The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-11 00:00:00

rnE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER H, 1858.

an intimate alliance—he allude l to the Right Hcn.
R. Lowe. (Hear, and laughter.) The right hon.
gentleman made an observation in hi 3 speech that
was not very encouraging to the reader. He said
that he was at a loss to express an opinion upon the
prcent state of public affairs. (Laughter.) That he
knew nothing ; that he could conjecture nothing—
(continued lauchtar)—and that he was not much
more ignorant than the rest of his fellow-country-
men. (Laughter.) But MiP.Lowe, notwithstanding,
expressed one very confident opinion—he was sure,
he said, that nobody wanted reform—(laughter) ;
that universal apathy prevailed, and that there was
indifference among all classes of society into which
he entered as to the proposals that had been made
to reform the representation of the people. (Laugh-
ter.) When apathy was talked of, he wanted to
know what it was expected that people were to do.
(Hear, hear.) A man had an opinion, and he was
prepared to give proof of that opinion by his vote
at an election, by his attending public meetings, by
his sympathising as best he could with the cause ;
but the people of England were a business people;
they had their daily occupations. Men could not
he constantly leaving their daily avocations
for the purpose of promoting political mea-
sures, and it did not follow that they must be sin-
cerely desirous for changes that were proposed
and, that their opinions might not be deeply
founded. (Applause.) But he wanted to know, if
there was all this apathy, what was the meaning of
there being so_ many volunteers to_ reform the re-

presentation of the people in high places. Henever
knew before that ardour for reform prevailed among
the Prime Ministers of England—of all parties,
Whig, Conservative, and Peelite. Lord Derby pro-
posed a Reform Bill, Lord Palmerston was going to
propose a Reform Bill, only it was not ready when
he retired from office. (Laughter.) Lord John Rus-
sell he believed to be sincerely desirous to promote
Parliamentary reform. (Hear.) They had Lord
Derby, about to reform the representation of the
people, and yet to say that nobody wanted reform.
The fact was that these men had the sagacity to
see that the country required reform—(hear, hear)
—they were bidding against each other to give what
they plainly see is the obvious demand of the great
body of the people of this country. (Applause,)
But why was reform especially wanted ? One rea-
son was that the country did not.possess, with the
present House of Commons, an effective control over
the public expenditure. (Hear.) Reforth was to
enable the people of England to do this; that the
country should not be involved in secret diplomacy,
of which the people knew nothing; by arrangements
made between foreign powers and Ministers of
State, in wars and expenditure which it was after-
wards found impossible to curtail or control. At
this moment the expenditure of England was, to his
mind, appalling; it could not, and he was certain
would not be permittel by a Parliament that really
represented the feelings and wishes of the great
"bodrof the people, (Hear, hear.). He believed the
reason .Was that, up to the present time, the people
had not been in possession of the knowledge and
information requisite to form opinions upon public
expenditure ; but that under an extended suffrage,
and with a cheap and free press circulating politi-
cal and all other knowledge among the great body
of the people, a future Parliament would be able to
exercise that effective control over the expenditure
of the country which, up to the present moment,
had not been accomplished. (Applause.)
Mr. BRIGHT then stood forward to address the
meeting, and was received with the most vocifer-
ous cheering, accompanied with the waving of hats
and handkerchiefs ; the tumult of enthusiasm
lasted for several minutes. Silence having been
restored the hon. gentleman spoke as follows :
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—l cannot tell you

how much I rejoice. in being permitted to meet- so
large a number of those whom I may describe as my
old and dear friends in the political cause. I fear,
however, that the reception which you have granted
to me to-night, and which you have but this instant
given to me, is calculated in some degree to disturb
the balance of the mind, and to interfere with that
calm judgment which is demanded by the circum-
stances under which we have met together, and by
the gravity of that great question which is now
being discussed in every part of the united king-
dom. I know not whether there are persons who
will look upon this meeting in the light of the
commemoration of a defeat which we have sus-
tained ; to us it wears more the aspect of the cele-
bration of some great success ; .and may.we not say
that we are successful—that, notwithstanding the
vicissitudes which wait upon the career of public
men and the progress of public questions of a free
country, we find, as we look back over a term of
years, that those beneficent principles which we
have so often expounded and defended on this
ground are constantly making advances and acquir-
ing more and more influence over the minds of all
our countrymen. Forty years, ago the spot where
we are now assembled became famous—thousands
of the population of Manchester and its neighbour-
hood gathered here, not in this magnificent hall,
but under the wide canopy of heaven ; they met
Only to pjcad with the ministry and Parliament of
that day that they may be permitted some share in
the government of their country, and that they
might be permitted further to possess that natural
right which one would think no man would
ever deny to another, namely, the right of
disposing of the produce of his labour in the
open market of the world in purchase for his daily
bread. That meeting was dispersed by the rude
arm of military power. The tragedy of that day
proved at once the tyranny and brutality of the
Government and the helplessness and humiliation
of the people. (Hear, hear.) Now, you have seen
a Ministry representing and supported by the poli-
tical party which committed that iniquity voting
in the House of Commons, in favour of a resolution
which declared that the repeal of the corn laws has
been a great blessing to this country ; and after
having 26 years ago obtained one instalment of
reform, you have now the . amazing spectacle of a
Ministry, representing and supported by that same
political party, engaged at this very hour in the
arrangement of the clauses of another bill which
will still further extend the political rights of the
great mass of the population_of the country. (Loud
cheers.) Seeing this, then, who would despair ?
Since I have been able to think maturely upon
public questions--since I have been able and have
been permitted to open my mouth in these the pub-
lic councils of my countrymen, I have never for one
moment despaired; and when I look around me
and see this magnificent—l will say this powerful
assemblv—(cheers)—my hopes and my faith are
confirmed, and I. gather fresh strength for what-
ever struggles I may have to encounter. (Loud
cheers.) My friend Mr. Gibson has in his speech
steered clear, to a great extent—l may, perhaps,
say entirely—of the details connected with the
question of Parliamentary Reform. I think at this
moment, wherever men assemble to discuss political
questions, it would be a great misfortune if some
one present did not go into some of the details con-
meted with the question of Reform, and perhaps
in the peculiar position in which I now stand with
regard to it you will not expect"that I should leave
the subjected untouched. (Cheers.) Now, let us
recollect that. whatever is said upon this question
will meet much hostile criticism from persons
who are not at present with us. You know that a
few weeks ago I addressed large audiences of my
constituents in Birmingham on this important sub-
ject, and you are aware to what. kind of hostile
criticism those speeches have been subjected. It is
not in human wisdom to make speeches to please
everybody—(laughter and cheers—:nd it is not in
human wisdom to. attempt to do it. (Renewed
laughter and cheering.) I shall take the course of
addressing myself to that subject according to the
light I have with regard to it froth great study,
from much consultation with dithers, and from an
honest wish I have that the question of reforM
should be rightly viewed by every intelligent man
among my countrymen. Now, we will mention two
or three things that we do not want. We don't pro-
pose in the smallest degree to call in question or to
limit the prerogatives of the Crown. I believe we are
prepared to say that if the throne of England (and
we hope that it may be so) be filled with so much
dignity and so much purity as we have known it to
be in our time, and as we know it now to be—
(cheers)—we hope that the venerable monarchy of
England may be perpetual. We do not propose
even to discuss, much less to limit, the legal and
constitutional privileges or prerogatives of the
House of Peers. We know, everybody knows, no-
body knows it better than the Peers, that a House
of hereditary legislation cannot be a permanent in-
stitution in afree country—(cheers)—for we believe
that such an institution must, in the lapse of time,
require essential modification. Last year or the
year before the Queen herself proposed to nominate
persons to life peerages. That was deemed a vital
change by the present members of the House of
Lords, and in a manner that was not gracious to the
Sovereign or respectful to the nation they almost
insolently rejected the attempt of the Crown and its
Ministers to introduce into that Chamber a member
whose peerage would exist only during his life.
We don't want to discuss that question now. We
want to discuss that question which is immediately
before the country, and which the Government
has brought before the country—for we did not
take the initiative on this occasion—a question,
moreover, in Which we are deeply and closely in-
terested. The House of Commons is so called, I
presume, because it is understood and intended to
represent all those portions of the vast majority of
the people who are not included in the privileged
and titled classes. The Constitution, if I know
anything about it, intends that the house should
fairly, openly, and widely represent all the great
interests of our vast population,o
who are called
upon to obey the Illegishttinwhich is m

