The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, vo TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 5, 1867.

rachee, about the end of this month. It is to con-
sist of the 33d Regiment (Europeans), the 27th
Native Infantry (Belooches), and G 14 Royal Ar-
tillery—in all about 1,650 fighting men and nearly
1,200 followers. It is hoped that the rest of the
force—the main body—will be able to leave with tho
Commander-in-Chief towards the end of November,
or early in December. Bombay, having undertaken
the responsibility of the expedition, provides by far
the largest portion of the force. Bengal contributes
only two regiments of Light Cavalry (10th and
12th), one regiment (23d) of Pioneors, three com-
panies of sappers, one battery (S 25, Royal Artil-
lery), and one regiment (which regiment is not yet
decided) of Native Infantry. The Madras army,
which, if gallantry and efficiency in foreign service
had been the chief considerations, should have played
a very prominent part in such an expedition as the
Abyssinian, contributes only three companies of
Sappers—G and II from Bangalore and K from
Secunderabad. But political considerations had
their usual weight, and whatever she may be in
the field, Madras in council is no match for Calcutta.
However, Madras may have at least this source of
consolation, that though she does contribute but
little to the Abyssinian campaign, that little is of
sterling stuff. By universal admission there are no
finer troops in India than the Madras Sappers, and
they are admirably officered. Officers are being
asked for from all three Presidencies, and now and
then it is by no means easy to get them. A few
facts have transpired which form a curious com-
mentary upon the virtues of the irregular system.
If Madras had contributed,as was at first expected,
a brigade, the Commander-in-Chief, was going
very largely to increase the number of officers sup-
plied under that system to each regiment, and Sir
Robert Napier has had to telegraph to Madras—
the last Presidency in which the system came into
operation—for subalterns under seven years' ser-
vice, and, according to report, he cannot get them.

(From an Occasional Correspondent.)

ADEN, OCt. 19.

The transports containing the Advanced Brigade
of the Abyssinian Field Force arrived here on the
16 th inst., af cer a beau tif ul passage, without casualty,
from Bombay. The troops are :-3d Bombay Light
Cavalry, 10th Bombay Native Infantry, three com-
panies Bombay Native Sappers, and one battery
(mule) Mountain Train.

The vessels leave this afternoon for Abyssinia,
convoyed by the Bombay Government steamer Sir
Bartle Frere. The steamship Norna arrived on
the night of the 16th with despatches from Colonel
Merewether up to the 13th inst. He directs the
ships to fill with as much water as possible and pro-
ceed at once.

The following is a description of the country :
The place chosen for debarkation is Ansley Bay,
20 miles south of Massowah, lat. 15 15 N., long.
39 45 W. ; the bay faces towards the north. An-
chorage good in deep water. It is approached from
the south coast without any unusual difficulty, all
the impediments being visible. The land is a sandy
plain, with patches of brushwood, but no forest.
It abounds with both large and small game. Drink-
able water is not to be found within 16 miles of the
coast, but at that distance a good and abundant
supply was discovered in one of the deep ravines
which intersect the country at right angles to the
coast line. All the troops that can be spared will
be at once marched up to this high land, but large
working parties will be required to land stores,
make piers, &c. A number of Chinese carpenters
accompany this brigade to put up commissariat
sheds, which have been made in Bombay, ready to
be at once fitted. The water for these working
parties will have to be supplied from the ships.
Colonel Merewether's party were busily employed
in making a pier to land troops and stores. Before
reaching a depth of 91t. (the rise and fall is 4ft.)
at lowest tides it will be 100 yards in length Some
coolies had been sent from Aden to carry on the
work. It had been hot there, but is now getting
cooler. 'Thermometer on shore over 100 deg. dur-
ing day, 72 deg. at night. About 12 o'clock noon a
delicious sea breeze set in, which lasted until mid-
night. Rain is expected there this month. It is an-
ticipated that supplies will be procurable, cattle
being easily obtained. The troops of the advanced
brigade are to make three piers for the main por-
tion of the force, one for landing stores, with a
double line of tramway for this purpose ; two miles
of tramway, with waggons, have been despatched
already—two piers are also to be made for lauding
troops, with a depth of four feet of water at lowest
tides.

