The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-05 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 5, 1858.

The Parliamentary campaign of 1858 has com-
menced in good earnest. The actual business of
the country must now be transacted, and there
rernainit no valid excuse fur further procrastina-
tios. The first evening was not wasted, for, in
addition to the notices of motion, and incidental
discussions that took place, Sir GEORGE GREY
introduced the promised measure for Municipal
Reform in the Metropolig, and obtained leave to
bring in a bill. The Corporation have certainly
not suffered by the determined opposition which
they so long offered to any change. It may be
questioned whether the proposed alterations g o
far enough, or whether the Some Secretary has
interests with too favour-
not regarded existing
able an eye. These are matters, however, Which
will receive calm and attentive consideration
before the principle of the proposed bill
-receives the fiat of the representative branch of
the Legislature.

Lord PALMERSTON gave notice that on Monday
he would "move for leave t. bring in a bill for
the purpose of amending the laws in relation to
conspiracies to commit murder." This declaration
was received with partial cheers, such as Minis-
terial toadies, those seeking for the crumbs of
patronage that may fall from the Government
table, could bestow. But there was an ominous
silence on the part of the independent member?.
They bided their time, until the provisions of the
contemplated measure were fully explained, nd
then should it go beyond what is just and proper,
the Premier will have bitter causo to deplore his
fatuity in yielding to the bluster and "bunkum"
of a set of insolent soldiers, more ready to indulge
in vapouring gisconades than in deeds of arra4.
Even if the measure were imperatively required— I
and we unhesitatingly deny that such is the case

—we should not accept it when tendered at the 1
point of the bayonet, or swallow the leek while
threatened with the cudgels of the French '
"FLUELLENs." Should we do so, nothing will
persuade many of the people of France—we do
not say all, for there are men of sound judgment
and clear understanding among them—that we
I have not yielded to pressure what we refused to
reason and justice. Should this impression once
take root, many untoward results may follow
before it can be completely and permanently eradi-
cated.

Although there was no Speech from the
Throne, Lord DEBBY availed himself of the
opportunity of making a really admirable speech,
in which, and especially in reference to
the refugee question, he put forward sound
and healthy views, that must make a large
addition to his political capital, and more especially
so if the Premier should make any unworthy and
uncalled-for concession. There was scarcely a
word that fell from the Noble Earl on that
interesting and important topic in which he will
not receive the cordial concurrence of an over-
whelming majority of tile people. We have no
sympathy for the atrocious and indefensible crime
of secret assassination. It is utterly repugnant
to our feelings ; even when it assumes a shape in
which it might be designated as " the wild justice
of revenge," it is still odious to every truehearted
Englishman. It comes in shape so questionable,
that it cannot be tolerated for a single moment ;
and any punishment to which the perpetrators
of murder or accessories before the fact, could be
rendered liable, would be sanctioned by the
community without difficulty or hesitation.
But, as we have already stated, the existing law
of the land is amply sufficient for every purpose.
Our assertions on this point are now sustained by
the high authority ' of Lords Bnotromeat and
CAMPBELL, and we could not find more unexcep-
tionable or trustworthy witnesses on such a ques-
tion. Lord BROLTOHIM said that " there was no
doubt that, if persons met together, either in
public or private meetings, or employed publica-
tions and set forth doctrines that led not
merely to a general and abstract defence
of murder and assassination, but to the
most mischievous act of attempting that
assassination, then the parties so offending were
liable to prosecution, and, if convicted, to punish-
ment." Emphatically adding, " without the
commission of any overt act, these persons might
be punished." And, ba it remembered that, in
this country no person could be found guilty of
High Treason without an overt act being charged
in the indictment, and clearly and distinctly esta-
blished by unquestionable proofs. Mere sus-
picion, or "public notoriety," as it has been
euphoniously termed by a leading diplomatist,
constitutes no ground whatever for arbitrary pre,
ceedings in this country, and we cannot du for
others what we refuse to do on our own behalf. It
has been well remarked that we might get rid of
the organised bands of thieves and save an
onormows amount of cost, and loss by robbery
and otherwise, if we would merely act on noto-
riety, and remove well known thieves, and
receivers. But knowing how the law if once
sanctioned might be strained beyond its legitimate
operation, and made to include innocent persons
in its meshes, we' have refused to sanction it,
although it promised if adopted to achieve that
1 great desideratum.. Again, enthusiasts have
talked of means by which " the greatest social
evil" might be materially mitigates, if slot alto-
gether abolished. And yet our free spirit and
inborn love of liberty forbid the attempt, not-
withstanding the value of the prize by which we
are tempted. Why then should it bo supposed
that we would at the dictation of a foreign
potentate accept a principle which we have de-
liberately rejected on our own account ?
The speech of Lord CAMPBELL, however, went
directly to the point. While sincerely and earnestly
deprecating any change in the criminal law which
would extend the power of the Government over re-
fugees who sought asylum in this country, he clearly
showed that there were ample means for vind -
eating the majesty of the law against any wrong
doers, whether natives or foreigners. He em-
phatically declared that " there could be no
doubt that, as the law now stood, a conspiracy in
this country between British subjects, as well as
between aliens, to assassinate a foreign sovereign
or to commit murder, or to disturb the peace be-
tween this country and any other with which we
might be at amity, would be a misdemeanour,
and liable to severe punishment. There could Le
no doubt that words might amount, for that
purpose, to a misdemeanour, and the moment the
speaker had finished his speech, he might be
arrested and tried." Surely this is or ought to
be conclusive. It shows that the modest demand
of the French government, backed by the insolent
menaces of the soldiers, promulgated through the
official journal, is that we shall change our time
honoured institutions at the dictation of foreigners,
and render Great Britain, in place of being an inde-
pendent kingdom, merely a French department
bound to register the decrees of the French
autocrat. ,