e iacted by that house. Now, I wish to ask you
this simple question—Do you believe after exa-
mining the figures which have been placed befor.-
you for months and for years past, that the House
of Commons does at present fulfil honestly its it
tended place. in the representation in thus being
the organ and the expression of the opinion of all
classes of the population of Great Britain and Ire-
land ? (Cries of " No, no.") You may have a shadow
and a form of representation as of anything else.
You know. very well that . you may have gorgeous
temples, and you may have, in wonderful ostnta-
tion, all the outward symbols of religion, and yet
there may be wholly wanting the life of Chris-
tianity itself ; and you may have a milliOn or more
of electors, you may have canvassing and nomina-
tions, and polls and returns, and a house of legisla-
tion, and speeches, and contentions of parties, and
divisions, and laws enacted, and yet there
Wray be only the form of representation, and.
its life and spirit and reality may be altogether
absent. (Cheers.) All this we had previously to
1832, yet nobody says now that we had a repre-
sentation before that' time. All these things, or
nearly till of them, existed in France previously to
1848. A great deal of it exists there at this moment,
and yet there is a general impression that repre-
sentation is not free there, as there is a general be-
lief, a knowledge, that it was not free here pre-
vious to the passing of the Reform Act. I should
like to put in as few words as I can what we think
the House of Commons should be. It should be a
house composed of men sent up by the free election
of so many of the people voting with such an
equality of power as shall give a real expression of
the opinions of the nation. If anybody says that
we are for levelling doctrines, and that we intend
to have a President instead of a Queen—which is
a favourite theory with some people—you, at least,
will not believe them. And I ask them to read
again, if they choose to read once that they may
not misrepresent, what I am now proposing.
Now, what is . the English constitution P—l never
saw it. (Laughter.) I never heard of anybody
who had handled it. It is not, in very words, in
any book ; but there is, notwithstanding, some-
thing which we all understand in the British Con-
stitution. It is not a think meant entirely for the
Crown. The Crown has its limits by act of Parlia-
ment and by custom. Nor is it intended entirely
for a hereditary Peerage. The House of Lords
has its prerogatives and its privileges well defined ;
but the Constitution does not confine itself to caring
for the Monarch on the throne or the Peer in his
gilded chamber. The Constitution regards the
Commons as well. It regards you and me and all
the people of the United Kingdom, and it professes
to take within its pale all these populations and
these interests, and to give to them as complete a
shelter and as complete a voice as it gives to the
Queen or to the Peerage. (Cheers.) But if you
want the House of Commons elected by so many of
the people as shall give a fair expression of the
people's wishes, can any living man say that it is
so when five out of every six of all the men he will
meet, if he traverses every county from John
o'Groat's to Land's End—from Cape Clear to the
Giant's Causeway—have no More votes at the poll
for a member of Parliament than if they lived in
South America or South Afriett? They have no-
thing whatever to do with it except to look on,
or sometimes to hold up • their hands, and some-
times to shout for one candidate or the other, but
if you think it necessary that your members
should be elected by some fair number of votes,
that votes -should be given with something like
an equality of power—how - far are you from
this when you hear that 330 members of the
House of Commons, more than one-half of the
whole number, are returned by less than one-sixth
of that very small number of persons to whom the
franchise is intrusted ? You give votes to a million
out of six millions, and you allow • one-half
the House of Commons to be elected by less than
200,000 of those electors. Then, if bribery be
somewhat common, and if intimidation, whenever
it canlibe practised, is almost universal, how can
you come to the conclusion that there is any real
freedom of election whatsoever when you survey
the whole representation of the counties and
boroughs of the kingdom ? Now, I will ask your
attention for a moment to the • counties. They, as
you know, return their members by votes chiefly of
two classes—freeholders and occupiers of land or
houses of the value of £5O a-year and upwards. Of
these occupiers of £5O and upwards there are about
200,000, but of occupiers between £lO and £5O, as
I find from a return recently made to the House of
Commons, there are not less than 400,000, and by
the present law these 400,000 are entirely ignored
and excluded from the franchise, and the 200,000
being to a very large extent occupiers of land, and
for the most part, without leases, are in a great
measure dependent upon the good will of their
landlords, and their votes, speaking generally, are
employed to swell the power of the great landed
proprietors at all the county elections of the king-
dom. (Cheers.) Now, Lord Derby, the present
Prime Minister, is a man who has the power of ex-
pressing very accurately what he means ; he is a
great master of the English language, and he once
gave us an illustration of what is understood in
English by the county representation. He said, if
anybody would tell him what were the politics of
three or four of the great landed proprietors of any
county, he could tell at once what were the politics
of the members for that county. (Laughter.) We
might fancy, if we did not know something of it our-
selves, that this was some conjuring trick, but it is,
in point of fact, nothing but that which we all
know—the three or four great proprietors are the
constituents of your county,and the members are the
representatives of those great proprietors. They
have, unfortunately for us, small sympathy with
commerce, and they have never manifested—at least
for the last GO years—any sympathy. whatever with
Reform of any kind,—how should. they ? They
are connected with the peerage and with the great
territorial power; the members of their families,
generally speaking, do not come into the occupa-
tions of trade ; they 'find employment, at least they
find salaries —(laughter)—in the military or in the
naval services or some other service of the country,
or they take shelter from the storms of life in some
snug family Irving in the church. (Laughter and
cheering.) I venture to say that if it were possible
to have an accurate account of the • receipts and
payments of those families, and there are many
hundreds of .them, I believe there are some thou-
sands who receive more in the way of emolument
and. salaries of one kind or other from the public
revenues, from the 60 or 70 millions of taxes which
you annually raise, or from that portion of the
epsutlati
lei
sehs
et
da t e
church,Nvlii e li_folrhtehl
iee
v timee theyis el tetel
uste
fda om thee
than the whole of the taxes which they annually
w
pay to the expenditure of the State. (Cheers.) But
won't find all the fault with the counties ; the
boroughs are not at all in a satisfactory state. I
was lookincr down a list the other night beginning
with the fower Hamlets—the largest population,
and coming down to some one which is the smallest,
—I forget its name,—but I found that there were
71 boroughs, not one of which has a population of
10,000 persons. I think 10,000 is but one-third
the average population of one of the wards in Man 7
cheSter. (Cheers.) The whole population of the
71 boroughs is only 467,000, which is not very
much more than the present population of Man-
chester and Salford, and vet these 71 boroughs re-
turn 117 members to the House of Commons—(cries
of " Shame !")—while Manchester and Salford return
only three members ; but if you go a little lower,
to 8,000 as a standard, you will find not less than
54 boroughs, and their whole population is
exactly 316,000, which is precisely the popula-
tion of the city of Manchester at the census
of 1851, and these 54 boroughs return 89 mem-
bers, while Manchester returns only two. (Shame.)
Now, if Manchester and Salford, by some tradition
of the past or some accident or the other, returned
117, members, or if Manchester returned 89 mem-
bers,—if the conditions which I have stated were
just just reversed, don't you think that we should
have from other parts of the country, probably
from the landed gentry—(laughter)—a very violent
assertion that we were favoured in the representa-
tion, and that the condition of things was monstrous
arid intolerable, and must bc put an end to ?
(Cheers.) But there is another point which you do
not find out from the population tables, and it is
tshaai
ft
0, r heearne a saotahse boroughsthey like,
inlNoawn Manchester and
aonnde
oafet
time or foolishly at another—(laughter)—at least
they are free to follow their own information, their
own light, their own convictions ; but these little
boroughs are not so free. Half of them, I dare
say, are little better than what we used to describe
by the unpleasant term of " rotten." (A laugh.)
They are under influence of some kind or another
—a very small conclave indeed; two or three
persons in a very small borough can have a great
inflence. A neighbouring landowner, some subtle
and not very scrupulous lawyer, by turning the
screw, can, if he likes, turn the scale—(a laugh)—
but these 71 boroughs, returning 117 members, or
51 boroughs returning 89 members, are n only so
•small in population, but, for the most part, they
have no great pretence to any power of free elec-
tion whatsoever. I now come to the result of 'all
this,—that a House of Commons so formed becomes,
for the most part, as we know it is, a sort of
deputy to the House of Lords, and an organ of the
great territorial interests of the country; it hates
changes with an animosity that nothing can assuage,
it hates economy. Let any man propose in the
House of Commons that there shall be a fair
committee appointed to which shall be sub-
mitted those enormous estimates of which we
have so much reason to complain, and you will find
that very few memberS will vote for such a com-
mittee, and it will be stoutly resisted by the Go-

