The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-08 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 8, 1858.

All the ingenious devices to prolong the exist-
ence of the Leadenhall-street magnates have sig-
nally and completely failed. Mr. GLADSTONE'S
motion, on which the only division was taken,
was negatived by a majority of 149—the num-
bers being 265 and 116 respectively ! It was to
all intents and purposes a renewal of the proposi-
tion made by Lord HARRY VANE six weeks since,
which was rejected by a majority so decisive and
Overwhelming' that the Right Honourable Gentle_
man could have but little hope that the House
would consent to stultify itself by virtually accept-
ing sow, what it then so unhesitatingly refused.
There are, however, persons always inclined for
procrastination—willing to jump at any excuse
for shelving a troublesome question by adjourning
I.ts consideration to a future day. With these
1t dilatory plea is always successful. The thick
and thin adherents of the doomed board would
also, as a matter of course, support any proposi-
tion that would protract its existence, and permit
the Members to retain, for au additional year,
the patronage and power so dear to their hearts.
The prolonging the existence of a party already
in a moribund condition, would be but a cruel
kindness. It would be like respiting, for a brief
period, a convict prepared to die, and' reviving
hopes that must ultimately prove fallacious. As
Lord STANLEY truly declared, in his very clear anti
able speech, you would place such a council,, •
ID
a singularly false and inconvenient position."
Knowing that their term of power was about to
expire, "that no efforts they could make, no
energy, no public spirit they could display, would
avail to prolong that term of power," would
itot the inevitable result be to produce apathy and

indifference, and to extinguish their utility ? Nor
would the public treat with respect and confidence
men who were merely a provisional Committee,
holding office until their successors were appointed.
No Council, as suggested by Mr. ROEBUCK, would
be far better than one lingering out a miserable
existence ; although the value of persons capable
of giving sound advice to the Minister, although
not of controlling him, and thus removing his re-
sponsibility, is so apparent that it scarcely re-
quires a single argument to be adduced in its
favour.

Mr. LINDSAY'S proposition for rendering the
Court of Directors the First Council of India, was
negatived without a division. The House would
have nothing to do with the Board collectively,
although of course it would be competent for the
Government to select any person or persons be-
longing to the body who might be deemed eligible
for the appointment. Under any circumstances,
the proposition would have been premature ; for
the members of the Council could not be nominated
before their duties, emoluments, term of office,
and other matters, had previously been decided.
Mr. ROEBUCK'S suggestion against any Council
whatsoever was also unanimously negatived. The
question of expense is one of the most trivial im-
portance, considering the magnitude of the inte-
rests at stake, and the necessity of obtaining the
best advice from those who would be best quali-
fied to give it. Their attendance and co-operation,
considering the class of men zequired, will cer-
taialy not be very liberally recompensed by the
offered 1,000 per annum ; nor can 12,000/., or
even 18,0001. per annum, be considered as casting
the slightest weight on either scale.

The chief, indeed the only question, is, would
the appointment in any degree lessen the
Ministerial responsibility, which is essential,
and which it is the great object of the present
bill to attain? If such were the case there might
be some ground for the objection of the Member
for Sheffield, but Lord STANLEY completely
exploded- that fallaoy, and showed that there
would, notwithstanding the appointment of a
Council, be that full responsibility that could not
be got rid of, or in any degree abated. The
Noble Lord last night proved that he had fully
mastered his subject, and that the affairs of India
are placed in good and efficient hands. His
appointment was decidedly the best that could be
made, after the premature and deeply regretted
resignation of the Eirl of ELLENBOXOUGH.

This evening will test the sincerity of professing
Liberals, will show the stuff of which they are
composed, and whether any, and what amount of
confidence can be placed in their promises. The
main point is to secure a good attendance. No
excuse, save that of severe illness, actually coil-
fining a man to his bed, will suffice. We are well
aware that the plea of indisposition is frequently
put forward when it is merely " indisposition
to attend--the sick gentleman being able to visit
his Club and participate in every social enjoy-
ment. On the present occasion such an excuse
would be worse than useless. It would aggravate
theoffence. The friends of the Ballot should regard
with greater leniency an open and honest opponen
than an absentee, halting between two opinions, and
afraid to give expression to his views. Never was
a time when, or a question whereon, the declara-
tion that "he who is not with us is against us,"
was more applicable than that which will be venti-
lated this evening by the Hon. Member for Bristol
in the representative branch of the Legislature.
It goes to the very root of the evils so loudly
complained of, and so frequently exposed after
every general election. We hear of bribery and
corruption of persons capable of selling their birth-

right as free and independent electors for paltry

sums of money, or, still worse, for the
means of lsrutal and degrading indulgence,
sacrificing their dignity and self-respect, and reel-
ing to the poll in a state of helpless intoxication.
This bribery, in whatever form it may be exer-
cised, strikes at the root of legislative indepen-
dence. The man who buys votes in order to be
returned will sell his own votes when he gets there.
It may not be for money or even place, for titles
or for invitations to aristocratic reunions, but he
will have his price in some form, which the
whipper-in of the day will not fail to discover.
Corruption at the hustings inevitably leads to cor-
ruption in the Senate. But nothing has ever yet
been contrived to banish that which is a national
reproach, as well as a national evil of the greatest
magnitude ! Nor can it be got rid of until the
secresy of voting is ensured.

It is obvious that the ballot offers a simple and
effectual remedy--the only one, Indeed, that can
be obtained. The person willing to bribe will
not trust the wretch who demands a pecuniary
consideration for his vote, when there will be no
possible way of ascertaining whether the promise
has been kept, and the infamous barter fully ac-
complished. The money may have been
obtained under false pretences, and the
highly-priced vote given for the adversary.
Nay, the "bribes " may have received

money from every candidate, and eventually
voted in accordance with our own predilections.
It is obvious, `then, that the ballot will inflict a
death-blow ou the iniquitous system, for neither
party would, under its operation, be willing to
trust the other.

But eveu that may not be the most beneficial
result. Intimidation and every species of undue

influence would be at once and for ever got rid
of. The bailiff or steward could no longer drive

the unwilling tenantry to the hustings, under the
plea of your vote or your house, your most sweet
voice for my favourite candidate or the land you
are now cultivating, and for which you are paying
a fair rent. The shopkeeper will not lose his
customer, or the artizan be driven out of employ-
ment because he has voted in accordance with
his conscience in favour of the man whom
he deems best qualified to represent his wants and
wishes in Parliament. We look on the Ballot as
by far the most important of Parliamentary re-
forms, and its future fate will mainly depend on
the conduct of the Liberal party this evening.