The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-14 00:00:00

party Should-gain in strength, is, after all, not sol
grave a question as what is the conduct and the
capacity of that class to which a larger share of
the governing pOwer is to be transferred, or what
would be the effect on the working classes of a re-
fusal of such a participation in political power.
Almost all men are agreed that a refusal would
not only be most dangerous as affording popular
demagogues an opportunity of preaching up a war
betwem the classes, but also unjust, inasmuch as
Vve interests of the-working classes are not repre-
,inted with sufficient directness, nor is their desire
to take:part in political life sufficiently recognised.
It is the duty Of
„the statesman—one which re-
sfuires,,, however, consummate skill and knowledge
of the Anin&ples of oiit Constitution—so to adjust,
,thelriew element with the -old; that one class shall I
not, overlplance tbe,other, nor alter the essential
character of the 'House' of Commons, as presenting
as periVt and domplete a reflex as possible of the
(millions,: principles, and interests of the country
at large:::. But we - can easily conceive that men
should hesitate for the sake of a theoretical perfec-
tion in the'Constitution to admit to political power
and to the futurA government of the country
classes whose tendencies and principles they might
not unjustly deem as likely to be subversive of
existing institutions, and therefore injurious to
the well-being of the State.. They might argue
in this fashion : it is true that the working classes
of England are entitled, by their numbers, know-
ledge, and wealth, according to the theory of the.
Constitution, to a larger share of political power,
but it is likewise true that their principles'and
tendencies are hostile to institutions—politicar,
and;social—so long held sacred in England,
but which would not long survive the increase of
popular power; therefore they would prefer rather
to do violence to the theory of the Constitution than
run the risk of sacrificing ancient institutions to
theoretical completeness. Without stopping to in-
quire how far the working classes are hostile to such
institutions as the House of Peers, the established
religion, or the law of primogeniture, it seems to us
as clear as the summer sun at noon that the exclusion,
on such a plea of the working classes from such pri-
vileges as the Constitution might confer on them,
would bring on a collision of classes which would
not only lead to the overthrow of the most cher-
ished institutions, but endanger the stability of
the Empire. ow to deal with the working
classes, powerful by their numbers, by their or-
ganised combinations, abandoned to the pursuit
of material interests and enjoyments, and un-
guided by the light of religion, is the most diffi-
cult problem of modern society ; and we are not,
therefore; surprised, when it presents itself under
one form or !another, that men shrink from at-
tempting its solution. Reconciliation and not col-
lision is evidently the wisest and most Christian
course to be adopted., A collision such as that
between the socialistic working men and the
Emperor Napoleon, which deluged the streets of
Paris with blood in 1852, is a dangerous cure,
and one likely to have sown in blood seeds of
future mischief. What we have now to do at home
to avoid a like alienation of classes, is to give
generously and ungrudgingly to the working
classes their fair share of political power, so ar-
ranged that it shall in no wise trespass on the po-
litical rights or swamp the due influence of any
other class entitled to political power. Whether
household suffrage and cumulative votes and
lateral .extension, taking taxation and education
as the bases of the electoral privilege, will effect
the well-ordered gradation.necessary in our Consti-
tution, are questions requiring, at the hands of
our legislators, the most careful and impartial
consideration. In their hands rests the future
welfare of the country. After having devised
the most generous reform compatible with the
general safety, we must put confidence in the
working classes and seek to reconcile them to the
existing institutions, so far, at least, as such in-
stitutions answer the end of justice and good
government. The late conference at the London
Coffee House showed what little hold the religion
of the country had upon the people ; other confer-
ences, if they were to be held, would, doubtless,
show the extent of the alienation of classes, or
what little sympathy many of the working people
have with the House of Peers, or with our system
of primogeniture, or with our military system or
civil administration. When our institutions are
intertwined with the roots of the Constitution or
answer the end of good government, we should
do our utmost temperately, but firmly, to recon-
cile the working classes to these ancient safe-
guards of our country ; but where our institu-
tions, religious or political, cease to answer a wise
purpose Or to fulfil their proper end—the moral
and material well-being of the nation—we must
not allow prejudice or old habit to blind our in-
tellectual vision or stay the reforming hand. In-
stitutions, however venerable by age or by (asso-
ciations, unless they are rooted in the heart and in
the intelligence of the people, are mere shadows
of a departed power, remnants of a lost glory
soon destined to be numbered among the ruins
of a nation's greatness.