The Sun.
London, England, 1858-01-14 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, 1858.

PARLIAMENTARY BETTOR NI.

MEETING IN LONDON.

Last night a meeting was held in the large room of
the Freemasons' Tavern, for the purpose of promoting
the reform of Parliament. The meeting was numerously
attended. Mr. Ingram, M.P., was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN, amongst other introductory remarks,
said the last 15 years must have convinced all men that
the working classes could do nothing without the co-
operation of the middle classes, and it was equally appa-
rent that the middle classes were powerless without the
co-operation of the working classes. A reform manifesto
had lately been issued, and they all knew what it con •
tained. The 10/. county franchise was abandoned, but
a Si. franchise was proposed in its place. That would
make matters only worse, for sheep might as well possess
the franchise as the tenantry in the country under the
present system. He had himself seen the tenantry
driven like sheep to the hustings. Another kind of re-
form had•been proposed, namely an educational franchise.
Well, he thought there were quite enough, and perhaps
too many lawyers in the House of Commons. And the
clergy were surely ample represented in the House of
Lords. (Hear, hear.) It was also proposed that the
country should be divided into electoral districts. He
hoped he people would not listen to any such proposal,
the effect of which would be to give a preponderance to
the metropolis and other large towns. He did not think
the other parts of the country would be satisfied to see
London with 70 representatives in the House of Cozu-
mel:le.

Mr. PASSMORI EDWARDS said that what all real re-
formers should combine upon was a manhood suffrage,
coupled with the conditions of residence and freedom
from crime. He did not think that a pauper, who must
of course be exposed to the influence of others, ought to
possess a vote. It Lord Palmerston gave them,a real
Reform Bill they would accept it, but if he presented
them with a sham they would reject it. (Cheers.) He
could not forget the antecedents of Lord Palmerston, or
that he was always opposed to reform. (Hear.) It was
on record that Lord Palmerston said to Sir J. Waloasley,
who was an honest reformer—(cheers)—that if the work-
ing classes got the franchise it would degrade the fran-
chise. (Groans.) They were aware that an India Reform
Bill was to be proposed by the government. He warned
thew that if the India Bill was passed before a reform of
parliament it would be much more difficult to get that
reform afterwards. (Cheers.) He moved the first re-
solution :—"That this meeting, finding that several
reform proposals have been from time to time issued,
embodying vote by ballot, greater equalisation of on--
stituencies, triennial parliameets, and abolition of the
property qualification, hereby records its solemn con-
viction, while fully endorsing those points, that no
Reform Bill will be complete or satisfactory which does
not include as its leading feature the principle of man-
hood suffrage."

Mr. ERNEST JONES seconded the resolution. He said
that heretofore the middle classes had been pulling one
way and the working classes pulling another way. He
hoped the hour had arrived when both classes were to
pull together. If there was to be a union it must be on
the ground of manhood suffrage and on nothing less.
The programme of the gentlemen who met at the Guild-
hall Coffeehouse did not approach near enough to that
principle. He meant the suffrage for every adult
unstained by crime and accompanied with a residential
clause, and he saw no reason why a pauper shouli not
have a vote. (Hear.)
Mr. CONINGEIAM, M.P said that, whilst he agreed to

the general principle of the resolution, he would not pre-
clude himself from accepting a large and liberal measure
of reform for the sake of some distant good. (Hear.)
He could poict to many measures of home and colonial
policy to show that the government did not represent
the principles of the people ; and a most' remarkable cir-
cumstance had recently occurred which showed to what
straits Lord Palmerston was reduced in recruiting for
followers: -Towards the fag end of last session a liberal
~ember of parliament declared that what had occurred
in the previous session of Parliament would not be per-
mitted again—viz., that a cabinet minister should-be
allowed to leave the House of Lords when the vote on

