The Sun.
London, England, 1867-10-29 00:00:00

THE SUN. LoNtioN. TUESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 29, 1867.

THE BISHOP OF ORLEANS' ADDRESS TO

M. RATTAZZL

The following extracts are from a letter of Mgr.
Dupanloup to Signor Rattazzi, dated 15th Sept. :
Monsieur le Commandeur,—Since the year '64,
and the Convention of which this day is the anni-
versary, two great coincidences strike us as the
effect of the progress of modern principles during
this lapse of time. I will just cite them. One is
the proposed statue to M. Billault, the Minister
who solemnly pronounced—" It is impossible that
we should abandon Rome." The other is the Peace
Congress at Geneva, where Garibaldi has pro-
nounced with an oath, and that not the first, that
he will overthrow the Papacy. The erection of a
statue to a barrister raised to be Prime Minister is
not MI event. The adventure of Geneva is an
event. The year 1867 will see and judge of.this—
Kings in Paris, bishops in Rome, and demagogues
in Geneva.

After some good remarks on the utility of assem-
blies (generally peaceful and innocent enough),
where persons able and fitted to do so may discuss
in freedom subjects of enlightenment, with a view
to disseminate knowledge and science, he expresses
his surprise that the inhabitants of a free country
like Switzerland, who have everything to lose in
case of a revolution, should encourage and har-
bour the most dangerous of revolutionists, when
even avowed democrats (well advised) made excuses
and thought better not to show themselves at the
above Congress.
Let us, he continues, try to forget persons and
incidents, and dsaw from these objects some useful
lessons. Among many, there is one which above
all strikes us. It was already certain, and now it
is notorious and evident, that a declaration of
war to the King of Rome is a challenge to every
other crowned head, and that, under a change of
circumstances, it is an aim taken at the King of
Italy as well as at the Emperor of the French, at
the King of Prussia, and at the Emperor of all
the Russias. There exists in Europe an interna-
tional confederation for the purpose of pulling
down Kings. Its venom is not to be mistaken. It
refuses—under the name of a mock free 'political
economy—to listen to the most natural and moral
ameliorations for the advantage of the lower
classes.
It offers to its votaries immunities which carry
on their very face the truth of its mendacity. Its
approach reveals war, vengeance, and terror, while
,on its lips hang the endearing names of peace, love,
and liberty. Its heroism comes before the world
in quite a new form, for it chooses for its victim
the weakest and least formidable of sovereigns. I
do not pretend to say that you are responsible for
all this, nor for all that this ridiculous and boast-
ing assembly has said, of its being the living repre-
sentative of peace, philosophy, and democracy.
Peace, with a revolver in the hand ; philosophy,
strutting about in a scarlet shirt; and democracy
riding in a coach-and-four.
No ; of all these demonstrations—some full of
folly, some of madness, some dangerous, some
guilty—but all of them instructive, and in this
latter sense it is very well the world should know a
little of that fermentation which is going on
silently in the undercurrents of society, for such
meetings as those of Geneva and Lausanne, like
the ribald demonstration of the young men of
Liege, force even the blind to see. But it is not
only of this that I come to speak with you—not
merely of Garibaldi's speeches at Genoa, but of
his enterprise in Italy. As an orator, he may do
his worst. No one need fear him. As a rioter, I
will not deny he is dangerous. He has just asse-
verated in the hearing of a host of turbulent fellows
from all the quarters of Europe, that he would
dethrone the Pope ! It is on this audacious protest
that I fix my eyes, and it is on this fact that I
have the intention and the right to summon you
tojanswer, for it compromises your responsibility.
We will leave this part of my argument, and go
back farther and higher than the mere discussions
of the press, or those of illegal assemblies (the
assemblage of more than twenty persons in a room
is illegal in France), let us take our stand upon the
solid ground of principle and duty.
You are at the head of the Government of a
nation which calls itself orderly, which is recog-
nized by the Powers of Europe, which has its
laws, its army, its alliances, and more than thist it
civilized nations.
Now, there are men in your army who bear
the name of general—that name which even the
great Bonaparte was proud to bear—that name
which is so honourably borne among you by Gen.
Menabrea, and among us by the M'Mahons, the
Trochus, the Ladmirault, and so many others.
Well, I say there is a man—a general, he is called
who entices men to enlist themselves, and forms
from these an irregular army, collected together
under your own eyes, and destined to carry on a
war which has never been declared by your King.
There is in your assemblies a queer kind of
deputy, who despises the usual and honourable
mode of voting, who scorns straight and direct
means, who mistakes the streeltor the market-place
for the Chamber of Parliament, and there harangues
the mob with cries of " Rome, or death !" " Down
with the priests !" and this man carries agitation
along with him from town to town, convokes meet-
ings :at Turin, at Treviso, at Bologna, and makes
the eternal cry of " War to the Pope "in each.
He opens a loan for this nefarious war, and it is
announced in all your journals ! Now you have
signed a treaty which I condemn, because it seems
to me to place the lamb at the mercy of the wolf
but still it is a treaty which binds Italy to respec
Rome.

