The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-17 00:00:00

TRE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 17, 1858.

of Lords, and of an hereditary peerage in this
country, he would not make any such demand, nor
express any wish that county members should be in-
creased. Now, there are in the House of Lords at
this moment, I believe, according to the books, about
436 peers. Of these, 30 are peers that are called
spiritual peers. (Laughter and derisive cheers.) It
is pleasant to find that a public meeting in Scotland
can treat such a subject with good humour, because
the time was when spiritual peers would have had
a very bad chance in your country. Well, there are
upwards of 400 peers, who, for the sake of distinc-
tion, I must say are not in the least spiritual.
(Laughter.) Now, in old times, those gentlemen
who sat in the House of Lords were called upon to
occupy their seats there by the Crown. They were
the owners, as many of them are now, of vast
estates in various parts of the kingdom. They were
called upon by the Crown as representing the vast
estates which they possessed and the tenantry upon
them, and the retainers and the population with
which they were intimately connected. The knights
of the shire sit in the House of Commons, and may
be considered to represent, as they did wholly re-
present before the Reform Bill, the smaller proprie-
tors and freeholders of the counties, In the same
manner the burgh members were assembled for the
purpose of representing the population of the burghs
and trades, and the interests connected with these
populations. Now, I should like any man to answer
me this question—Does the House of Lords repre-
sent the land, and the tenantry upon the land, or
does the House`of Lords represent onlythe personal
interests and the individuals of which it is com-
posed? If it be admitted that the House of Lords
does represent not by election, but originally by
nomination of the Crown, and by hereditary descent
from that nomination—if the Lords represent those
great territorial interests in the Upper House of Par-
liament, then I say it is competent for any person to
defend such a state of things, and such a state of
things may a long time be tolerated in this country.
But if any man say that those 400 peers represent
the personal and individual interests only of those
400 peers and their families, he places the existence
of the House of Lords upon a most precarious foun-
dation; he says, here are 400 men chosent not by the
people, chosen now not even by the Crown,but sitting
there by right of descent, and there are 30,000,000
of the people of the United Kingdom, and these
400 individuals dare set themselves against the will
of the 30 millions, and reject year after year, as
they have done, beneficent and excellent measures
passed by the representatives of the people. (Loud
applause.) And recollect that the venerable mo-
narchy of England, be it occupied by King or
Queen, pretends to no such power. The Convention
Parliament settled all that ; and the right of the
monarch to the throne of England is settled upon
a basis which is well understood, and which nobody
for a moment pretends to call in question. (Cheers.)
The House of Commons can at any time control the
Crown, because it can control the supplies. The
Crown, if I am not mistaken, has scarcely rejected
any single bill passed by both Houses of Parliament
for the last 150 years.. But the Commons have no
such control over the House of Peers. You cannot
stop the supplies against the House of Peers. And
we know that, as in the case of a bill which men
differ in opinion about—the bill for admitting the
Jews to Parliament—the Peers can go on for ten
years rejecting a measure like that, although passed
by the House of Commons ; and the House of Com-
mons have no kind of remedy against it, as they
would have at once if any monarch on the throne
proposed to veto a bill for ten years together:
Now, it must be borne in mind that we are not rais-
ing these questions—l should not discuss them at
all if it were not necessary to meet men who speak
and argue in the sense that I have just now attri-
buted to one of the members for Warwickshire. Tf
he wishes to get up a clamour in favour of more
county members, what does that lead to, and upon
his own argument—for he gave us the population
of the counties and the population of the boroughs?
Well, it leads directly and inevitably to the ques-
tion of equal electoral districts. Now, I have never
since I have spok©n on the question of reform said
a single syllable in favour of what are called equal
electoral districts, not because if we were now in
Australia establishing a new representation, or in
the United States establishing the basis of a repub-
lic—not that I should deny the right and the wis-
dom of such an arrangement ; but I am one of those

who advocate no change for the sake of change; and
I should prefer that all the changes that we make,
so far as it i 3 possible consistent With the objects
we have in view in the establishment of a fair re-
presentation for the people, should be made within
those boundaries and those landmarks which we
have already before us in the institutions of our
country. (Loud applause.) I hold that the theory
which Mr. Newdegate has propounded is the„ most
ultra-democratic thcorythat I have heard expressed
from any platform for a long time past. It would
necessarily compel, and very speedily compel, a
change in the constitution of the House of Lords.