AUSTRIAN LIBERALS AND THE
CONCORDAT.

Josephism is not extinct in Austria. There was
an unpleasant tone in the Emperor of Austria's
letter to the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna which
reminds one not a little of the traditional language
of Austrian statecraft. The advice and the warn-

ing of the bishops was not only kindly meant and
spoken in season, but their exposition of the re-
ligious dangers which threatened society in Austria
showed a profound knowledge of the critical state
of the country and the peculiar weakness and tem-
ptations of the times. The reply of the Emperor
was a confession of weakness on his part, and an
encouragement to the very evils which the bishops
brought under his notice. The bishops declared
that the Concordat which restored the rights and
the liberties of the Catholic Church was attacked
because it was a public and national recognition
of religion ; that its enemies were the enemies of
morality and faith; that in the abrogation of the
Concordat they sought the destruction of the
sacred and indissoluble character of marriage, and
the instalment of a godless in the place of a Chris-
tian education in the national schools. The Em-
peror's letter to the bishops and his answer to the
audacious address of the municipality of Vienna
have given a signal triumph to the enemies of the
Church, and imparted to the irreligious movement
an audacity and strength which it did not hitherto
so openly display.

The press, which in Vienna is mostly in the
hands of Jews or unbelievers, the majority in the
Reichsrath, the noisy politicians, the professional
agitators, the municipal councils, a large body of
the schoolmasters—those, in a word, who now lead
in Austria and dictate terms to the Emperor—are
but a small fraction of the people, and do not at
all represent their real wishes and interests. But
their influence is great and their example con-
tagious, especially in an age and country in which
depth of conviction and independence of thought
are not common qualities.
The Austrians are an easy-going people, prone
to self-indulgence, slothful in temper, and un-
spiritual in character, and even many of their good
qualities make them reluctant to come into collie
sion with these who are deceiving and betraying
them. The old evils of Josephism, moreover, have
left a taint on the minds of the middle classes ; the
upper classes are worldly and luxurious, their
energies too often misspent in the pursuit of plea-
sure ; whilst the great body of professional men
form that section of Austrian society which is ac-
tively hostile to religion. The consequence of this
state of things was for a long time manifest only
in obstinate resistance to all attempts at religious
revival even on the part of a not inconsiderable
section of the priesthood ; passive opposition by the
officials and by some of the elder clergy to the Con-
cordat; and in that slothful indifference to religion
which too often emptied the churches of Vienna,
or filled them only with has.y or indevout congre-
gations. The occasion was only wanting with a
sufficient sting in it for a large section of the ruling
and influential classes to convert an habitual in-
sensibility to religious principles into an active and
bitter hostility against religion.
The Concordat which the Emperor Francis
Joseph, after the terrors of the Revolution of 1848,
entered into with the Holy See, by restoring the
rights and liberties of the Church in Austria, gave
an impetus to religion, the active revival of which
is now the occasion for that manifestation of hos-
tility against the Church, which, with the exception
of revolutionary Italy, is greater among the Austrian
Liberals than in any other people in Europe. The
Concordat is to the Liberals of Austria what the
Temporal Power is to the Party of Action in Italy.
is a point a attack and, at the rim= time, it if;

