The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-30 00:00:00

Commence at 7 o'clock.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE,
Westminster-road.
Sole Lessee, Mr. William Cooke.
The New Tariff :
Dress Circle, 3s. ; Upper Boxes, 2s. ; Pit, ls. ; Galleries, 6d.
Great and Extraordinary Sensation produced by the new and
brilliant Decorations—Splendid Act Drop—Magnificent
Chandelier—Appropriate Scenery.
During the week the new and successful drama of
THE BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIG.
Witfi THE SCENES IN THE CIRCLE, comprising the
evolutions and equitations of the first Professors in the world
and their unequalled Stud of Horses.
To conclude with a Farce called FAMILY JARS.
No lee for booking.
Stage Manager, Mr. R. Phillips.

CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road.—
OPEN EVERY EVENING.—The following Company
of Vocalists are engaged for the performance of Selections
from all the popular OPERAS, MADRIGALS, CHORUSES,
GLEES, MfETS, &c., viz. :-31iss .Russell, Mrs. Badsey,
Miss Brunel', Miss Ray, Madame Battoletti, Miss Montague;
Mrs. Lawrence, and Mrs. Anderson ; Herr F. Jonghmans,
Mr. Renshaw, S Jones, J. Barker, W. Melling, Senor Antonio,
E. L Hime, Mr. Badscy, Senor Tiroli, Mr. Cozens, Mr. Bell,
Mr. Barnard, and Mr. St. Albyn. Mr. John G. Forde, Mr. E.
Taylor, and E. W. Mackney. Pianoforte, Mr. Cecil Hicks
—Harmonium, Mr. Courtnay —Director, Herr F. Jonghmans.
Commence at 7 precisely. Suppers, &c., until 12 o'clock.
NOTICE.—The Proprietor begs respectfully to announce
that

TIIE FINE ARTS GALLERY
, IS NOW OPEN,
From 11 o'clock a.m. until 12 o'clock p.m.,
Containing an extensive Collection of Pictures by Ancient
and Modern Masters.

THE WEATHER.-SUN OFFICE, OCT. 30.

THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.

49—highest since noon-yesterday.
40—lowest this raorning and during the night.
49 —this day at noon.

BAROMETER-30.57.
WINE, North-Easterly ; light, with bitter cold weather.

THE SUN.

SATURDAY. OCTOBER 30, 185 S.

Nobody must on any account presume, for one
moment, to imagine the possibility of Mr. BRIGHT
ever being in the wrong. That, really and truly,
is the gist of the great speech delivered yesterday
by the gifted and bumptious member for Birming-
ham.

We are not allowed the privilege of according
anything like a mere discriminative admiration to
whatever falls from the oracular lips of our Despotic
Demagogue. We must accept all or nothing.
How, he asks, does any one " dare "—it
is literally his ipssissinnntent verbum—how shall
any one " " dare" to contravene his assertions,
to question the validity of his data, to hesitate
• over his deductions as by the remotest chance
being capable, on scrutiny, of proving in any way
inconclusive ? He acknowledges himself to stand
astounded at the mere idea of there being any one
department of governmental affairs on which he
is incompetent to offer an opinion to his countrymen.
Now, again, we protest that while we do cor-
dially recognise the abilities, the eloquence,
and the honest sincerity of Mr. BRIGHT, we
cannot consent to his thus perpetually riding
roughshod over the judgment of everybody else in
the land. In spite of his own astonishment and
indignation at the mere conjecture of such a possi-
bility in any other mind, we do certainly conceive
that even his unquestionably great and brilliant
intellect may just perchance at moments be devoid
of the attribute of infallibility. It does appear to
us just barely within the limits of probability that
Mr. BRIGHT, being a man and not an archangel, may
peradventure be mistaken --may upon some subject or
another have come to a conclusion slightly erroneous
—may have been reasoning upon premises in a
trifling degree fallacious—may (by the rarest pos-
sibility, of course, but still, we venture to hint, by
a possibility) have formed a wrong idea upon
" one" of the great departments of Government.
If Mr BRIGHT had wings, or a halo, or appeared
horned like MosEs, so that he were constrained to
walk the earth with his face veiled from the gaze
of the vulgar multitude—he might, of course, then,
with some show of reason, look for this implicit
and reverential faith in the wisdom of his utter.
But coming before us, no doubt as a
very gifted man, but still as a man, we
must 3 et, in spite of his own amazement
and horror at such scarcely conceivable audacity,
venture to call in question the idea of his perfect
infallibility,
Avowing himself upon every possible opportu-
nity, and under all circumstances, an advocate of
Pelle:" at any Price, he yet expresses himself as
astonished at an3r.inan " daring" to accuse him of
being un-English and anti-national. Certainly
we do regard him in this particular as to our think-
ing indubitably un-English and anti-national. We
have the consummate audacity to think this, and
to say this. But in the presence of such very
monstrous accusations, Mr. BRIGHT repels them
triumphantly, by appealing to the sentiments
articulated upon the altornative of War and Peace
by the best and most revered of English statesmen.
He goes back a hundred and twenty years to a
period when, he tells us, " Sir ROBERT WALPOLE
declared, speaking of the question of war as affect-
ing this country, that Any peace was better than
the most successful war." That Sir ROBERT

