The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-02 00:00:00

TFIE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENINW MARCH

The question, therefore, was not one as between Parlia-
ment and a foreign country. It was ernpleaticatly a
question as between Parliament and the Ministers of the
Crown. (Hear, hear.) Upon that resolution being carried
her Majesty's late Government resigned office, and the
first duty which the present Government had to perform
was to consider what coarse they should take with refer-
ence to the state of affairs which had been produced by
that decision of the House of Commons. My lords, her
Majesty's Government came to the resolution, upon which
they will feel it to be their duty to act, in fill conformity
with the ' vote of the House of Commons and on
terms of friendly conciliation, to point out to the French
Miuieter the misinterpretations and misconstructions
which have been placed open his despateh, ar.d
in the most amicable manner to request of him an
explanation which may remove the painful impres-
sion now prevailing amorg the English people.
(Cheers.) If I know anything of the friendly feeling
which his Imperial Majesty has at all times
shown to this country—if I know anything of his
earnest and cordial desire to maintain the British alli-
ance, which is as beneficial to the one nation as it is to
the other—if I bear in mind how readily he has always
been to listen to representations and counsels given in a
friendly spirit and made in a friendly quarter—l am led
to entertain the sanguine hops that the answer to the
despatch which my noble friend the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs has undertaken to prepare and to
transmit to France will be such as to remove from the
minds of the people of this country all irritation, and
enable us calmly and deliberately to proceed to the con-
sideration of the important question of the amendment
of the law. (Hear.) It is, of course, not desirable that
I should enter into further details upon this subject at
the present time. Tee course which her Majesty's
Government may deem it their duty to pursue must in
a great measure depend upon the character of the re ply
which they may receive to their friendly communica-
tion ; hut I say without hesitation that in the meantime
it is their bounden duty—and it is one which they will
not shrink from performing faithfully and vigorously—to
put in force the existing powers of the law for the purpose
of checking by the strong arm of the law these dangerous
and alarming conspirators. (Cheers.) At the present
moment—and I speak therefore under some difficulty,
because I should be very unwilling in the slightest
degree to prejudice the cases which are now pending
before the courts of justice—proceedings are being taken
against a person named Bernard as a party concerned in
the conspiracy which led to the recent attempted assas-
sination of the Emperor of the French. Another person,
and I blush to say it, a British subject, is now a fugitive
from justice under a similar charge. Against a third
person, for the publication of a work containing instiga-
tions and incitements to assassination, proceedings are
pending before a British Court of justice ; and no fur-
ther back than 48 hours ago the attention of her Ma-
jesty's Government was called to another publication of
a similar character, but, as it appears to me, of a still
more violent tendency, and that publication also has
been without a moment's hesitation placed in the hands
of the law officers of the Crown. Should their opinion ,
be that it affords reasonable and legitimate grounds for
prosecution, Her Majesty's Government will not
hesitate for a single moment in putting in force the
existing powers of the law. (Hear, hear.) For, my
lords, with all my desire to maintain inviolable now
and for ever, under all circumstances, that right of
asylum to refugees which it is the pride of this country
to afford, without distinction of eauee, of principle, or
of opinion, I delay it is an intolerable grievance that per-
sons who owe their life and their safety to the protection
which we afford there should basely and ungratefully
reward this country for the shelter and asylum it gives
them by a course of conduct, by publications, by insti-
gations to crime which may have a most dangerous ten-
dency towards embroiling England with ono of its most
faithful and also one of its firmest allies. (Cheers.) My
lords, if upon the present occasion I were addressing
your lordships at the commencement of a new session,
and after having with my colleagues had leisure to con-
eider during the recess the measures to be submitted for
the consideration and approval of Parliament, I should
of course feel it to be my duty to lay shortly before you
what the measures were to which 3our attention was to
be called. Buc your lordships must be aware that from
the shortness of the time which has elapsed since we ac-
cepted office it has been impossible for us to prepare any-
thing like a programme of business to be laid before
Parliament. The attention of the other house must no
doubt he occupied for a considerable time with making
those financial arrangements which are requisite at this
period of the year fur the purpose of carrying on the bu-d•
neEsof the country. There is, however, one measure to
which Ithiek it my duty even, at this early stage, to advert,
because it is a measure which upon full and anxious con-
sideration her Majesty's government have determined to
introduce to the notice of Parliament. My lords, it cer-
tainly was my opinion, and it was the opinion of most of
those with whom I have the satisfaction of acting, that
while the state of India was such as it is at present—
while a revolt, or rather an insurrection, was raging in
a considerable portion of our dominiaes in the East—it
was not expedient to divert the attention either of the
Government or of the East India Company from the
consideration of the matters which were immediately
pressing to a discussion of any change is the constitu
tiers of the executive admieietration at home. But, my
lards, the House of Commons, by a very large elejoray
—a majsrity, I believe, of 147 member i in a furl house
—affirmed the proposition that it v.a3 desirable to con•
seder the question immediately, mainly with the o' ject
of transferring to the Croein the authority hitherto
exercised by the East India Company. I think that
vote materially altered the position of affairs. It placed
the Company in such a situation that they could not
after it passed, command the same amount of p'iblic
confidence and of public support as they were entitled to
receive previous to the decision of the House of Commons.