You signed it in conjunction with France, to
which Power you yourself owe Milan, which she
took for you; Venice, which she gave you; and all
you have, you have it only because she allowed you
to take it. Now, France's Emperor is Napoleon
111. Well, this soi elisant general--this queer deputy
—caused the cry of " Death to Napoleon" to re-
sound upon the open place without once recurring
in thought to the fate of Orsini.
Italy is a religious country, grateful and faithful
to the Catholic belief. The priests are men—citi-
zens like each of you. Their goods are theirs as

yours are yours. You are not content with covet-
ing their goods, merely because you want money ;
but you tolerate the cry of " Death to the priests;"
you continue these threats after confiscating their
property. These priests and these Catholics of
Italy have a Catholic chief—the Vicar of God on
earth—the Sovereign Pontiff—acknowledged and
recognized as such by Italy, France, Ireland, Spain,
Portugal, Germany, and by the whole of the New
World. This Divine authority, committed to the
pure hands of Pius IX., is called by Garibaldi the
plague-spot and the pestilence. He gives the
name of good to evil ; he pronounces, with unre-
buked insolence, that he, whom you by your
solemn treaty have declared free and in un-
disputed possession, is little better than dethroned.
A man—by name Garibaldi, dares to pronounce
of Pius IX. that he is a monster.

And you, sir—you remain unmoved—and I add
hat never was the like heard or seen in a civilized

country, and among a polished people.
Suppose, for example, that a committee, working
publicly, in the very sight of the Government, rais-
ing loans, and advertising these loans openly in our
journals for the purpose of revolutionizing Ire-
land? Why, not a day would pass before the
whole would be seized, and the members impri-
soned, and the newspapers lined.

Just imagine a French general going either to
Lyons or Besancon, calling together men and arms,
giving them rations and ammunition, and exercise
on parade, and all this with the barefaced inten-
tion of taking Neufchatel. Why-, not an hour
would elapse before the police would have put
their hands on such indignities, and have arrested
the so-called general who, by the simple act,
proved himself wholly unworthy of that appella-
tion.

We have been spectators of all this in Italy
for more than twelve months, and in the teeth
of ithese startling truths the Italian Government,
over which you preside, sir, sit with crossed arms.
Well, at least we in France know what to do,
and how to act with those who displease the Go-
vernment.

Do you think a man would be Able to mgemble

any number of persons, even for literary purposes,
without the special cognizance of the Govern-
ment ? Oh, no, not in France. And in Italy
everything is lawful for Garibaldi. What, then,
shall we say—that Italy is powerless ! or that she
is an accomplice ? She has not lost her :power,
for then she would confess her incurable weak-
ness, and, as for yourself, you would have lost the
remembrance of Aspromonte.
Must we inquire if Italy is Garibaldi's accom.
plice ? I would fain not believe it ; but the longer
I live the more my confidence is shaken. Do not
tell me that the man of whom we are speaking is a
mere puppet, who only excites ridicule, and that I
unnecessarily exaggerate his strength.
Once more, I repeat we are not now alluding to
that part of his position in which he has made him-
self so ridiculous. I attack his conduct, and I
qualify it by its real name when I call it criminal.
The 9th of April, 1856, M. de Cavour wrote to
an Italian politician from Paris, during the sitting
of the Congress, in these words :—" If diplomacy
is powerless, we ought to have recourse to extra-
legal measures, and in our day audacity is, in my
mind, the best policy."
What is audacity but falsehood ? The corres-
pondent answers M. Cavour by expressing as fol-
lows :—" You are right, extreme measures are
sometimes necessary."
This statesman was yourself, Monsieur le Com-
mandeur, and just what M. de Cavour wrote to
you, that he did. His policy of audacity, without
principle and without law, was carried out, as we
all know, by means of this very Garibaldi. His-
tory will remember it. Garibaldi did in those
days just what he is now doing, raising a revol-
utionary expedition against Rome, and then, too, as
now, he was allowed to go on. And when he set
out M. de Cavour gave him money, which he
afterwards denied in the face of Europe, and he
even sent vessels after him to stop him; but the
admiral had orders to let him escape.
These things are not forgotten, and it is just be-
cause I remember them that I appeal openly to
your loyalty, and ask you the following ques-
tions :

What serious measures have you taken to pre-
vent Garibaldi from proceeding to Rome? Are
you sure you will not yourself be tempted to fol-
low in his traces ?
What means are you employing to counteract
the language with which he stirs up the people to
rebellion ?
Is this not the moment when it is imperative on
you to answer these deeds by acts on your part,
and such public words by vigorous words from
your mouth, which all Europe expects and waits
for.

