The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-08 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 8, 1858.

EAST INDIA HOUSE, 7zu Aram, 1858.
THE COURT OF DIRECTORS of the EAST
INDIA COMPANY do HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that a
SPECIAL GENE I.:AL COURT of the said Company will beglield at
their house in Leadenhall-street, on TUESDAY, the 13th instant,
at Eleven ocl ck in the forenoon, for the purpose of submitting
for confirmation the resolution cf the General Court of this day. ap-
proving of the resolution of the Court of Directors of the 24th
u timo, granting an annuity of One Thousand i oun is (1,0101.) to
the eldest son of the late Major-General Sir Henry Lawrence,
K.C.11., with reversion to his younger brother in the event of the
death of the elder brother without heirs male.
The Court of Directors do likevri-e Give Notice that the said
General Court is made further Special, for the purpose of continuing
the consideration of the two Bills now before Parliament, relating to
the Government of India, and of the Report thereon from the Court
of Directors, which were laid before the General Court this day.
J. D. DICKINSON, Secretary.

EAST INDIA-HOUSE, 7TO APRIL, 1858.
THE COURT of DIRECTORS of th© EAST
INDIA COMPANY do HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, That
the Report from the Court of Directors to the General Court of Pro-
prietors on the subject of the Bills now before Parliament relative
to the Government of India, which was laid before the General Court
this (lay, and ordered to be printed for the use of the Proprietors,
will be ready for delivery at this house, to-morrow, the Bth inst.,
after 12 o'clock.

J. D. DICKINSON, Secretary.

C 1 REAT WESTERN RAILWAY.-
CHANNEL ISLANDS.—Tickets to Jersey and Guernsey,
via Weymouth, are now issued at the Paddington Station, enabling
nacsengers to break the journey at Chippenham, Dorchester, or
Weymouth.

Fares, Rail and Boat:-31s. and 21s.
Further particulars can be obtained on application at the Com-
pany's Offices.

SOUT El WALES RA ILWAY.—The Directors
of this Company are now prepared to issue Debenture Bonds,
bearing interest at the rate of 4/. per centum per annum, for
periods of not less than three years, to meet debentures falling due.
The Directors are also prepared t 3 issue Debenture Stock, bearing
interest in perdetuity at the rate of 41. per cent. per annum, which
Stock will cancel and take the place of Debenture Bonds of the Com-
pany to the extent issued.—Applications to be addressed to the
undersigned.—By order. FRED. G. S kUNDERS, Secretary.
Offices, South Wales Railway, 10, Eastbourne-terrace,
Paddington (W ), March 29, 1858.