"Votes of thanks are to be moved in both Houses
to the Army and Navy for their truly efficient
services in India. This just and well-merited
recognition of their brilliant exploits will be
carried by acclamation. As Lord DERBY
truly declared—" We have had to rejoice over
victories and successes achieved over the enemy
by comparatively small numbers of men—we
have had to rejoice over the gallantry and endur-
ance of our troops on repeated occasions—and
we have had many other causes for congratulation
afforded by the conduct of our brave artily in
India ! But all these were, to a certain extent,
marred by the deep feeling of regret, that to thelong
list of heroes who have fallen in their country's
cause, we had to add the name of that illustrious man
who unhappily died in the hour of victory, and
died, too, without the gratification of knowing
the honours which a grateful country had con-
ferred upon him !"
Are we going to repeat that mistake I Surely
Sir COLIN CAMPBELL has well merited a public,
a Royal recognition of his inestimable services.
Should not an early opportunity be taken of
"expressing our deep sense of the great exertions,
the signal v.dour, the happy mixture of exemplary
prudence
and distinguished talent, and the mili-
tary skill which have characterised the victories
of the gallant Sir e
pre-eminently merited a peerage and
OLIN CAMPBELL ?" Has he
not already
a pension, or is he, like HAVELOCK, to be suffered
to perish before he is made aware of the just
appreciation in which hein mighty but let us
dead is held by his country-
•
eme
because
they have perished, we are not
the h
smheonw?W
that, h
oblivious of the claims of the living. Let not the
British nation be rendered liable to other well-
founded reproaches for the tardy recognition of
merit, when not displayed by members of aristo-
cratic families, who can call many of tho hereditary
legislators near relatives.

. An unpretendicg but admirably lucid paper bas
been sent US, published by WATER LOW and SONS,
arid c-lupiled by Lieutenant-Colonel KENNEDY,
from the latest returns to Parliament, which i 5

well worth the attention of all persons interested
in Representative Reform. It exhibits to the eye,
at a glance, in a simpler mode than any statements
we have seen, the gross inequality or,Borough Re-
presentation. Lord Joint RUSSELL may plead as
hard as he will for his quack doctrine of repre-
sentation of classes, and he may defend his Reform
Bill of 1832 on that principle, if principle it can
be called, but the simply arranged figures and
diagrams presented by Colonel KENNEDY, convict
the existing Act of either gross blundering, or of
gross fraud on the people. We think it was a
mixture of the two. Lord JOHN pleaded guilty,
after he had got the bill passed, of intending to
preserve the predominance of the landed interest,
but we can hardly think that ho intended his bill
to be a representative swindle, under the style and
title of representativereform. The smaller boroughs
are nearly all more or less under the inluence of
the country gentlemen around; by retaining a large
number of these, and by dividing the counties, he
easily contrived to swamp the intelligence and energy
of the great seats of enterprise and commerce, and
to obtain a House of Commons which would put
up with a Cabinet, we may almost say a Ministry
too, of aristocrats, and which would tolerate
such shameless promotions as followed the Crimean
war, and the appointments which have recently
furnished our friend Punch with two or three of
his moat racy tableaux.. Had the thirty boroughs,
which contain much more than half the registered
borough electors, but had their proportionate
share in the representation, these insolent freaks
of aristocracy would never have been attempted.
Colonel KENNEDY gives us first a list of all the
boroughs which have fewer than their fair pro-
portion of members. The average number of
registered voters for each of the borough members
is 1,288, and assuming that the boroughs should
have members in proportion to the average, there
are thirty-nine which have too few. We might
have supposed there were more, perhaps, in this
class out of the 202 existing boroughs. The fact,
however, is, that there are not less than 115
boroughs having under 1,000 voters, and twenty-
nine more with less than 1,500 voters. Hence,
while numerous boroughs have no title, unless
they were amalgamated with others, to
return a member at all, others return but two
members, whose fair proportion would be not less
than ten, or even than twenty representatives. We
know of nothing parallel with this attempt to subor-
dinate commerce and intelligence to agricUlture
and serfdom, unless it be the trick by which the
American slaveholders contrive to secure a majo-
rity in the Legislature, though in a decided mino-
rity iu the number of registered electors.
The next table, which not only gives the
figures in a very simple form, but displ Lys by
lines the discrepancies to the eye, arranges the
boroughs in sixteen classes from those containing
under 400 electors, to those containing 21,000.
It gives the number of members sent by each
class, and the number which each class would
return on a fair apportionment. And what a
revelation of Reform Act cunning have we here !
Take the first cl•:s?, those whose voters do
not amount to four hundred each : there are fifty
boroughs of this purchaseable or thoroughly
manageable class. They return not less than
seventy-three members ! Yet the total of their
voters hardly exceeds 16,000. Were they still
to retain their rights as representative boroughs,
but by amalgamation to return only their
own share of members, they would lose
sixty and return but thirteen. Now,
if Lord JOHN cannot get ri l of his class crotchet,
surely the most be could ask for his pet class
would be these thirteen members. They would
fully represent all the influence which such a class
ought to exercise.