Therefore, my lards, after the best and maturest con-
sideratien whiek we can give to the subject, it is the
intention of leer Majesty's Government to introduce a
measure, which is now being prepared by my noble
friend the President of the Board of Control,
which we trust will effect most of the objects contem-
plated by the Bill of the late Government, and which we
hope will at the same time be free from some of the
objections at!aohing to that project. 0! course, it would
not be expedient for me to enter into further details upon
the present oecaeion ; the measure, indeed, is not yet
framed ; but I think it my duty to say, even at this
early period, that in the course of the present session it
is our intention to deal with the question of the govern-
ment of India, and we hope also to pass a just and satis-
factory measure. (Hear.) ely lards, it would be i ile
for me to enter into any general description of the
opinions or the views which I hold up in public affairs.
Such abstract declarations are in point of fact of little or
no use. They are mere words which may be construed
into any sense, or, as sometimes happens, into no sense.
(Hear.) I can only say, my lords, that the policy o. the
Government to which I belong will be that which I
hope might naturally be expected from the com-
position of the A.dmin'stration—viz., that while we
firmly and strenuously maintain the great institutions
of the country we shall nut hesitate to propose
and support measures of undoubted improvement and
I
progress, and to introduce, whenever necessary, safe
and well-considered amendments. (Hear, hoar.) My
lords, there can be no greater mistake than to suppose
that a Conservative Minis.ry necessarily means a sta-
tionary Ministry. (Hear, hear.) We live in an age
of constant progress—moral, social, and political. We
live in a time when art and science are making rapid
strides, when knowledge is daily more and more widely
diffused. Our constitution itself is the result of a
series of perpetual changes. Like the venerable old
country-houses of England, it has been formed from
outline, but adding timer to time by successive occupants, with no great
gable there, and ninakin;
egard to architectural uniformity or regularity of
in another place, as might appear a window here, throwing out a
beauty of the external
fretsah accommodationsnit, not
t t
o the
the
tante. importance,m,ar,, convenienceear and comfort of the inhaln-
eeetettang else, the My lords, in
constant progress, improving
'''aine 'urea must be '
adapting our instl4 •
they are intended
meeting the
leads me, my lords, to
I shall have to trouble
importance and of great
is the duty of her Majesty's
I mean the question
n9me of Parliamentary Reform,polities as in
,rnproviug
upon
the
clidursued—
utt.ns to the altered purposes'system,
inurtoo:ere, and by i
„i which
which means the consideration
system of representation in the
thde"land "t 6:2: vc"nge"
yonlarsti sneetion upon which
Thisl
difficult— one
°iv'
iicli
Government
one which ,
which commonlynlent tgo echn;ider•
or in m, o fit(!tin t't- the
and arra,gemengt oclrathe
Hoeee of Commons,
\ly lords, I am old enoughtothreemlnbnere,foarnmdttc.:llbave
been in the Cabinet not when
discussion, and whewnais
framed, but when it was under
b.
look back to the violence of feeling,
to the ittanes4 of

political excitement and of party spirit, and to the pas
sion which accompanied the passing of that great and
important measure, my wonder ie, not that there should
be in it defects and blemishes which the experience of 25
years has aptly brought to light, but that under such
c.rcurastances there should have been devised and carried
through Parliament a measure which for so long a period
has to a certain and no inconsiderable extent effected its
purposes and satisfied the people of this country. (Hear,
hear.) My lords, believing that, with all its anomalies
and all its imperfections, that Act has given to the
country a representative system the result of which is a
House of Commons which fairly and fully represents
the feeling of the numbers as well as of the
intelligence and the property of this country, I should
myself have been well satisfied if it had been the plea-
sure ofirarliament that no legislation upon a subject so
exciting should be celled for or demanded from the
Government. (Hear, hear.) I cannot however exclude
from my consideration the fact that for three or four
years not only has a demand been made, but a promise
has been given by successive Governments, of the intro-
. election of a Reform Bill. This promise has been given
occasionally even in the nameof the Sovereignand in the
speech from the Throne. My lords, I must venture to
say that I think it is a practice not deserving of imitation
to appear in the speech from the Throne personally to
pledge the Sovereign to measures which have not been
well and fully considered by her advisers, and which
they aro not at once prepared to lay before Parliament.
