The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-06 00:00:00

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THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, 1867.

NOTICE.

C. F. HANCOCK SON, & co.,
JEWELLERS AND SILVERSMITHS TO THE QUEEN Ail)
PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES,

And by Special Appointment to the principal Sovereigns
and Courts of Europe,
Beg respectfully to state that their only Address is
33 & 39, BRUTON-STREET,

PARIS.-SILKS, 11IANTLES, FANCY
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the Bourse, the largest Emporium is Paris. Prices marked
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Dresses made to measure hi IS hours.

DEAFNESS.-The ORGANIC VIBRATOR.—
It fits into the ear, not perceptible; the unpleasant
sensation of singing noises in the head is entirely removed.
It affords immediate relief to deaf persons, and enables them
to hear distinctly at church and public assemblies. Every
other kind of hearinz instrument. -Messrs. SOLOMON, 39,
Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.

MEETING OF THE LIBERAL PARTY.

A meeting of the Liberal party was held yesterday
afternoon at the private residence of Mr. Gladstone,
on Carlton-house-terrace. The members were re-
ceived in the inner hall by Mr. Gladstone. Upwards
of 250 attended. We give the speeches in full :
Mr. GLADSTONE—If you think it is time that we
should commence, I will venture to remind you of
the understanding with which we closed the pro-
ceedings of our last meeting on the 21st of March.
At that time, with your authority, and certainly, as
far as I could judge at the time, with your unani-
mous authority I was to do three things, besides
pointing
,out a ntiinbet of general objections to
variotiaimpoitaist provisions in the Government Re-
form was tb press for an early day for the
committee on the bill; I .was to urge the recogni-
tion of this principle, that the persons whom Par-
liament may invest with a; title to the franchise,
whether few or many, should, so far as depends on
Parliament, have equal access to the enjoyment of
it ; and, finally, I was, in assenting to the second
reading of the bill, to reserve every liberty to re-
consider our position and duty, in case the declara-
tions of the Governmentbetween the second reading
and the committee should not be such as to afford
any prospect of entering into committee with ad-
vantage. Since that time we have had the debate
on the second reading of the bill, and we have now
to consider our course under the present circum-
stances ; and I think, gentlemen, with reference to
the proposals that ought to be made, I ought to
endeavour to define what I conceive to be the end
that we have in view—for the means we have to take
must be governed mainly by the nature of that end.
We desire three things, one of which is paramount,
and the others highly important :—The first thing
we desire is that a good Reform Bill should be
passed—by that, meaning a bill that should give a
liberal enfranchisement so far as the question of the
franchise is concerned, and thus put an end to the
agitation of the question. (Cheers.) We desire, in
the second place, that a goof Reform Bill should be
passed during the present session of Parliament—
(hear, hear)—and, thirdly, we desire that it should
be passed, if possible, through the medium of the
present Government. (Hear, hear.) These are, I
think, the three objects we have before us ; and
allow me to say that when, on the occasion of our
former meeting, I stated that I abandoned all idea
of opposing the second reading, and recommended
others to do the like, I did not conceive that I was
merely adjourning to the question of the Speaker's
leaving the chair the revival of that object. In de-
termining to abandon opposition to the second read-
ing of the bill, I virtually bound myself to a great
deal more. I bound myself, and, so far as was in
my power, I bound those who thought with me, to
take every means of working the bill through the
committee, if possible. We hav3 now to consider
our position in reference to the objects I have
named. I think we are so far agreed as to the pro-
visions of the bill, which I went aver rapidly on the
occasion of our former meeting
that I need not ad-
vert to them again. There seemed an almost uni-
versal concurrence of opinion as to the defective and
wholly unsatisfactory character of the provisions of
the bill as it then stood, and as to the kind of
amendments we should endeavour to introduce.
Now, in adopting this view, we are, if possible, to
work the bill through committee, and make what
we may call a bad bill into a good bill, without at
the same time having the direction of the commit-
tee in our hands. Do not let us disguise from our-
selves that we arc pledging ouroslves to a very diffi-
cult task. I must frankly owe I cannot state too
strongly my conviction that it is a task which is
difficult under the most favourable circumstances,
but which will become entirely hopeless unless we
are able to adopt a common course, and to pursue
that course moderately, but with resolution. Rely
on it, nothing is more certain than this, total failure
and discredit await us in the country unless we can
pull together. If we look back to the speeches on
the second reading, and if we look particularly to
the speeches of the members of. the Cabinet, un-
doubtedly they are speeches that afforded very little
daylight. I think the speeches of Mr. Hardy and
the Solicitor-General did nothing to advance or to
secure our position. On the speech of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, able as it was, a very different con-
struction was put, and the general opinion and belief
is that in that speech the Chancellor of the
Exchequer avoided committing the Government
to any concessions whatever beyond the dual vote.
(Hear.) From that speech the general impression
given to the public was, that provided an adequate
pressure was brought to bear upon the Government,
the concessions will be sufficient to give effect to
the purpose we have in view—
that of making a
good bill out of a bad bill. That is the persuasion
under which, in concert with those I have endea-
voured to consult—and I have not failed in that
duty through want of willingness or exertion—that
is the view on which we propose to act. (Cheers.)
We propose to proceed on the principle that pressure
from the Liberal party is the means by which we
shapem
may entertain
n which the
w e
c hopeao lookof bringing r in
forwardging with satisfac-
tion the bill into a
to see it passed into a law. That pressure must,
no doubt, be a rirm pressure, and you will likewise
support me when I say it must be a gentle pressure.
It must be a pressure carefully and studiously di-
vested, so far as we are concerned, and so far as is
in our power, of anything that can make it invi-
dious and offensive. (Hear.) We must consider our
object as the one important matter, and we must
endeavour in our mode of proceeding to do nothing
which may afford a justifiable cause or a plausible
pretext to any one for saying that we imposed an
intolerable burden on the Government in trying to
compel them to take our course. (Loud cheers.) If
these be the right principles on which our proceed-
ings should be founded, I come to the conclusion
that we may safely leave to be dealt with in com-
mittee, provided other matters be arranged, all pro-
positions that can be dealt with as single proposi-
tions. In the debate on the second reading I did not
hesitate to imply that questions of great importance
—such as the county franchise and the redistribu-
tion of seats—might be dealt with in committee. I
go further. I will say that even the figure of the
borough franchin might be dealt with in committee