The Lords at this moment are sufficiently severed
from the people in political opinion. Now, cast
your eyes over this meeting. Go with me for a
moment to the meeting that was held in Manchester
last Friday night—go, if you like, to all the meet-
ings that are being held on the reform question,
and that will be held before the meeting of Par-
liament, and ask yourselves this question—ls
there at this moment known to the public a single
member of the House of Lords who can be
said honestly and frankly to sympathise with, or
in any fair degree whatsoever to represent the
opinions and the views of the scores of thousands
of your countrymen who will assemble to express
their opinions -at these meetings ? There is no such
thing. You cannot point at this moment to one
single liberal peer in the sense to which I refer.
Take the question of the franchise, the question of
the distribution of votes, of seats, the question of
the ballot, and many other questions which are
being constantly discussed in all the public meet-
ings of our countrymen, and I say that I do not
know one single member of the House of Lords of
whom I can positively say that he would be dis-
posed to give in the House of Lords that support to
those views of which you may find more than 100,
and perhaps 150 at least, supporters in the House of
Commons. Well, but that is a very serious con-
sideration, that you have got a house-of legislation
—a separate House of Parliament—a house that
stands in the gap, and no single measure, however
small, can pass through that house and become law
unless.it is fined down to the dimensions of that
fine wire-gauze gauge which the House of Lords
sets up for all legislation in this kingdom. (Cheers.)
But suppose that Mr. Newdegate 's theory were
carried out, and the party which now in the House
of Commons sympathises with the House of Lords
were made very much more numerous and powerful,
what could be the result ultimately ? It might not
come in a day, it might not come in a session ; it is
dangerous enough now if some accident should
happen, but it would be infinitely more dangerous
then, for you would have not the House of Lords
only, but perhaps half the House of Commons, or a
majority of it, as separated from the public opinion
of the great mass of the people as the House of Lords
now is—estrangement would become greater—with
estrangement want of confidence must certainly
follow, and you would be on the high road to
changes in your political institutions which I cer-
tainly do not wish to see, but which all those per-
sons who call me rash and innovating would tremble
even to think of. (Applause.) Now I have explained
my opinions with regard to this question of reform.
If there be anybody in your town who with pen in
hand, or speaking from a platform, or speaking in
any private assembly—if there be any person now,
after this meeting, who charges me with being
wishful to overturn the institutions of our country,
who says that he is for reform, but he won't follow
me at all—l don't want anybody to follow me, I
will follow him—(cheers)—if he will go right, and
I should be glad at any rate to go alongside of him;
but if there be such a man, ask him what he pro-
poses to do. He is a reformer—always was a re-
pported reformers. Can youhave
former—always supported
any reform without an extension of the franchise
(Hear, hear.) Can you extend your franchise and
still purposely exclude the great body of the work-
ing class ? (No, no.) Can you admit the great body
of the working class without comingdown to a fran-
chise something like that which I have explained to
you ? Do you intend to keep your county franchise
as it is ? No. What do you mean to stop at—£4o,
or £3O, or £2O, or £lO ? If £lO is too high for
your burghs, surely £lO is not too low for your
counties P Do you intend to disfranchise any
burghs P Well, so do I. Do you intend to take your
members from little and decayed burghs and to
give them to large constituencies ? Well, so do I.
Depend upon it that no man who cavils in this
manner, who misrepresents—who is anxious to
make it appear that the only persons who are
moving public opinion in favour of reform want
something other than reform, is not an honest re-
former, and he is not a trusty adviser for the people.
