The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-09 00:00:00

THE lONIAN ISLANDS.

An elderly gentleman of some literary accom
plishment has put himself at the head of a forlorn
hope of the abject and the timorous, in an attempt
to circumscribe the outspoken freedom of the
English Press. The letters of Sir Francis Head,
though in terms addressed to a distinguished cotem-
porary, must be regarded as an indirect attack upon
all those English journals which, with less literary
power it may be, but certainly with not less bold-
ness of language, nor with less strength of convic-
tion, have spoken what they have felt to be the
truth of the Emperor and the Empire. This sin-
cerity and plain speaking are repulsive to the taste,
and distressing to the nerves, of the accomplished
valetudinarian. His sense propriety is offended ;
his nice perception of what is due to the comity of
nations is outraged ; above all, his apprehensions
excited up to the panic point. Trembling with
suppressed disgust and pale with ill-concealed terror,
the old man of the " Bubbles" and the " Faggots "
adjures us to be gentlemanly, and silent, and base.
" For God's sake, gentlemen, whatever you may
think and feel, don't express it. The Emperor and
the Empire are no business of yours. France has
chosen the one and likes the other. No other
government is possible there. If an evil (which
for my part I don't believe), it is a necessary
one. Remember, too, that this Imperator is the
master of 400,000 legionaries. The French nation
is irritable. The French soldier is impetuous.
London is defenceless. Beware." Such is the
quintescence of the Head letters. Sweep away the
seugce and the focci, and this remains. This is the
plausible baseness whose echo is now great in all
Clubs, and whose sound has gone forth into all the
regions of servility. These are the sentiments
which everywhere find ready currency with the
elderly and the, selfish ; with the cold egotists
whose gods are comfort and cent. pet cent. ; with
the feeble and contracted natures to whom the
vigorous play of free institutions is a bewilderment
and a terror, which they would gladly exchange,
though they shrink from the infamy of the avowal,
for the silence and order of servitude.
Now, then, let us tell, not these men, for they are
incapable of conviction and unworthy of argument,
but those who may have for a moment been misled
by their fallacies, why the free Press of England
_cannot, withou' base treason to its highest func-
tions, prostrate itself before that image of iron and
clay to which they offer up their feeble and fulsome
incense—the homage of meanness and fear. What
is it that we mean when we talk of the free Press
of England ? The free Press of England is the free
expression of the moral sense of England—not of
the conventional basenesses of society—not of the
guarded unmeaningness of diplomacy—not of the
solemn and measured conclusions of administrative
power—but of those deep convictions and of those
high instincts which reside, and by God's blessing
will ever reside, deep in the heart of this people,
whose proud prerogative it is and ever has been " to
teach the nations how to live." The free Press of
England is charged with the function of acting as
chorus in the eventful drama of European history ;
as Tribune in the complex polity of modern civilisa-
tion. The free Press of England cannot without
base recreancy to the high duties thus cast upon it,
consent to assist in silence at the triumphal pro-
-1 cession of the ,successful conqueror of a nation's
liberty. Where public outrage is done to freedom
—where the landmarks of ancient right are defaced
and trampled down—where the expression of free
thought is made a crime, and the admiration of
free institutions the passport to a prison,—there
the free Press of England, under pain of forfeiting
all that has made it a power and a shield, is bound
to speak boldly and aloud. It is its imperative and
solemn duty to proclaim to Europe that the moral
sense of England protests against these things. It
is there for the very purpose of making that pro-
test. It is of high concern for the future of Europe
that such protest should be made. What would be-
come of the hopes of the nations if the only power
that can speak out, among the only • people that
dare speak out, shoullook on calmly acquiescent
at each evolving seen M that great drama of force
and fraud P Are the old gentlemen who button
themselves up in the placid ignominy of comfort
content with the prospect of the Empire every-
where and England nowhere ? Is even their fright-
ened Ancient, the literary blower of " Bubbles"
and colleetor of " Faggots," resigned to such a
future? If not, let even these men for once seriously
bethink themselves of the mighty force of opinion
in regulating the destinies of the world. If the
English press had accepted the empire and its con-
sequences in silence, what would have been the
inevitable conclusion of Europe? Simply this—that
the foremost free State of the modern world had no
real value for her own institutions—cherished, in
fact, an intimate conviction that orderly despotism
was preferable to turbulent freedom. Let these
opinions be once firmly established, and the moral
influence of England as a paramount power in the
world's history is at an end for ever. It is our
freedom that has made us great, and our freedom
that keeps us so. It is the general conviction that
we treasure this freedom, that we would shed the
last drop in our veins before parting with it, that
gives hope and vigour to our only natural allies—
the friends of liberty throughout the world. The
press of England us charged not only with the
maintenance and defence of English freedom, but
with the hope of the world's future. A function
thus grave is not to be discharged without gravity
and earnestness. What the heart feels deeply, the
tongue and the pen will express manfully and boldly.
It is oily the fribblers of fashion or the sycophants of
slavery who are offended with the outspoken utter-
ances of a deep conviction, because their phrase-
olOgy may lack something of the emasculate repose
" which marks the caste of Vere de Vere."
There is another consideratien not altogether to
be forgotten. It is not only the ruled but the
rulers who have a deep interest in the maintenance
of this salutary freedom of speech. Power itself
stands greatly in need of the untrammelled expres-
sion of free opinion as a corrective to those excesses
which, if uncorrected! lead by an unerring Nemesis
to one of two conclusions—universal degeneracy or
universal revolt. The great historian of the Decline
and Fall of Rome has noted it as one of the worst
aggravations of the old world's splendid servitude,
that the bounds of the Imperial despotism were
conterminous with the limits of human civilisation,
so that the victims of tyranny had no refuge or
asylum from its pursuit. It may well be doubted
whether it was not at least as great an evil that
over that vast region there brooded the enforced
silence of stifled opinion and enslaved 'thought.
The excesses of tyranny were unchecked by the
voice of opposition ; the extremity of servitude
found no solace in the freedom of remonstrance or
complaint. When the Roman world was one wide
scene of leaden peace and languid contentment;
when material prosperity was at the highest point;
when all was luxury and ease and enervating
voluptuousness ; when no free thought stirred the
languid air, no free voice broke the abject silence,
then the Utopia of enlightened despotism, of or-
dered and regulated obedience, seemed to be realised
on earth. But we know the issue of these things.
It was no healthfUl calm that then held
mankind tranquil, but a fatal trance. The
faculties and energies of the race dwarfed