pretended that this attack is not directed against
the sanctity of religion and the Catholic faith, but
only against the limitation of such civil rights as
that of a godless education and of civil marriage.
This representation is a transparent subterfuge ;
and the bishops of Austria, with a determined
hand, have publicly torn this subterfuge to shreds.
The Liberals hoped by not attacking in so many
words the Christian religion, but something which
they were never weary of asserting and re-asserting
had nothing in reality to do with religion, they
might have gradually induced a not over-fervent or
active people to have acquiesced in the destruction
of the Concordat, who never would have consented
to, or even remained passive under, a less cunningly
contrived attack upon religion. Their plan has
been ruthlessly exposed by the bishops ; the people
have been undeceived ; hence the rage of the
Austrian Liberals. The twenty-five bishops, after
having remonstrated in vain against the encourage-
ment given to the irreligious party, have gone back
to their several dioceses, to expose to the Catholics
of Austria the real nature of the attack upon re-
ligion and social order concealed under the flimsy
pretext of a revision of the Concordat. The clergy
from the pulpit call upon their congregations:to
oppose in every way the insidious attacks of the
irreligious Liberals, who so grossly misrepresent
the wishes and interests of the people. The Minis-
ter of the Interior, indeed, has been so alarmed, as
in one instance to call upon a bishop to endeavour
to moderate the zeal of his clergy. The apathy of
Austrian Catholicism, made alive to a sense of
danger by the zeal of the bishops, seems at last on
the point of being fairly roused. It is not an hour
too soon, for the danger is imminent. The Liberals
are in the possession of the press, form a large ma-
jority in the Lower Chamber of the Reichsrath, and
have a Ministry with Count Beust at their head.
In the Lower Chamber a bill modifying the existing
marriage laws, and permitting civil marriage, has
already been passed .by a large majority. It was
opposed by only one of the Ministers. The next
step will be the introduction of a Godless system
of education in the national schools.

Liberalism in Austria aims at revolutionizing
society in the kingdom of the Emperor Francis
Joseph, as it is doing in unhappy Italy. A society
such as' it desires to constitute could not exist, as
the Austrian bishops tell the Emperor, " where men
bend the knee at the name of Jesus. Bence this
modern heathenism is no less an enemy of Chris-
tianity than ancient heathenism."

Whose counsels is the Emperor henceforth to
follow—those of the bishops or the intrigues and
intimidating threats of the Liberals ? If Austria
succumbs to Liberalism it will be a defeat infinitely
more enduring and disastrous to the welfare of the
country than the defeat which she suffered at the
hands of Prussia last year.— Westnzinster Gazette.

THE BISHOP OF ORLEANS' ADDRESS
_TO
Al. RATTAZZI.

-

(Concluded)
Here is another question. You spoke of giving
freedom to the Church by the freedom of Italy,
and what have you done ? You have put your
hands upon the possessions of the Church, just in
the way a ruined man would proceed to pay his
debts by taking to himself his friend's or his
brother's fortune. What an example, what gua-
rantee for the liberties of the Church !

It was said, again, that the interests of the tem-
poral power of Rome had nothing in common with
the duties and interests of the Church. How, then,
could the Sovereign Pontiff feel himself at ease in
the midst of such an assembly as he so lately
convoked, or able to call a Council, as he has an-
nounced, and in these august assemblies the reli-
gious interests of all the Catholic nations must be
freely discussed and examined; it is not, you see,
of the King of Rome, or the Court of Rome, or of
the city of Rome, but of the Universal Church ?
Unless his entire freedom was established, how
could his greatest work go on if lie were not at
liberty to assemble, when and how he chose, his
bishops around him to deliberate on great religious
questions ?

It was said, again, that owing to the liberty and
freedom of action so widely spread now, the Holy
Pontiff could inhabit any city he might choose, and
that no one could have the right of preventing his
correspondence with his bishops, or put any hin-
drance to the accomplishment of his sacred mi-
nistry.