(Applause.) I think I have a right to complain,
and I refer not to Edinburgh, but I refer to many
parts of the country in which I observe that there
are public writers who tell the people that they are
for reform, but they are not for our reform. They
don't tell you what reform they are for, but they
systematically misrepresent the statements which
those who are now moving in the question set before
the public. Now, I think every honest man who
speaks in public or who writes in a newspaper on
this great question ought to discuss it without re-
ference to his likings or dislikings for any parti-
cular individual. It is a great and solemn questioe,
and it ought to be discussed as if it were such ;
end if it be, I believe we shall come before long to
a very wise and satisfactory conclusion in public
opinion, o_nd till conclusion will before long be

ratified by Parliament. (Cheers.) But lam satisfied
of one thing—that the people themselves are not
making any mistake whatever. I have never flat-
tered them for a moment; and I believe they
believe that I shall never betray them. (Prolonged
cheers.) No man can be less justly charged than I
can be with being an enemy of order. I am
charged with being too much an advocate for peace
abroad. lam not less an advocate for peace and
order and security at home. Why is it that you
have such peace in this country now ? Compare
the time from 1793 to 1842,and you will find very
few periods in which there was anything like
settled peace in this country. There were riots and
insurrections, and seditious meetings, and men were
had up before the magistrates, and Habeas Corpus
Acts were suspended ; great numbers were im-
prisoned, not a few were transpprted, and some
suffered the last penalty of the law. Why is it
that you have of late years a state of things wholly.
different ? Because the people feel that their in-
terests are not so wholly disregarded, and because
the policy pursued by the legislature from 1842 to
1846, and especially in the year 1846, has tended
more than all the legislation in your own time or
of your fathers' lifetime, to give comfort, and
plenty, and ease throughout the homes of the people
of this country. (Loud applause.) In 1848, when
every packet that crossed the Straits from the con-
tinent brought some crowned head or some minister
fleeing from the vengeance of his country, what
was the state of things here ? Why, I recollect
hearing in the House of Commons, and in the lob-
bies of the house—l recollect hearing gentlemen
and noblemen congratulating themselves—is it not
a fortunate thing for us that we have not got the
corn law to irritate the people at this moment.
(Applause.) We who gave five of seven years of the
best of our lives to carry that great question, we
have done more for the peace and security of this
realm and for the glory of its Crown than all the
peerage have done during our lifetime. (Applause.)
And now we ask, what for ? For a great change—
a change following up a change made six-and-
twenty years ago ; we base our propositions on just
principles—the principles on which that change
was based, the principles which the unanimous
opinion of the people and statesmen of England
have already sanctioned. We intend to keep up
ancient landmarks as far as possible ; we are war-
ranted by experience of the past ; our measure shall
be moderate in its strength, but it shall be of irre-
sistible strength in its moderation. It is calculated,
or it will be calculated, as I believe, to knit toge-
ther all orders and conditions of men within this
realm, and I believe from my conscience that it
will give additional freedom, and greatness, and
happiness to the people of this country. (Applause.)
I believe in my countrymen, I believe in their grow-
ing intelligence, in their education, in their virtue,
in their wish not to boast of freedom but to have

freedom. (Loud cheers.) I come to Scotland de-
puted—may I not say deputed—by vast numbers
of my countrymen, and your countrymen, in
England—l come to ask whether you will join
in this movement ; and when I recollect your
history, and when I know your character, and
when I see the thousands in which you have
come here to-night, I feel beyond dispute that I
shall not ask ,you in vain. (Mr. Bright sat
-down
amid deafening cheers, repeated again and again.)
[We extract the latter portion from the Edin-
burgh Caledonian Mercury.]
Councillor FYFE then submitted the following
motion :—" That any Reform Bill entitled to the
support of the great body of the people, ought to
provide for the extension of the franchise in burghs
to all inhabitants who may be rated for the support
of the poor, and in counties to all occupiers of housee
of the yearly value of £lO at least ; that Parlia-
ments should be elected for not more than three
years, and that the voters should enjoy the pro-
tection of the ballot ; that a new apportionment of
members should be made, which will more equally
distribute the electoral power than the present sys-
tem ; and that Seotland ought to enjoy all the poli-
tical rights and privileges which are enjoyed by
England, including the right to return an equivalent
number of members, having regard to its popula-
tion, and to the proportion which it contributes by
its taxation to the revenue of the United Kingdom ;
and including also an extended franchise for Scot-
land, based on the ownership of property in lands
and houses, which shall be substantially the same
as that which is enjoyed in the sister kingdom, under
the name of the 40s. franchise." In supporting his
motion, Councillor Fyfe said :—Mr. Chairman and
Fellow-Citizens, this evening marks an important
epoch in the history of Scotland. You, the citizens
of its ancient metropolis, have been addressed by a
man who for ability, eloquence, and coftscientious
honesty ranks among the foremost of the statesmen
who adorn the Parliament of Britain (great
cheering)—a statesman whom the blandishments of
power have been unable to corrupt, and the tempo-
rary desertion of his constituents in a moment of
frenzied delusion could not cast down. (Cheering.)