(Hear, bear.) In my opinion it is highly inconvenient
that from session to session a queetion of
etua this import-
ance and of this interest should be perplly kept
dangling before the Legislature, and that session after
session it should be hung up till a future day, and my
lords, having regard to the inconveniences arising from
this state of things, and to the promises which succes-
sive Governmen:s have made, I have felt it my duty
in conjunction with my colleagues to look into this hn-
portaut question. I will not pledge either myself or
them to introduce either now or at any time a Bill upon
this subject. I prefer to go beyond rather than to fall
short of any pledges or promises which I may give in
this house ' • but this I may say, that as swim as the
pressure of Parliamentary business enables us deliberately
and carefully to consider the question, we will direct our
attention to the defects which exist in the laws regula-
ting the representation of the people in Parliament, and
to the amendments which may be made in those laws ;
and that we will give that attention with the s ncereaad
earnest desire to trifle no longer with this great cpaestioe,
but with the hope that we may be able in the near
session of Parliament to lay before the Legislature and
the country a measure upon that subject which may
for a time settle a matter of such deep importance, and
which, if we cannot hope to please everybody,—which
would indeed be a mist extravagant expectation,—tray
at least be accepted as a fair and reasonable measure
by moderate, impartial,Und well-educated men. (Cheers.)
I am aware that in making this early announcement I
am perhaps somewhat premature, but I thought it was
desirable that your lordships and the country should at
once know that, while we are not prepared in this session
of Parliament to introduce or to assist in passing any
measure dealing with so extensive a question, we are
prepared at the very earliest moment practicable to give
our dilig-ntand anxious attention to the subject, with the
earnest hope that that consideration may lead to a sac
cessful issue. (Eiear, hear.) I have now addressed
your lordships at greater length than I could have de-
sired the observations which I have found it necessary),
to make upon my assumption of the important office
which I have now the honour to fill. My lords, I cap
only conclude, as I began, by assuring you that I
deeply feel my own incompetency for the discharge
of the duties of that office ; but this I can truly say,
that I bring to their performance an earnest and con-
scientious desire faithfully and diligently to discharge
them as in the sight of God and in the presence of the
people, Small as I know my powers to be, and great as
ere the difficulties I shad have to encounter, there is
One who guides the destines of all, and who from the
efforts of weak and inadequate performers can produce
great and signal effects. Trusting to His guidance and
to His blessing, I will venture to take upon me the
charge which has been entrusted to me by my Sovereign,
and I fervently hope and trust that, be my Administra-
tion long or short, when I retire I may retire without
a stain upon my public character, and with the consci-
ousness that I have not left England in a worse position
than that in which I found her. The noble earl resumed
his seat amid loud and prolonged cheering.
Earl GRANVILLE (who was very indistinctly heard
in the gallery), had not one word to object to the state-
ment made by the noble earl as to the course of events
which had resulted in his accession to office. The noble
earl had most fairly and kindly admitted that after the
vote of the House of Commons, which was in effect a
declaration that in the opinion of that house the honour
of the country had not been kept intact, it was impas-
sible the late Government could have :any other alterna-
tive than to resign. Her Maje:ity having accepted their
resignations, took the perfectly constitutional course of
sending for the head of the Conservative party, who
formed the majority of those by whom that hostile vote
was carried ; and that vote having been so carried, and
the noble earl having been RO called upon by her Majesty
to form an Administration, he would not have been
justified in declining to accept the trust. (Hear.) The
only misconstruction that could possibly arise upon this
point was in regard te the character of the vote itself,
and the nature of the diplomatic consmunication that
had taken place between the two Governments of Eng-
land and Franco ; but as he believed that his noble
friend (Lord Clarendon) would go with far more effect
into that matter, he would leave him to explain how the
facts of the case actually stood. He svinhed, however,
not to be misunderstood in one par:icular, viz , that he
did not shrink in the slightest degree from the responsi-
bility of defending the course taken by his noble friend
in reference to M. kValetveki's despatch. Thcre was one
point upon which he thought it important that the noble
earl should have made a more distinct declaration, and
that was the character which the Government attributed
to the vote of the House of Commons which had resulted
in the change of Government. He, the noble earl, had
expressed a decided hope that the present Government
would be able to introduce a measure which, without
violating the constitution of this country, would tend to
preserve friendlyrelations with France, and remembering
the statement made by the, present Lord Chancellor and
the votes of the Conservative party in reference to the
introduction of theta' of the late Government, and the de
cla.rations of the present Home Secretary and the Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade, as to their approval of the
principle of that measure—he thought it impossible that
any other construction could be put upon it than that
which the noble earl had given to it. Consequently, it
was with no little surprise that he read that morning, in
the address of a most important member of the nob'e
earl's administration—the first law adviser of the Crown
—written deliberately to his constituents, that he, " in
coalmen with the chiefs of the Conservative party in the
House of Commons, supported the amendment to the
bill on the ground that its provisions afforded no effective
remedy to the evils proposed to be redressed, and that
the bill itself was an evasion of the principle of indepen-
dent action which has hitherto been held sound, alike by
the Parliament and the people." What that meant, he
(Earl Granville) scarcely understood; but at all events,
it went to a complete condemnation of the principle of
the bill. (Hear.) With regard to the motives with
wh:ch the noble earl took office, he believed them to be
patriotic. But the noble earl had spoken of the dn..
