The Sun.
London, England, 1804-06-19 00:00:00

,
dun, and he trusted they were suc!i as 'met
, the approbation of his own mind. He consi.
tiered the measures brought forward by himself -and
his Colleagues in Administration, as preferable to
the present, which he should
.therefore oppose.
Mr. SHERIDAN rose, and spoke nearly as fol.
lows Sir, after the very able speech that has been
made by my Right Hon. Friend who has just sat down
(Mr. ADDINCToN), on the merits of this Bid, I
should not have thought myself called upon to say any
thing in addition to it, had it .not been for some ob.
servations that fell from another Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. CANNING), to which I wish to advert. He did
not confine himself to the merits of the Bill, but went
to more important points. He replied to arguments, to
he sure, but they were arguments that were never
urged in this House, but merely the creatures of his
own brain (a laugh.) Among others he assumed
that the present measure has been held forth as the
test of his Right Hon. Friend's abilities (Mr. PITT) ;
a thing that, as far as I recoiled, has never been
alledged in this House. He says, that he will not
ter his Right Honourable Friend beside him,
though, perhaps, he has the greatest esteem for
him of any person in the world, and he has coin_
pared his atr,chmesit to the Right Hon. Gentleman
h with the attachment which I feel for my Honourable
Friend near me (Mt. Fox). I certainly do feel a
very great attachment, as ascribed to me by the
Hon. Gentleman, though I shall certainly not flatter
him. He will allow, however, that my attach-
ment is somewhat longer than his has been, and
perhaps on that account stronger and more tried.—
My Hon. Ftieial has been my first and only political
connexion. He has said, that he would wish .hat
his Right Honourable Friend were more ably sup-
ported. He may be sincere, but more severe sa.
tire could not be pronounced on his own Party,
especially upon those woo had the political prudence
to retain their places ( /dish). He has expressed a
curiosity to know how it was possible for us not to
quarrel, when, upon a division, we got together in
the Lobby ? But certainly it would be a thing Nu:il-
ly curious to ascertain how, upon the same occasion,
he commenced qua' telling with those on the same
Bench with him (a laugh). For the Rt. Hon. Gentle-
man ought to recoiled, that the Noble Lord who sits
near him (CASTLEREAGH), m.iy upon some occasion
find a difficulty which of the two strings he is to ap.
ply to his bow, and this may be the cart e of rime
disputes ( a loud laugh). I did support the late Mi.
nister, I confess, because I thought I saw in him
hattachment to the Constitution, and the best interests
of the Country, and I was extremely sorry that my
friends near me did not think on th; ; point as I did.
But every body knows in what manner he came in-
to office, and how he went out of it. To him his
coming :nto Office was a SACRIFICE, and his gong
out a triumph. The- Hon. Gentleman said, that tic
!ate: Minister hadcommenced a sysiocaloie opposit ion
immediately after his retirement fsomsOffice, and he
commends him upon that account ;' oat then, what
in this case noes he applaud ? He certainly applauds
him because he did nut pretend to support the Ad-
ministration sitting unsuspiciously behind them, and
ostentatiously exhibiting his proteChlion. He did not,
on a Motion of Censure, shelter himself under a goes-
tih;n of Adjournment ; he did not in this manner
Commence his opposstion under the insidious mask of
nd..hip; and therefore, in all these respetts, he is
dcsery log of the Hon. Gentleman's praise—(a cry of
" Hear!") But if' he does applaud the late Minister
for such conduct, what does he think of the Right
Hon. Gentleman who sits near him (Mr. PITT)? Is
not this the severest satire that could possibly be
cast upon him? It certainly is ; and the Honourable
Gentleman's wish, that his Right Hon. Friend
should be more ably supported, certainly catne from
him with peculiar propriety. But lie gave the late
Minister great credit for the manner in which he
went out of Office, and complimented him by saying,
that this was the best act of his Administration; and
why was it SO Because, no doubt, he had in the
most Constitutional manner gone out of office, when
he found that a considerable minority of the
House of Commons was against him. But if he
is thus lavish in the praise of the four Gentlemen
who went out, what does he think of the six who
still remain with him ?—r A cry of " hear! hear!