But let us turn to the other end of the tlble

the nine classes having above three thousand and
under twenty-one thousand electors—these classes
have actually twelve members less than the first
numerous class of pocket boroughs. They have
but sixty-one members against the other seventy-
three—while their voters, on the other hand,
amount, in round numbers, to TWO HUNDRED AND
EIGHTY-TWO THOUSAND against the SIXTEEN
THOUSAND of the other class l I With seven-
teen times more voters the thirty large con-
stit nenaies return fewer members by thir-
teen, than the fifty petty boroughs of the
Reform Act I I I We might pursue these com-
parisons, but the paper we have referred to, which
is but half a sheet, in good bold type, will enable
every one to make them for himself.
What remains for us is, t ) ask whether the
metropolis and the other larger and more intelli-
gent constituencies in the kingdom, will, under any
pretext, tolerate this outrageous deprivation of

their social, political, and constitutional rights ?
As Mr. BRIGHT told the people of Birmingham,
the other day, in a letter every way worthy of
JOHN BRIGHT, the Home Reformer, it would be
perfectly easy to construct a Reform Bill, bestow-
ing universal suffrage, which should place us more
than over in the hands of the aristocracy. The
existing act, if the suffrage were made universal
without the Ballot, and without a reasonable
equalisation of the constituencies, would do if-. So
would any other which the patron of the PHIPPSES
and CLANRICARBES may propose, if wanting thee)
two essential. We begin now, however, to hop:
that the Premier may not find the country quite so
passive under a sham as he might have Expected.
Birmingham, Manchester, Bradford, and Norwich,
not to mention smaller places, are beginning to
move with enthusiasm, and probably, as soon as
the Ministerial announcements appear, they will
find the more intelligent part of the country pre-
pared to give them a warm reception. It is for
Lord PALMERSTON to decide of what character the
-warmth shall be.

In another part of our columns will be found
a report of the annual meeting of an institution
whose rise and progress we have chronicled for a
period of seventeen years, and to whose stealy
improvement it has afforded us sincere pleasure
to bear witness.

We allude to the Provident Clarke' Benevolent
Fund, an institution which merits the title of a
" charity" in the best and noblest sense of the
word, and the promotion of which falls, therefore,
within the legitimate province of the journalist.
Fur many years the annual meetings of this
Fund have taken place under the presidency of
the gentleman, to whose able and untiring advo-
cacy it owes in a great measure its present inde-
pendent position, and whose valuable support well
melited the graceful eulogy pronounced by the
Chairman—Mr. nuomas BARING—on Wednesday
evening last, when alluding to the lamented ab-
sence of the Treasurer, Mr. JOHN ABEL SMITH,
and its still more lamented cause.
Many of the meetings of this Fund, on the
occasion of public dinners, have also been held
uittnosd; s:teii,nog uished presidency. Among others,
the Marquis DALHOUSIE, and other gentlemen of
hisiglipartoapoods:ndi, have warmly and ably advocated
public support, and we are very glad
by the report of the directors, that it
to renewthose festivals from
which,
foobrtinaiend. reoceas ions,
The are few institutionsrO av eb eoe n u
such valuable results
h