anccs.

WALPOLE ever gave utterance to any
sentiment so
base and so dastardly, We for one cannot find any-
where recorded in the pages of our national
history. It is a monstrous imputation cast
upon the fame of a dead Englishman who
did good service to his country in his
generation—and we challenge Mr. %Joan to ad-
duce his authority. We have yet to learn the
occasion upon which Sir ROBERT WALPOLE uttered
a sentiment (we repeat) so base and so dastardly,
as that " Any Peace was better than the most suc-
ful War." Taking for granted, however, that that
sentiment IVALPoLE really did utter—because he
uttered it, it would in i*4elf be none the less base
or less dastardly. It man opinion which we cer-
tainly do regard, by whomsoever it may be uttered,
as entirely un• En glish and thoroughly anti-national.

When, however, Mr. BRIGHT. asserts that the
-whole matter resolves itself into the question For or
Against a War Policy, he himself is simply—" beg-
ging"the question. It is nothing
.of the kind. The
question is a question about a War—and not

about a War Policy. Mr BRIGHT is for Peace at
any Price. We are not. The English, ns a nation,
are not. But it does not follow that, there., ore, we
are always for WAR at any Price. The matter in
dispute is whether A War is right or wrong. It
is not, we repeat, a question about a War Policy
—meaning (or else the phrase has no mean-
ing at all) perpetual pugnacity; a constant
appetite for wholesale slaughter and an un-
limited expenditure of gold and blood. We
thought, and still think, that the war with Russia
was perfectly right and, indeed, necessary under
the circumstances. Mr. BRIGHT repudiates the
notion, altogether by the very broad and compre-
hensive declaration that All War is necessarily
wrong under Any ciroumstances. We believe him
to be monstrously in error in arriving at any such
conclusion. We do certainly regard opinions like
those as intensely and entirely un-English and
anti-national. The history of the country declares
it to be so. It is because of this that the little
kingdom ruled by EGRERT has expanled into the
gigantic empire obedient to the sway of VICTORIA.
Mr. BRIGHT'S notion is, that the sceptre of Britain
ought to be transformed into a yard-measure for the
measuring out of so much calico and broadcloth.
Effect this transformation—disband our army, dis-
embody our militia, break up our maritime arma-
ment•, spike our cannon, explode all our magazines,
dismantle every one of our fortifications—and we
shall (for the purpose of having them snapped
asunder piecemeal), find we are untying the bundle of
rods making up the fasces of our imperial dominion.
Instead of retaining among us what Mr. BRIGHT
facetiously calls our old friend the Balance of
Power, we shall be precipitating the advent of an-
other old friend, Lord MACAULAY'S hypothetical
New Zealand.

