offers to the people of Scotland less
franchises than have been secured to the people of
England. (Great cheering.) Gentlemen, the ques-
tion of thelrish Church to which you have referred
already engages, no doubt, the attention of the
public mind ; and I should think you cannot for-
get that even at this moment there is a commission
just appointed to inquire into the condition of the
Establishment ; and I should think such practical
men as those whom I am now addressing would
look upon a Minister with little confidence who left
London—having sanctioned a commission to inquire
into the Irish Church—and then came to Edin-
burgh to inform those he is addressing as to the
policy her Majesty's Government intend to pursue.
Gentlemen, I will say nothing now as to the laws
affecting the combination of workmen. I entirely
agree with Lord Derby that it would be a most im-
politic and unjust course to support any laws which
would oppose the combination of working men, or
at all affect those unions they have thought fit to
establish for preservation and protection of their
own interests. (Cheers.) Upon that question I
will simply say, that if the working men come for-
ward and ask Parliament to consider their case,
because they have not the means under the existing
law of asserting their rights—why, I say, we are
perfectly justified, and it would be our duty, and
one which I think this meeting would approve in
saying—" Let the whole question be considered ;
do not partially interfere for any particular object,
but so legislate, if you must legislate, that the
working men of Britain shall be able to assert their
rights and at the same time fulfil their duties." Gen-
tlemen,' will not touch upon the condition of the work-
houses you have brought under my consideration,
though I might do so with some advantage at the
present moment, because I have already trespassed
too long upon your time—(cheers)--but when you
call the attention of her Majesty's Government to

the condition of our workhouses and the absolute
necessity of Government interference and improve-
ment, I must say I do not accept this as a censo-
rious intimation on the part of my friends who have
entrusted to me this address, but rather, I would
say, on their part availing-themselves of an oppor-
tunity of introducing a subject which I think the
present Government may look to with some self-
complacency, because I think no one will deny that
we are the first Government that have attempted,
and successfully attempted, to deal with the condi-
tion of the workhouses in the portion of the king-
dom where it is most difficult to grapple with the
legal powers that produce such consequences as have
been so much deprecated. I say we are the first
Government that vigorously and efficiently dealt
with the deplorable condition of the workhouses in
the great metropolis of the empire, and with uni-
versal consent did produce the measure which has
obtained all those advantageous consequences and
results which you desire; therefore upon that sub-
ject I will only say that this expression of opinion
upon it by a meeting so influential and spontaneous
as the present is one which will encourage and em-
bolden us to pursue the course which we have
hitherto pursued with so much success, and which
you have ratified by your approbation. But, gen-
tlemen, there is one subject of paramount import-
ance, far above any of those to which you have
referred, and which I have noticed, which demands
the consideration of the State, and that is the edu-
cation of the people. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen,
I may be permitted to say that there required no
address to be offered to me, even 'by a meeting so
numerous and so influential as the present, repre-
senting, as I think will now be really admitted, the
opinion of the great body of the working classes of
the city of Edinburgh— (cheers) I say there
required to be no address presented to me in
order to enlist my best feelings and utmost ener-
gies in a cause which I have ever deemed so
paramount and sacred. (Cheers.) I have ever
considered that the education of the people of the
United Kingdom could not be too much developed,
looking to the immense empire which
_depends on
the qualities of so limited a population compara-
tively as inhabit the united islands. I have felt that
it is the.first duty of a statesman to take care that
the most responsible man in the world, and that is
a British citizen, should be capable of fulfilling the
important duties devolved upon him. (Cheers.) I
say, when you have a population of about 30,000,000
to support, considering the untiring efforts and the
almost incredible intelligence which are necessary
to maintain an empire of that magnitude of that
which Queen Victoria presides over—l say it is ab-
solutely necessary that a British subject should be a
man who exceeds in resources and in power more
than one man of any other country. (Cheers.)
Well, gentlemen, how is that to be fulfilled, how is
that great end to be obtained but by the education
of the people ? Now, I learn that there is at the
present moment a great passion on this subject,
that a great many persons who had never thought
of the education of the people now speak of educa-
tion as the only means of escaping dreadful conse-
quences which await them in consequence of the
passing of the Reform Bill. (Cheers and laughter.)