The wisdom of the course adopted by Sir E.
Bulwer Lytton in entrusting an important mission
to 'Mr. Gladstone is already justified by the results.
The last mentioned gentleman' arrived in Corfu to-
wards the end of November, held communication

with the principal authorities, addressed • the
lonian Senate, received a reply, and had within
the lapse of a few days produced a favourable im-
pression upon those with whem he came in con-
tact. The people seem generally gratified at the
dignified yet conciliatory policy of the British Go-
vernment, and. instead of clamouring for imprac-

ticable schemes, or evincing an unwillingness to
co-operate in a well-meant endeavour to improve
their condition, display an anxiety to aid the Lord
High Commissioner Extraordinary in his investi-
gations. In fact, the anticipations formed by Sir
E. Bulwer Lytton in seeking the valuable assist-
ance of Mr. Gladstone, have been fully realised.
The reputation and the lofty attainments of the
member for the University of Oxford command the
respect of the lonians, of all classes, and they feel
convinced that in entrusting such a mission to a
statesman whose character is so well known and
appreciated in Europe the Government were ac-
tuated by a sincere desire to find a satisfactory and

therefore an honourable, solution of the difficilty.
In reply to the unjust remarks of captious critics,
a few days since, we explained the nature of Mr.
Gladstone's mission, showing the question raised-in
the dispatches, fraudulently obtained and hastily
published, did not come within the scope of the
same. Mr. Gladstone, in his temperate and judi-
cious speech to the lonian Senate, clearly enforces
this view. After some preliminary remarks on the ~
nature of his commission, the anxiety of her Ma-
jesty for the welfare of the lonian people, and the
embarrassments that have heretofore from time to
time beset the action of the institutions established
under the Treaty of Paris, he proceeds to explain
the actual terms of the relationship existing be-
tween Great Britain and the lonian Islands, and
the objects of his mission, in these words :—" On
the one side the British protectorate over these
islands, on the other the substantive existence of
the lonian state and its title to constitutional
government, having their respective roots in the
Treaty of Paris, are derived from a source higher
than the will of any single state, whether sovereign
or subordinate. They form a portion of the pub
lie law of Europe, They cannot be infringed or
altered by any authority inferior to that from
which they flow. It is, therefore, readily to be
understood, alike from the terms of the commission
and from the reason of the case, that my mission
avoids every ulterior question that could derogate
from the relations in which, by the - concert of
so many great states, England and the islands
have been reciprocally placed. The liberties
guaranteed by the Treaty of Paris and by the
lonian law are, in the eyes of her Majesty,
sacred. On the other hand, the purpose for which
she has sent me is not to inquire into the British
protectorate, but to examine in what way Great
Britain may most honourably and amply discharge
the obligations which, for purposes European and
lonian, rather than British, she has contracted.
There are certain sapient authorities who pretend
that the Ministerial interpretation of the treaty by
which England wields the protectorate over these
islands is altogether untenable, and they will
doubtless not abandon their error on account of its
exposure by Mr. Gladstone. The majority of the
public will, however, receive the clear and just a%-
position given by the honourable gentleman
preference to the prejudiced views of dissatisfied
writers. It is not, therefore, to upset but to deve:
lope the advantages of existing institutions, to find.
a remedy for what is bad, and to strengthen what
is good, that her Majesty has been pleased to all"
point, and Mr. Gladstone to accept, this important
mission. England, as the protector of the lonian,
Islands, wishes to ensure the welfare and repose of
their inhabitants, and with that view will do ail'
thing consistent with her own dignity as well as
with that of the lonians themselves. Any viola:
tion of the obligation of existing treaties could lie'