cultiee he should have to encounter. He (Earl Gran-
ville) could assure him that those difficulties would not
arise from the position in which he and his colleagues
had loft the country, and he trusted the noble earl would
( xeuee him if he went over a few particulars to show
that the members of the late ministry felt they bad some
reason not to be ashamed of the manner in which they
handed over the government to their successors. Their
lordships would remember the circumstances in which
his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) formed his government.
He formed it after every leading statesman had confessed
his inability to attempt the task. The great difficulty"
they then found was the Crimean war. Indignation bad
been excited at the state of the army, and that indigna-
tion was directed most unjustly against certain indi-
viduals—but owing to the meaeutes of the noble duke
(Newcastle), and subsequently the measures of his
noble friend near bins (Lord Panmure), the army was
brought to as efficient a state as any that had over
taken the field, and the war was brought to a glorious
and successful termination. And he might further say,
that, having been sent officially to Russia after the war
had been so successfully closed, where he was received
with the greatest courtesy, he found that the defeat was
considered snore complete on their part than we on ours
considered the victory. The objects for which the war
bad been undertaken had been fully conceded in the
treaty of peace. As far as he spas aware no objection
had been made in either House of Parliament that that
treaty did not completely carry out those objects, and
this, at all events, he knew, that those objects had not
been allowed to be frittered away in the course of the
subsequent proceedings. An ,ther war had been entered
upon by the late Government—the war with Persie.
He defied any one to say that we had not, with an in-
considerably small less on our part, completely estab-
liAled our military prestige in that part of Asia—ob-
tained every object for which the war was begun, and
had placed our relations with Persia on a sounder foot-
ing than they had ever stood before. Then there was a
war with China, which had been alluded to by the noble
earl. That war also, he hoped, bad been brought to a
conclusion. And though it had been said that without
the infliction of the most barbarous cruelties it would
be impossible to capture Canton, and that, conquered, it
would be impossible to hold it, that
reduced and taken possession of by the ferces sent
town had been
against it,
whatever had been experienced in holding it. (Hear,
nnd, as far as he had yet heard, no difficulty
hear.) We had, moreover, besides taking possession of
Canton, taken possession also of theindividual to whom,
more than any other person, was to be attributed the
inconveniences and differences that had led to these
hostilities. He was glad to believe from the tone of the
noble earl, that, accepting the China affair in the
favourable p isition in which the late Government had
left it, his practical good sense would induce him to
take those reasonable and just advantages which from
the capture of Canton might be derived not only by this
country but by the civilised world. The noble earl bad
alluded also to another difficulty which the la'e Govern-
ment had experienced—the Indian mutiny—but in that
to surmount iYn
case also he thought from what the noble earl had
stated, that the result in his mind vas sati -
factory. And that, exe/pt in regard to ()ado —and he
Zl_PneeAssl the noble earl did not adopt the view expressed
in India, great want left for the noble earl's governin, at,
g% of his a few weeks ado, that we ought to
ack
cause
lathe events which had taken place
great, difE,: to tt.e con., 1 it it
sawl-
in tg
wt ei
th te tti °et:, Ilelsiceoyr ofalndia.anxietyth ey awnerlar` he late government
but in da
alarm,boud to do, they

had never for one moment doubted of the ultimate re.
mit. The noble earl had expressed his satisfaction at the
position in which the illustrious duke the Commander-
in-Chief, and his noble friend (Lord Panmure), had
placed the military preparations of the couetrv, and bad
said that he had no idea of fading them in such an effi-
cient state. One of the difficulties of the late ministry
was this, that while it was obviously inconvenient and
inexpedient to produce to Parliament and the public all
the details of the military arrangements made by the
government, the general statements with which they
were c ,nepelled to content themselves coull not be
tested. Ile therefore felt especially grateful to the noble
earl for the testimony he had borne to the efficiency ia
which he found those arrangements en his accession to
office, and he now stated in the presence of those who
might contradict him if they could do so, that while the
military preparations of the country generally were in a
satisfactory state, and in semerespects such at they were
never before, that with regard to the army it was never
so efficient as at the close of the late war, nor was the
effective strength of the soldiers of this country ever so
high as it was at the beginning of the Indian mutiny. It
was important that this fact should be known to the
public, and he was glad to have the opportunity of mak-
ing the statement. Then with regard to the efficiercy
of the transport service it was only necessary in proof of
that to mention the fact that as many ae 60,000 men had
been
nrtseet from sent
rfromem thisthe
Chinese
c try t o
expedition,lndia,
the whole of besides some 5,000
which had been conveyed without lose, (Hear, hear )
He contended that credit was due to the late govern-
ment for their exertions in thie respect—exertions
whieh had excited feelings of astonishment throughout
Europe. Going from India to the other colonies, they
found them in a satisfactory state. Some were working
out the problem of self-government, but all were peaceful
and content—eo much so, that in the last accounts from
the Govertner-General of India he stated that no further
force was required there to put down the mutiny and
restore order—that troop-horses and stores were conti-
nuing to come in from other colonies, which they could
spare in consequence of the perfect tranquillity that pre-
vailed in these colonies. Turning to the state of affairs
at home, their lordships would recollect that a great
commercial disaster bad happened last year ; he alluded
to the commercial panic which occurred in Nov. last.