What was said of the man of Uz may truly be
said of him, for he has indeed held stedfast his in-
tegrity. (Great applause.) That speech to which
you have listened, and whose echoes are still rever-
berating round these walls, has found a lodgement
in your hearts, and long after that eloquent tongue
is silent, and these walls have crumbled into dust,
shall the principles enunciated, illustrated, and en-
forced, live and be fruitful of good in this old Scot-
land of ours, which with tenacious grasp lays hold
of a right principle, and works out of it its legiti-
mate and glorious. results—(loud cheers)—results
which it is cheering to contemplate, but which it
would require the Seer's tongue adequately to de-
scribe. (Hear.) • Sir, we are met, to consider the
question of Reform--and why ? First, because
Reform is needed. (Cheers.) I stay not to prove
this. Because, secondly, it has been oftener than
once recommended to Parliament by our beloved
Queen—whom God preserve and bless—and, there-
fore, I consider it not less our privilege than our
duty to consider the question ; and 3d, we know
that her Majesty's Ministers are engaged in pre-
paring a Reform Bill. Well, it is now admitted
on all hands that the Government of this country
must be conformed to the public opinion of the na-
tion ; and hence the necessity of the people making
their sentiments known for the guidance of those
who are in power. (Cheers.) But it is objected
by some friends of whom better things might have
been expected, that the nation is passive and indif-
ferent to the question of Reform. (Ironical laugh-
ter.) Sir, quiescent at present the nation is, but
not indifferent. (Hear.) The people, and especi-
ally the unenfranchised classes, are watching with
intense interest the motions and sentiments of pub-
lic men, hoping for promised good, and if there shall
be any paltering with the great interests of the
juggle and deceive the
country—ally attempt to
mass of the people—l believe those who dream
of the quiescence of the people will receive an
awakening in their
indignant remonstrance,
that will make both their ears to tingle, and
their knees to shake. (Great cheering.) Sir,
I have been requested to propose a resolution
to this great and influential meeting, in order
to give shape and embodiment to the sentiments
which I believe animate the hearts of the earnest
reformers of this country, and I hope of the present
meeting. I can honestly say I wish the resolution
had fallen into abler hands ; but when it seemed
to be the path of duty I acquiesced, although pain-
fully conscious that others could have discharged
the duty better. Sir, it is no light matter for a man
to take the position which now occupy—especially
a professional man—with such prejudices as are
operating all around—but I am not afraid to take
the responsibility. (Cheers.) lam no trading po-
litician—Ll am not ashamed to own that I have
risen from the ranks by honest industry and hard
labour—(loud applause),—and I should be ashamed
of myself and ungrateful to a kind Providence if I
were not willing to stretch forth my hands to lift
up my brother to the same platform with myself,
although at present he
and placed beyond the pale
be depressed by poverty
Pale of those who are recog-
nised as having a voice in the Legislature of this
great country. (Renewed cheering.) Now, sir,
'let me come to the resolution. It would take a long
time to expound and enforce it. Happily it is not
necessary. The introductory remarks of our chair-
man, distinguished by lucidity and conclusiveness,
and the splendid oration of the hon. member for
Birmingham have, I trust, prepared you all for
heartily adopting this motion as your own. (Loud
cheers.) Bear, with me a little, while I give utter-
ance to a few sentences. I have long desired an
extension of the franchise, so as to include the groat
mass of the intelligent working classes in the com-
munity ; I think it just; I think it safe for the in-
terests of all. (Hear, hear.) Confidence makes a
friend—suspicion makes an enemy. TruSt the
working man ; give him his rights ; give him an
interest in the good government of the country ;
and .you raise him to his true position as an in-
dependent citizen, and whenever the interests of
the community are assailed—whether from within
or without—you have in that man a loyal
and intrepid defender of your cause. (Cheers.)
