The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF T

'HE PUBLIC

TIMES.—A measure so important as the British
North American Bill, which was discussed last night
in the House of Commons, is not likely to escape
adverse criticism. Among four millions of colonists
there are sure to be some discontented with a scheme
which fuses communities hitherto -disjoined, sub-
ordinates that which had been independent, takes
somewhat from the dignity of local Legislatures by
founding a common Parliament, and excites pro-
vincial jealousy by the prospect of centralisation.
Politicians at home very properly open their ears to
representations from the provinces and consequently
we have heard during the present discussions several
objections to the scheme of Federation both in
principle and in matters of detail. We believe,
how

wever, we only echo the public voice in express-
ag a hope that this bill, which has been decided
upon by the duly commissioned representatives of
four provinces, and is really the work of the pro-
vinces themselves acting through their constitutional
representatives, may pass without undue delay. A
very natural reflection is, " How do we come to be
discussing this bill at all ?" A hundred years ago
it was the theory of almost all lawyers that the
Mother Country had the right to legislate for the
colonies in all matters, and that the British Crown
and Parliament possessed absolute power over per-
sons and things throughout the British Empire. This
principle received a rude blow in the revolt of the
American Colonies, and, whatever may be the
traditions of the Colonial Office, certainly English-
men generally recognise it as just and fitting that
those dependencies which are inhabited by men of
European race, and have constitutional Govern-
ments, should legislate for themselves without inter-
ference from our own Parliament. If it had been
announced any morning in the newspapers that the
two Canadas, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia had
come to the conclusion that a federal compact and a
common Parliament would be to their interest, that
their respective Legislatures had passed a measure
for such a Union, that the Queen had assented to
it, and that it would come into effect in three
months' time, there is no one in these islands who
would have seen anything incongruous or absurd in
the intelligence. People would think it the most
natural thing in the world that if the provinces de-
sired it they should combine, and with such an ar-
rangement of constitutional details as might seem fit
to them. But, in deference to Imperial usage, our Par-
liament is asked to sanction such a sehewe. We find
ourselves called upon to discuss a bill which provides
in minute detail for the constitutional machinery of
a people three thousand miles off, a bill which says
what name their nation shall bear, what city shall
be their capital, how many members each province
and each district shall return, and many such mat-
ters which concern ourselves in no way, and on
which we ought to desire only to register the choice
of the colonists themselves. Now, we are told on
the authority of the late and the present Colonial
Secretaries—and their statements are confirmed by
a number of eminent colonial personages now in
London as delegates from the Provinces—that the
details of this bill have been long and fully consi-
dered, and are, to use the expression of the Secre-
tary for the Colonies, analogous to the stipulations
of a Treaty of Peace between the four colonies. In
such a case the duty of Parliament is clear. These
colonies have constitutionally agreed upon the terms
of the compact, and we ought not to interfere with
their decision. As to the existence of a discontented
minority in Nova Scotia, it may betaken as a matter
of course that such will exist. It is sufficient for us
that the Legislatures which have so long had this
subject under consideration have accepted the mea-
sure as a whole, and that the majority of the people
are in favour of it. We have stated in a previous
article that some provisions of this measure seem
not to have been framed with as much wisdom and
foresight as might have been desired. The nomi-
nation of Senators, which Mr. Bright also criticised
last night, is one of these. We cannot conceive a
nominated body, a set of peers for life, the creatures
of successive Governors-General, possessing the au-
thority which an Upper House ought to have. If
not elevated by intrigue and favour, they will be
accused of being so. They will have it in their power
to resist the popular branch of the Legislature, and if
even they do not use this power, the possession of it
will cause them to be objects of jealousy and dislike
to a large portion of the community. We must also
look forward to a time when the chief of the Con-
federation shall be no longer a British Governor-
General. With this view we should have desired to
accommodate as much as possible the institutions of
the new nation to a future state of things, when the
chief of the Government will be elected by the people,
and it will be suitable and necessary that the supe-
nor branch of the Legislature shall-be elected also.
Parliament is justified in passing the measure as it is
if it be too late to alter its details, but there would