No one, he believed, attributed that disaster to any act
or policy of the Government, and he believed that the
only step they took in the matter was sanctioned by
everybody in and out of Parliament as the right step
taken at the right time. (Cheers.) Without taking any
credit to the Ministry with which he had been connected
on that ground, he thought it most gratifying that, not-
withetanding that the failures had been computed at net
less than 50,000,000/. arising from that panic to the
end of the past year, improvement had already set in,
and the funds had been continually rising until they
reached almost too far—except while checked by the
change of GovernMent. And as regarded trade, there
was an appearance (1 general revival and more general
employment of the labouring classes, who, he must say,
were entitled to the thanks of the country for the pa-
tience they had displayed during a period of very severe
( distress. He was averse to troubling theirlordshipe with
any detail, but at tie same time should be reluctant to
pass over altogether the law reforms which the late Go-
vernment had been enabled to carry into effect. There
was the measure in reference to the ecclesiastical courts,
which, after twelve times in as many years having been
attempted in vain, was last year brought to a successful
issue. There were other measures of importance re-
lating to the commercial interests of the country
which they had also succeeded in passing—as the
Limited Liability $lll. There was also the measure with
regard to secondary punishments, and the act for the
distribution of an efficient police all over the country.
These were all measures for which he thought the late
Government were entitled to some credit. He would not
go into further deteil then, but upon a future occasion he
would be enabled to show that with respect to the im-
portant suleject of education more real progress had taken
place during the time the late ministers were in office, as
regarded the opening of the Universities, the increase of
schools, and other matters, than at any previous period.
He thought it would have been convenient if the noble
earl had stated what course he proposed to follow on this
question of national education—whether he adopted the
plan of the First Lord of the Admiralty or of the Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade. (Hear.) He trusted, at all
events, that the noble marquis opposite would act upon
the existing system, and, in doing, s, would remember
that increased grants involved increased responsibility.
He mentioned these subjects, because, although the lets
Government had no great brilliant achievements to boast
of, he should be sorry if it were thought that they had
neglected these measures which contributed far more
than brilliant achievements to the real happiness of the
people. Ile thought he had stated sufficient to show that
they had net left the country in greater difficulties tbao
they had found it. He now came to the declaration of
the noble earl as to the future course of his government.
Putting aside those general statements as to the princi
pies of conservative progress which were to guide the
new Ministry, and which must decide their value by the
manner in which they were carried out, there were some
points on which he thought it would have been satis-
factory if the Della earl bad favoured the house and the
country with some more definite information, but which,
nevertheless, he would not press upon him if ho objected
to do so. What course the noble earl proposed to take
with regard to the achni4..ion of the Jews to Parliament
they bad not been informed.
The Earl of DERBY—That is out of the question now.
Earl GRANVILLE d:d not think it was out f tho
question that some information should be looked for,
under the circumstances, as to the intentions of Govern-
ment, which certainly excited a great deal of anxious
curiosity out of doors, and upon which some of the lead-
ing members of the present Cabinet took opposite views to
the late Government. There wa-i another peint upon which
he considered the noble earl should have aff rded some
further information, and that was with regard to reform
of our representative institutions. The noble earl might
have stated that he proposed to deal with that question
at once, or that hs intended, as he had said, to censid r
the best means of framing such a bill, with the ceefiderat
expectation that next session he would be enabled to
present it to the comithwation of Parliament. Teat he
admitted was a fair and legitinwe ceurse to adoot. Still
it would have been more satisfactory if the noble earl
had stated whether or not he concurred in the views
which bad been put forward by one member of his Go-
vernment, who, in his address to his constituents, de-
clared hie readiness to support and assist in any measure
for the extension of the elective franchise to every man
in Britain qualified by property or by education to exer.
cise it with independence and intelligence ; and is a re.