vernment, whether formed from the Conservative

or the Whig section of the house. (Laughter.)
The house hates egirality of taxation. The suc-
cesiion duty is a glaring instance; the income tax
is another instance scarcely less glaring. They
2ive to property vast influence in the Government
of the country, and they perpetually shield pro-
perty from the burden of taxation. (Cries of
"Shame.") It was the same before the Reform
Bill as it is now. Some people are of opinion that
we have had much better legislation since the
Reform Bill than we had before. Ido not deny
it, but I believe it is owing much more to the
general intelligence of the peope—an intelligence
which has penetrated into the House of Commons

and into the House of Lords—than to any more
exact representation of the constituency—than to
any change that took place by the Reform Act.
You know that before the Reform Bill Catholic
Emancipation was granted when a civil war was
about to break out in Ireland ; you know that the
Reform Bill itself was granted when an insurrec•
tion, perhaps a revolution was at the door, and you
know that in 1846 the repeal of the Corn Law was
granted, not because the House of Commons or the

House of Lords wished to grant it—(hear)--by
no means ' • for I believe that not more than 100
members had ever voted for Mr, Villiers' motion
for the repeal. Still, it was granted in 1846, be-
cause P. portion of the kingdom was visited with a
famine so intense that Lord John Russell, in order
to describe its magnitude and severity, compared
it to the famines which are recorded to have deso-
lated parts of Europe during the 13th century. It
required famine, not a scarcity. There had been
many scarcities, as you know ; there had been a
scarcity for years : on more than one occasion thou-
sands and hundreds of thousands of families had been
pressed into penury, and not a few into premature
graves, and yet the Corn Law was not repealed.
To quote the lines of the unhappy Chatterton—

" The civil power then snored at ease.
" While soldiers fired to keep the peace."