I therefore go for the extension of the franchise
indicated in this resolution. But some men who
call themselves Liberals aro alarmed at this pro-
posal, and they hold aloof from us as if we were
determined to turn the world upside down. They
say, as the governing classes of old said, " We are
the men, and wisdom will die with' us." (Laughter.)
Is it so ? These men have long since passed away,
and the record of their folly only is preserved—
(great laughter)—while wisdom still survives.
Lord Palmerston is one of their successors—(loud
cheers and hisses, which lasted for some time,
mingled with cries of " Put him out," &c.) The
race, too, has many representatives among the
Whigs of the present day. .(Hear, hear.) Palmer-

sten promised a Reform Bill, but it suited his pur-
pose better to raise the war-cry—to set up himself
as an idol for the nation to worship. (Laughter and
cheers.) At the sound of the instruments of music
the people fell down and worshipped the golden
image, and some of the faithful were cast into the
fiery furnace. (Laughter and cheers.) Where is
Palmerston now? " None so poor as do him
homage," save the Hon. Robert Lowe. (Laughter.)
And where is the faithful representative of the
people ? Birmingham, with loud acclaim, proclaims
him her member ; and the earnest men of Man-
chester, who, in the hour of temptation, were led
astray, have again resumed their true position, and
endeavoured to make amends for their fault by
taking their stand on the platform which I invite
you to occupy this evening. (Loud cheers.) Sir,
we must have an extension of the franchise, and
the basis seems, on the whole, liable to as few objec-
tions as any that can be proposed. (Hear, hear.)
Then if the franchise is to be extended to what
may be called the dependent classes, the ballot must
follow—(loud cries of hear, hear)—else you bestow
a curse while you propose to confer a blessing.
(Hear.) To give a man famishing for thirst a
cup of cold water, and then to tell him that
instead of drinking it to refresh his soul, he must
pour it out to allay the dust at your feet, would
be not more inhuman and unkind than it
would be to confer the franchise on the working
man, and at the same time leave him to all the in-
fluences- which will be brought to bear upon
him, to prevent him from following the dictates
of his conscience in giving his vote. (Cheers.) Let
everyman who chooses proclaim at the Market Cross
the man for whom he intends to vote ; but let the
man who feels that he cannot do so without incur -
ring, suffering and loss have the broad shield of the
ballot thrown over him for his protection (Ap-
plause.) On the subject of short Parliaments, I
think no argument is necessary. The old proverb is
full of wisdom, " short accounts make long friends."
There is a vast difference between the votes of most
members of Parliament at the beginning and near
the end of the period for which they were elected ;
and if by the ballot our elections were rendered more
simple and less costly, there would be little objection
to the shortening of Parliaments. [(Hear, hear.)
On the subject of the apportionment of members and
the increase of the members for Scejand, I shall add
nothing to what has been already so well said by
the chairman and Mr. Bright. I conclude by earn-
estly recommending to you the 40s freehold franchise.
(Loud cheers.) On this point there should be no
mistake and no surrender. England has it, and
its liberal men prize it as one of their most valuable
privileges. They are not unwilling to give it to us,
but there are men—Scotchmen—shame to them—
(hear, hear)—who would quietly put up with this in-
feriority—nay more, who argue against it on the
ground of all the technicalities of the feudal law, as
if the besom of reform could not sweep all these cob-
webs and the spiders who dwell in them out of the
house. (Great laughter and cheers.) Sir, it is a
token for good that the chief law officer of the Crown
in Scotland has lately told us that whatever may be
the opinion his Government may form on this
question itself, they will not deal with it on techni-
calities. (Hear, hear.) And my earnest hope is that
ere long we may enjoy a franchise which confers
great benefits on our English breithren, and would I
doubt not, be 'equally productive of good in Scotland.
(Cheers) One word more and I have done. Not-
withstanding all her politipal disadvantages, Scot-
land has become great. Men have risen from her
lowest ranks to be the glory of their country and
their age. Look at that man whose centenary is
to be celebrated by the kingdom next month.