be for a moment entertained, and those writers Nvll°
have attempted to misrepresent both the intentions
of the Government at home, and the objects of gr'
Gladstone's mission, will find in the proceedings
before the lonian Senate a complete refutation
of the fallacies which they have put forth, and the,
severest condemnation of their unconstitutional
proceedings.
Information andEcoun;il on the state of the
islands and the laws are sought by Mr. Gladstone:
and more particularly information and counsel thin',
may assist the protecting power in the benevole7
object for the attainment of which a Lord
Commissioner Extraordinary has been specie to
appointed. The President of the lonian Sol
responded to Mr. Gladstone's appeal for aid an_,
co-operation, promising that every informatt
every document and assistance that might 1-0
required, should be readily furnished. Thus, in 0
short time, the way has already been paved for a
better understanding between Great Britain 0110
the lonian Government and people, as evinced
the reception accorded to Mr. Gladstone, and r„
the favourable impression the honourable gentl,'l,
man has made upon members of all classes, bc'o,
those who have had personal experience of his 111,0,
deration and sincerity, and those who only 10,°t4
of them from the report of others. A differ
encountered in this manner may be said to be best
conquered, and we venture to augur the nrii,
auspicious results from this much-maligned miselllo
A better feeling is rapidly springing up amongst '0
lonians themselves, and we have reason to belle°,
that many are already convinced of the folly of ads;ll
eating impracticable schemes while the Brit do
Government displays such a strong desire to,l
everythill• to promote the welfare and to lons,
the liberties of the inhabitants of these islanby
placed under its care. At a public levee, held
Mr. Gladstone at the Palace of St. Michael and "of
George, the attendance of the respectable portlexibie
the inhabitants was, in spite of very unfavoura_e,
weather, most numerous ; and the honourable gl,
tleman is hourly. growing more popular, and
ning golden opinions from the lonian people
every shade of opinion and rank in life. tioa
It is more than probable that a satisfactory soln
of this perplexing and. long-agitated question vvii, I•Let
amongst the services rendered by Sir E.
Lytton during his career at the Colonial-owcej
The influence of a better and more enlightets9
policy in this department of the Government iief
already made itself felt, and we can hardly vi" 01161•
at the annoyance and harsh criticism of the.-0e•
mirers of the old system of red tape and ren,t„leje
What they declared to be an insuperable el's,' 00
is speedily removed, and by the exercise of ono
sense, impartiality, and sound principles, evenito
most formidable perils are overcome. Had the t'ity
Ministry remained in office the lonian diollicio
would in all probability have gone on increa9o4
until either menace or calamity suddenly 0;38,00
public attention to the matter. Sir Busedfe
Bulwer Lytton had the sagacity to Per oia
that prevention is infinitely better than curTeoce,
determined to put an end to a state of affairs 3%0 of
unseemly and embarrassing. Hence the orig„ea
i 0
Mr. Gladstone's mission, from which the hetrdo;
results are already anticipated. The Englis'tat
vernment, by entrusting to this distine-;00
statesman so delicate a task, have convinced aief,
the lonians themselves of their desire to re
justice, and whilst maintaining the IntegraJoil
treaties, to place their institutions upon a 8r133005°
satisfactory footing, and to secure to then' face;
blessings which invariably follow a rigid en (0`
menu of righteous laws. A chronic conditl°ol4
agitation is not favourable to progress and prosP eopl°
and none have suffered more than the lonian p t tbo
from the idle and useless clamour raised agate
tartish protectorate.

THE ATLANTIC CABLE.--LA memorial ba'shestro,
forwarded to the Lords of the Treasury fromthe
Chamber of Commerce, praying them to afford im cob,
assistance towards the laying of a new telegraPu'"bl
between Great Britain and North America, eithero
guarantee upon fresh capital subscribed, or by a silb 0 to
aid of renewed operations, or by such other rueatill
their wisdom may appear best calculated""cftet'
secure the desired object.