Now, if we do but question ever so little the facts
which have been accomplished iii Europe the last
ten years, we shall see first, in Germany a fierce
war—in Spain constant revolutionary action—
France ever on the brink of war the United
States in civil war. Tell me, if you can, where
could the Pope find an independent spot at peace if
Rome were taken from him ? Would it be in
Vienna, or at Munich, or at Paris, at New York, or
Madrid ? Well, indeed, have facts for the last ten
years belied your promises and your hopes, and
fully confirmed our alarms and forebodings.
Neither is it true to say that Italy is made one,
nor that the temporal power is of little consequence
to the Church ;. nor is it true that the Romans are
more unhappy than others, nor that Italy is, or ever
can be, the faithful ally of France. On the con-
trary, it is clearly proved that the Romans love the
Pope and do not love you. It is clearly proved
that the Church has need of Rome, and that it is
to the interest of the world that the spiritual
independence of the Pope should be maintained.
Italian revolutionists, I know, do not trouble
themselves about this. What they want is to see
the Papacy exiled, fugitive, wandering through the
world ; but then, this is precisely what the true
Italian—the noble spirited, the real patriot, all,
indeed, who are upright, sensible, and honest, dread
as the greatest calamity that could befall their
country.
Why do not you put yourself resolutely at the
head of this true patriotism of Italy—of that pa-
triotism which the illustrious Balbo understood so
well when he wrote what follows?—." There exist
men who pretend to be Liberals and stand up for
progress, yet are mad to overthrow this kingdom
of the Church, so eminently democratic in its origin
—whose history, from beginning to end, is nothing
but progress—so munificent and prolific in its power
—where everything is democratic, even to its
electors and those whom it elects. And who is there
who does not know that it was the power of the
Church alone in the Middle Ages that stood up for
the people and their rights ? Those Italians who
call themselves at times Catholic Christians, and yet
avowed enemies of the temporal power of the Pope,
are as inconsequent as they are egotistic. They
forget that this power holds a most intimate con-
nection with Christianity—its unity, its power, its
civilization ; in a word, with its government and its
existence on earth. Poor fools ! devoid of instinct
for what is to come—without any real knowledge
of the situation, the experience, or the sufferings
of Italy—deaf to her history and blind to her mis-
sion—and if, unfortunately, they obtain a hearing,
we shall have to assist at the ruin of our most noble
hopes." (" Cesare Balbo, Pensieri sulla storia
d'ltalia." Pp. 578-9. Firenze, 1858.)
These are the sentiments of one of Italy's purest
and most disinterested patriots. And who is there
living who does not know that M. de Rossi consi-
dered the Papacy as the highest moral greatness
in Italy and in the world ?
_

The Emperor of the French, when candidate for
the Presidency of the Republic, expressed the same
sentiments, and the votes of France responded to
the same sounds. His Ministers have repeated
them again and again, since the Italian war, be-
fore the Chambers, with the most solemn engage-
ments never to deliver Rome up to the Revolution.
M. Billault exclaimed, before the Corps Legis-
latif, " To abandon Rome would be to erase from
one'smemory the policy of France for ages past.
No ; it is impossible." Remember, these are not
mere casual words, lost in the small talk of the
columns of the iWoniteur. A statue has just been
erected to M. Billault. Let me ask what is this
statue, greeted by M. Rouher, but the monument
of his official deeds stamped in bronze ? And can
you imagine that .his can remain a lasting homage
lavished on weaktiess and falsehood? M. Rouher
himself last year, in his memorable speech to M.
Thiers, declared the temporal and spiritual sove-
reignty at some co-existent, parallel, find ueeeg-

sary, and did not the Corps Legislatif itself declare,
by a solemn declaration, the necessity of the tem-
poral power of the Pope ? And do you know what
binds the Emperor still more firmly to abide by his
words? It is this. He made this engagement
before his own people, and he would not allow the
intermeddling of any foreign Power, and this is
proved by official documents. He said. openly to
the world, "Do not trouble yourselves about the
Pope (Je'u reponds); I will take that upon myself."

Thus, the most sacred things, the faith of trea-
ties, the dignity and the solemn oath of France, the
peace of the world, the independence of the Church,
are to be given up to the vilest purposes ! Not only
our own most precious interests, the security of
our souls, and the independence of our consciences,
we Frenchmen, but the two hundred thousand
Catholics upon the globe—these are what you are
ready to give up in spite of your own King's sig-
nature attached to a treaty ; these, I say, you are
ready to give up to revolutionary despotism.