I do not imagine but that you have given good
advice to Garibaldi; but he intends to follow it as
Italy did that which France gave her, and the re-
membrance of Naples has shown him that Italy
knows how to make use of what she disclaims.
When France agreed to sign along with you the
Convention, she had no idea of being either dupe
or accomplice. That is why lam determined to
recall to you the right as well as the solemn en-
gagements which place Rome under the protection
of Italy ; and I do this more especially on this
date, because it is the anniversary of the 15th
September. You will remember what lam going
to recall to you, but I hold very much to repeat it
again, in accordance with the maxim of Mon-
taigne :—" It is not too much to say a thing ten
times, which ought to be repeated a thousand."
You can hardly be surprised to hear again that
this solemn Convention made with France, is
binding on you. The first article runs thus :
—" Art. I.—ltaly engages not to attack the actual
territory belonging to the Holy Father, and to
prevent by force, if necessary, any attack coming
from without, against the said territory."
The history of this Convention is well known,
still I will repeat it :—M. de Cavour had proclaimed
from his place in the House at Turin—" Rome is
the capital of Italy," and the Parliament respond-
ing to M. de Cavour, issued the celebrated declara.
tion of—" Rome, capital of Italy !"
But the French were at Rome at that time, and
to get there was not so easy. You then had re-
course to negotiations. For four years, to your
knowledge, these negotiations were without any
result, and why ? Because you insisted on your
French Government insisted on your consenting to
its argument—" That the Sovereign Pontiff must
always be master of his own dominions." These
are the words of the Emperor Napoleon 111., in a
letter to M. Thouvenel, of 20th June, 1862.
In consequence of this letter our Minister, M.
Thouvenel, wrote to our Ambassador, the Marquis
de Lavalette, at Rome, the 31st May following—
"I positively affirm that the Government of the
Emperor has never breathed a word that could
be construed by the Cabinet of Turin, that the
capital of Catholicity might become at the same
time, with the consent of France, the capital of the
kingdom of Italy." On the contrary, all our acts
and declarations prove undeniably our strong and
constant " determination of maintaining the Pope
in possession of that part of his dominions which
our flag has enabled him to retain.
Why, then, was the Convention signed at last
in 1864 ? Oh ! it was because Piedmont began to
think better of it, and said to France—You will
not sign till we give up Rome for our capital.
Well, then, we will take Florence ; it will form
an excellent capital both as regards politics, admi-
nistration, and strategy. We gave credence to your
word, and France signed the treaty. Now, sir, let
me tell you that all that was nothing but a coun-
terfeit, in order to insure France's signature. The
Italian Government never for a moment gave up
her idea of making Rome her capital. Florence was
never more in your mind than the first step to
Rome, and France learnt this the very next day
after she had signed the Convention. Ido not
believe that such conduct was ever heard of in the
annals of diplomacy or in the Parliamentary regis-
ters of any country.
No sooner had Pepoli and Nigra, the two Italian
negotiators, got possession of France's signature,
than they hastened to declare that the Conven-
tion " did not attack the national plan of the Ita-
lian Government, and that nothing in it was able
to prevent the triumph of justice and the rights
of the nation." Italian newspapers were fu

of such sentiments, and these constructions were

everywhere put on the meaning of the Convention.
The Moniteur showed frequently that all these
commentaries were falsifying the actual sense of

he Convention.

Still, all were expecting the opening of the Ita-
lian Chambers, and perhaps, said we, we shall hear

from the lips of the Government itself something
to dissipate these commentaries so derogatory to

our principles, to our promises, to our interests,
and to our honour. M. Drouyn de Lhuys, on the

eve of the opening of the Chambers, said to M.
Nigra, the Turin representative at Paris, that the
translation of the capital was a solemn engage-

ment made with France, and no provisionary
measure, no halfway house to Rome, and he added
—"lnfringe the pledge, and you break the con-

xact."

Now, see what happened ! Parliament met at
Turin, and M. Lanza, Minister for the Interior,

proclaimed the unshaken resolution of the Pied-

montese Government to complete the unity of

Italy by going to Rome, and you, sir, yourself--

you declared in the Chamber that, as soon as the
evacuation of Rome by the French had taken

place, the greatest obstacle to your entering Rome
would be removed. And finally, the declaration

of the Chamber sanctioned all these words, and

agreed that the transfer of the capital to Florence
was in no way a guarantee given to France in

order that the Pope might retain Rome. And all

this has just now been re-acted in the Chamber at

Florence, at its sitting on the 30th July.

"No

one," said N. Sella, the former minister, "has suf-
fered so much as I, in signing the Convention ;

but I signed it fully persuaded that it would lead

us to Rome." M. Ferrari declared that the Con-
vention was " quite to the advantage of Italy, and
it was France only whose hands were tied, and

that by herself."