It was not till the famine became so sore in the land
that all Europe and the civilised world were
startled with the horrors that floated across every
ocean, and in every gale, that the Parliament of
England at last consented to take their hand from
the food of the people. (Loud cheers.) You know
that .a large party, a party who arc now in the
possession of the Government, assailed and de-
nounced Sir Robert Peel as a traitor and a coward
because he did not make a still greater fight on
behalf of the most odious . monopoly that ever
existed in any tountry—(cheers)--and now they
do not give you the ballot, not because they don't
understand it as well as you do, but precisely be-
cause they do understand it. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) Do you suppose there would be such a
whip in the House, such a steady and powerful
phalanx of members brought up—county members
especially—(laughter)—to vote against the ballot,
if they did not believe all we say in favour of the
ballot ? (Hear and cheers.) You have had it dis-
cussed since the Reform Bill. Argument has been
exhausted for 20 years, yet for all that they don't
saide He
give you the ballot. Take the question of church
rates. A bill to repeal the church rates has just
passed the House of Commons, but how many years
has it been discussed ? The arguments were the
same before I went into the House of Commons
that they were during the very last session. Take
the question of the Game Laws. (Cheers.) Is it
to be tolerated—would it be tolerated by the people
of this country if they were fairly polled, that
there should exist in a populous nation like
v
ss
thats
th
this an exceptional and most cruel code of laws,
whose object is to promote to the greatest possible
extent
the pleasure of the territorial andwealthy
animals for
the
game was property—it treats it as (e preservation s
herevaarto ion
Th ofe law\ild has never yet
classes
some-
thing else—it dare not say that game is property,
and it cannot, say so—(hear) ;—but we have in
several Acts of Parliament clauses of the utmost
complication—traps of every kind, as many to catch
the poacher as the poacher has to catch the game
—(laughter and cheers)—and you have in this civi-
lisedecssary to preserve an Established
Monarchy,hh,
and Christian country—we are not at all dis-
C
cussing the United States—(laughter)—ancient
peerage,be
e n
law and order. According to the opinion of some
of those who criticise what I say, you have, in the
urc and an
all hereditary
that can
Months of November and December particularly, in
every year men going out armed, not to protect
cows, and sheep, and poultry—(hear, hear)—well
recognised and understood property—for nobody
attempts to meddle with them, but to preserve that
which the law dares not designate as property, and
the preservation of which it dares not commit to
the ordinary guardians of the public peace. (Cheers.)
And you have further from your towns, your vil-
lages, and country parishes bands of men armed to
the teeth, instigated occasionally it may be by want,
more often probably by the love of adventure—you
have bands of men of this kind prowling about in
almost every county endeavouring to destroy this
game, and you have charges such as we have had
described to us within the last, month, in which
several of our fellow-creatures have fallen victims
and have been. murdered. No—clukes, and lords,
and county members, and great men of any name
may be represented if you will, but do not tell me
that a Parliament and a House of Commons that
perpetuates this enormity represents the intelligence
and morality of the Christian population of this
country. (Cheers.) And, to show you how little a
Prime Minister is master of his own actions in the
'thee of that great territorial interest, let me tell
you that when I, some years ago, and before I had
any political connection even with Manchester,
gave notice of a motion in the House of
Commons for a select committee to inquire
into - the operation of the game laws—
to inquire merely—such was the anxiety, such
was the trembling terror of these gentlemen that
Sir Robert Peel was obliged, or thought it prudent
to call all his followers together into Downing-
street, and there to reason with them, and obtained
their co-operation in the course which he felt him-
self bound to pursue, which was to consent to the
committee for which I meant to move. I need not
tell you that the committee produced very little
result. Committees of the House of Commons very
seldom do; for what the House is, committees gene-
rally are : and, if a committee happens to stumble
upon something valuable, it is generally distasteful
to the House and immediately rejected by it. I be-
lieve that no great measure passes the House of
Commons merely because it is just ; it passes some-
times because the people are restive, sometimes
because the exigencies of party require that some-
thing should be done ; but it does not pass—l state
it fearlessly after 15 years sitting in that House—
a great measure of justice does not pass because it
is just. (Cheers.) Then I come to the conclusion
that reform is necessary, but I can show you fur-
ther that it is inevitable. (Cheers.) The- Govern-
ment is at a deadlock without parliamentary reform.
The only great result of the Reform Bill in the

House lias been this, that it has introduced about
100 men who do at times show some amount of in-
dependence, and they act free from the shackles of
the Tory or Whig sections of the aristocracy, and
it is by our work, it is by our speeches, by our
votes, that we transfer the Government from one
party to the other, but we make it impossible for
either of them to conduct the Government upon the
antiquated principles which we and the people of
England are ready to abolish. (Cheers.) Now, I
will ask you another question. What is the ob-
vious, the simple—in fact, the only mode by which
ou can reform the House of Commons ? If a man
s hungry, he eats ; if he's thirsty, he drinks ; and
if he is cold, he puts on an extra coat, or goes
to the fire. If the number of the electors
is too small, extend the -suffrage ; if it be tolerable
that more than half the House of Commons shall

be returned by one-sixth;' of the- electors, or that
the population of 'Manchester should return 89
members in some other parts of the country, and.
here it only returns two, the obvious remedy is to
take from the ono scale and put into the other ;
and, if there be this bribery and this intimidation,
the remedy to which every man points who has
considered the question and who wished 'for free-
dom of election is the remedy of the ballot. You
have read, I have no doubt, some, I hope not all
of those interminable articles which have been
written since I was at Birmingham. (A laugh.)
You have read, probably, some of the speeches
which have commented on what I said. I was
charged with wishing to adopt republican institu-
tions, levelling principles, and to introduce some-
thing or other wholly destructive of everything
good and noble and admirable in this 'country.
Well, I find the suffrage in the boroughs is £lO.
What did I propose ? I did not propose to put it
at £9 ; that would have been to be laughed at ;
these very writers and speakers would have said,
" Why, what a lame business this is, dissatisfied
with £lO, happy with £9 !" (Laughter.) I did
not go for £B, norfor £7, nor for £6. The Reform
Bill, stopping at £lO, drew a line, on one side of
which were the constituencies we now have, and
on the other . side the great body of the working
classes ; the working cases were purposely ex-
cluded by the adoption of the £lO franchise, but
the £9 would not have admitted. them, any more
than the £8 or the £7. The £6 would. have ad-
mitted a considerable number, and £5 probably
would admit nearly all of them that can be ad-
mitted. Well, I thought it was not worth while
making, as the Saying is, " tw.o bites at a cherry."
If you wish to admit the working classes, for that is
the question (cheers)—you must bring the suffrage
down to a point that will admit them, or else you are
only practising upon them precisely the same sort
of legislation they complain of with regard to the
Bill of 1832. But then I find a most admirable thing