hear!")—lf he thinks that it was proper and !nag-
nanitnous conduct in those who went out of office, he
must certainly consider those who remain with him
as a mean and shabby set, who had not the virtue
nor the spirit to imitate their Colleagues—(cries of
" hear !")—However, we have this consolation,
that his praise is certainly sincere, and I hope that
he will give his Right Hon. Friend a hint to imi-
tate the example of the late Minister, who retired
from Office when he had a Majority of 37. His
Right Hon. Friend had not, on' the last Division,
a ;vlajority of more than 28, and on this night he
will most probably have still less. A friendly hint,
therefore, to the Minister, might not,. at present,
be amiss—(a laugh).—The Hon. Gentleman said,
that he himself ardently wished for an Administra-
tion on a broad basis, and that none lamented more
than him, that it had been found impossible to ac-
complish this objea. I do sincerely believe it,
and certainly none of the Right Hon. Gentleman's
Friends but must lament sincerely his present situ.
ation, when they consider what lie might have been,
and see what he now is. But in every situation,
he is determined to stand by his Friend, and more
especially when he is placed in what he calls a post
of danger. The post is certainly very insecure,
and I have no doubt the Honourable Gentleman
himself does not think that the Administration
will last any long time, and more than that, I
believe he does not think that it ought to last.--
I certainty have the strongest sttachtnent to my
Honourable Friend (Mr. Fox), but I scarcely
think that I would go quite so far as the Ho.
nourable Gentleman has gone with his, were I
placed in similar circumstances. But, however, he
has followed his Friend in Office ; I follow my
Friend, whom, though not in Office, I see sur.
rounded with glory and honour, and who, though
he has not a Place in the Cabinet, is honoured with
the ap lause of the fortune and patriotism of the
Country. I see him in the situation of all others
most gratifying to his feelings and ingenuous nature,
restored to the society of those, or rather they re-
stored to his, who ought never to have dripped
their connexion with him. High as my Honourable
Factid has stood always in the estimation of every ,

tni.n of talents and liberality, and in the afreaions
and venerations of his Country, he ha
.never been,
in all these respects, placed upon an eminence so high
as that upon which he stands at the present moment.
The Hon. Gentleman, hOwever, it appears, did nor
come into ,Administration without . some terms.
The management of the Foreign Aft-airs displeased
him : well, the office was given to a different per-
son. I was disposed to have a high esteem for the
Noble Lord who held the office of Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, and I am truly sorry, on that ac-
conot, and on account of the friends with whom he
is more immediately conneeted, that in resigning
that Office, and accepting an inferior Place, he has
signed his own condemnation with the Public. But
the Hon. Gentleman was also displeased with the
I Admiralty, and Lord Sr. VINCENT, of whom so j
high .a charader had been formerly given by his
Right Hon. Friend who sits near him, was re-
moved, and his. place given to that mighty seaman,
Lord MELVIL L E (a loud laugh). The manage-
ment of the War Department also displeased him,
and this place was given to Lord CAMDEN, for whose
experience I am afraid little can be said. The Ad.
ministration, the Hon. Gentleman contends, was
by these means quite changed. But out of the ten
persons which composed the former Administration,
only four have retired. Does he then consider the
six who still remain as nothing ? He said that he
wished his Right Hon. Friend had abler supporters ;
and certainly the wish is not surprizing, if this be
his opinion of the six who chose to keep their places.
However, the House will recollect that the four
who have retired are those of whom the Right
Hon. Gentleman had given so high a character on a
former occasion. He considered none more fit for
the management of Foreign Affairs than Lord
HAWKE,BURY, except my Hon. Friend (Mr. Fox),
anti gave charaders to the rest of a similar descrip.
lion. But he said not a word of the six who have
chosen t c,,ntintie in their places; and it was better
for them that he did not, since those to whom he
gave such high characters had sn grievously dis-
appointed him. Of the four who have succeeded to
the four who have gone out, the Right Hon. Gentle.
man has said nothing ; and certainly it was so far
fotrunate, for had he panegyrizad them, it must have
been a had omen. I have therefore no doubt at all that
these Hon. Gz.ntlenten ha, e come in under an express
stipulation fiat the Right lion. &rifleman shall
not give :hem characters. Give us places, they have
saio, give us tebbons, give U 3 any thing, in short, hut
in the name of God give us no chataders (a loud
laugh).--- ['he Right lion. Gentleman, in compli-
ance tth these stipulations, has very prudently de_
dined saying a wool in their praise. The Rt. Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. CANNING) used to say, away with
me inures, and give' us the men—it is not the harness
that draws the cart, but the horse. Very well, I
have no objection to The Ministry have got
six new ones into offic- ; six and six, a double set
of horses, I atimi• ; but the Rt. Hon. Gentleman will
recoiled, rho the four Cabinet Ministers who have
come into Office, have rot only to draw the cart, but
the six heavy lumps who could not leave their
places. (A loud laugh). Now, Sir, certainly, if
he sees any thing in such an Administration that
calls for respect from himself, or confidence from
the CoUntry,'he has not that proper feeling for the
honour and dignity of his Friend which he ought to
have. The Hon. Gentleman has made some extra-
ordinary comments on the Bill—(Mr. SHERIDAN
here, by searching among his papers, seemed to
have lost some of his notes).—The Rt. Honoulable
Gentleman smiles ; I dare say he cold be
very glad that I had lost -my notes—(A laugh).