distribution of the boroughs and towns possessed and
unpoesessed of the franchise, Eo that ell above the rank
of villages may be represented in the Legislature. It
would have been desirable that they should know whe-
ther that was a description of the Reform Bill which the
noble earl had in contemplation, or whether it was merely
a statement put forward by one of his enpperters in the
hope 6f securing a few votes. (Hear.) Tuere was one
other subject upon which he intended to speak with great
forbearance, and that was the course the noble earl pro
reed to take in reference to the Conspiracy Bill. As he
understood the noble earl, be proposed to send a despatch
to France in reply to that of Count Walewski, and that
upon the answer t r that despatch the course of Govern-
ment would depend. (hear.) This was a matter in regard
to which he felt that a great moral responsibility rested
upon any individual who, by ais tongue or his pen, in
any way i fluenced public opinion. (Hear, hear ) It the
noble earl had proposed such a bill as he had suggested,
the members of the late Government would be glad to
give him their best support in carrying it into a law, but
as he had not, he (Earl Granville) was anxious not to
say ono word that c iuld in any way tend to increase he
excitement which unfortunately prevailed both on this
and on the other side of the water, and which the people
of both nations naturally felt when they fancied, however
mistakenly, that the national honour had been assailed.
(Hear, hear.) The noble earl had stated that he had not
entered upon office with feelings of exultation, lie (Earl
Granville) was perfectly sure hat the feelings with which
the noble earl had assumed the high and responsible task
he had undertaken were creditable to him, and would
redound to his honour. (Hear, hear.) At the same time
he could net wholly disconnect the noble earl's responsi-
bility 'coin the course which had been taken in other
places, n-r forget that the course taken by the noels
earl was one much disapproved of by many of the noble
earl's followers. The noble esrl'a course in that house
had always been such that, while his eloquence added to
the' inte est, of their debates, his conduct had added to
his own character and dignity, (Bear, hear.) He was
glad to have the opportunity of saying so, for during the
last three years he (Earl Granville) had experienced the
greatest personal courtesy and forhearancefromthe hands
of the noble earl; and it was that courte,y And forbear-
ance that had enabled himself and his late colleagues in
office to Pertorin duties which he for one confessed he felt
at first totally inadequate to undertake. (Hear, hear.)
Ile could assure the noble earl that the feelings with
which he (Earl Granville) and his friends now entered
into opposition were not clouded by one hitter personal
feeling towards the noble earl. They Lad been BO short
a time in opposition—(a laugh)—that it would be hardly
fair to question what they had yet done as an indication
of the course they intended to pursue—nor should he
have referred to this matter at all, but that it appeared
some misunderstanding bad arisen as to an observation
made by en, the other day with respect to the noble
earl's conduct when Lord Aberdeen's Government came
int) office, What be then stated wan, that when Lord
Aberdeen asked for an adjournment for a week in order
that he might have the opportunity of forming his Go-
vernment and preparing a statement of his policy, the
noble earl grudged to allow an adjournment for more
than three days. Since then he had referred to " Han-
sard," and found that the noble earl said, in answer to
Lord Aberdeen's proposition, that he thought 24, or, at
most, 48 be ample time. (Hear.) But
bourn would be
that was net all—durieg their short term of opposition
they had certainly exhibited much more a ensideration
for the noble earl than the noble earl had done, when he
resigned, for his successors, and when, besides grudging
the adjournment asked for, he made a lengthy and elo-
quent speech by no means calculated twfacilitate the task
of his nob'e friend who had just undertaken to form the
new Government. They (the present Opposition)
thought it more fair either to the noble earl who had
undertaken the task, or to any other pereon who might
be sent for, to announce the fact of their resieattions
at once, 'leaving her Majesty toss send for whom
she pleased, than offer any ggestions as to
Having resigned,
who should be their successors.
and the noble lord having undertaken the Govern-
ment, they, as party men, would endeavour fairly to
judge of the noble lord's rneasurCP , aid to act without
parnality ; and as Englishmen they hoped that the noble
.3rl would not a Y to Inset any esfteoee f u,ti o
witn which the: tete Gov, rinueet had hat. t,cen ten ;
but if such difficulties should arise, they trussed that,
under the blessing of Divine Providence, the noble earl
would be able to meet them and bring them to a success-
ful issue. (Hear, hear.) In COLlcilaiQD, he apologised

to the house for the length at which he had detained
them, and thanked them for the indulgence they bad
extended to him. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, stated that when,
on the 20th December, Lord Aberdeen proposed to move
the adjournment of the house for a week, he (the Earl
of Derby) expressed a hope that he might be enabled to
complete the cabinet arrangements in 48 hours, and he
stated that as it was important members should be
enabled to pa's their Christmas in the country, he
thought the house should adjourn over from the Monday
to the Thursday instead of to the following Monday, and
that was what took place. (Hear.)