the question of Jewish disabilities was about to be taken.
The treasury bench appeared as usual to be asleep with
its legs on the table when that declaration was made.
But it was afterwards announced that the Lord Privy
Seal was about to retire, and that a substiteta was to be
found for him. He thought it an insult to the country to
appoint to that office one against whom a grave and
serious accusation had been brought, who never con-
deqiended to give a public explanation of his conduct,
and who was told in the columns of the Times newspaper
that till he gave such an explanation he had better not
resume his seat in the House of Peers. That appoint-
ment was an act of daring presumption on the part of
the Prime Minister of the country. But it was presuming
upon the apathy of the public that made him venture to
perpetrate such an act without the risk of being called to
an account. He (Mr. Coninghatn), as a member of the
Rouse of Commons, looked upon that appointment as a
downright insult; and in saying so, he firmly believed
he represented and expressed the opinions of all that was
honest and truthful in the United Kingdom. (Cheers.)
Mr. DICKEY then moved, and Mr. RADFORD seconded,
the following amendment :—" That no measure short of
equal political and social rights will content us, to ob-
tain which we suggest manhood suffrage, to include the
annual election of members of Parliament, magistrates,
. .

and public servants, who are to be paid for their services
—a majority to be the only requirement for election, and
the number of electors in each district to be equalised
nearly as possible, and qualified after one month's resi-
dence for registration. That without manhood suffrage
we reject the ballot as a dangerous (because secret) in-
strument in the hands of the prosperous governing
classes; and we demand that any person trying to control
an elector be punished by heavy fine and imprisonment
with hard labour. While in order to test the trading
and middling classes, with whom we wish to co-ope-
rate, we demand that in the City of London and its
boroughs the unrepresented people shall be permitted to
elect, by show of hands, one-half of the members of the
first election."
Mr. TOWNSEND, MX., said though be had the highest
confidence-,in the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment —(oh, oh)—he had no confidence that the noble
lord would give them a real reform without a pressure
from without. (Hear.) He had signed the manifesto
referred to, but he himself went somewhat further. He
thought the people were entitled to have—if not a man-
hood suffrage—at least something very near it, with the
protection of the ballot, equal electoral districts, and
biennial Parliaments.
The CHAIRMAN having read the amendment for the
purpose of putting it to the meeting,
Mr. B. O'Brien presented himself to the meeting
amidst loud cheers from one part of the meeting, and
loud cries of " Down, down," " He's a traitor," from
others. After much uproar and confusion,
The CHAIRMAN put it to the meeting whether they
would bear Mr. O'Brien ?
The meeting decided by a show of hands that they
were not disposed to listen to him.
This decision gave rise to renewed uproar, in the
midst of which,
The CHAIRMAN put the amendment,lwhich he declared
to be lost. He then put the original resolution, which
he declared to be carried, but the confusion was so great
in all parts of the meeting, and particularly on the plat-
, form, that a second resolution, which formed part of the
evening's programme, was not put, and the meeting
came to rather an abrupt termination.

—the agricultural, the manufacturing, the moneyed
classes—the law and the army were-represented ; but
the working classes were not. They, affirmed that the
taxes were unequally colleo ed, and as unequally distri-
buted—taxes which, if fairly distributed, would tho-
roughly advance and elevate the condition of the people
and take comfort and education into every man's dwelling
in the country. They maintained that the working classes
wero disproportionately taxed to the members of the
privileged classes—the peer being taxed 4 per cent. upon
his expenditure, the working man 25 per cent. Mr.
Cowen said that last year landed property paid 17 mil-
lions for taxes ; trade and commerce 62 millions sterling.
Ile maintained that the quiet ord,rfy people of England
paid 25e. a year more than the excitable population of
France, and 5 times more than the men of their own
race, the Anglo-Saxons in the West of the Atlantic.
The following resolution was adopted :
"That in the opinion of this meeting, the present re-
stricted franchise deprives a large number of our fellow-
countrymen of their just electoral rights ; entails on the
nation bad legislation, financial extravagance,- and an
irresponsible foreign policy ;and deinande aradical reform
in the representation of the people in parliament, based
on manhood suffrage, protected and sustained by vote by
ballot, and the abolition of the present prepeity qualifi•
cation for members of the House of Cernmone."
A petition to Parliament founded on this resolution was
ananimously agreed to. The petition to be presented by
Mr. Ileacllatn. The proceedings were orderly, and upon
the whole, the speakers were temperate in their observa-
tions. The chief speaker was-Mr. J. Cowen, a member
of a leading manufacturing firm on the Tyne, who ap-
peared to carry with hint the sympathies of the audience.
Ile went through the national expenditure, and con-
trasted it with the cost of governing the American fede-
rat'on, to show that government waeemaintained for the
benefit of the privileged chest s ; the correction to which
was a Lull representation of the people.—Manchester
Guardian.