all ready' to my hands. I find in all the parishes
I from the time of Queen Elizabeth—and, for any-
thing I know, from the time of Alfred—l don't
know how many hundred years it has lasted—a
franchise, with which everybody- has been con-
tented, which nobody has condemned, and which
has done no harm to law, or order, or the security
of property. I find that when Parliament came to
legislate for Poor Law unions they adopted this
same franchise as the basis of the union franchise ;
when they came to legislate for the corporation,
they adopted, with some restriction, the same fran-
chise. Why tell me that this franchise does not
act properly in the United States ? For my argu-
ment I do not care a farthing whether it does or
not. We have tried it here in our parish-unions,
our corporation's ; and I say if it acts on the whole
advantageously in those departments of represen-
tation, it may-Abe trusted without danger in that
more important representation which concerns our
Imperial Legislature. (Cheers.) I am in favour
of authority, particularly when it agrees with my
own opinion. (Laughter.) I will read from an
authority ,which is not one at any rate that the
Whig party ought to think lightly of. In the year
1797-60 years ago—Mr. Grey, afterwards Lord
Grey of the Reform Bill, brought forward a motion
in the House of Commons for a Bill to establish
household suffrage in all the boroughs of the king-
dom. I will not give you what Mr. Grey said
about it, for I have not any portion of his speech
with me. But I will give you the words of Mr.
Fox—Charles James Fox, the greatest light, I pre-
sume, that the Whig party has ever offered to the
country. Charles James Fox said this :
" I think that to extend the representation to house
keepers is the best and most justifiable plan of reform. I
think, also, that it is a perfect recurrence to first principles.
I do not radon to the first principles of society, nor to the
abstract principles of our Constitution. According to the
early history of England and the highest authority on
our Parliamentary constitution, I find this to be the case—
it is the opinion of the celebrated Glanville—that in all
cases where no particular right intervenes the common law
right of paying scot and lot has the right of election in the
land. Sir, this was the opinion of Sergeant Glanville, and
one of the most celebrated committees of which our Parlia-
mentary history has to boast. and this, in my opinion, is
the safest line of conduct that you can adopt."
Now, what is it that I propose ? That every house-
holder, of course, because every householder is rated
to the poor, shall have a vote, and if a man be not
a householder strictly, but if he have an office, or a
warehouse, or a stable, or land—if he have any
property in his occupation which the poor law
taxes—out of which he must contribute to the
support of the poor, then I say I would give that
man a vote. Now, 60 years is a long time. We have
members of the aristocracy of this country exhibit-
ing themselves frequently on platforms on various
occasions. They tell the people how wonderfully
education has advanced, how much Parliament
grants every year, how much voluntary effort does,
what a great step the people have taken forward,-
I wish they would come to the legitimate conclusion
after all this praise of the people. Your statisticians
say that 2,000,000 of the people are subscribers to
benefit societies, and that they have now for funds
more than £9,000,000 sterling. Is that no proof of
providence ? Is that no proof of improvement and
advancement ? Who is the man that dares stand
before any considerable number of his countrymen
and libel them by saying that that which Mr. Grey
—that which Charles James Fox, advocated for you
in 1791, you are still so turbulent, so degraded, that
you are not fit to be trusted in the year 1858
(Hear, hear.) And of course, with regard to your
small boroughs, you must take some point of popu-
lation, and you must cut off all those below it ; you
must allow their present electors to merge, as they
would necessarily merge, in the £lO franchise,
which, in all probability, you establish for your
counties, But still I know how we shall be met—
" You are going to Americanize us." (Laughter.)
Nothing is so dreadful to an Englishman who is
thinking of emigrating across the Atlantic as that
we should be Americanized in England. (Laughter.)
That is a phrase by some cunningknave—(laughter)
—intended to catch a good many verysimple dupes,
and no doubt it will catch some of them ; but I
should like to ask these gentlemen whether repre-
sentation is not an English custom and an English
principle. They were Englishmen who first took
it to the United States. (Cheers.) It is said that
wherever an Englishman goes, just as he takes
with him his white skin he takes with it the foun-
dation of representhtive institutions. He has taken
them already to the Cape ; he in already as busy as
possible in building up four or five monarchical re-
publics in Australia ; he has carried the represen-
tive system to Canada ; he carries it wherever he
goes. Why, the Bill of 1832 was a desperate mea-
sure in the direction of Americanizing us. It took
some boroughs where 12 members of a corporation
returned the members to Parliament, and it gave
the suffrage to some 5,000 of the people. Was not
that Americanizing such boroughs with a ven-
geance? (Laughter.) The more you extend the
representation the more, of course, you become like
that systematic and theoretically perfect represen-
tation which exists in the United States. (Hear,
hear.) Why, we have come now to a pretty pass
in this country, and it is curious how free coun-
tries, and countries that we deem not free, often
exhibit just the same kind of thing at the same
time. You know that lately a most distinguished
Frenchman wrote a pamphlet about a debate in the
English Parliament. He was charmed with the
freedom of debate, with the absence of 'all kind of
difficulty in expressing our opinions. He went
away full of this impression ; and he wrote, a
pamphlet, in burnifig words, describing what he
had seen in England, and by inference, of course,
saying something that was not very palatable to
those who are the present directors of the Govern•
ment in France. Well, what was done ? It was
found out that it was an indictable offence and the
advocate for the prosecution said in so many words,
" You praised England, and in doing so you humi-
liated France." An humble indiridual like myself
comes before his constituents, and he finds a nation
of 20 or 30 millions, chiefly of Englishmen, on the
other side of the Atlantic. He finds there, with
some small exceptions in two or three of the Trans-
atlantic cities, which are more German and Irish
than American, in all the free States law and order
and security for property equal to that which is
found in any other country in the world. (Cheers.)
He says that to his constituents ; he is indicted for
it; they do not inflict upon him so many pounds'
fine and so many months' imprisonment, but some
scores of writers for the press, men who, some of
them, pretend to be in favour of liberty in England,
but men who, if they were dressed in the garb that
most becomes them, would be dressed in plush—
(loud laughter and cheering)—these men assail
me, and, probably, if I were in France
and they were in France also, would do
their best to indict and prosecute me. One word
more upon this—l have said over and over again
that perhaps I am the very last man in England
who wouid propose any institution here because I
found it elsewhere. I am not insensible to some
things that appear to me to be errors in principle—
some that are errors in practice—in the constitution
and customs of the United States, but I protest
against our being shut up to take nothing from
America but cotton, and rice, and tobacco—(laugh-
ter and cheers)—and, in fact, we do take a great
many other things. I am told that my friend Mr.
Platt, a member of a very eminent firm in this
neighbourhood, has a wonderful machine from
America with which to make bricks. We know
that the agriculture of this country has been greatly
advantaged by the importation of reaping machines
from America. We know that those persons who
are going about so apprehensive of innovation have
particular reason to be delighted with America,
because they have received from that country the
invention of the revolver. At this moment, in the
Government small arms establishment at Enfield,
they have patent machinery from America for
making -gunstocks. They can turn out a gun•
stock, I am told, in 32 minutes fit for
the barrel—what a dreadful thing to think of !--
(laughter)—and I am sure Mr. Miles, if his Protec-
tionist principles have not long ago deserted him,
will be horrified to hear that they have actually
brought Americans over to show the English how
to work them—(continued laughter)—but there is
much more behind. The Times, and other leading
newspapers, are printed on machines which were
either made inAmerica, or being made in this coun-
try, were made upon the American patent. Further
than this, don't you remember that the gentry, the
West Enders, including, even the ladies, have
been subscribing 10 guineas a piece to invite a
clever farmer from Ohio to show them how to tame
a horse. (Laughter and cheers.) Anything but
politics—(laughter)•—you may delight yourself
with their charming poets, if you like—with Brian t,
Whittier, and Longfellow—you may interest and
instruct yourself by their great historians Bancroft,
Prescot, and Motley. But if you ask how free po-
pular institutions are working among your own
countrymen on the America continent, you are de-
nounced as unpatriotic, and at any rate treasonable
to the House of Lords. (Cheers and laughter.) But
I am not without great examples in this country.
I will read, if you will allow me, a passage which
was partfcal trly galling to those gentlemen. From
a report of my speech in Birmingham, I said, gene-
rally in all the sovereign and independent States of
America there is a franchise as wide as that which
I have proposed to-night. There is an exact and
equal limit of members to the ,electors, and there
is throughout many of the States the protection of
the ballot; yet in America we fit I law, order, and
property secure, and a population in the enjoyment
of physical comforts and abundance such as are not
known to the great body of the people of this coun-
try,.and which have never been known in any coun-
try :a any age of the world before. Now, Lord J.