Robert Burns would have been denied the franchise

by many of the liberal men who will drink liba-
tions to his memory on the 25th of January. (Loud
cheers.) Hugh Miller had not the privileges of a
free citizen till he burst his fetters and rose to such
a height of intellectual and scientific eminence that
a nation did him homage. (Hear, hear.) And if
the class from which these and thousands of less
eminent but still distinguished men have risen,
shall be admitted to the privileges which this
motion seeks to confer, there will arise in future
generations a race of men true to the traditions of
their conntry as a land of freedom, but at the same
time just towards their fellow-men, and loyal to
the throne. {Great cheering, during which Coun-
cillor Fyfe resumed his seat.)
Bailie GRIEVE seconded the motion, merely re-
marking that after the very able and convincing
speeches to which they had just listened, it was
totally unnecessary for him to add another word.
A Mr. CHARLES DITNCAN, Black's Entry, Comely
Bank, here rose and said that he had an amendment
to propose—an announcement which was received
with loud hisses and derisive laughter. The chair-
man, however, informed him that that was not the
proper time, but that an opportunity would be
afforded: him after the next speaker, who was to
support the resolution that had just been moved.
Mr.• FRASER (a workingman) then rose, on the
invitation of the chairman, and addressed his " fel-
low-citizens" and "fellow-tradesmen" in support of
the resolution. In doing so, he said that Daniel
O'Connell was wont to say about himself that he was
the best abused man in Europe—he thought their
friend Mr. Bright might say that he was at present
about the best abused man in Great Britain.

(Cheers.) Mr. Fraser then proceeded to consider the
respective relations of the peerage and the work-
ing classes of this country. As to the peerage, one
of themselves had said—

" Let laws and learning, arts and commerce die ;
But lewie us still our old nobility,"
—(laughter)—but he (Mr. Fraser) should like to
know if all these four—laws' learning, . arts, and
commerce—were actually to die, where would the
old nobility find themselves. (Renewed laughter.)
There was nothinc, more interesting than to mark
the progress which nations had made from bar-
barism to civilisation, from a state of serfdom to a
state of freedom; and, in connection with this it
was a remarkable and significant fact that the en-
acting of good measures uniformly advanced a
nation's progress, while the enacting of bad mea-
sures was always sure to retard it. (Hear, hear.)
For the last 26 years the working-classes of Great
Britain had made great progress ; indeed, it was
his decided conviction that the working classes. of
the present day, in point of thought and general
intelligence, occupied a position equal if not supe-
rior to that possessed by the £lO householders at
the period of the passing ofthe Reform Bill in 1832.
(Cheers.) Though such was the case, however, it
is but too true that the working-classes had not
advanced during the same interval in direct poli-
tical power—(hear)—and what was the reason ?
Simply this, that although both the Conservatives
and Whigs had proposed measures of reform, these
measures were rather intended to phase their own
followers than to consult the general interests of
the community. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Mr.
Fraser next proceeded to say that reference had
been made by Mr. Fyfe to the ballot—a very im-
portant question indeed—but one to which the
objection had been raised, that it was un-Eng-
lish. (Laughter.) Well, granted that it was,
un-English—were not intimidation and bribery.
un-English ?—(loud cries of hear, hear, and ap-
plause)—and was it not found that with all the
checks put into operation, intimidation and
bribery were still, to a greater or less extent,
psactised in the country P (Hear.) The great
object of the ballot, however, was to protect the
voter in the free exercise of the electoral privileges
he enjoyed; and no matter that objections might be
urged against it by some, it should, nevertheless,
be remembered, that although it might not render
a man invulnerable to temptation, it would, at
least, enable him to walk safely. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Fraser next alluded to the subject of triennial
Parliaments, quoting the famous remark of Junius,
that septennial Parliaments gave hon. members six,
years to commit offences, and one year to make
atonement. (Laughter.) Mr. Fraser concluded
an able and eloquent speech by urging the neces-
sity existing for prompt political action on the part
of the people in matters affecting their own pecu-
liar interests, and by declaring that for a nation to
be free, it was sufficient that the people should so
will it. (Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN here intimated that the Mr.