The Earl of CLARENDON--My lords, I feel obliged
to my noble friend near me for imposing upon me the
task of making some observations upon certain matters
that have weighed upon the attention of the government,
in connet t on w th the department over which I have bad
the honour to preside. My lords, in respect to those past
matters involving important national interests both at
home and abroad, there has been so much misapprehen-
sion, so much misrepresentation, and there exist.; even
now, in my opinion, so much doubt in the public mind,
that it is difficult to give to them that calm consideration
they deserve and demand. It has been generally assumed
in this country that the language used by France towards
this country has been insolent and threatening, and that
an attempt has been made to bully us into compliance
with her wishes. Intending asl do to appeal to the calm
i judgment of the house, I rejoice that the noble earl, in
vigorous and eloquent language, has called yourlordships'
recollection to the middle of last January, and has asked
you to remember what were your own feelings and the
feelings of the public when we first heard the news of the
attempt which had been made upon the life of the
Emperor of the French. It was no exaggeration on
the part of the noble lord to say that throughout these
realms that atrocious attempt was vie wed with all the
horror and di.gust that it was certain to produce in the
minds of Englishmen, and that that feeling of disgust
and abhorrence was in this country at least equal to
that which was felt in any other country in the world.
(Heal.) It is unnecessary to say that in those senti-
ments the late Government fully participated, and that
they also shared in those feelings of shame and indigna-
tion a bleb every honest Englishman must entertain that
such a plot should have been conceived and brought to
maturity by a knot of men who were availing them
selves !of the asylum this country affords, and who
thereby violated the hospitality and security afforded t,
them by our laws. Atd the first thought of the Govern.
meat, on hearing of these transactions, was whether it
was possible to frustrate the schemes of the persons im-
plicated, whether the existing law was sufficient, or
whether we could, without violating the fundamental
principles of our constitution, which holds every man
innocent until proved guilty—(hear, hear) —reach the
acts of those foreigners who have so grossly abased our
right of asylum. My lords, the result of our delibera-
tions was to refer the whole matter to the law officers
of the Crown. We felt it to be a point of honour with
unto pursue this course, and we wiehed to show.that we
had not looked with apathy or indifference on the tran-
saceions which had just taken place. We bad already
gone as far as the law allowed us in stopping expedi-
tions fitted up in hostility to foreign states ; and I ask
whether any expedition could be conceived more hostile
to a friendly state than that which Orsini and his com-
panions fitted out for the aesassinat on of the Emperor
of France. (Hear, hear.) We thought it incumbent
on us to devise some means to frustrate such schemes.
We felt that it was due to the people of France, and to
public opinion in England, to make it known, on the
highest legal authority, that great crimes did not in this
country meet with encouragement or impunity. We fell
that it was a point involving not only national honour
but grave national interests, to see whether a change in
our law was necessary, and, if necessary, practicable,
because, next to France herself, there is no country
which has more reason to be grateful for the providential
interposition which saved the Emperor than has this
country. (Hear, hear.) Because, as my noble friend has
said, it is not only that there is an intimate alliance
between France and England, but that their interests
are so interwoven, are of such a magnitude, and th,
connection is so close that nothing could happen fir good
or evil in one country which would not immediately
vibrate through the other. It was under these feelings
that her Majesty's late Government referred the matter
to the law officers of the Crown, and we were deter-
, rained, if some measure was found to be necessary, to
mark our sense of what had occurred, by immediately
laying IMO measure on the table of the House of Corn
mono. At the same time M. de Persigny placed in my
hands Count Walewski's despatch, saying that it had
been his duty to address the Government on the refugee
question, inviting thorn to consider what measures might
be necessary in reference to it. At the same time he
told me that although it had been thought necessary to
make a communication to her Majesty's Government, the
utmost care had been taken carefully to avoid the use of
any expression which might offend the people of Eng-
land. I told M. de Persigny what I had told hiie
often before, which I had also mentioned to M. Welew.
ski, and which I had more than once also had the
honour of stating to the Emperor, tbat no consideration
on earth could induce the Parliament to pass an Alien
Act. (Hear, hear.) The law of asylum I told him could
not be infringed, and that there were certain principle,
of law too sacred to be infringed for any purpose what.
ever. (Hear.) I said at the same time that it required
no impulse from without to set in motion the existing
law against conspiracy if evidence could be obtained,
but that from want of sufficient evidence the law had not
been as yet put in force. I said at the same time it might
be a, question whether the existing law was sufficiently
stringent, but the whole question had been referred to
the law officers of the Crown, and moreover I tald that I
had written to the Attorney-General in vitinghis attention
to certain points, and stating the importance clan earl)
decision. Nothing could be more temperate, more mode
rate, or more straightforward than has been M. de Per.
signy's conduct throughout the whole of this matter, as
such of your lordships as have the pleasure of knowing
him will be ready to believe. (Hear.) Nothing could be
further from his language than any intimation of an
attempt to use pressure, which I told him would be
resented from one end of England to another. (Cheers.)