Russell a short time ago was at Liverpool at a meet-
ing of the Social Science Association, and he made
a speech, many parts of which were most aclmirab:e
and instructive. He referred to America in two parti-
culars, and showed how in the States of New York
and Louisiana the laws had been codified and sim-
plified. He said that with a few days' study a man
might make himself perfectly acquainted with the
laws with regard to land and landed property. Lord
J. Russell, who was not afraid to look abroad on a
question of this kind, said he did not see why an
old country should be tormented with a system which
was unnecessary and which it was found so advan-
tageous to dispense with in a new country. The
noble lord said, " It is education which enables the
United States of. America to proceed in their won-
derful career, upheld by the most popular institu-
tions, without serious disturbance of law and order.
(Cheers.) I will also quote another nobleman, a most
estimable man, too, a man who has in his time done
great justice to the people and institutions of the
United States—the Earl of Carlisle. Eight years
ago, when the state of America was fresh in his
mind, he delivered a lecture, from which I have
taken two extracts. Speaking of the elections in
that country he says :—" Elections may seem the
universal business, the topic and passion of life, but
they are, with but few exceptions, carried on with-
out any approach to tumult, rudeness, or disorder ;
those which I happened to see were the most sedate,
unimpassioned processes I can imagine. In the free
States at least the people at large bear an active
and, I believe, on the whole, a useful part in all the
concerns of internal government and practical daily
life." And then, speaking of the condition of the
people, he said—and you will note how far it cor-
roborates, how far it extends even what I said :
" The feature which is the most obvious and pro-
bably the most inevitable is the nearly entire ab-
sence—certainly of the appearance in a great degree
—of the reality. In no part of the world, I imagine,
is there so much general comfort among the bulk
of the people, and a gushing abundance struck me
as the
.permanent character of the land," and then
with his own generous sympathy, he went on to say,
" it is not easy to describe how far this consideration
goes to brighten the face of nature and give the
room for its undisturbed enjoyment." I cannot, of
course, help the fact that Lord Carlisle for a moment
has fallen into rather a foolish panic since I under-
took to address my constituents at Birmingham. I
I can assure him that I do not wish to introduce
American institutions here, but I want to argue this
point, that the people of England are now in a con-
dition in which
,it would be just to them and safe
for all classes in the country that they should- be -
widely intrusted with the possession of the elective
franchise. (Loud cheers,) Now, I want to ask you
before I sit down whether we can realise or whether
we can do anything towards realising such a project
of reform as that of which I have given you the
faintest sketch to-night. (Cheers.) 'there is
a danqr awaits us. It is quite possible—l think it
is not 4ntirely improbable—that if the present Go-
vernment should introduce a bill very ineffectual,
wholly falling short of what we have a right to
expect, that there should be some combination of
the most unworthy portion of the Whig party with
the present Government for the sake of carrying
that bill. It would be a great misfortune to us if
anything should happen. But that misfortune
would b but temporary. It would be a fatal act
on the part of the Whig party to take any such
course as that. They would bring about this great
result, that the aristocracy, who were wholly op-
posed to free Parliaments in this country, would sit
on one side of the house, and that we, who may be
considered of a more democratic party, would take
our seats on the other ; but I will undertake to
say that if that division should once take place in
Parliament, every election would increase the power
of the democratic section—(loud cheering)—and
that the remembrance of the treason to ,the people
which would be effected by conduct such as this
would create an animosity against the ruling class
—against which I believe they would be wholly un-
able to contend. (Renewed cheers.) I have now
come to the conclusion of the observations I intend
to offer upon these questions. Of myself I must add
one or two words. My position in refe-
rence to this question is just now, as you know,
one of heavy responsibility. (Hear, hear.) I feel it
to be so—l know it to be so. I have been requested
by those who believed they represented a large
amount of public opinion to undertake the prepa-
ration of a bill to be submitted to the. House of
Commons during the coming session. (Loud cheers.)
I have not sought the office. I did everything I
could to decline it without being guilty of an abso-
lute desertion of what appeared to be my duty. I
am told by some that are not friends of mine, and
by some that are my friends, that I hazard what-
ever little reputation I have with the public in
taking this course. (No, no.) If it be so I can
only say that the creation or the sustaining of a
reputation has never been the great motive in my
political life. (Loud cheers.) I have said before,
and every day I am more sensible of it, how ill-
qualified I am in many respects for the work I have
undertaken—(no, no, and cheers)—and I am more
and more sensible of the almost insurmountable
obstacles which lie in the path before me ; but I
know that the cause is a just cause. (Reiterated
cheering.) " I know that its success is necessary to
the great future of this country, and I am perfectly
certain that sooner or later it must prevail.

(Cheers.) From this platform Ido not speak to
you only. I speak to all my countrymen. (Re-
newed cheers.), If they wish for reform, if they
think me honest, informed, capable upon this ques-
tion—if they have any confidence in those with
whom I am associated, then let them meet in their
cities, their towns, their villages, in country pa-
rishes, wherever free speech is not forbidden,
(Hear, and a laugh.) Let them meet and speak,
let them resolve, and let them petition. (Cheers.
If they do this I think I can promise them
that before long they will be in full posses-
sion and exercise of those political rights
which are not more necessary to their national
interests than they arc consistent with the
principles of their boasted constitution. (The
hon. gentleman sat down amid hearty and long-
continued cheering. His speech had occupied
about about an hour and twenty-five minutes in
its delivery.
As soon as Mr. Bright concluded a very general
move from the hall commenced. _ _

Mr. Alderman SIMPSON was unwilling that the
organisation now established should pass away
without Manchester showing that example to the
country which it had shown in paSt times, and
which had produced for these islands great, impor-
tant, and valuable results. He therefore moved—