PRICE. 4d.
STAMPED sd.

—nay, more, there is another point which I look at
as going to the root of the whole matter, which, so
far as regards London, is probably the most vital
point in the bill—the lodger franchise—(hear,
hear)—that might be dealt with in committee.
In fact, everything that can be dealt with in com-
mittee we should leave to be dealt with in commit-
tee. But now comes the question, on what basis are
we seeking the settlement of what is the capital sub-
ject of debate—the borough franchise ? The basis
laid down in the bill we have found unanimously
to be unsatisfactory. (Cheers.) I ventured at the
earliest stage to refer to the idea, and to make the
suggestion that if there was, as there is, in the House
of Commons a desire to connect personal rating in
some way or other as a test with the enjoyment of
the franchise, it might be possible and just, and per-
haps advantageous, to apply it as a negative; that
is not to say, which I think is perfectly preposterous
and untenable, that every man, whatever his condi-
tion in life, should be debarred from the franchise,
or have difficulties imposed on him if he endeavours
to obtain it, because he is not a personal ratepayer.
(Loud cheers.) But when you have a portion of
society from whom rates cannot be collected, vv-hose
circumstances do not admit of the payment of rates,
you may in their case adopt that fact as indicating
the point at which, in the present state of the coun-
try and the state of the people as to education and
independence of circumstances, the enjoyment of the
franchise is to end. That plan was received with
favour when you last met. It has been received with
favour in the House of Commons; and even beyond
the limits of our own party it is received with con-
siderable favour also. If we are to adopt that plan
—and that is the one on which I think we should
proceed—we then find ourselves confronted by a
necessity which arises out of the forms of the House
of Commons. If we are to say that a certain portion
of the community now liable to the payment of rates
should be henceforth exempted from personal pay-
ment, we must take power not only to insert so many
words in the Reform Bill, but likewise the power to
readjust the law of rating on all points which may
arise in connection with that class of the commu-
nity. If we pass a compulsory provision running
through the community and exempting all persons
under a given line, on which I shall not consult
you or say anything to-day—for that may be
left for committee—but if we are to make an exemp-
tion below a given line, we must, along with that
exemption, consider what is to be the liability of the
landlord, and what deduction, if the landlord con-
tinues liable, he is to receive. Mr. Poulett Scrope
would, perhaps, consider himself entitled to raise the
question founded on his view, that such property
should be exempted altogether—an economical ques-
tion of vast importance and not in necessary connec-
tion with the franchise. But there are other ques-
tions. You have to consider whether the municipal
votes of these persons are to be reserved, and whether
they are still to retain their votes in vestries ; and
other questions are very likely to arise. But, after
the best investigation I have it in my power to make,
I find it is necessary in order to effect the view I
have described in reference to the franchise that we
should arm the committee on the Reform Bill with
power to alter the law of rating. The special point to
which the alteration would go, and the most im-
portant and vital points, being the exemption from
personal liability below a certain line ; but that ex-
emption would entail the necessity of considering
other collateral questions on which I do not think
we should meet with any insurmountable difficulty.
With regard to the nature of the instruction to be
given to the committee, I have no doubt you are
aware of the two fundamental points it involves. In
the first place it must be to give the committee some
form it does not possess ; and, consequently, this
instruction, or one of this nature, would be neces-
sary either for our purpose or for the purposes of
the Government, if they should accede to our views,
or for the purpose of enabling Lord Grosvenor—the
cause of whose absence we must all deplore—to
bring his amendments under the notice of the house.