Duncan already alluded to, had put into his hands
an amendment to the resolution just moved, but
which he (the chairman) felt convinced, was quite
foreign to the objects of the meeting. He had
presided at many a public meeting in Edinburgh,
and had never vet refused to put an amendment to
any meeting, but he decidedly declined to allow
the one he had just received to be brought forward.
It had nothing whatever to do with Parliamentary
Reform ; and to prove this, he would just indicate
its nature :—" That' to dispel misconceptions and
estrangements among Christians—(laughter)—era-
dicate sectarian bigotry, and give a just sense of
our mutual relations—the first step is to overhaul
the Bible—(roars of laughter)—in order to disen-
tangle what is really Christianity from what is not,"
and so on. He (the chairman) did not think he
need read any more of this amendment to show
that it really had nothing to do with the object of
the meeting.
Mr. DUNCAN, who was standing behind the
chairman, here furiously vociferated—" Read it
out, read it out," accompanying his demand at the
same time with sundry fierce gesticulations, which
elicited peals of laughter from the meeting.
The CHAIRMAN then continued—" In order to dis-
entangle what is real Christianity from what is not,
and from the theory of Christ so purified to discern
the character of Christian laws—(great laughter)—
and whether these laws are founded on rent, educa-
tion, or on whatever foundation—(laughter)—we
will then be in a state to legislate with precision and
ease, as it is presumed, with what God has predes•

tinated all will bo satisfied." (Roars of laughter.)
The Chairman again intimated to Mr. Duncan, amid
continued peals of merriment, that his amendment
had really nothing to do with Parliamentary reform,
and therefore could not be put to the meeting.
Mr. DtJNCAN then rushed wildly forward to the
edge of the platform, and was preparing to descend
to his former position in the area of the hall, when
his hat, which he had stuck on the crown of his
head, flew off in advance of its owner—its unex-
pected flight eliciting fresh roars of laughter from
the immense audience.
The CHAIRMAN then called for a show of hands
in favour of Councillor Fyfe's motion, which having
been responded to amid tremendous cheering, the
motion was declared to be carried unanimously.
Mr. TAIT, of Priorbank, in a few complimentary
remarks, moved a vote of thanks to Mr. Bright in
the following terms :—" That the thanks of this
meeting be offered to Mr. Bright for his zealous
and powerful advocacy of the people's rights ; and
particularly for the admirable address en the subject
of Parliamentary Reform delivered by him this
evening. .And that this meeting have perfect con-
fidence that the bill for Parliamentary Reform
which• Mr. Bright is to bring into the House of
Commons will be one which [every true reformer
' will feel it his duty to support to the utmost of his
power."

Mr. CASSELS, of Blackford House, in a few words,
seconded the resolution, which was carried with
the most enthusiastic plaudits, accompanied by
waving of hats and handkerchiefs.
Mr. BRIGHT acknowledged the compliment. I
thank you for the kindness with which you have
received me, and for the attention which you
have shown in coming here in such remarkable
numbers, partly, no doubt, to hear what I had got
to say in respect to the reform question. The meet-
ing, after all, might have been a very awkward
one, for I tried door after door of this building when
I came, and could not get into the inside at all—
(laughter)—and wandered about on the street for a
while in the hope that in the course of half an
hour or so, when the house had been filled, those
who could not get in would go away, and I would
get myself squeezed in by some manner or another.
(Laughter.) I never had so much difficulty before
in getting into a meeting, and I suppose there has
as many gone away disappointed as there are
within. But after trampling over these difficulties
by the satisfactory meeting we have had to-night,
you must not suppose that the question is settled
because you are here. (Hear, hear.) After some
further remarks, Mr. Bright resumed his seat amid
enthusiastic applause.
Mr. GORRIE moved that petitions be drawn up
and presented to both Houses of Parliament, em-
bodying the sentiments expounded and agreed to
at this meeting, and that the chairman should be
instructed to sign them in name of the meeting
assembled.

The motion was agreed to.
Captain PEAT moved a vote of thanks to Mr.
Duncan M'Laren for his conduct in the chair. The
vote was cordially given.
The CHAIRMAN acknowledged the compliment.
The assemblage then dispersed.