He says that, in arguing upon this Bill, ,ve
have not sufficiently considered the situation of
his Right Hon. Friend, and the circumstances
in which he is obliged to act. The situation of
things in the Country, at present, renders the procur-
ing a great number of mcn to serve, an ad of dif-
ficulty, and this was to be considered true; but was
the Rt.Hon.Gentleman disposed to make such allow-
ances for the late Administration Did not his
Right Hon. Friend, while out of office, comedown,
and without considering the circumstances of the
Country--did he not demand that some efficacious
measure for raising men instantaneously should be
adopted ? The RoHon.Gentleman also tells us,, that
every man had raised his expedations too high;
and therefore, that it was owing to himself if they
were disappointed. But let me aak the Rt.Hon.Gen-
tleman, who raised these expeetations ? Did not
his Right Hon. Friend attack the weakness of the
late Ministry, and promise us some measure of ex-
traordinary efficiency ? Is it surprizing that men
should exped something great, some Minerva out of
the head of this political Jupiter? But In ! instead of
a Minerva, he now presents us with nothing but a
feeble ricketty brat, which it will be impossible to
keep alive !—lt is impossible that this Bill can raise
men ; it can only operate as a partial tax, as a con.
fiscation where there is no crime, and as a penalty
where there is no delinquency. It is impossible that
even the framer of the Bill can suppose that it will
be efficient for procuring men. He only wants money.
But suppose for a moment, that it should be effica.
cious, contrary to all expectations, and that the
framer should some morning be as much surprized
to hear that the men had been procured, as he was
upon learning the small number of principals who
served after being drawn by Ballot, he would be
reduced to extreme difficulty, for he would not
know how to procure Officers for them. Again,
suppose he should even succeed in this last point,
and that the second battalions were joined to the first,
the consequence would be, that the exertions of the
men in the first, to gain over those of the second,
would go near to destroy all the discipline of the
Army ; this Bill ought, in fall, to be entitled, " A
Bill for the Destruaion of Discipline in the British
Army." Before I sit down, I shall shortly advert
to a point that has of late been a good deal canvass-
ed in this House, I mean the enlisting for a limited
time. This is an experiment worth trying, especi.
ally in the West India service. This is no new
scheme ; it has often been considered, and the Pub-
lic have a right to claim that the' trial should be
made. Mr. SHERIDAN then proceeded to make
some observations on the principles of the Consti-
tution, with resped to a Standing Army, which he
considered, when raised to a great height, might
prove dangerous to a free State. Here he made some
panegyrics upon the peculiar spirit of the People of

• • • • f„ • r.:, •
this Country, who were abte and wilting to defend
the selvesa; He 'AS.6a.cli!crted,,to
,the exclusiortOt
his Hon. Friend from the Cabinet; and said,,t,hat af-
ter the glorious example of patriotism displ2yed by
:in Illustrious Personage, about the beginning of this
War, it was impossible that he could exclude any
person who was called for by the voice of the Coun-
try._

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
then rose, and spoke, in substance as follows
" Sir, I do not intend at this time to go.over all
those.topics which have already been so often dis.
cussed in this House. I mean oarticuls7le to ad.
vert, however, to that objeCtion whit*: has been
frequently mentioned in the coutet ee- the De-
bates On this Bill, viz, the view tO-- the subjeCt
as it afieCts the Constitutional Rights and Li.
betties of the SubjeCt. The Honourable Gentleman
who has just sat down, has entered upon the affair
with his usual eloquence, and has given us many
beautiful and gennine sentiments respeCting the cha..
radler of the People of this Country, their situation;
and their zeal in defence of that Constitution where
the laws are equal to all, and where rank and fortune
are ever open to the man of talents and the indus.
trious. I agree with him in these general sentiments,
and I also would call upon the People of this Country
to defend those rights and privileges which they pos.