I be second point is that in point of form, as pro-
bably all gentlemen know, it is not an amendment
to the Speaker leaving the chair. It is a preliminary
to the motion that the Speaker leaves the chair,
and, instead of setting aside that motion, it
assumes that he will leave the chair and assist the
committee in the discharge of their duties. Un-
doubtedly there are other reasons why the basis of
the borough franchise should be presented in that
form. And for this reason especially, that, from the
arrangement of the clauses in the bill, we should
otherwise be compelled to deal with the borough
franchise in the most inconvenient manner, and it
would not be until we had arrived at the very end of
the bill and came to bring up new clauses that we
should know what the essential features of the borough
franchise were to be. The consideration I mainly
wish to put before you is that if we are to entertain
the plan which I think Parliament thinks a good one
—if we are to draw a line, this is a policy to which
the committee can only give effect by an instruction.
Then there is another point. I laid it down, and I
feel it as strongly as any one before me can feel, that,
in discharging the difficult and responsible duty we.
have undertaken, we must endeavour to avoid every
semblance of hostility—(hear)—hostility to the pro-
visions of the bill I do not think it is possible to
avoid—but hostility to the Government as a Govern-
ment, or any manifestation of a disposition to get
rid of the Government by imposing on them unrea-
sonable conditions. That is the hostility which it is
our duty to avoid. It is, then, important to consider
who is to be the mover of the instruction, and I hope
it will have your approval that, having taken advice
in various quarters, I have ventured to request Mr.
Coleridge to undertake the duty. I think there is no
man who enjoys better favour with both sides of the
house. There is no man who propounds his views
with more refined delicacy and high principle than
Mr. Coleridge—(cheers)—and, lastly, Mr. Cole-
ridge's professional position enables him to deal with
a question requiring some professional knowledge in
the most satisfactory manner. (Hear, hear.) The
instruction is, and you all see it is, simply confined
to conferring upon the committee this extraneous
power, and indicating the reason why this is done :
" That it be an instruction to the committee that they
have power to alter the law of rating, and to prozide thatin
every Parliamentary borough the occupiers of tenements
below a given rateable value be relieved from liability to
personal rating, with a view to fix a lino for the borough
franchise, at and above which all occupiers shall be en-
tered on the rate-book, and shall have equal facilities for
the enjoyment of such franchise as a residential occupation
franchise."
(Loud and unanimous cheering.) I think it is not too
much to say that, looking to the substance of that
instruction, which goes merely to confer the power
necessary to draw a line that reduces the matter to
the simplest issue, perhaps we may be inclined to
ask each other what is likely to be the effect of pro-
posing this instruction. Well, we are in a position
of great responsibility. I feel even more strongly
than at the commencement of the session that it is
not the party that sits on the Government benches,
but that which sits on the Opposition benches, which
will be held responsible for the failure or success of
this bill. Your responsibility is great, your power is
perfect, but your power depends on your union.
(Loud cheers.) My belief is that if you make a rea-
sonable demand on the Government it must succeed
—(cheers)—but I own I do not think you could
obtain concessions from the Government unless they
are concessions which you manifest your power, I
will not say to extort, but to obtain for yourself.
Whatever concessions you show your power to obtain
for yourselves you will obtain from the Government.
(Cheers.) That is the sense which I place on the
declarations of the Government, and that is the sense
in which I invite you to act. I have spoken to you
in this and in previous addresses as one who felt
the difficulties of the situation ; but still it is one
not destitute of the elements of encouragement.
Look at what has happened during this week,
although it has been a tranquil interval. I thought