The intelligence by the Overland Mail from
India is but of little practical importance. It is,
in fact, nothing but a twice-told tale. We
had already heard of the defeat of TANTIA TOPEE
by General MICHELL, and the new mutiny of
the 62d and 69th Regiments. They had long
been disarmed, and were receiving pay, rations,
and allowances for doing nothing. Nay, more,
some European regiments were necessarily kept
as a guard over the disaffected sepoys—so that
the nation was deprived of their valuable ser-
vices, and literally paying twice over to induce the
native troops to maintain neutrality. It was
manifest that such a state of affairs could
not be continued. It was, therefore, decided to
discharge one of the r'e'giments, which had been
proved to be thoroughly imbued with the mutinous
feeling, while another, that was supposed to have
remained faithful and not to be tainted with the
infection, was to have its arms restored and to be
replaced in its original position. Strange to say, the
lenity:with which it was treated caused the out-
break which terminated in the total destruction of
the mutineers. Their suspicions provedtheir ruin.
In place of accepting thankfully the extraordinary
and unanticipated boon, they fancied that
there must be some treachery at bottom,
and entered into a deliberate and cold-blooded
plan to seize arms- and murder the Europeans at

the station. Their total failure has already been

narrated, and it is believed that not a single man
escaped. A native chief, GHOLAM MUSTAFA KHAN,
closely pursued one of the divisions, and, with his
own followers and the police, completely cut them
off. The fugitives had no aid from the peasantry,
who pursued and hunted them down in every
direction. It is quite clear from this that no depen-
dence can ever again, under any circumstances, be
placed in the high caste soldiers. The Brahmins
and Rajpoots have shown themselves the deter-

mined enemies of the British rule, and they have
added to that enmity an inconceivable amount of
treachery and ingratitude.
Nothing has since been done in Oude. Lord
CLYDE could not take the field with any regard for
the health of his troops. The rains would prove
far more fatal to Europeans than the weapons of
their enemies. The brief respite has, however,
already expired, and a good account will soon be
rendered of those who still maintain a hopeless and
despairing contest—not with any anticipation of
eventual success, but merely of prolonging their
forfeit lives to the last.

The proclamation announcing the abolition of

the Company's Raj and its transfer to Queen Vic-
TORIA has not yet appeared. It is said that the
new Government is to be inaugurated by general
illuminations and a gorgeous display of fireworks.
We are not generally the advocates of such excep-
tional exhibitions, but they seem to be judicious

in India, where it is of peculiar importance to pro-
duce a great effect on the minds of the natives.
The gorgeousness of the display will be accepted
as proof of the invincible power of the new Go-
vernment.

From Shanghai we hear of the arrival of the
Earl of ELGIN from Japan. It was said that he had
entered into a very satisfactory treaty. As yet no
authentic account of the particulars has been given.
It is, however, positively asserted that it closely
resembles that recently concluded with the United
States. It provides for a resident Minister at Jeddo,
and the opening of three ports within a year, and
two more at a later period. There is also a treaty of
commerce, by which exports are only to be charged
5 per cent. Imports are to be charged 20 per cent.,
but there are some important exceptions, the chief
of which are cottons and woollens, in which a
large trade may be developed, and on these
only 5 per cent. is to be levied. Should Lord
ELGIN have succeeded to this extent he will have
merited the thanks and gratitude of the country,
and nobly earned the Marquisate, which no doubt
awaits the completion of his task. The Chinese
Commissioners who were to enter on the revision
of the tariff had not yet arrived at Shanghai.
After the lesson which they so recently received,
it is scarcely probable that they will neglect their
appointment. They will twist and turn, lie and
quibble, but they will hardly set the British repre-
sentative at open defiance, more especially when
British men-of-war are sufficiently near to make
themselves heard, aye, and felt, in case of necessity.
The state of affairs at Canton is still eminently
unsatisfactory. The Chinese authorities affect
to desire that business shall be resumed,
but the inhabitants still hold aloof, and
serious doubts may be entertained of the sin-
cerity of their ptuaamations. It is said that
WHANG has given us a specimen of what the
learned call "rigmarole," susceptible of any inter-
pretation ; and, as it certainly has not produced
the effect of bringing back the people, we may be
allowed to pause for a more unequivocal intimation
of his intentions, before we can place any degree
of confidence in his good faith or his integrity.
s
PIK-will is another local authority; but the
ainneAN moa.y be
Theysaid
also of him that has been asserted of
lv
appear to a certain extent to
be playing at cross purposes ; what one wishes 'to
do the other is disposed to counteract. Each
wants to be the originator of every movement,
and one will defeat anything that may redound to
the credit of the other.

