The Sun.
London, England, 1858-09-13 00:00:00

MR. EWLVG, JJLP., AT PAISLEY.

On Thursday last, in accordance with an under-
standing which exists between Mr. Crum Ewing,
M.P., and his constituents, that gentleman addressed
a meeting of the electors and other inhabitants of
Paisley, in the Exchange Rooms, upon the events
of the last session of parliament. The meeting was
crowded to excess.

Mr. EwING, who rose amidst great applause,
said—As this is the first time I have met with you
in public since I became your representative, I
gladly avail myself of the opportunity thus afforded
me to express my warmest acknowledgments for
the honour which you conferred upon me by con-
fiding to my charge the most important trust which,
as citizens of a free state, you have to bestow—an
honour all the more to be appreciated that it was
conferred in my absence—and while I return my
most heartfelt thanks to all for the cordial manner
in which I have been received, I trust I may not be
considered as acting in any party spirit, which, I
assure you, I do not feel, and of which I am equally
certain you, sir, and all present, will acquit me,
when I express myself personally to tho-se friends,
electors and non-electors, who acted originally in
my behalf, and whose kindness I never can forget
so long as I live. I was in the south of France
when a telegram reached me, announcing the in-
telligence of my election, and lively as was the
gratification thus conveyed, I felt more the respon-
sibility which I was about to undertake, but the
belief that our political sentiments were not likely
to come into collision, and a determination to do
my duty, relieved my anxiety on that head. My
original intention was to have remained abroad all

the winter and spring, but I now resolved merely
to accompany my son to Egypt, so that I might be
able to return to London as soon after the meeting of
parliament as circumstances would permit.- I accord-
ingly pursued my voyage to Alexandria, and visited
the city of Cairo, with its curious bazaars and mos-
ques, and so interesting to a European from the
complete change in the appearance and dresses of
the people, as well as in their appearance and
customs. Ascending the Nile, I was gratified
with an inspection of the Pyramids, and of the
numerous temples, so wonderful for their magnifi-
cence, their great extent, and for their extreme an-
tiquity. I had likewise an opportunity of witness-
ing the melancholy depth of moral and political
degradation into which that people had sunk, who
were once so renowned for their learning, their
knowledge of the arts and sciences, and for the
beauty and extent of their manufactures. By a
little exertion I got back to Marseilles on the after-
noon of the 12th of February. From a newspaper
which I procured on landing, I learned that in con-
sequence of the vile attempt to assassinate the
Emperor of the French, Lord Palmerston had in-
troduced a bill to amend the law of conspiracy to
murder, which had been read a first time by a large
majority. The report in the French journal was
too meagre to enable me to judge correctly of the
nature of that bill, and I was not then aware that
it had been introducedat the instance of any foreign
power, but I saw enough to leave the impression
on my mind that it was intended to limit that
sacred right of asylum which this country has
always gloried in affording to refugees of every
rank and condition, and of every variety of political
sentiment. I therefore pushed forward the same
evening, and arrived in London in good time for
the debate, and to vote against the second reading
of the ill judged and obnoxious measure. Ido not
here require to refer to the circumstances connected
with the introduction and attempt to pass that bill.
These were of a nature too serious to be soon for-
gotten by the people of this country, and will be
remembered more particularly by statesmen, as a
warning that, whatever be the internal differences
of opinion which may prevail at any time among
the people themselves,. they will unite as one man
when the national honour is concerned. The conse-
quence of an adverse vote to the Palmerston Minis-
try must have been known to every member of the
house, and, for myself, I gave my vote without the
slightest hesitation. I however frankly confess that
I did it with the greatest repugnance at the idea
of allowing that party to come into power which
had resisted to the utmost the passing of the Re-
form Bill and the abolition of the corn laws, and
had always been hostile to every liberal measure.
But, much as the admission of a Tory ministry was
to be deprecated—much as the alliance with France
was to be valued—the honour of Britain was first
to be considered ; and better that everything should
perish than that the national honour should sustain
the slightest tarnish, or that a British House of
Commons should so far truckle to any foreign
power as to enact laws at his dictation.. (Ap-
plause.) Had this bill passed under the circum-
stances in which it was brought forward, we could
never have appeared again as a first-rate power. It
was deeply to be regretted, but there was no alter-
native, and I feel confident that this my first vote
met with the universal approbation of my consti-
tuents. Early in the session Lord Palmerston had
obtained leave, by a large majority of the house, to
introduce a bill for the better government of India,
but further 13roceedings were cut short by the un-
expected change of ministry. After the Derby
Government came into power they brought forward
a bill of their own, which, with some modifications,
was similar to that of their predecessors ; and that
bill, after long discussions and various amendments,
is now the law of the land, The main feature in

this bill is the transference of the government of
India to the Queen, and the appointment of a Sec-
retary of State and a Council, in place of the ob-
jectionable double government which formerly ex-
isted. I voted most cordially with the resolution
that the government should be changed, and, whilst
I also voted on all the subsequent questions which
arose in the course of the debate, in the endeavour
to make the bill as perfect as possible, I am free to
confess that after the transference of the power had
been made, and a secretary had been appointed, I
would have preferred that the house had paused,
and that the consideration of the further measures
contemplated in the bill had been postponed till next
session. I think very good reasons were adduced
for this course. Time would have been afforded for
members to make themselves better acquainted with
the affairs of India, and for allowing the keen party
spirit to subside which had been so recently called
into fierce action. However, the importance of the
subject induced a much greater degree of considera-
tion and calm discussion than might have been antici-
pated under the circumstances, and although there
are anomalies in the bill, these may be expunged,
and it is decidedly a right measure, which we must
all pray may promote the best interests of this
country and the proper government of that vast
empire, embracing the condition and happiness of
nearly 200,000,000 of our fellow-creatures. The
secretaryship of India has been conferred on Lord
Stanley, one of the most rising men of the day,
devoted to business, and, although linked at present
with a Tory government, of liberal principles. My
opinion of his qualifications for this important office
was formed while he was at the head of the Colonial
Department, where I had opportunities of observing
his attention and aptness for business, as well as
of marking his enlightened views, which were most
conspicuous, and formed a striking contrast in those
respects to his immediate predecessors. India pre-
sents, at present, a serious task for the energies and
judgment of whatever government may he in power.
A mutiny of the most formidable and extensive
kind-, including a great proportion of the native