it well to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer
whether it was his intention to introduce alterations
into the bill. Either on - Monday or Tuesday I
put that question, and he then distinctly informed
the house that lie intended to abandon the clause
with respect to the dual vote, but that with respect
to everything else we must enter into the
discussion on the bill, trusting to the good
faith of the Government. But rumour has been
busy during the intermediate days. It became known,
I have no doubt, that it was your intention to press
strongly for the enlargement of the franchise to be
given by the Government bill, and the consequence
is that last night we were told that clauses were in
preparation which were not in the nature of altera-
tions of the bill, but of additions to the bill, and
were intended to assist the compound householder to
obtain enfranchisement. What may be the value
of these clauses it is impossible now to say. What-
ever may be their value, I cannot see that it can be
otherwise than wise to move that instruction, be-
cause that instruction contemplates drawing a line
which the committee would not otherwise have the
power to draw. I think, however, we may assume
that the clauses are intended to make the bill more
acceptable to the Liberal party ; and if so, I shall
contemplate them with great satisfaction, because I
feel they will make it much easier for the Govern-
ment to accede to the principles we lay down, to do
away with the frivolous and needless distinctiOns be-
tween man and man, and to concede frankly to the
the principle that the franchise should be enjoyed
equally by those in a condition of life and a posi-
tion of independence which will give them a title to
the franchise. If it had been in my power, I would
not have requested your attendance here until we
had been in possession of the new clauses, and if this
were a time when an Opposition should search for
causes of complaint rather than look them over and
treat them lightly, I think that we might complain
that these clauses, touching a most important part
of the subject—because two-thirds of the house-
holders below .ElO are compound house holders—that
these clauses, I say, should not be in our possession
until to-morrow morning, and that we have therefore
no power to take a Parliamentary step upon them
before the bill goes into committee. No one here
will be fettered in his discretion in discussing those
clauses by anything which has now passed or which
may be agreed upon. (Hear, hear.) Being totally
ignorant of their character, I cannot speculate on
the subject. Our duty has been to call you together
at the latest moment when we could proceed in con-
formity with Parliamentary rules, and give due
notice of our intentions. If we have not done all
that is desirable, I trust that you will see that we
have done all that is in our power. (Cheers.) I
think if we are enabled to proceed as thus far we
have proceeded—l mean unitedly—we have every
prospect of bringing thisdifficult and contestedques-
tion to a satisfactory solution. (Cheers.) I do not
think that is a state of things in which we should
feel any distrust of ourselves or of the prospect be-
fore us. If any one has a right to feel that it is I. I
have the most painful conviction of my inefficiency
in giving effect to your wishes in circumstances so
difficult as those in which we are placed ; but I do
not wish to shrink from endeavouring to attain
whatever is possible. (Loud cheers.) To attempt
the impossible is not the act of a rational man ; but
to attempt the possible is. And if I am favoured with
the hope of being able to assist in maintaining that
union and concord in our ranks which we have thus
far maintained, I shall go forward cheerfully to dis-
charge my part of the duty, and I shall endeavour
to discharge it in the spirit in which you wish it to
be discharged, and with every hope of success.
(Loud and prolonged cheers.)
Mr. LOCKE—The instruction to the committee
should be limited to that portion which gives them
the power to alter the law of rating. If you take the
other part of the instruction it is open to objection.
It may be urged very strenuously by those who are
opposed to us that by taking the other part we are