Mazzini spoke, perhaps, the most sincerely of all
of you when he gaid, after the Conyention " The

Italian Government has now no alternative but
dishonour by treachery, or Aspromonte for ever !"
It is true you have to choose between fear or
disloyalty, and how ? I will explain. You have
made an engagement, and you must keep it. Do
you hold to it at this hour ? I answer, boldly, No,
you do not. Every motion Garibaldi has made,
every harangue he has pronounced, every step he
has advanced, are so many open violations of your
given word. The French were engaged to eva-
cuate Rome ; they have done so. They have kept
their engagement. Keep yours.
Do you think you deceived us by having 40,000
men on the frontier ? You know Garibaldi passed
by Persano's squadron unharmed and unnoticed,
and why may he not do so again here ? This is
no guarantee. No. You must set a guard against
the meetings, the enlistments, the collections, that
would have at least a greater appearance of reality.
A policeman who would stand by and quietly shut
his eyes upon robbers laying a train of powder
under a dwelling, and setting fire to the house,
might well say, if the incendiarism took place, " Is
it my fault ? I mounted guard all night."
Suppose Garibaldi set himself to realize his plan
of Geneva against Victor Emmanuel, what would
you say of the military governor of Florence, who
would see him quietly overturning the country,
making a rise in the faubourgs, and setting up
barricades ? IWould you wait till you saw an
armed rebel force attacking the Pitti Palace before
you would arrest this rebel as a felon, and treat
him as a traitor ? Well, you are this very go-
vernor.

We cannot bear this double dealing. We have
a right to ask an explanation of all this. We must
have yes or no. There are tremendous responsibi-
lities, and, believe me, you will have to answer
for them.

It is now nearly ten years, Mons. le Comman-
dant, that France has been allied to Piedmont by a
treaty which we may call a " connubio," like your
alliance with M. de Cavour. Now, out of this con-
nubio, or marriage, m hat beautiful things were to
grow
•

Austria, driven back, trampled upon, and made
exclusively a German Power. Italy, an indepen-
dent and confederate State ; Italy, peaceful, united,
and contented ; Italy, a permanent ally of France ;
Italy, no longer a revolutionary Power; Italy,
assured of her religion ; Italy, developed into a
financial, industrial, and maritime Power.
Ten years have elapsed, and what do we behold
of all this ? Austria is not so much a German
Power as France would have wished it; but Aus-
tria's humiliation and Prussia's aggrandizement
throw France out of her reckoning. All this is
owing to the connivance of Italy, engaged against
the interest of France, where France is disliked and
her friendship despised. Our officers told us all
this on their return to this country, and we neither
could nor would believe them. But to-day no one
doubts it.

Italy is not grateful ! Is she happy ? No. Is
she united ? No. Is she wealthy ? No. Is she at
peace ? No. Does she respect religion ? No.
Has she subdued the agitation of revolution?
No. Has she respected her public funds ? No.
We find already in the " political correspondence"
of Massimo d'Azeglio, that a troop of hungry
wolves have rushed upon the budget. The
press, besides, at this hour reveals all the depre-
dations of which you are the victim, and that
merely at the custom house of Naples the Italian
functionaries there purloin more than 5,000,000 fr.
every year. Surely here are predictions enough
belied, but we are not at the end yet.

These agitators of Italy and Europe, which you
feel a burden and an encumbrance, boasted that
they would free Venice, and affirmed that the
Romans would revolt as soon as ever the French
troops quitted Rome. I confess I never for an
instant thought they would deliver Venice, which
you got by a most unexpected good chance as a
reward for your defeat. But I must say I did
almost expect that Rome might have a commo-
tion, just as one expects to see a rock which, left to
itself, would brave thousands of years, but might
very naturally explode, when we are told that bar-
rels of powder and combustibles have been laid
under it for months. Yet the Romans did not rise.
They are people full of heart and deep faith, as
well as good sense. Far the greater part are faith-
G.] rl alintc.llto +l,"
and the o dest and most venerable of sovereignties.
The Italians say they are lying on a bed of thorns.
The Romans do not, however, feel these thorns,
and when they speak of the Italian conscripts they
say, " They have no bed of roses either."

Your revolutionists, for the last six years, have
been undermining them in every possible way, but
these bold swaggerers are not by any means all of

them courageous, and they try their metier o:
agitator from behind a screen, and many fear de•

tection ; especially, too, the Sovereign Pontiff is
surrounded by excellent and devoted soldiers
always ready to fire, and that is awkward ! What-
ever may be the motive, it is certain there was no
rise nor the least emotion. Garibaldi knows this
well, and that is why he now says, "Since Rome
will not come to us, let us, then, go to Rome."
Enough of this.