CHINA.

(Front a Correspondent of the biles.)
HONG KONG, Nov. 28, 1857.
•
On the 18th the- Calcutta flagship moved from
her moorings in this harbour and proceeded tovirards
Canton. She is now anchored off -Tiger Island, and
is occupied in throwing' hells-With marvellous pree
cision into three large targets.
Next day the Ave, Peninsular and Oriental
steamer, departed for Calcutta, taking from us Gen.
Ashburnham„ Colonels Pakenham and Wetherell,
Major Macdonald, and Dr. Dempster. Major
Crealoch was left here (as deputy-assistant quarter-
master) at the request of Gen. Straubenzee.
We have now, therefore, reduced our staff to the
measure of our straitened means, and can marshal
our little force with some hope o permanency in
our arrangements.
I subjoin to this letter a list of the vessels of war,
clastod according to their position in- these waters.
Perhaps there may be persons. ire-Knoland who may
still, feel some slight interest in a British fleet and a
small Euglisla army engaged irt the siege of a vast
city.
Incalculable as aro the coniequenceS which will
follow from the operations ahoutetti eminence here,-
I have little heart for the task of detailing the pre-,
pardtions. I feel that I should-be listened to like
a child prattling its nonsense, out of season.._ You
are absorbed in the contemplation of the fall of
Delhi. Upon the morrow of the, accomplishment
of a righteoue national-revenge' and in the presence
of those bitter - memories of butcheries and foul
defilements which sear so many English hearts to
speak of, China will seem to many-almost an imper-
tinence.
The tone of the letters received by the mail which
arrived here four days ago gives little hope that you
will give one thought to us, and offers little en-
couragement to the men who are engaged in the
service of their country in this deadly climate. We
are not jealous of the absorbing sympathy which
follows our army in India—no honours can be too
high for them, no gratitude too warm—nor do we
fall one line below you in the rage excited by the
horrors enacted there. Unquestionably, most un-
questionably, the operations in China are of
infinitely inferior interest and importance to those
in the Bengal Presidency ; but that is no good
reasonwby these operatiousshould be ostentatiou-ly
ignored or needlessly interrupted. Yet some of
our public men seam anxious to show the sincerity
of their terror by a gratuitoug sacrifice' of our
prestige and interest in this neighbourhood. Sir
Charle's Napier's voice is only a little louder than
that of others when he raises the cry of "Sauve qui
pent," gallantly leading a Bacchanalian party at
Bury in a career of tumultuous panic, and shouting
" We must give up China altogether,"
Why must we give up China altogether, Sir
Charles ? Having heard of what happened in
Borneo, do you think there are no Nana Sahibs in
China, and that no Delhis, or Cawnpores, or Luck-
nows are possible there ? Or do you imagine that
the fleet which you regret cannot get up to Delhi
is so useless that it cannot make impression upon
Canton? Fortunately our fleet has other leaders
and our councils other heads. Ido deprecate this
fluttering, noisy, witless fright. Wherever the sol-
diers and sailors of England are serving they have
a claim to some share of the attention of their
country. •
But to my chronicle.
Three days ago there-was an impression through-
out the colony that a decisive advance was to be
made on the morrow and a lodgment effected upon
the large island of Honam, immediately opposite
the factories. Either this intention was never en-
tertained or it was reconsidered, for the day passed
over, and every one is again asking, " What are
wo waiting for ?" All things are in a state of pre-
paration. The four mortars destined for the spe-
cial benefit of Gough's Fort are gone up, the ships
are all clustered up and down within three hours'
steaming of the city walls, the Marines are all
housed in their barracks at Wantung; ready to be
embarked at a moment's notice, the storaahip is
close to the scene of operations, the Furious has
been denuded of her useless niaindeck guns, and,
powerful still in her upper deck armament,- has
been fitted to convey' Lord Elgin and his suite
' to a ,point whence heean.cownence his " negotia,
tions ; ' the French are ready, for I am told that
the co-operation of the Capricieuse is not made a
sine qua non ; our 600 engineers, artillerymen,
and men of the 59th can be embarked and carried
up in 24 hours. Moreover it is whispered that the
proclamations to the citizens are all printed off,
and it is loudly asserted by gentlemen whose means
of correct information upon such a subject are, I
