The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-06 00:00:00

TBE SUN, LONLON, WEDNESOAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1867.

measure, I must again say it appears to me that even the
question of substance itself is hardly more important.
(Hear, hear.) It is not necessary to trace the wearisome
and irksome details of this protracted controversy, or to
remind the house how many Queen's Speeches, Sessions,
Governments, and how many Parliaments have been in-
volved. One thing only we can say—that it is impossible
for our legislation to proceed in its ordinary and accus-
tomed course until this matter has been disposed of. Until
this matter is disposed of it stops the way. It disturbs and
impedes, and not only so, it embitters any attempt to deal
with every other subject of difficulty ; and the vast and va-
ried interests of this empire, growing rapidly more vast
and more varied every day in proportion as we reap the
harvest of legislation with assiduity—causing new and
thicker crops to spring up fresh from the ground in pro-
portion as these solicit us—make it our duty to take care
that every step we take, and so far as we can to require
from others, that the measures which they may adopt
should be directed towards the attainment not only of an
effectual but a speedy settlement of the question. (Hear.)
I therefore ask myself how I am to construe the paragraph
in which the subject has been brought under our notice—
and I construe it thus :—I will not ask for any explana-
tions of the intentions, I will not make any remark
which may have the tendency, if I may so
say, to force the Government into an explanation
which may lead to misapprehensions—what I under-
stand from this paragraph is that the Government, like
ourselves and like the generality of members inthe house,
including their own follosreferand like the country, with-
out distinction of party or opinion, are sensible of the ne-
cessity of dealing promptly with the matter ; and that upon
the earliest day which the Government can choose for the
purpose, they will be prepared to propose such measures
on their responsibility, such measures as they may think
most effective for the attainment of this object, and above
all the speedy attainment of a just and satisfactory settle-
ment of this question. I hope that lam not unreasonable
in this construction. (Hear.) If that interpretation be a
just one, I think that we ought to rest perfectly satisfied,
and we ought to cherish the hope that the time is not far
distant when we may be able to remove out of our path
this obstacle to our legislation, and to remove from our-
selves what I venture to believe, if we do not remove, it
will become a standing discredit to the Parliament, and
the institutions of the land, and which prevents our giving
to all other questions that attention which they so impera-
tively solicit from our hands. (Loud cheers.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose, and
was received with loud ch4ers. He said—l heard with great
satisfaction from the right hon. gentleman that there was no
prospect of an amendment to the Address being proposed to-
night. It really is far from agreeable that on the first night
we meet together wo should resume our squabbles ; and in
the months that are before us many opportunities will arise
to compensate hon. gentlemen for the self-restraint which
they exercise now. (A laugh.) There are one or two points
to which the right hon. gentleman has referred which I will
notice before I touch on his last more interesting inquiry.
With regard to the criticisms of the contents of the Queen's
Speech, I think I may congratulate my colleagues upon its
reception by the House generally, though we owe it in some
degree to the able interpretation which has been put upon
it by my hon. friends who moved and seconded the Address,
the first with a pleasing propriety I am sure all must ac-
knowledge, the second with a weight of authority derived
from his position and his acquaintance with commercial
pursuits. In answer to the question which has been put, I
may say that papers will certainly be presented on the sub-
ject of the insurrection in Crete. I believe my noble friend
(Lord Stanley) had a reason which for a short time may
influence him in not immediately presenting them to the

house, but when that reason, which may only exist for one
or two days, ceases to operate, my noble friend will take
the earliest opportunity of laying them on the table of the
house. The right hon. gentleman (lir. Gladstone) referred
to the circumstance that no allusion was made in the
Queen's Speech to the inquiries into proceedings in certain
boroughs. The reason why wo made no reference to these
inquiries was that the Reports of them have not been re-
ceived by the Government. (A voice from the Treasury
Bench, "Not all.") Some have ; but the right hon. gen-
tleman will feel that it would be convenient and proper to