" That this meeting, composed of the leading and active
Reformers of Manchester and its neighbourhood, hereby
expresses its desire that a Reform Association should be at
once orgautsed for the purpose of giving effect to the opi-
nions of this county and district on the question of reform
in the agitation now existing ; that the Banquet General
Committee be, and is hereby requested, to take the neces-
sary steps for carrying out the preceding resolution."
A short time ago there was an attempt to establish
a Reform Association here, but it was limited in
its object, contracted in its sphere, and promised
always to be small and select, never great and
powerful ; but the constituency had it in their
power, from the large organisation to which this
resolution was committed, to have such a Reform
Aisociation as would represent the opinions of the
great mass of the constituency. Reflect what a
powerful answer it would be from any Prime Mini-
ster to say to Mr. Bright, when he brought in his
bill, that the voice of Manchester was silent on the
question. (Hear.) Many recent events showed
that a change.had taken place in this city, that the
parties to the rejection of the late members were
endeavouring to attach themselves to their old
friends, that they had sought repentance carefully
and with tears ; he would give to them the oppor-
tunity of reunion, and he believed that the resolu-
tion, if passed, would be enthusiastically received
by the great body of Reformers here. -(Applause.)
The motion was seconded by Mr. E. WATKIN,
and carried unanimously.
Mr. GiBSON moved, and Mr. BRIGHT seconded,
a vote of thanks to the chairman, which was carried
by acclamation, and the =cling separated with
three hearty cheers for Gibson, Bright, and Cobden.

Loss OF A BRITISH SHIP AND Two OF TIIE
CnEw.—The ship Jantzee Berg, which arrived at Antwerp
on the Sth inst., reports that on the ISth Nov. she fell in
with the American barque Sarah Anac (Qy. Sarawak),
which had on board the crew of the ship Garden, which had
been abandoned by them some days previous. Two of the
crew, however, were drowned shortly before the vessel was
deserted.
REFORM MEETING AT ROCIIDALE.—On Wed-
nesday evening a meeting, convened by requisition, wr.s
held at Rochdale, to consider the subject of Parliamentary
reform and the representation of the borough. Mr. Alder-
man Henley occupied the chair. A resolution in favour of
manhood suffrage, vote by ballot, triennial parliaments, and
re-arrangement of members based upon population, was
carried almost unanimously, as was also one pledging the
meeting to assist Mr. Bright in passing a comprehensive bill
during the next session. It was also resolved in the event
of a dissolution to take measures for the return of Mr. Cob-
den for the borough. There were about eight or nine
hundred people at the meeting.

COUNTY COURT ARRANGEMENTS. Mr. W.
Walker, Of Wilsie, near Rotherham, Judge of the County
Court Circuit No. 13, comprising the towns of Sheffield,
Doncaster, Barnsley, Rotherham, Goole, and Thorne,
haviugapplied to the Lord Chancellor to be allowed.to re-
linquish a portion of the duties of his circuit, as being to 3
heavy for one judge, his Lordship has been p'eised to
assign to Mr. Walker the courts at Sheffield and Rother-
ham as the future sphere of his duties. At ti last sitting
of the Doncaster Court, the attorneys practising there pre-
sented to the retiring judge an address expressive of iheir
regret at the loss of his services, to which Mr. Wslke7 re-
sponded in feeling terms. Mr. Wildman, of the North
Notts district, will succeed Mr. _Walker as judge in
.the
vacated portiou of his circuit,

LITERATURE.

Tents and Tent Life. By Godfrey Rhodes, Captain
94th Regiment. Illustrated. Smith and Elder.

The author of this work, having been one of
those who suffered from the'overthrow of the tents
in the Crimea by the hurricane of the 14th of
November, 1854, turned his attention to the prin-
ciples of the construction of tents, with a view to
improve their efficiency. His object was to increase
the stability and rigidity of the tents, without
materially adding to their weight ; and having
carefully studied the tents of all nations, and noted
their defects and advantages, he has succeeded to
his own satisfaction in planning the construction
of field and hospital tents. He traces with the
energy of one who is thoroughly interested in
his subject the history of tent-making from the
days when "Abraham sat in the door of his tent,"
to the rude dwellings of the Esquimaux or the Red
Indian of the present day. His accounts are brief
and succinct, and in no way tedious. The illus-
trations are numerous, and comprehensible to the
uninitiated. Here is a description of a monarch's
tent in the olden days :

" The pavilion of Alexander the Great was of enormous
dimensions, and is represented as being capable of contain-
taining 100 beds. The roof, one mass of gilded designs,
was supported by eight pillars, covered with gold. In the
centre was placed his throne, which was a mass of gold :
from it he delivered his judgments. This pavilion is said
to have been the most gorgeous ever seen. His body-
guard, or armed court attendants, consisted of 500 persons,
clothed in magnificent attire, covered with gold embroidery.
Their duty was to guard the interior entrances, so that no
unauthorised individual could approach the sovereign
without complying with the usual court regulations.—
(From the fifteen oks of the Deipnosophiste
The author takes the opportunity of introducing
incidental anecdotes to enliven his pages. The
following is an amusing passage from the narra-
tive of a traveller in Asiatic Turkey :
" The day after our arrival I prepared to make the Kurds
a visit, when one of them entered my tent, and without
further ceremony examined scrupulously everything it
contained. I begged him to retire. But why ? the f.uu
is hot, your tent serves for shade, and I shall stay in it.'
However, the chief of the caravan, who knew that these
visits were not always agreeable to me, relieved me of his
presence by inviting him to take coffee. When I went to
their encampment with some companions, it so happened
that the first tent we entered was his. Oh, oh I' ex-
claimed he, here you are you would have driven me
away from your tent just now. Think you that I would
do the same to you ? It would be a disgrace to me—
no, sit thee down, I shall give thee coffee and a pipe
—and learn how much more estimable a character is a
Kurd than a dog of a Christian, or a citizen with his
smooth tongue I' I was rather astonished at a compli-
ment I expected so little, and I tried to make him un-
derstand that my European costume frequently exposed
me to rudeness and importunity. 'ln that case,' said
he, why not stay at home ? why come and walk about
a Kurd camp, where no one in all their lives ever saw
a European ? It is curiosity that brings you here ; why
not indulge the same feelinc, in others ?' "

Captain Rhodes gives the following description of
his own invention :

" The advantages the author claims for his own patent
tents over all others are their great portability and strength
to resist storms, as well as the ease and rapidity with which
they can be pitched and struck. It will be seen that the
form of the tent is a curvilinear octagon, whereby it is less
liable to catch the wind than the perpendicular wall and
conical sides of tents constructed on the old system. The
most striking peculiarity is the total absence of the centre
pole. The frame of the tent is formed of stout ribs of ash,
bamboo, or any other flexible material. The ends of the
ribs are inserted into a wooden head, fitted with iron
sockets, and the butts are thrust into the ground, passing
through a double-twisted rope, having fixed loops at equal
distances. In this position the ribs have a strong resem-
blance to those of an expanded umbrella. The rope through
which the butts of the ribs pass is well pegged to the
ground, and the canvas cover thrown over the framework,
and secured within the tent by leather straps to the
ground or circular rope.
" Additional security or firmness is given by outside
storm-ropes, radiating from the cover at the back of each
rib. In connexion with these are six inside storm-ropes
for the hospital tent.
"The canvas used is double and waterproof, and, if re-
quir...,d, the strong canvas covering in which the whole tent
is rolled up can be divided into two parts, and buttoned. to
the inside of the tent, the buttons being provided for the
purpose, thereby affording a material ground-support to the
whole of the canvas around the bottom of the tent, when
the rifles and knapsacks of the men are placed thereon ;
this prevents the ground current of air from blowing direct
on the men when lying down.
" Perfect ventilation is another advantage, and fires can
be lighted within the tents, the smoke escaping through the
ventilation holes at the top, which are easily covered or
uncovered as needed.