Inothing but yield to it. The friendly tendencies arose
gradually from a natural re-action against the long deadly
historical feud which found its acme under the first Eel-
hire, from a feeling of the. evil results of the contest to
both the nations, and from the spirit which stirs, provi-
dentially, within the heart tf mankind, urging it to ge-
neral brotherhood. You availed yourself of them for
your individual ambitious purposes, and perverted them
for a while. Within your heart, Sir, you hate E
Antagonism to its greatness is a family tradition with
you. The Corsican yew/a/a-feeling !ies deep in the
narrowness of your soul, and your having lived a poor
neglected exile in England has only embittered that
feeling ; we can learn to love the shelter of our prescribed
days ; sensuous selfish natures are only open to the feel-
ing which makes the benefit heavy and distasteful. Be-
fore the Peers, in 1836, you declared that you represented
a principle, a cause, a defeat—that the &fest was
Waterloo, and that you were bent on avenging it.
Hatred to Albion has been your watchword to the bar-
racks immediately after the coup (Fetal : the recent inso-
lence of your colonels is but an echo of it. War to Eng-
land was then, as it is now, your impotent dream ; and
the dotted maps in your Otloinet de travail could bear
witnesses for it. But you felt weak, isolated, frowned
at. You yielded to necessity, and embraced the grow-
ing popular tendencies. Yon did not creete the alliance;
you countersigned it, with a mental reservation.
The French-Anglo alliance, I do repeat it, is the
thought of the two nations. Englishmen, too frequently
nnju-t now to the Republic of 1848, ought not forget it.
The February movement had been welcomed—nor, cer-
tainly, by the English official world—but by the majority
of the British people. And never was the welcome so
joyfully and gratefully received as by the R£-
publicans of 1848. The diplomatic tradition was
not for one instant broken between the two na-
tions. Lord Normanby—kept officiously in his place
during the first period—was official), accredited
by England as soon as the Assembly gave its sanction
to the change. The Russian ambassador, Kisseleff,
proffered, from the beginning, a close alliance with the
Czar against what he was-callieg the common enemy,
England, and was refused -by the young Republic. A
known general, now an exile, proposed soon after an
invading filibustering scheme against England, threat-
ening the destruction of London and its sources of
weattb, and wanting nothing for its realisation but a
certain number of soldiers, ships, and steamers, given np
to his orders. The scheme was indignantly rejected,
and the general sent back to his military commandment,
which, for the sake of the proposal, he had suddenly
abandoned. With such feelings at work, the least op-
portunity, the least advance from the English Govern-
ment, would have, doubtless, given rise to an alliance,
and to a more sincere, moral, and fruitful one than that
which you, sir, have urged England to.
You stepped in, and engrafted on the sacred thing
your selfish schemes, your ambitious aim. Of a solemn
reconciliation, which, under the banner of Freedom,
would have been like a blessing from on high on man.
kind, you made a sad withering compact between liberty
and tyranny, between life and death. England has been
to you a mere stepping-stone for a dyna tic interest ; the
alliance, a bridge between the distrusting European
Powers and yourself.
Your first advances bad been to Russia. Your natural
tendencies, the logics of despotism, and some vague re-
miniscences of the Kremlin Conferences, spurred you
there. Russia spume 1 the advances : the Czar could
not trust your word. Your agents had tried all the
German Courts in search of a Royal bride, of a quasi.
legitimation by marriage, unsuccessfully. The Euro-
pean dynastic world was shut to you. Tile revolutionary
lever was forbidden : to raise it against the Powers
would have been a suicide. You thought of England
then.