confess, not obvious that Lord Elgin has his ulti-
matum in his pocket, carefully translated into
choice Mandarin Chinese. Why, then, does he not
go up and send in his summons, and open the ball ?
To people who are not intolerant of plain reasons
for plain facts the answer seems easy. We are
waiting for the Adelaide and the Assistance. The
first vessel started with the Imperador and Impe-
ratrix (arrived three weeks since), the second was
despatched, or was promised to be despatched,
from Calcutta in time to be due at this moment.
these two ships have nearly 1,000 marines and
infantry troops on board, they are expected from
hour to hour, and such an increase to our little force
is not to be lightly esteemed. 'The Adelaide has
not been reported here since she left England. Her
antecedents are not encouraging ; but surely she
cannot now delay many days. I was glad of an
opportunity to congratulate our Admiralty upon
the splendid voyages of the Imperador and Im-
peratrix, for there is something better and more
grateful to one's mind in this world than to be
always carping. Mereover, the magnificent achieve-
ment of sending those 16 little gunboats across the
globe without a single accident and with the oc-
curence of duly a single death on board is a triumph
of which any governing department may be proud.
Let me add that the power of impromptu choice
of 16 young men whose zeal would send them into
those uncomfortable crafts, and whose seamanship
would carry them through so perilous a voyage, is
a shining fact, most honourable to the whole
service. But still, when we find this lagging log,
this Adelaide, married to those swift ships that have
been so long in port, the exclamation will force
itself, " How on earth could there be so little
discretion ?"
However, we are waiting for the Adelaide and
the Assistance. Meanwhile, Lord Elgin has taken
possession of General Ashburnham's vacated quar-
ters—Headquarters'-house ; the French Plenipo-
tentiary is at Macao, and so is the Russian Pleni-
potentiary, Count Putiatiu ' • and Lord Elgin has
just gone in a gunboat to hold sweet converse with
his diplomatic compeers. Meanwhile, Mr. Com-
missioner Reed, careful not to involve himself
in entangling alliances, remains in sulky soli-
tude on board his monster frigate the Minne-
sota, doing penance probably for his countrymen's
wickedness in knocking down that Chinese fort.
It is rather fortunate, perhaps, that the in-
tentions of the Minnesota, are so placable, and that,
though she has such large teeth, she has made a
compact with herself not to bite ; for the only place
iu the China seas that she could possibly bombard
would be this city of Victoria. Great power which
the possessor wills not to exercise is imposing, but
great power which the possessor cannot exercise
savours rather of the ridiculous, and I am afraid
the Minnesota in the China seas is suggestive of the
latter sentiment. It is a pity that Mr. Reed has
not more appropriate vessels and a more chivalrous
part to play ; for the few who have been brought
into contact with him here speak of him as an able
and a courteous gentleman.
Count Putiatin's appearance has, I apprehend,
no purport beyond that of paying eis respects to
Lord Elgin. His account of his treatment at the
Peiho differs entirelyfrom that given by the Chinese.
He makes no secret of saying that he is dissatisfied
with the reception accorded to him by the i
autho-
rities at the port of Pekin. Probably the fact s,
as I conjectured at the time, that the Chinese
report was dictated by Chinese policy; but it may be
just possible that the Count's unreserved expres-
sions of discontent may not be quite so frank
inathey may appear. However, he is here only
his little steamer, and can have no immediate part
in the measures about to be taken.
It happens quite naturally that all men are ex-
hausting themselves in speculations as to what tbhe.
e
terms of Lord Elgin's demand upon h will
You will probably become acquainted y
withe this do-
cument long before we shall, but I feel very little
interest about the matter. We all know what the
general character of the paper must be just as well
as Lord Elgin can. It must demand compensation
for all damage done. It must demand a revision of
the broken treaties. It must demand immediate
entrance into the city, and it must demand either
the surrender of the city or of the forts that com-
mand it, as a material guarantee, until the com-
pensation is paid and the treaty settled. Less
than this would be ridiculous.
Whatever this demand may be, it has necessarily
been communicated to, and concerted with, the
French Plenipotentiary. Ho also has this demand