But besides these recognised officials, there is
another irresponsible party which exercises far
more influence than either, These may be com-

pared: al, Rockites or American Lynchers.
They set lave and md authority completely at defiance,
to thel In
and fulmi-Amte
__threats against all who dare to
disc Obey their injunctions. The Shunkum," as
they are termed, are playing the old Chinese
game. Their main object is said to be to obtain
the ?,voeuation of Canton by our troops, before they
sane rti on the revival of trade. It is needless to
say :that neither Lord ELGIN nor any other
Britis h official can consent to such terms, which
woult 1 completely neutralise the value of the vic-
tory s iready achieved. We must hold possession
of Ca 3 iton until the inhabitants manifest a better
dispvition, and are inclined to show a greater re-
sipect for solemn obligations, and a more correct
notion of their duties towards those who come for
the purposes of peaceful trade. Should they ab-
stain from all dealing it will be their own loss
more than ours, for we can get all that we require
in of her ports.

Newcastle is setting us all an example. If it be
but fsillowed up we shall instruct well enough those
who, laave now in hand the framing of our New
Rearm Bill, and shall really have, what Mr. Dm-
PAELI has promised us, one which will satisfy all.
If a Government goes wrong on any great ques-
tion, let the people know that it is they who are
chiefly to blame for it. Had Lord PALMERSTON
but known how the nation would receive his policy
of taking fright at French dictation, omnipotent
as he felt himself, we believe he would rather have
brnved the French Court than the English people.
Ilad Mr. DISRAELI but taken our warnings in
1852, and not pressed his obnoxious increase of the
house duty, his graduated income-tax would have
s urea him a high place among financiers, and he
mtght have remained in office no one can tell how
much longer. He failed, however, to discern that
these who would readily have voted for the better
put of his budget, could not afford to vote against
their constituents on the house-tax. And now,
if the Cabinet can but foresee the wish of
the nation, it will not run counter to it.
No Government can do so and survive ; and there
is no reason whatever that any Government in
office at any time should hesitate to give effect to
the unquestionable will of the people.
Let then, we say, the nation make its will un-
mistakeable. It is the easiest and most time-saving
course, in the long run, to tell our Cabinets, before
Parliament meets, what we want of them. One and
all, they will do no more in the way of political
reform than they are compelled to do. We do not
believe that the present Cabinet is, as a whole, at
all less disposed to give us a good, honest Reform
Bill than was Lord PALMERSTON'S. From either
of them, as we sow so shall we reap. If meetings,
oublie meetings, are everywhere held, as at New-
castle; if the people at large are encouraged to come
forward, and to speak their wishe distinctly, they
may be sure the lesson will not • lost on Down-
ing-street. These are days hich we hear a
great deal of " Government ation," and assur-
edly Governments need education ; and there are
no instructors for Government like public meetings
of the people, backed by the comments of an en-
lightened and independent press. Governments,
like another class of pupils, need Lord ASHBURTON'S
lessons on common things. Opinions are frequently
quite common among the people, but our rulers
have little personal intercourse with the people,
and know little of their opinions, however common.
Let the people, therefore, take the pains to teach
their own servants.
Our readers will have seen that the demands of

the Newcastle people, in the elegant language of
Yankeeism, "go the whole hog." Universal Suf-
frage, the Ballot, equalisation of constituencies, and
short Parliaments,—such is the programme of the

county of the PERCYS ; and the good folk of the

North seem to be quite as hopeful of success with
a Conservative Cabinet as they would have been
with a Whig one, and we verily believe somewhat
more so. And they are right. We confess to a like
feeling. There are men in Lord DERBY'S Cabinet,
men of weight in it too, in whom the nation does
feel more confidence, in regard to domestic reforms,
than it did in any of Lord PALMERSTON'S Ministry.
They may, as a body, they very likely will, dis-
appoint us,—still we have as much hope from
them as we should have from the other ; this,
indeed, is saying very very little, for we never did
hope from Lord PALMERSTON for anything what-
ever but some great or little juggle or sham, in the
matter of Reform.