You wanted something which would at once record
your being accepted amongst the legitime Powers, a
Diplomatic Conference in Paris, your signature on a
Treaty of Peace. The way to peace was war. Yon
provoked it. England entered it by your side, re-
luctantly but in absolute good faith, and once the first
steps taken with a stern determination to win from it
some practical permanent result, You wanted, how-
ever, both to avoid any awakening of the national insur-
rectionary element and to play a primary part in the
war. You sacrificed, therefore the strategic problem to
the poldical one. To Riga and Odessa, you preferred
the Crimea. There was there no fear of a Polish rising;
and in a long protracted siege, your naturally superior
land military force was to shine prominently over your
ally. Besides, the war concentrated in the siege of an
outpost and kept afar from the vital parts of the Russian
empire, was leaving to you the possibility of a friendly-
y
opening, in the future, with the Czar ; it was enabling
you to tell him, one day : England, once aroused, would
have struck you to the heart—l spared you. Thus, owing
to you and to the culpable yielding weakness of the
British Government, the war, diverted from its natural
lines of operation, became a brill'ant duel au premier
sang with no possible result—the one excepted which
you were pursuing, At the conclusion of the first -cage,
when Engl end was beginning to feel both the uece'sities
of the contest and its true European bearing, the Cz
consented to delay for &while_ tile fulfilment of his long
euerisuee masher's soneme. see any tot me, wive__
real guarantee for the future, you hastened to grant hie
wish. As you had dragged reluctant England into the war,
s you compelled her to accept, !weever re uctantly, au
unsatisfactory peace. The Congress of Paris was sum-
moned. Your aim was reached. The Eastern question
has been merely adjourned, not solved. Poland is still
lying down in her canon The Turkish empire is sinks
big through civil deicer I and the consciousness of its
own Powerlessness- No barrier has been raised
against future Russian encroachments. The Czar is
rapidly and silently restoring the military resourc.s
of the empire. War is looming in the distance. But
your name has appeared amongst names of long-estab-
lished Sovereigns, at the end of a Peace Protocol ;
and you might, should favourable circumstances arise,
whisper t the Czar, '
T you.
usurped
nsaepe allianceasp
yr eo
odt
iuoyhhopaauovvi
power
e'
alle
rab by your
doefi
uengrrhr
shielding
be reaped
, hie
side against the old ally.
tut
a
by
s
of her free national banner, sown distrust and rancour
against her in the heart of the oppressed nations. You
have alienated from her the sympathies of the forsaken
Slavonic, Hellenic, and Roumain populations of the
Turkish Empire. You have succeeded in deviating her
statesmen from what ought to be her national policy—
civil, rel gious, and political liberty fur all Europe.
Ought you not to he satisfied ? Ought you not prudently
to forbear from uttering claims to her gratefulness and
BYTtPiastnhoks l
t mine to discuss with yin' what you' urge E g,
land to do concerning the exiles. I am an exile and your
enemy. I cannot stoop to argue with a kyrennical power
about what I conceive to be my right and my duty. I
overthrow it if I can. My words might be misinterpreted
as a pleading for ourselves, and I shrink from that pos-
sibility. Any law that may be enacted affecting our po-
sition is perfectly indifferent to me; just, I accept it;
unjust, I pledge myself to violate it, whatever the results
may be. Ours is a state of war. We have not chosen
it ; it has been, it stilt is, forced upon us. Tyranny has
robbed us of our country ; we have none ; we have no
power protecting es, no passport, no law to which we
Can appeal, no justice on earth except when we ourselves
can enforce it. Throughout all the Continent we are,
merely because we are republicans or upholders of our
national Rags, declared suspects, and as such imerisoned,
internee, deprive I of any possibility of secure set lement,
persecuted, treated as pariahs, hunted as helots. I ac-
cept, for my part, the consequences of my position, and
I have, I, an exile, no account to give of my opinions or
of my doings to a man, now a persecuting Emperor,
once an exile, Bat, d oibtlies, any British born stahject
has a right to answer your complaints and claims in
something like the following terms :
" You have been, sir, an exile in England ; from this
land yon` incessantly plotted against a constitutional
king, to whom you had Pledged your honour to conspire
no more ; and you finally organised an armed descent on
the shores of Frazee. We took no notice of it ; why
should we alter now our laws for the sake of watching
over and persecuting men, who are in their turn attempt-
desert the old traditions of an individual
ing to overthrow your despotic power ! Why should we,
which has proved a blessing to our land, by
enacting measures implying, if they are to be enforced at
all, a wholesale system of espionage, secret police doings,
and arbitrary interpretations ? Why :should we abandon
for your sake,
our honest, clear, precise method of legal definitions, and
resort to those vague formulas of excitation and instiga-
tion, which gave rise, in your own country to preces de
tendance, so often branded by you
when you .were still
a
Why
how is it that you
Does our
should we, in fact,
a
want protection ! q leers astlou far help
against plotters
yon conspirator!
a t
and murderers? You chose to put your-
self above the law, out of the law; is that a reason for
England to legislate for you ? You rose to power on
uncrownedproocorpses ; can we prevent the living recollection of the
victims to summon forth avengers ? You sent, you still
send thousands of untried men to linger and die in the
swamps of Cayenne : can we eradicate hatred and its
consequences
from the hearts of their friends and rela-
tions ? You have chosen to suppress liberty in all its
forms—press, meetings, associations, speaking ; you
have hermetically closed all safety-valves to the power-
ful breath of a nation peculiarly fond of external life :
are we to bid the compressed power not to burst out
through some unforeseen, irregular outlet ? You a Re-
publican still, sent an army to bombard, enslave, kill,
crush Republican Rowe that army of unlawful in
vaders is still there : can we suppress Roman revenge !
Are we to turn our free island into a police-office for
the sake of insuring the days of all men who choose
to make themselves tyrants—for the Ring of Naples,
for the Pope, the Czar, you, or Soulouque ? The
dagger never gleams when the vote can speak out the
thought if the man ; grenades are never thrown at royal
or presidential carriages in England, in Belgium, in
Switzerland, in Piedmont, in America. We have no
demands for anti-conspiracy bells from these countries :
we have from you. Does it not clearly show that 'some-
thing is rotten in the state' of Franoe ? And are we to
legislate, at your bidding, for the sake of keeping up
rottenness ?' The plotters, you say, are living in Eng-
land ; the avengers come to you from England ; you
send them here; where else can they live S whence else
j can they start ! Every year; every six months, your gen-
darmee convey to us, par stapes, all the disaffected, or
th)se believed to be so : can we undertake to organise a