Now I cannot promise you to make greater exer-
tions for the cause of education as an individual
than I have hitherto made, and I think I may say,
on the part of her !Majesty's Government, that,
totally irrespective of the Reform Bill, they consider
the question of popular education a 3 one of the
greatest duties, as one of the greatest questions that
can command their consideration. (Cheers.) I can-
not believe that the men who will be called on to
exercise the franchise are not sufficiently educated
at the present moment to fulfil that trust. I have
no doubt that they are sufficiently well educated,
and I have no doubt that the generations which
follow them will, having the advantages which are
preparing for them, fulfil the trust in a manner more
completely adapted to the exigencies of the coining
generations ; but as a principle 1 am bound to say
that every man who will exercise the franchise under
the new law will be, speaking of course generally
on such a subject, perfectly competent, as far as
general information and means of forming an opi-
nion are concerned, to fulfil that office. If I did not
feel this I should have been unpardonable for hav-
ing introduced such a bill for the consideration of
Parliament. Ido not say this to depreciate the im-
portance of popular eduction, but rather to warn
you against the designs of those who are taking ad-
vantage of a moment, in some quarters, of fear and
alarm, to induce you to enter into arrangements
which you will afterwards have cause to regret.
(Cheers.) The cause of education must be dealt
with with great caution and consideration. It
would be most unwise to blot out at once all that
for the last 30 years you have with such pains and
difficulty accomplished. You must utilise, as far as
possible, all the existing machinery and all the in-
fluences that are acting in favour of the great and
sacred cause of popular education. You must sup-
plement, you must invigorate, you must add to
their powers; but it would be mos 1; unwise on your
part if you agreed rashly to terminate all that exists
so advantageous to the cause without securing an
equivalent and even a superior arrangement. (Cheers
and a hiss.) lam not prepared myself to say, I
cannot say, that the condition of our primary edu-
cation is at all satisfactory in any of the counties
which form the United Kingdom of the Queen, but
we must remember this that the condition of affairs
30 years ago, when-the great movement commenced
with regard to the improvement of primary educa-
tion, was infinitely more grievous, and though there
are great wants and deficiences at present, still an
immense advance has been made in this country in
regard to primary education, greater indeed than in
any other country. I can refer to that part of the
subject I now dismiss ; but there is another part
which refers to the condition, the interests, and the
fortunes of adults—the men I am now addressing—
and that is technical education; education in the
arts you practise in, on which your welfare depends,
on which your property is invested, and on which, if
you do not achieve excellence, you will deteriorate,
not merely as citizens; but as human beings. That
is a question of great importance, and it de-
pends much on yourselves and the state of public
opinion on this matter. Now, it is impossible that
the British artisan can retain the position he has
hitherto occupied by the mere traditionary feeling
of the method and manners which those who have
preceded have delivered to him. (Cheers.) The
Prince Consort, one of the wisest and most accom-
plished of men, was the first who called the atten-
tion of the country to this subject. His views were
received at first with incredulity, and with that
arrogance which ignorance always assumes ; but
the Prince Consort was Tight. He knew that he
was right, and he knew that the course of coming.
events would prove that he was right. He kne w
that the foreign mechanic in the arts which he
practised was fast rivalling, and if rivalling must
ultimately excel, the British artist. He took steps
to arrest that course of deterioration. He was the
first who had courage to establish without painfully
offending the feelings of any British workman
institutions which would place him in the amicable
but evident competition with the other producers of
mechanisms in art, and since that movement, which
I have called the Albertine movement, from the ex-
tremely beneficial effect which it had on the Eng-
lish mechanic, there has been a conviction which
has entered the miud of the public and of the
mechanics themselves that this subject is one much
too serious to be neglected, that the fate and for-
tunes of a great body of her Majesty's subjects de-
pended on rightly understanding it, and that it be-
came the duty of the State, as well as of the men
themselves, to take such measures as should improve
the technical education of the British people. You
must have, as you have had in some degree, schools
of art promoted and established in this country on
these subjects. Your manufactures will languish
and disappear if you fail in the arts of design ; and
those who practise metallurgy must be conscious
that it requires the utmost energy to maintain the
position which Britain has hitherto enjoyed. In
civilisation so very various and complicated as
that which prevails among the population
of the United Kingdom, no identical
system would suit all parts of the king-
dom. But with regard to Scotland, I think
your course is clear. You have had iu old days, and '