be no harm in inserting a provision for constitutional
amendment whenever the Provinces, or any one of
them, shall think fit to alter any legislative or exe-
cutive institution. There is reason to believe that
the nomination of senators will not work well, and,
if this be the case, Canada or its constituent pro-
vinces should have the power of amending the Act
without coining again to the British Parliament.
These matters, however, are subordinate to the
great principle of the bill, which is to do for the
British Provinces what the American States did
with such advantage to themselves. When these
first made the present Federal compact, the separa-
tion between them, the difficulty of communication,
and the mutual jealousy were far greater than at
present exist in British America. Gradually, as the
benefits of the Union were disclosed, the opposition
died away, and so it will be with the complaints of
the section of Nova Scotians who think that they
are to be sacrificed to Canada. Except by Union,
the Provinces can never attain to the political and
industrial greatness of their neighbours, or become
—as they ought to desire—a great and independent
nation. What can Nova Scotia or New Brunswick
do as an isolated colony, except look for protection
in war and financial support in peace to the Mother
Country ? There is, indeed, something required to
stir the enterprise aed invigorate the minds of the
colonists. They have been too long accustomed to de-
pend on England ; union will give them a mutual re-
liance on each other ; it will teach them to consider
that their destinies are to be decided by themselves on
their own side of the ocean, rather than by English-
men at Westminster. We look to Confederation
as the means of relieving this country from much
expense and much embarrassment. Without ex-
pressing any opinion on the propriety of British
guarantees for colonial railways, we may at least
say that when through our assistance there is easy
communication between the colonies there ought too
to be au end British garrisons on the American , ,
continent. his is a matter on which no delicacy
ought to prevent our statesmen and Parliament
from speaking out. We appreciate the goodwill of
the Canadians and their desire to maintain their
relations with the British Crown. But a people of
four millions ought to be able to keep up their own
defences. There have been before this protests
against grants for a Canadian fortress, and the
people of the mother country will now ask on what
just grounds 12,000 or 15,000 men are detained in
North America. The presence of this little force,
large enough to tempt an enemy to the glory of
capturing it, and not large enough to make any
effectual resistance, is a danger rather than a safe-
guard to the Canadian people. The readiness with
which the British Legislature responds to the desire
of the colonists for a more effective union ought to
be met on their part by such local measures as will
relieve this country from further military expendi-
ture on their account.
POST.—One hundred and twenty Conservatives
met yesterday to urge upon Government the wisdom
of at once granting the maximum of concession.
The advice was hardly needed, for it is well known
that Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli are not much
afraid of Reform, and are personally disposed to
very liberal measures ; but there are 80 Tories who
have their representatives in the Cabinet who hate
the very name of change, and who have insisted on
the minimum of concession. To them we owe the
illusory propositions which were meant to throw
over Reform for at least a year. To them Mr.
Disraeli can trace the painful difficulties of his
position, and to them the party may certainly
attribute the death blow it has received. During
the last few days we have been involuntarily
assisting at the convulsive efforts of the old
Tory party to retain the vital principle still within
its frame ; we arc now left to acknowledge, indeed,
that the struggles have but hastened the end, and
that the inherent weakness of its constitution, when
really brought to trial, has been unequal to the
effort which was required. To add to the poignancy
of the grief of its friends, no coroner's jury could
return any other verdict than that of "do de se,
unless in very compassion temporary insanity might
be pleaded as excuse. But little more than three
weeks ago, when Parliament opened, the Govern-
ment met the House in all the strength which was
the necessary consequence of the weakness of the
Opposition. On the benches facing them were no
serried ranks of men bound together by a common
feeling or by a common creed. 'Zorn and divided
as they had been by the various skirmishes and en-
gagements of the last year, defeated and forced to
surrender the strongholds they held,they were in the
position of those who might easily be dealt with in
parties, each making its own terms, and only too
glad for a time to devote to peace and reconstruc-
tion. Their very leaders, little as they at that time
could be said to lead, were conciliatory and submis-
sive, and a firm and strong policy was alone needed
for the Ministry iu power to carry the House with
it. It is true that on their side complete unanimity
There were rumours of
was not supposed to exist,