close, secret watching, an espionnage, around each of
them ! Can we prevent some from retracting, with what-
ever intentions, their steps to Francs ? Are we to be
answerable if Kelch or Deron—supposing all that you
state in your pamphlet to be true—find their way to
PFmn
oeroawriinesca;ent
alba
an
ytnshwoe
uneur,naydhbil,
under
have
Lbgneoucia:wrsudseed
sapzizeind, i
achooses
ot or
acnr
joss:,
tphhreileippmei,llioopnsenolfyfraalnloctst,edtwtoo
espionnage—we have none. Cannot you guard yourself
without harassing, calumniating, and threatening your
peaceful, unconcerned neighbours ? You quote apoloqies
of tyrannicide printed in England : what of that ? Are
we to eliminate from our schools the old history of Rome
and Greece? to suppress the translations of Schilleee
Wilhelm Tell I to issue a warrant against any re-edition
of Mitten I The press is f:ee in our country. It is not
in France. You keep under your thraldom all manifes-
tations of the mind of your nation. But we do not ask
you to suppress the apology of the murder of the Hugue-
nots, or the reprinting of your uncle's legacy to Can-
tillon. Depend upon it, Sir, tyrannicide is the off pring
not of a few theoretic pages, but of the hateful fact of
tyranny. Suppress that ; you will have suppressed the
danger against which you seek in vain fora help at road.
You cannot exact from that we, allowing the fact t
exist, undertake to forbid the fatal consequences which
may eventually flow from it."
Such, sir, is the answer which England has virtually
given, and will always give, I trust, by the voice of ber
people, to your illiberal, unwarrantable demands.
Through these demands, meanwhile, and through the
indirect tbreatenings with which you coupled them, you
have descended one step more on your downfalling
career. You have aroused the old independent Saxon
blood within the hearts of millions. You have unveiled
the shameful price which you would fain set on a barren,
when not fatal alliance. You have unmasked to the
world the terrors which, like the shadow of crime, are
ever walking by your side. You have ones morn
awakened the hitherto dormant sense of self dignity in
the conscience of men, and given rise to a resistance
which will soon become a European one. You have
caused the only prestige which still hovered around you
—the approval and friendship of a free people—to
vanish. Yeu stand new, Sir, whatever soft-mouthed,
self-disguising diplomacy may talk, alone in Europe.

THE CASE Or THE CAGLIARI.

MR. PARK'S NARRATIVE.

We have been favoured (says the Manchester
Guardian) by a gentleman connected with tbis city
with the following narrative, taken down by him
from the recital of Mr. Park, the second engineer
of the Cagliari, two days after Mr. Park had been
set at liberty by the Neapolitan authorities :
" Shortly after leaving Genoa, on our voyaga to
Cagliari and Tunis, between which ports our
steamer carried the mails, I observe I to one of the
stokers, who happened to be standing near me on
the deck, that there seemed to be a large number of
passengrs on board, to which he answered in the
affirmative, adding that the most part of them were
seamen going to join two merchantmen lying at
Cagliari, waiting for crews. I requested him to
ask one of the men what ship they were going to
join, which he did, and received for an answer that
we should soon see what ship they were going to
join ; the man aiding in a very significant manner,
'You had better go below, and mind your work,
and you will not be hurted.' These words, added
to the men's app, arance, struck me so forcibly that
I went below to the engine-rocm, and stated my
belief to my fellow-engineer (Mr. Watt) that we had
a gang of pirates on board, who were going to seize
the ship. This startling communication natura►ly
sent. him on deck to satisfy his curiosity, which,
however, was soon done, as he came below again in
a short time, with the best proof of the earrectuess
of my suspicion, having seen the captain seized by
armed men, and placed under restraint.
"In a few minutes after learning this momentous
fact, I went up to see what further was going on,
when I had scarcely reached the deck before I was
seized by four armed men, and taken into the pre-
sence of an individual, who held in one hand a
letter and in the other a drawn dagger, and who,
presenting the letter to me, demanded me to an-
swer its contents. I replied 'that, as it was d►rk
where we were, I would go to a light and read it,
and- then give him my answer. To this he as-
sented, and I went down into the engine-room with
it, and read it there to my fellow-engine ,r. Its
contents were to the effect that. if we continued to
do our duty, and work the engines as usual, no
harm should come to us ; but that the least resist-
ance or refractoriness upon our part would be fol-
lowedby instant death.