lessening the number of persons to be placed on the
register. In one direction it would increase that
number, but in another it would diminish it, because
it:proposes to draw a particular line below which
persons cannot have the suffrage. Now, the propo-
sition of the Government is this—that aman who is
a householder and pays his own rates is to have a
vote ; but this proposition goes to this extent, that if
a person is a householder, but is rated below a par-
ticular line, he is to have no vote. Therefore, what-
ever may be our view on the subject, 1 think it
would not be advantageous to us to put the whole
of that instruction on the paper, because objec-
tions might be made to it by many gentlemen
who take a different view from that which is em-
bodied in the instruction as to the mode in which
the question should be settled. But if we adopt
merely the first part of the instruction, it will be
equally competent afterwards to move the latter
part, or, indeed, any other amendment which any
hon. member may wish to move.
Mr. AYRTON.—It is our duty to consider, in the
first place, whether we cannot find any common
ground on which we can act. We are about to take
a step which demands forbearance for our own side,
and tends to obviate controversy on the other side
of the house. Let us hope that, while we are obviat-
ing controversy with the other side, we may also
avoid controversy among ourselves, and with that
view, when a proposition is made by our own leader,
wenust, not be quick to take exception to it. The
instruction may be regarded as a disappointment to a
certain view that may be taken of the franchise. I
will not say what my view is, because my wish is to
adopt some proposition as a common ground for us
all, and, therefore, without reference to my own
opinion, that it seems to me that an appeal should
be made for individual forbearance, and for each of
us to make concessions so as to get a common ground
of mutual action. I think the right hon. gentleman
will find that common ground in committee on the
course he proposes. We are not now finally dis-
posing of the question. We should do well, if, in
grappling with the Government who have introduced
a very bad bill, we were to put ourselves, as far as
possible, into the hands of the leader of the Opposi-
tion, and deal with the matter as if he were the
leader of the Government and had introduced a Re-
form Bill. And I am sure that the more hon. gen-
; tlernen will forego their own personal pretensions,
and will allow the leader of the Liberal party to
deal with the bill in committee as he deems advisable,
the better it will be for the country and for the
Liberal party, and the more likely to result in our
obtaining a good measure.
Mr. CLAY—The best way is to go into committee
armed with such powers as may be necessary to turn
a bad bill into a good one. I look at that instruction
very much to see how far it will help us, and how
far it will impede us in committee. If the instruction
had been simply to confer powers on the committee,
of dealing with a subject with which it could not
deal without that power, I for one, and I believe
every gentleman here, would have done nothing but
accept it with pleasure. But that purpose is carried
out in the first line, and I should have much liked
that the instruction should have stopped there. But
the instruction goes on beyond that and lays down
a particular plan. Now, such is my confidence iu
the right lion. gentleman that I should be ready to
adopt that or any other plan he might propose. But
I say that it is not necessary to lay down such a
plan on 'the instruction, because, immediately you
do that you come in contact with that small rag of
principle that is left in the Government bill—the
personal payment of rates. It is very true that we
have heard from the Chancellor of the Exchequer
that evidence of an unusual disposition to be guided
fisk'viltlgh
byw the
ith l i
the house
eoof
of Commons
to
s an
dini bill
litikc accordancethe
their wishes—to grant almost if not everything we
wish. But he will not make concessions before going
into committee. His promises of concessions point
to concessions to be made in committee, and although
my opinion may be of very little value, I give my