One of the orators spoke by proxy, and effec-
tively too. General "THOMPSON'S letter was
amongst his happiest efforts of the kind, and
setting aside some crotchety and questionable
though clever epigrams towards the close on the
peace question, the General sustained his old repu-
tation well. On the Suffrage and the Ballot he is
at home. He has long ago turned inside out almost
every conceivable fallacy on these subjects, and
were Lord JOHN RUSSELL and the Whigs capable
of learning, or rather had they not a selfish fear for
their order, they would have yielded long ago to

the force of argument, and to the more appalling
force of a large liberal majority against them.
" Jack is not naturally a dull boy"—but there is
another well-known proverb, to wit, that "none are
so dull as those who won't learn ;" and we appre-
hend the dulness of our Jack—and he may be again
some day a " Jack in office"—is of this character.
If he gets rid of his wilful dulness, we believe he
might soon again enjoy the sweets of a room in
Downing-street.

One of the principal speakers alluded to the re-
port set on foot by a relative of Mr. SOTHERON
ESTCOURT'S, that the Ministry intends to enfran-
chise even the agricultural peasantry, and of course,
therefore, the operatives in towns. Should they
have really determined on this course, the General
has furnished them, and not for the first time, with
the very best reply to the stock objection that
wealth would be overpowered by numbers. It is
quite true, as he says, that wealth should have the
benefit of its riches, and knowledge of its superi-
ority ; " yet no one has discovered that, to give
them their due advantages in the market, it is neces-
sary to keep the poor man out." " There is no
justice, no truth, in saying if you give votes to the
poor man you take away the power of protecting
themselves from the rich." The rich, in fact, can
always protect themselves. Admirable, too, were

his remarks on the Ballot : "Rich men say to them-
selves, what would become of us if we had the Bal-
lot?" Why, this—that if two rich men were con-
testing an election, one rich man might get the
votes instead of the other. We -cannot doubt that
both the General's letter and the report of the
meeting have caught the eye of some members of
the present Cabinet. We advise them, if they
should havepassed them over, to give them a serious
look again. They will be a good preparation for
the next Cabinet meeting.

His Excellency the Ambassador of France and
he Duchess of Malakoff have returned to Albert-gate
[louse, from Windsor Castle.

The Duke and Duchess of Manchester have left
town for Kimbolton Castle. The noble duke and duchess
will shortly leave England for Germany.
The Earl Granville has left Bruton-street for
Italy. The countess has left Florpnce for Rome, where
the noble earl will meet her ladyship,

LATEST NEWS.

AUSTRALIA.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.)

PLYMOUTH, SATURDAY MORNING

The Palmyra, Captain Tierney, from Sydney
July 13th, with full cargo of wool, tallow, and
hides, is in the Channel, bound to London.

She rounded Cape Horn August 26th, and
crossed the line September 15th. About 10 days
since spoke the Florence Nightingale, 145 days
from Hong Kong, for London.

PORTUGAL.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAM.)

LISBON, OCT. 23

The Charles et Georges was this morning handed
over to the French agent. The French war
steamer was getting up steam to tow her out the
other French vessels were to leave on the following
day.

The popular feeling was very strong against the
non-interference of England.

SPAIN.
The following telegram was received at Mr.
Reuter's office, this day:—

"MADRID, OCT. 29.

" An official decree calls in part of the conscrip-
tion for 1858, in order to replace the men sent to
Cuba.

The Diario Gobiorno publishes an article, com-
plaining of the violence exercised in the affair of
the Charles-et-Gesrges.
~'• The Count of feracainps is dead."

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