have them all in our possession before we make any an-
nouncement on the subject. The right hon. gentleman
then, in a tone of which I am sure I have no cause to
complain, referred to the paragraph:in the Speech anuounc-
cing that the attention of Parliament will be called to the
state of the representation of the people ; and the right
hon. gentleman, remembering no doubt his experience in
the position which I now occupy, felt how very inconve-
nient it would be if, on the first day of the Session, a num-
ber of inquiries were made, the answers to which might
only lead to misapprehension, and which would really not
be fair to those who are responsible for the consequences.
(Hear, hear.) I will not trouble the right hon. gentleman
and the house at any length. upon the subject, because,
with the permission of the house, I mean to take, not only
an early, but the earliest day at our command in order to
bring the whole subject before the house. (Cheers and a
voice, " What day ?") Monday next. (Cheers.) That is
the first day at our disposal, and I then propose to state the
course which the Government mean to take upon this sub-
ject, and generally to enter into the matter. I trust that
under these circumstances we may not be pressed to make
any statements to-night, but that we may be allowed to
reserve our views and state them fully on that occasion.
(Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has done justice to
the important subjects which have been brought under the
notice of the house in the Speech from the Throne. I run
aware, as all must feel, that it will require on the part of
the house considerable devotion and efforts to do justice to
the several themes which will be brought before them. But
re-action is the law p life, and it is the characteristic of the
House of Commons. There have been complaints of late of
indolence and want of assiduity on the part of this house.
It is said that wo have passed through sessions without
doing even a portion of what our duty required. Now, in
this session an admirable opportunity will be afforded to
the house, and if they only follow the example which the
Government are prepared to set by the devotion of their
time and labour to the pursuit of these propositions, I think
we need not be frightened by the quantity of business
before us, but may rather look forward to the end of a
session which will redound to the public advantage and to
the character of this assembly. (Cheers.)
The Address was then agreed to, and
The House adjourned at ten minutes to seven o'clock.

The Solicitor-General for Scotland on

Reform.

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possessed of the electoral franchise. Yet I venture
to say you feel your personal and political liberties
as safe as if you had the franchise. Let me just
observe that had it not been for an unfortunate po-
litical paity combination in 1858, and if Lord Derby's
bill had passed, the gentleman who has proposed
this toast, and many others whom I see, have ac-
quired their degree of M.A., would, in virtue of
that degree, have acquired the franchise, and have
become entitled to vote. But it was thought unsafe
to trust such men as these with a political fran-
chise, and the result was that you were excluded
from what is called " the pale of the constitution of
this country." Party spirit has been looked upon
as a most important element in the working of our
constitution. But that is in ordinary times. There
are crises which sometimes happen which should
induce us to lay aside that, and in such crises as the
present, when the question before the nation relates
to the reforming of the constitution of the country,
it is essential that men should apply their minds to the
discussion and the decision of the question irrespective
of party spirit, and having reference alone to the
merits of the measure which is before them. (Cheers.)
I am happy to say that in Parliament, in the dis-
cussion upon the Reform Bill, to some extent party
spirit did not prevail, because a band of Liberal
men, thoroughly Liberal, but moderate men, who
had been elected to supported Lord Palmerston,
who certainly was not regarded as an ardent re-
former, resisted the democratic measure which was
idnitcrtaodtiuocnedofintoir. Bltlerihgoh_uste in accordance with the
Bright—a one-sided
measure, which was partial, which was not complete,
according to Mr. Bright's statement, for the pur-
pose of affording him a level-power in order to ob-
tain further concessions. If the question is to be
settled it must be settled now, and in such a man-
ner as will make the settlement last our lives. Do
not let us always be tinkering up the British con-
stitution by political measures at the dictation of a
political agitator who may think his merits
are not sufficiently recognised. (Cheers.) But
while party spirit did not prevail over public and
patriotic principle in the minds of many, I regret to
say that the revelations of the recess have shown
that party spirit did rule the conduct of many of the
supporters of the Ministry. We have heard many of
them admitting that they supported the Government
bill, not because they thought it was a good bill, but
because they thought it necessary to vote confidence
in the then existing Administration. That, I say, is
of all rules of conduct the most dangerous. Now
that that ministry has been dissolved I suppose such