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NI a
opinion with the deepest sincerity that that instruc-
tion is fatal to the bill, whereas we might make a
good bill if we contented ourselves with the first
line only.

Mr. GLADSTONE—AIIow me to say that it is to-
tally impossible for me, under any circumstances
and conditions whatever, to accept the suggestions
which Mr. Clay has made. He says that we ought
to content ourselves with asking for power to alter
the law of rating. But so long as lam your leader,
and I have the responsibility of that position, 1 must
consider the ground on which I move. If I ask you
to vote for an instruction to alter the law of rating,
what is that but placing you before the Govern-
ment as men in favour of limiting the suffrage
in one direction, without showing your readi-
ness to enlarge it iu another, and, there-
fore, without vindicating the grounds on which
you act ? Ido not doubt the good intentions with
which Mr. Clay's suggestions were made, but I can-
not accede to them.

Col. FRExcit suggested that Mr. Gladstone, as
the ablest member of the Liberal party, should him.
self move the instruction.

Mr. BiztonT—lt seems to me that we are now
bound, in consideration of our own position as a party
and in the interests of this great cause, not to act in
a manner that should be, or should appear to be,
hostile to the bill of the Government. Because I
thought that having proceeded so far, andhriginhgt
turned the corner of the second reading, we
possibly—at any rate, sonic of the most sanguine of
us imagined they saw a little daylight—we might
possibly make out of a bad bill such a one as would
satisfy the house and the country. I have always
acted on this principle. We who are in favour of
reform are in a majority in the house. Those who
sit opposite us are not remarkable for their affection
to that cause. Being a majority of the house, and
being Reformers, we have a right to say that what-
ever bill shall pass through the house shall be a bill
mss ah tani sol f
rani cot
yt
to,
br
wye
htsool I
ahar ere
squared
dn majority,
c ci to erfo rni
nvgh e
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he
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ntr
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osm, f andet
htoe
that conclusion, I think there is another ec'asily ar-
rived at, and which we have arrived at before. That
is, that the bill as it now stands is not a possible
bill, and cannot be accepted in its present shape.
committee
Before we go into committee the advantage of the
havingfuture restsd r
a withwn
n o
lines, and
and
decided
i f
wngnpo
go
into
y,
o then
depend on it the advantage on all future proceed-
ings will rest with the Government and the party
whom they represent, which party is not in favour
of making this bill a satisfactory bill. Well, now,
what is it we are proposing to do ? Mr. Gladstone
called it putting a gentle—l hope everybody in the
house will be of opinion that it is gentle—but, at
any rate, a wholesome pressure on the Government.
Now, Mr. Disraeli, in every speech which he has re-
cently made, has asked, " Are there no patriots to
come and help and assist me in passing a good bill,
and settle this question on a firm foundation ?"
Well, this is what we propose to do by the instruc-
tion that has been read to the meeting. It is easy
to say that the Government bill confers a large ex-
tension of the franchise. It does give such a fran-
chise in a small number of boroughs, butiu a greater
number of boroughs it gives a franchise little more
extended than at present ; and the objection to it is
that in one borough it gives nearly household suf-
frage, and in another a suffrage little more extended
than at present. Therefore it is impossible that the
bill can be accepted as it is. Then comes the ques-
tion whether the house will agree to alter the bill
so as to make it confer household suffrage univer-
sally. I don't believe that the House of Commons is
in favour of the change. I wish the house were. I
should support it with a good deal of pleasure ; but
the house not being in favour of this, I should be
sorry that the bill should come out of committee as
it goes in, and without some provision for a wide
extension of the franchise in the many boroughs in
which it will remain limited under the Government
bill. I understand that the proposition of Mr. Glad-
stone to be that, rather than have this confused and
absurd system, we will take another course, and pro-
pose something that will give for all boroughs equally
a very wide and generous extension of the franchise,
such as the great majority of the house will assent
to, which will put an end to all agitation, and will
satisfy the people. I think we may attain some
good result in this way. Mr. Gladstone referred to
what was said last night in the house. Of course the
Chancellor of the Exchequer knows exactly when
these meetings are to be held, and perhaps the an-
nouncement which he made last night was not un-
influenced by our meeting here. Now it isjust possi-
ble he may propose to place the compound house-
holder under £lO in as good a position as the com-
pound householders above £lO. If he proposes that
I think he would do that which itwill be very amus-
ing to see the Conservative party consent to. But
he would propose that which many of us here are
not able and are not disposed to reject. Therefore
it is just possible, although we are only three days
from the motion that the Speaker leave the chair—
it is just possible that a proposition may be made by
the Government that will render it unnecessary and
undesirable to take any steps before the bill goes
into committee. But standing as we are, and know-
ing what we do know,
I give my most cordial assent
to the instruction—l give my most cordial assent
to what we have heard from Mc. Ayrton. If any
member of the house be placed in the position which
Mr. Gladstone occupies in regard to this party—l
think almost, if not entirely, by universal consent—
we should avoid finding flaws (which any one can
do in anything human, if he will only take the
trouble), but we should give him our confidence,
and give it to him on the principle that Mr. Ayrton
so well laid down—that we should give him the same
kind of confidence, give it him to the same extent,
and support him in the same manner, that we should
do as members of this party, if he were at this mo-
ment leader of the House of Commons or Prime
Minister of the country.
Mr. HuGliEs asked why no reference was made to
the lodger franchise in the instruction.
Mr. GLADSTONE —lt is not necessary to give the
committee power by an instruction to deal with this
point. I regard a lodger franchise, however, as essen-
tial to a good bill. Indeed I have the strongest
opinion in reference to it.
The proceedings then terminated.