" The tents generally are of white double cotton canvas,
but the guard tents for outpost duties will be of a dark
grey colour, as less liable to attract observation at a dis-
tance. The guard tent can be struck and packed in three
or four minutes, even by men unaccustomed to their
management."
An account of the methods of encamping an army
in ancient and modern times, and of the best plan
for doing so, the selection of the ground in a sani-
tary point of view, the management of horses, &c.,
is given at the conclusion of the volume.

Florence. A Tale.
_By M. C. Hammond. James

Blackwood.

This tale is evidently the production of a young
and enthusiastic writer, who will probably improve
with time and experience. There is no lack of
incident in the plot, or animation in the style, but
the usual faults of a young writer are equally mani-
fest. The events themselves are net so improbable
for the pages of fiction, but the style of the conver-
sations is remarkably high-flown for ordinary mor-
tals ; and a young lady who talked French and
Italian, and quoted poetry as frequently as the fair
Florence, in general society would certainly be
esteemed a maiden of more learning than taste or
good breeding. In this, however, she only partakes
largely of the general tendency of every one in the
book. They are all good linguists, and well read
in the English poets, and have no idea of allowing
these accomplishments to remain unused. Accord-
ingly, if we find two or three consecutive pages
without a line of verse or a foreign word, it is an
event of rare occurrence. It is needless to observe
that, however much an occasional quotation may
give point to a sentence, or illustrate a thought,
such constant recurrence weakens the style, and is
contrary to the rules of all classic and elegant
writing. The same must be said of the high-toned
sentiments so constantly uttered on all occasions
by the heroes and heroines. But these faults are
common to most young writers, who, nevertheless,
may be authors of eminence in future days, and
the present work shows talent and command of
language. There is a somewhat curious parallel
in the cases of Augusta and Geraldine, but the
moral of the two is not altogether correct, for
Augusta, who deceived her parents and lent herself
to a clandestine marriage, was happy ever after, as
fairy tales .say; while Geraldine, who, although
mistaken, endeavoured to keep her promise, died
broken-heurted. The case of Augusta should have
been put differently, as it is rarely, even in this
world, that Kieh deceit is altogether prosperous.
Notwithstandi4g__ all its deficiencies and extrava-
gancies, the book wilt-gratify many novel readers,
and affords fair promise of better things for the
future.

CASUALTIES IN INDIA.

(From the Gazette of last Evening.)
WAR-OFFICE, PALL-MALL, DEC. 10.

The Secretary of State for War has received the following
list of casualties irithe Royal Artillery, serving in India :

Calcutta, 22d Sept., 1858.
Sergeant Henry Robinson, E. Troop—slight gunshot
wound of back, near Jugdespore.
Sergeant James Glanville, Ist Corn., 6th Bat.—killed by
the mutineers in the stables at Mooltan.
Driver Richard Mullen, Ist Cont., 6th Bat.—killed by
the mutineers in the stables at Aloeltan.
Driver George Martin, Ist Com., 6th Bat.—killed by the
mutineers in the stables at Mooltan.
Gunner Thomas M'Quillan, Ist Com,., 6th Bat.—killed
in action.

J. E. DUPUIS, Major-General,
Conuk.nding Royal Artillery in India.

THIS _HAI'S SHIPPING.

LONDON, Dec. 11.—Wind this day at noon, S.W. ;
strong breeze, and hazy.
ailed—Maria, forSß.Eabo.—aArri. ved—
SI'aeArMOUTII, Dec. 10.—Wind S.—Sailed—Queen, fir
PORT,Saftroo
nulTlTC'allaop. ecS.
St. Michael's.
QUEENSTOWN, Dec. 10.—Wind S.—Arrived—War
Eagle, from Liverpool for Singapore, leaky; E. Z., from
the Clyde for New York, leaky.
BIDEFORD' Dec. 10.—Wind S.E.—Arrived—Ocean
Queen, from Quebec, with loss of master overboard.
CARDIFF, Dec. 10.—Wind E.S.E.—Sailed—Red
Ranger, for New Orleans; Hercules, for St. Jago.
COWES, Dec. 10.—Wind E.—Arrived—Saracen, from
• Callao.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) LIVERPOOL, Saturday Morning.
Arrived, Dec. 10.—Jacques Cceur, from Papado ; Safwar,
from Corrientes ; Fanny Sermes, from the Rio Grande ;
Amanda, from Nantes.

Arrive 4, Dec. fl.—Parker, from Demerara and Bermuda;
Elizateth, from Dieppe.
Sailed.—Eva, for Gibraltar; Belle Polak, for Buenos
Ay. ei ; Deux Soeurs, for Bordeaux ; Daniel, for Louvain ;
Electra, for Leghorn.
The Parker *rived here from Demerara and Bermuda.
She took from a schooner there the captain and crew of the
Co'umbia, of Plymouth, from Quebec, for Queenstoe-n,
abandoned on the banks after the gale of the 24th of Oct.
S e left at Bermuda, Urania, from Demerara, for Liver-
pool, to sail at the end of November; Alpine, from Ja-
mai•ta, for New York, leaky, with loss of rudder and sails ;
and Ceno Goolo, from Liverpool, for Boston, leaky, with
loss of sails, 70 tons of cargo thrown overLoard, and the
remainder damaged.

(BY SUBMARINE AND BAITISII TELEGRAPH.)
GRAVESEND, Saturday Morning..
Wind E. ; tide, four hour's ebb; weather, cloudy, with
slight fog.
Arrived—Collier, from Antwerp ; Hindoo, from Batavia.
DEAL, Saturday Morning.

Wind S. by W. • moderate
paised—Lightning, from London, for St. Michael's,
G.neral Windham, from London, for Sydney ;
from London, for Launqeston; Frances Harriet, brie, from
Shields, for gairre,