Do you imagine that France has lost her word,
her faith, her honour, and that she will allow you
to dishonour her by sitting quietly by while you
encourage, by your silence, so much infamy? Do
you think she will let you make a pendant to
the fall of Maximilian in the fall of Pius IX. ?
Dethrone the Pope ; and, after you have thrown
this prey before the passions of the Revolution,
will they be satisfied? No, no. You yourself
will be the next morsel that they will devour.
I will not speak further of the distress of souls
on all sides ; but I will ask you, will you not have
to give account of your work in Italy, and have you
nothing to fear from the just indignation of the
Catholic world for the present condition of Italy,
and nothing from the execration and disaffection
which is coming on ? Besides, do not believe that
the consequences of this great crime are merely
religious. The Roman question is the European
question. The very infidels begin to look about
them and to see how true were our predictions.
And to this we may add the great social question,
which is ready to burst out at all the issues it finds
unguarded. There a lightning flashes bright and
clear enough to open the eyes of the blind.
At the meeting of the Lausanne the words Provi-
dence and Gospel were branded and declared out of
date I On the same occasion the collective posses-
sion of lands was discussed, and war was•declared
between master and workman. At Geneva, to a
man every one came to make a protest against
monarchies in general, against religion and liberty
of conscience, and there and then cries were loud
for the closing of churches and barracks. "If you
say that citizens are free, princes are de trop."
And after the example of M. Sainte Beuve's sub-
lime code of new morality, they proclaimed there
was no other " mode of establishing principle '
than by an universal revolution, a permanent
organization af European socialism in order to
establish this universal Republic—a Confederation
of the different European Republics." This is the
paramount idea which possesses Garibaldi, and
for the crowning effect of the meeting, he,
Garibaldi, was " hailed as a Christ," when,
immediately touched and moved by the blas-
phemy, he threw himself into the arms of his
" forerunner," Sainte Beuve (one of the disciples
of the school of Renan) and declared "the Papacy a
pestilence, and a plague spot. He demanded there
and then, instead of the Catholic religion, a
religion without ceremonies and without priests,
and instead of the rule of sovereigns, the universal
fraternity of the people."

Let it be well remembered—lmpiety, Republi-
canism, Socialism, have coalesced. Garibaldi de-
clares war against the Pope as a blind to hide his
aim taken against all monarchy. So now Kings
are warned that the personal enemy of Pius IX.
shakes hands with all their personal enemies.
It was certain, and now it is clear, Garibaldi is
but one of the mouthpieces of an infernal machine
of twenty cannons, each directed against a throne.
Behold, then, the situation in which you stand,
and no artfulness or address—no compromise, no
apathy, can change or mask it out.
Never was duty more clearly marked than yours,
and that of the King Victor Emmanuel, of whom
you are the official adviser. You are in one of
those situations which decide for ever on the hon-
our of a man. Everyone in Europe has heard of
your Garibaldi and his reception at Geneva, and
his principles are now openly known. This man
has but one passion—the overthrow of the Pope
and giving hands to Mazzini. You must choose,
sir, between the tiara and the red shirt—between
the Gospel and the religion of Garibaldi—between
frightful demagogues and honest citizens—between
the regular, measured, and glorious progress of
Europe, and the wild overthrow dreamed of by
those who would drive you to Rome. Which will
you choose ?
I have but one short word to add. Either your
Government has or has not the power to arrest the
enterprizes of a subaltern self-elected chief of rebel
bands. You ought to do with him, when he
threatens the Pope, just what you would do if your
King were menaced. And there are two means of
opposing this action. The one nobly, by certain,
definite, and efficacious and strenuous measures
the other waveringly, by deceitful appearances,
hypocritically and not really.
And what I charge you, in the name of re-
ligion and the Gospel—in the name of conscience
and honour, of principle and justice—shall I not
obtain it from you, as a man of honour, of loyalty,
of intelligence, of boldness as a statesman, that
you should stand up in the Chamber and promise,
in the name of that King whom Garibaldi ranges
among the despots to be dethroned—" France and
England may rely on our word. We have no in-
tention ourselves, nor will we permit a hand to be
raised against the Pope. Never, never." Civilized
Europe expects this word from you. Revolution
expects another. Choose I
There is not an honest mind in Europe that does
not see that Garibaldi and the Revolution cannot
stir a foot if Italy does not allow them, and Italy
can do nothing if France does not allow her. All
the grotesque speeches of Geneva would die away
driven by the mountain winds of Switzerland's free
air, and the words of that man, who abuses
with strange impunity the language he uses, would
have no weight, were it not for the death-like
silence which reigns around him.
Receive my devoted and respectful homage.
FELIX, Bishop of Orleans.