Foreign Mail Packet List.

MAILS DUE.

&ustralia and New Zealand, via Southampton..... April 19.
Ditto, via Marseilles April ,3.
Brazil and Cape Verde, by British packet. ..... May 5 .
Ditto, by French packet
Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena April 27.
China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton April 19.
Ditto, via Marseilles. • April 13
Falkland Islands
Gibraltar, via Southampton April 13.
India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton April 13.
Ditto, via Marseilles
India (Bombay), via Southampton. April 13
Ditto, via Marseilles . . April 13
Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton April 13.
Ditto, via Marseilles ril 13.
Ilauritius, via Southampton
April 13
Ditto, via Marseilles
Newfoundland
Portugal
by private ship to Lisbon .
.. ............. .... ........ ..April
150:
United btates and British North America, by Bri-
tish packet. ........ .April 4.
Ditto, ny Canadian packet, via Londonderry .April 10
Ditto, by United States packet, via Southamp
ton ...................
Ditto. via Cork ..............
West Indies and Pacific (except Bahamas and
Honduras) .............. •• ....April 13.
Baharm..4, via New York. April 4
Cuba and Mexico ...... April 20
Bermuda. via Halifax April 10
3 cat Coat.t of Africa. Madeira, and Teneriffe may 6.

llorsEsTv !—Many men there are who, for the world, wouid
not take a Fine, yet who would steal what is of far higher
value '►nd Importance. An instance has just reached tie,
where a firm of long standiwr, Messrs. Rowland and Sons
have acquired a high reputation —a " good name," in short,
for the value of those articles which they have discovered
and prepared for tit, toilet. Learning the reputation which
atla, heel to Messrs. Rowlands' productions, some shop-
keepers 01 SMALL repute, by a hew and despicable speiles
of fraud, have concocted some trashy articles, and coally
endeavour to pass them oft as "31acaesar," " Kalydor," and
" Wonto," though a glance at the signature, rhich is not
that of Messrs. A. Rowland and Sone, at once convinces the
purchaser that he is buying not the real production, but a
various and trashy imitation. We forbear mentioning the
nanv s of parties, in the hope that the hint just given will
prevent a repetition of practices so injurious and unjust.
The course of exchange at New York on London for bills at
60 days' sight is about 103 j per. cent. At this rate there is
no prat on the importation of-gold from the United states,

Afakm
Ng‘hl
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V`,l)))lA4\." u Ila 't
\Np. Abdo . witrAl • 4 t 4".*
ot: 43141t9 N•
. - /6.0 . DROIT. ow
490t14 (21

THE SINGER,
New Noiseless Lock-Stich
FAMILY SEWING MACHINES.
Chief Office in the United Kingdom-147, Cheapside,
London.

BENSON'S WATCHES AND CLOCKS.-
By special appointment to
H.R.11. TUE PRINCE OF WALES.
Prize Modal, London, Class 33 ; Dublin, Class 10.
WATCHES CHRosomrrsits, KEYLESS, REPEATERS,
CHRONOGRAPHS, &C.
CLOCKS—FOR DINING AND DRAWING ROOMS, CARRIAGE;
Cut itcnEs, &c.
JEWELLERY—SPECIALITIES IN MONOGRAMS CRYSTALS,
DIAMONDS, AND FINE GOLD.
PLATE, AND WORKS OF ART ix BRONZE, BY LEADING
ARTISTS.

RICES AND DESCRIPTIONS, SEE ILLUSTRATED PAMPHLET,
POST FREE.

Watches and Clocks sent to all parts of the world
- J. W. BENSON, 23, OLD BOND STREET
Steam Factory and City Glow Rooms,
5B AND 60, LUDG.ATE-BILL.
i>arja jahibition, 1867, Fdpglistl Section Clast 23.

I‘,EIDDLESEX ELECTION.
_1 H. D. LABOUCIIERE, Esq., the Liberal Candi-
date, will ADDRESS the ELECTORS, at the Admiral
Ktppel, Fulham-road, on TUESDAY next, the 9th inst.,
at 7 o'clock p.m.