He said that he sought nothing of the kind, that his go-
vernment felt entire confidence in the friendship of Eng-
land, and that, so perfect was the solidarity of interest.
between the two countries, they believed that whatever
was necessary would be done without pressure of any
kind. Now, with respect to Count Walewskee despatch,
respecting which so much has been said both in and out
of doors as to its containing insults to the honour and
interests of this country, I must say that having read it
carefully I have failed to find the slightest tendency to
insult in it from beginning to end. (Hear.) I am certain
further that no insult was intends +, and I am sure that
in public as well as in private affairs, the animus should
be the first thing considered in debiding whether or not
any communication was insulting or cffeneive. (Hear,
hear.) Thero was one thing which I felt most strongly
whilst Count de Persigny was reading the despatch, and
that was that if plots were being continually batched in
France against our own sovereign, if three attempts had
bean made to carry these plans into execution, and if or,
the last occasion the Queen and the Prince Consort had
been saved only by a miracle, while 156 people were
killed and wounded in front of the Opera-house, and that
after all I addressed such a despatch to the French Go-
vernment as Count Walewski had addressed to outs,
that then this country would have looked upon me as a
very feeble exponent of the national horror and indig-
nation. (Hear, hear.) lam astonished that any one
could have so misunderstood that despatch as to say
that Coune Walewski charged the people of England
with encouraging assassination, when the whole tenor
of the despatch is precisely the contrary. He says
—" In recording these circumstances, I at once add how
much the government of the Emperor is persuaded of
the sincerity of the sentiments of reprobation which they
created in England. It is equally Convince that with
such proofs in their possession of the abuse of libspitality,
tho English Government and people understand at o: cr
to what extent we are justified in directing our attention
to them." The whole despatch in fact relates to a
limited class of refugees in this country, and I say that
any man who understands French, or having read the
translation represents it otherwise, is guilty of gross and
wilful misrepresentation of is sentiments and meaning.
(Hear, hear.) S rice I left the Government, but not the
Foreign-office, a despatch has been received from Lord
Cowley', who expresses the desire of Count Walewski to
make known to the Government his regret and astonish-
ment at the manner in which his despatch has been
misunderstood by the people of England. The count
expresses his astonishment that he who had resided so
many years in England should be suspected of applying
to the generality of the English people that which he
knew applied only to certain classes of refugees in
England. It is equally untrue to say that Count
Walewski asked us to interfere with the sight of
asylum. Nothing can be more clear than his approba-
tion of that right, or of the manner in which it is offered
to the political refugees of other county. e+.
The Earl of MA.LMESBURY asked what was the
date of the despatch to which the noble earl alluded.
The Earl of CLARENDON—It arrived the day before I
left the Foreign office. I have no right to produce it, but
of course it is at the noble earl's disposal. Count Walewski
says :—" No one appreciates and respects more than we do
the liberality with which England is disposed to exercise
the right of asylum in regard to foreigners, vietimsiof poli-
tical struggles. France, for her part, has always looked
upon it as a duty of humanity never to close her frontiers
to any honourable person in misfortune, whatever might
be the party to which he belonged ; and his Majesty's Go-
vernment does not complain that its opponents should
find refuge on the English soil, and live there in irace,
remaining faithful to their opinions, to their very passions,
under the protection of the British laws." Ho aforwards
says :—" In submitting these questions to her Britan-
nic Majesty's Government, itself,
it Government of this
Emperor does not merely diseharge a duty towards
it re-echoes the sentiment of the country, which, under the
influence of the most legitimate anxiety, calls upon
it tot
do so ; and which, in a matter where the common intents
among all nations and all governments is so clear, consi-
ders itself entitled to reckon upon the concurrence of Eng-
land. The repetition and the wickedness of these guilty
enterprises expose France to a danger agalyst which
Her Butannic
i
bound to provide." Finally, he says :
Majesty's Government can assist us in averting tby afford •
in us a guarantee of security which no state can refuse to
a neighbouring State, and which we are authorised to ex-
pect from an ally. Fully zelying, moreover, on the high
sense of the English Cabinet, we refr an from indicating,
in any way, the measures which it may see fit to take in
order to comply with this wish. We rest entirely upon it
for estimating the decisions which it shall deem best cal-
culated to attain the object ; and we are firmly persuaded
that we shall not have appealed in vain to its conscience
and to its goodwill." Now, there may be words in ti a
despatoii which might beonettted ; but, taking the de-
spatch in its entirety, I maintain that it contains neither
insult nor memos, nor pressure of any kind. (Hear, heir.)
I ask, any lords, was it possiblepossiblethat the Fr. nth Govern-
ment, after the atrocious attempt of the 14th dauuary,"
should not make some communication ; and., being inevi-
table, I ask, could it have been made in a more, temperate
manner? (Hear, hear.) •It was, infect, such language as
one friend would address to another, from whose home an