The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

Jehn Manners to tell those assembled whether, in his
opinion, the Sabbath day should be turned into a con-
tinental sabbath ? (Groans and uproar.) Also, what he
thought in reference to the long-vexed subject of church
rates. He wished further to know the opinion of the
noble lord in reference to reform. There was no reason
in the world why the county people should not be placed
on the same footing as the boroughs were ; and he did
not see any reason that small nomination boroughs, with
from 150 to 250 voters should return one or two mem-
bers to Parliament, while Loughborough, with a popu-
lation 12,000, did not return a single representative.
Lord JOHN MANNERS stepped forward to address the
electors, and was received with loud applause by his sup-
porters, and with groaning and other marks of dis•
approbation by the great bulk of tlot aspem-
blage. He said be had no wish to make a lengthened
address in the present severe state of the weather, which
they all suffered from. LNor was it necessary, as he had
been before them three times in the course of twelve
months. But he returned his grateful thanks to those
numerous friends who had at once promised him their
support so cordially and generously—also to those op-
ponents who had given Mr. Frewin such judicious
counsel in recommending him to withdraw from what, in
Parliamentary language, he must term a " frivolous and
vexatious opposition ;" and lastly, to Mr. Frewen, who
he hoped, if he should contest the county on a future
occasion, would manifest the same good humour that he
had done to-day. He believed he had done nothing to
forfeit the confidence of the electors. At the close of the
last session of Parliament, he was so struck with the
manner in which Lord Palmerston had conducted public
business, that he felt it to be his duty to raise his voice
against the noble lord, and he was assured that the
feelings he then expressed were shared by many mem-
bers on both sides the house. When Parliament met
this session it was impossible not to see that many
of his supporters were heartily sick of the allegiance
they had so rashly vowed to him and were pre.
pared on the first opportunity to renounce it. Shortly
after the meeting of Parliament there was laid on the
table of the House of Commons that famous despatch
of Count Walewski, which proclaimed to all Europe
that the laws of England favoured assassination. He
doubted whether that was the intention of the writer of
that despatch. Then came the Conspiracy Bill, on
which the feeling of the house was so strong that many
leading Liberals, including even Lord John Russell,
voted against the introduction of the bill. The Conser-
vative party, though equally sensitive with Lord John
Russell, about the maintenance of the national honour,
did not however vote against the introduction of the bill,
partly out of deference to her Majesty's Government
and partly to evince their abhorrence of the crime of
assassination. But, in the debate which then took place,
fair warning was given to the ministry that the people of
England expected that calumnious despatch to be
answered. That warning, however, was in vain, and after
ten days had elapsed, during which the despatch was
unanswered, the bill came on for the second reading. Mr.
M, Gibson then introduced his famous amendment,
respecting which his friend Mr. Henley bad observed
nothing could be more moderate or more true. That
amendment was carried in a full house by a majority of
19 ; the very same number which, in 1852, displaced
Lord Derby's government, and made way for Lord Pal-
merston. Lord Derby then took office which was abso-
lutely thrust upon him, and he did so sincerely desirous
of maintaining the dignity of the crown and the real
happiness of the people. While doing so, Lord Derby
would strive to prevent, as far as human means could
prevent so great a calamity, the interruption of our
friendly relations with France. There was a trial now
pending in this country of one of the conspirators against
the life of the Emperor of the French. When that trial
was brought to a conclusion they would then be in a
position to know whether the laws of England in relit•
tion to that matter required any alteration. At
present the balance of high legal opinion was in favour
of the laws as they stood, and until this trial
was over it would be indecorous to legislate on
a matter which they might find required no legis-
lation. One of the most important questions of the
present moment was the future government of India,
Although he had be en one of those who thought that
until the mutiny was subdued, legislation ehould not be
undertaken, yet the majority in favour of it had decided
that question, and a measure was now under the consi-
deration of that marh to whom they must and did look
for guidance on all matters relating to India, Lord
Ellenborough, who was devoting his great statesmanlike
qualities and thorough knowledge of India to the
solution of one of the greatest legislative problems of
this or any other day. With regard to reform, he had
no doubt that many persons were without the franchise
who might be advantageously entrusted with it. He
had no doubt, also, that the counties had not their fair
share of representation. As a tory, he was not con-
cerned to defend the bill of 1832, and he sax no reason
why, when other more pressing questions were disposed
of, he might not combine with his colleagues to con-
sider this add similar measures, and see if they could
not devise a measure which, while it maintained
the equilibrium of the different elements in the
constitution, would rectify proved abuses, and impart
additional stability to those great and time-honoured
institutions which had rendered England the safe and
almost the sole abode of tempered liberty and self-
sustained order. With regard, however, to the ballot,
he would never be a party to a measure which would
prevent the people of England from giving an open and
above-board expression to their opinions, whatever they
might be. He had been asked about Sunday bands.
He had not had much time to consider that subject, but
he thought the arrangements established last year in the
London parks by his predecessor, Sir B. Hall, might be
allowed to continue as they were, On the subject of
church-rates, to say as Mr. Stevenson did that they
were an imposed tax was most erroneous. They were a
responsibility resting upon all property in England,
whether acquired by purchase or descent. It was said
that church-rates were a conscientious grievance. He
asked to whose consciences Not to those of churchmen
certainly ; and admitting that every dissenter in England
felt them to be a grievance, the natural solution was that
they should be exempt from payment. Yet this bad been
proposed over and over again in the .House of Commons,
and had been invariably repudiated by dissentersf
What the dissenters wanted was the entire abolition o
church-rates, which was monstrously absurd, and ridicu-
lously unjust. If, however, any scheme were proposed
which would save the aggrieved consciences of dissenters,
and at the same time adequately secure the maintenance
of the fabrics devoted to the national religion, he would
give to such a measure his most careful and dispassionate
consideration. He begged, in conclusion, to thank them
for the manner in which they had listened to him, and
assured them he had taken office under Lord Derby with
a sincere desire to assist him in the great duties which
devolved upon him. He now accepted the trust which
he hoped they were again about to confer upon him, in
the hope of maintaining, either as a minister or a simple
member of Parliament, the principles of genuine and
rational toryisin which he had always professed, and to
maintain which they were about, he hoped, again to
return him to Parliament.

No other candidate was proposed, and the high sheriff
declared Lord John Manners duly elected. Then a vote
of thanks to the high sheriff, duly proposed and
seconded, terminated the proceeding.