The Sun.
London, England, 1867-08-01 00:00:00

It wae,no party conflict and involved no defeat on
the part of the Government of a nature that was
material. In the first place, it was in coral uittee
that the proposition was made, and that alb 3rs the
state of things very much, and really it did not
interfere with any of the vital principles of the bill.
The Representation of Minorities ap pears to
have been much more popular than was i aiagined,
for now that it has obtained due consider ation, not
only do zealous advocates appear, but the prevailing
opinion seems in favour of its adoption. The effect
of Lord CAIRNS'S clause being carried was neither
a Liberal nor a Conservative success, but rather
the triumph of a principle that bas been
hitherto kept out of the reach of politicians
of late years to decide upon one way or the other.
The Ministers were not among the enthusiasts who
thought no Reform Bill could answer with this pro-
viso omitted, and they naturally felt averse to agree
to every suggestion that was made right and left if
it did not tally exactly with their own arrangements
and proposals. Hence the opposition of the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer in the House of Commons and
that of Lord MALMESBURY in the House of Lords
—not that Mr. LowE's scheme was identical with
that of Lord CAIRNS, but it pointed in that direc-
tion. We do not anticipate that any difficulty will
be raised by the Ministers now, nor by the House
of Commons at a further period, when this subject
comes before them. The decided opinion expressed
in favour of Lord CAIRNS'S clause by the represen-
tatives of so many opinions in the &Late of
Tuesday, and the overwhelming majority which
decided the vote, are unanswerable arguments in its
support, and no one of experience or of judgment
will refuse to agree to the truth of this.
To-night the Redistribution Scheme will come
on for consideration, and it is doubtful what turn
things may take. The chief thing to consider now
is how to pass the bill this session in the most de-
sirable manner, and we earnestly hope that the
leading members of the House will keep this end in
view, and not allow themselves to be misled
by plausible proposals, and by the temptation of
seeing their own schemes put into practice. Lord
GREY is a very dangerous adviser, and those who
desire that Reform should b e settled this year
must look beyond his proposals to the result which
their acceptance may bring about. The Government
may very likely consent to some change in the Redis-
tribution scheme as it now stands, and they may even
propose something themselves, but for an opponent
like Lord GREY to seek to alter the whole plan
already agreed upon by the House of Commons is
really quite unreasonablv. The advanced period of
the Session ought of itself to show the folly of such
an attempt, and besides it should be remembered
that it is always easier to begin a work of this sort
than' to stop short in it. Who can tell what next
may be requested. And if the Government give
in to one scheme they will be expected to
look upon others with a favourable eye.
Thencomes the inevitable reference to thelllouse of
Commons, and the time they take up may be con-
siderable. Besides all this, people are very apt to
forget, in the excitement of the discussion, that the
other House may not readily consent to the nume-
rous and striking changes which are being suggested
here, there, and everywhere.
We think that the Government deserve great
credit for the exertions that they have made for
months past in this work of Reform, and the House
of Lords is bound to support them in the main, and
when the representatives of the Ministry declare
that the adoption of any particular scheme
will militate against the success of their
measure, or even endanger its speedy passing,
they ought to stand by them and reject it. Most
unfortunately Lord DERBY is not able to be present
at this critical juncture, but we would appeal to the
patriotism of the House collectively not to allow
that circumstance to act injuriously in the progress
of the measure. If it should unfortunately happen
that any disaster occurred to the measure, while the
defeat would rest with the Government, the dis-
grace would certainly remain with those who inter-
fered in so mischievous a manner, and after so
uncalled-for a fashion. There is no real cause for
alarm, however ; but it is best not to be too confi-
dent, and until all danger is over to act as if too
much caution could not be taken. Lord GREY has
not had the satisfaction of seeing his party carry a
Reform Bill, and he seems to begrudge it to a
Conservative Government that they should have
the honour of the work. He forgets that all who
assist them in the task will share, in time renown,
while those who impede their progress are exhibit-
ing themselves to the country in a very ungracious
light, and acquiring a reputation by no means an
enviable one.

The House of Commons having got through its
arduous labours on the Reform Bill has now some
leisure to bestow on matters less pressing, though
not ultimately less important. The education of
the people is a necessary part and condition of their
political enfranchisement. It is the great advance
in intelligence and mental cultivation among the
masses during the last half century that has given
ground for their demand for a share in the govern-
ment of the country. If our mechanics and artizans
were on the same level now that they were in the
days of Waterloo, there would be a real instead of
a nominal risk in the extensive reduction of the
franchise. As it is not only are the rudiments of
knowledge generally possessed by the better class
of working men, but they share the views and
principles of those above them in social position.
They are not blinded by prejudice or infatuated by
the desire fur selfish temporary gain, at least not to a
greater extent than many other classes. If they have
adopted mistaken motions of political economy,
it is the fault of those bigoted and interested
teachers who are indefatigable in assuring them
that the interests of labour and capital are diame-
trically opposed, instead of identical. Without
doubt it is the progress of education that has con-
vinced the upper classes that the admission of the
lower orders to the franchise will be a source of
strength instead of weakness to the country,
and, although some of our Trades Unions
have endeavoured to go back to the old days
when the introduction of new machinery was the
signal for riot and outrage, the general sense
of the people is against such extravagances.
Still this undoubted improvement is no reason for
relaxing our efforts on behalf of popular education.
There is much to be done even as we now stand.
The test of the marriage register, as cited last even-
ing by Mr. M'LAREN, is sufficient to prove how far
we are from what we should be. The number of
men who could not sign their names in 186.5 w'_s
22 out of every 100, and of women 31 out of
every 100. In some parts of the country
the proportion is very different, especially among
the women. In Lancashire those who could not
sign were 49 in 100 ; in Monmouthshire,
52 ; in the south-western counties, 45. There is
too much reason to fear that with the great de-
mand for labour, and the many channels now
open for the employment of children, whether in
the factories of our manufacturing towns, or in
the agricultural pursuits for which men are less
available than formerly, our standard of education
will go down rather than up, unless we take vigo
roue measures, But perhaps no sitial problem