" We considered for a moment what was to be
done, and having our helpless position in view, we
o-rreirTiocifio rife v'ellria a IT. A) r Cats to }ai* va3,
however, cut short by the appearance of the men
who had dragged me before the ringleader, and
who now, descending into the engine-room, and
pointing their arms at us, asked us to state our in-
tentions. Upon learning them they desired us to
cry, Viva l'ltalia,' and, upon our c implying, em-
braced us, and called us brothers, Jec. By this
time the entire ship, with crew and passengers,
were in the hands of the pirates.
"It may here be observed that the person who
presented the letter to me was the Baron Nicotera,
who, as it is seen, thus took a most active part in
rvo,si lost,ievien
the affair from the commencewent, and who, even
after nine months' weary imprisonment, shows still
an undaunted spirit, and boldly avows before the
judges all his acts and intentions.
" roe hatter itself, it must be borne in mind, was
neither direc. ed to anyone, nor sub33lP'xd. by any
one, but was simply a notification of their inten-
tions written in English, and intended for the en-
gineers of the boaelwhoever they might be ; the
ringleaders of the party knowing well that the en-
gineers of all the boats were Englishm_n, and sur-
mising that they might not understand their mean-
ing so well if they communicated it iu Italian as if
it were written down for them in their native
tongue. However natural this may appear, still
t eAttorney-Gen eral 'of his Majesty of the Two
Sicili es saw in the existence of ties letter, (whic't I
had even copied into my log-book, for fear it might
be
positive
seeing therein the justification of ourselves)
a a
proof of our pat ticipatiou in the conspi-
as he stated, in correspondence with
the insurgents.
"But to follow the thread of my narrative. The
insurgents being now fully masters of tne vessel,
began to make free with the good things on board,
and broached some champagne to the success of
their enterprise.
" If all things had gone right we were that night
(the first after our departure from Genoa to have
fallen in with some boat or boats, with 60 men and
100 stand of arms, coming fr, ,m the shores of Tuscany
to join our expedition ; but, whatever might have
been the cause of their absence, come they did not;
and thus the first part of the scheme failed. This
citcumstauce caused a visible depression of spirits
amongst the party.
"The captain of the Cagliari being confined in his
own cabin, a passenger who was a seafaring man was
compelled to take command of the ship, and received
orders to steer for the island of Ponza, a penal set-
tlement of the Neapolitan Government, lying off
the mainland, and perhaps 80 miles from Naples.
Oa this day, and whilst near the island of Etba,
we passed the British squadron sailing to the
northward. To prevent any signal being made
of what was going on, the craw and ourselves were
sent below and watched by the insurgents until the
squadron had passed ; so that it was impossible to
make known oar position to them. Baron Nico-
tera and Pisacane, who took the command, em-
ployed themselves during this day in examining the
captain and crew, and having ascertained from the
steward that there were some cases of fire-arms in
the hold (part of the cargo), got them up and broke
them open. They turned out to be for the most
part blunderbusses and fowling-pieces, and they
were distributed amongst the insurgents.
" We also came in for our share of examination,
and having stated in answer to a question that we
had not much fuel on board, having left Genoa ten
tons short, we were told that we were to use great
economy, and that in the event of the ship running
short of coal, our (the two English engineers) heads
should be,put under the boilers.
" At last we hove in sight of Ponza, and a
signal was heisted for a pilot, and as soon as one
came on board, a pistol was held to his head, and
he was told that if he did not answer all questions
truthfully, he would be shot instanter. The poor
fellow, in great fear, told all he knew about the
number of prisoners (convicts) and soldiers on the
island, and the amount of arms and ammunition
they pomesed. The governor of the island, who
had also come on board, was quietly locked up
with the captain.
"The insurgents (whose number was 25) then
got the boats manned by the ship's crew, and
leaving seven of their number well armed to guard
the passengers, engineers, and the rest who re-
mained on board, went on shore to liberate the
convicts of Ponza. We had flattered ourselves
that we should be able to escape with the ship by
slipping her cable when the pirates left us, but they,
foreseeing this, had given orders to those e
left to
guard us to keep us locked up in separate phics,
so that all possibility of escape was cut off.
"The 19 armed insurgents, having mastered
aboutd the
garrison of the place, liberated the conv.ts
3X in I.vard,
number, and bringing them on re