sess in so high a degree, and that National Ltherty
which has never yet been attained by any other nation
on earth. I would call upon them to defend that poli.
tical fabric which the wisdom of their ancestors hay
gradually matured for them, which they ought to
prize as their most invaluable gift, and which; per.
haps,
,can never in any other Nation be pradically
equalled. He has justly stated, what every man al-
lows, that the great security of this Country depends
upon the spirit which must ever exist in such a free
Country as this; that zeal which must animate the
People when fighting, nut only for their glory, but
for their existence. But though all must join him in
these sentiments, few will be distosed to admit the
principle in the extent to which the Hon. Gentle- •
man seems disposed to carry it. For if I understand
him, he appears to think that under any circuit].
stances it would be improper to extend our Regular
Force beyond the limits to which it might be car.
ried in ordinary situations : but in the present con-
vulsed stated of the world, when the example of
France must compel other Nations to be on a foot-
ing with her, or bend beneath her military superiori.
ty, in justice to the people upon whom the Hon.
Gentleman has bestowed such eulogiumso large Mili.
rary Force must be raised, in order to ensure their
safety, and preserve their political existence. It is
impossible, then, in the present situation of the
Country, to exclude the idea of a great Military
Force. The question comes, therefore; to be a ques-
tion of degree, and the point to be decided is, vhether
we have now a sufficient Military Establishment,
considering the existing state of Europe ? And if we
have not, whether this Bill is likely to increase it ?
That we have not a sufficient force it is unnecessary
for me to argue, as this seems to be admitted on all
hands. It is admitted not only generally, that
cur Standing Army ought to be increased, but
that there should be. some intermediate species of
forcey which might form a counterpoise to the
Regulars. Now then, as to the Constitutional ob.
jeCtions which have been urged to the measure
which is on the Table of the House. In a great
part of what had been said by the Honourable Gen.
tleman, he has perfeuly concurred with the Right
Hon. Gentleman who spoke before him. Their
arguments pointed much the same way, and it
appeared that their great object} was to render an
augmentation of the Regular Army as consistent as
possible with the principles of the Constitution, by
establishing a great 'diversity of force. The measure
which is now before the House is intended to set
these different species of forces upon their pro.
per footing, so as to render them capable of be.
ing of as great service as the nature of the
Cohstitution will admit : the species of force
which it recognizes are three, the Regular Troops,
the Militia, and an intermediate Force which may
serve for the security of the Country in case it 'be ne.
cessary to send any considerable numbers of the Re-
gulars abroad, and to augment the Standing Army by
recruiting. But the great question has been, waat
is the proportion which these three ought to bear to
each other ? Some say that the Militia is the pro.
per Constitutional Force, and others even go so far
as to assert that the Militia and the Regular Troops
ought always to be balanced against each other.
But the times in which we exist do nut permit us
to attend so strictly to such principles as these, for
we are first to provide men who may fight our bat.
ties, and preserve the Constitution from perishing
with the political existence of the People, and then
we are to consider, how a Force necessary for this
purpose may be so regulated as • not to afford any
just grounds of alarm that the Liberties of the Sub-
jeft will be invaded. But suppose it were possible
to preserve this balance in time of Peace, how is it
possible to preserve it in time of War ? In time
of War, troops must be obtained, and it is ut-
terly impossible that the proposed balance should
be preserved in a manner compatible with the safe.
ty and interests of the Country. What then comes_
of the arguments respeeting, the preference' to' be
shewn to the Militia ? The Militia was said to be a
desirable species of Force, because it must be offs.
cered by Gentlemen of landed property, who have
the greatest interest in defending their Country, and
whose private fortunes render them independent
of the Crown. But the experience of a century
has taught us that we have nothing to fear from a
Standing Army. Let us see, however, what has
been said respediing the Militia by the Officers of
the Militia. They have asserted that it is impos.
sible to procure Officers of the proper description for
the Militia, when their number is raised beyond the
ancient Establishment of 40,000 men : with this
admission then, can the Militia be, with any ad.
vantage, carried beyond these limits ? Here, also,
let me correa a misstatement that has been made
with resped to the reduction of the Militia below
the established standard. The answer to this is
obvious : the Militia is reduced only to the level
which alone is suitable to its nature, because when
raised above that level, it loses its peculiar quality
as a constitutional Force, being incapable of in;
commanded by the qualified Officers. The Con.
stitution therefore cannot be injured by the present