The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-13 00:00:00

Tfll SUN, LONDON, SATURDAS EVIENING, FEBRUARY Ig, 1g1;18.

dom of England afforded any guarantee for the just govern-
ment of India. As far as he understood, the Council of
Eight, who wore to assist the Indian Minister, were
simply to have the power of recording their dissent. That,
however, would not be done in a manner that would be
brought before Parliament, much less would they have the
check upon him which was at present supplied by the pre-
sence in that house of directors of the East India Company,
who could state their Views, in opposition to those of the
President of the Board of Control. Of such a council he
could not think that any man conversant with India, much
less any director of the East India Company, would consent
to become a member. Upon the future distribution of pa-
tronage under this measure, he confessed he could not but
look with alarm, for it was, he thought, clear that when
the President and his councillors all sat in one room, and
were in constant communication, its distribution would be
arranged in accordance with the convenience of the Minis-
ter of the day. They had seen the fate of colonies which
came in contact with the party struggles in that house. He
recollected the disaffections in Canada and Ceylon. In both
cases great injustice was committed, and the interests of
the parties concerned were continually subordinated to the
interests of parties in that house. By parliamentary dis-
cussion they brought about an almost total dissolution of
that government of Ceylon which is now so highly lauded.
Ho confessed this seemed to him an awful peril to which wo
are now about to expose the destiny of 150 millions of pens
plc. No reason had been assigned by the noble lord through.
out his speech for the choice of this particular time for the
introduction of this measure. Could it be the East In ha
Company were unpopular with the people, and that it was
thought that it would be advantageous to the Government
to abolish that body ? He did not, however, believe that
the people of England did feel any hostility to the East
India Company. The Government of India had been the
go vernmeat of India by the middle classes. It had been free
from party spirit, and was the only government in the
world under which it is admitted that in the distribution
of patronage no preference was given except to merit. He
did not think that that patronage would in future be dis-
tributed with the freedom from favouritism which had
hitherto been the case. Fur hie own part he had not the
game faith as some of his hon. friends in the competitive
system, which it was said was to furnish a safeguard against
all abuses. The best boys did not always turn out the best
men ; and at this moment, when the servants of the East
India Company, both civil and military, had shown them-
selves men of whom wo could not but be proud—when the
achievements in India had obliterated the remembrance
of the failures in the Government war in the Crimea—at
this moment to say to such men as those to whom he had
referred, that the Government they were administering
was an unworthy Government, did seem to him most un-
grateful conduct on the part of a great nation.
Mr. W. VA.NSITTART could not believe that the
House of Commons would refuse to grant the reasonable
prayer of the East India Cempany, and appoint a com-
mittee to inquire jute the conduct and constitution of the
government. He trusted, too, that before any alteration
was made in the existing government full inquiry would
bo made into the cause of the present mutiny, as he con-
ceived that it would be found that groat blame would be
attached to the Government at home for having kept the
Company so short of European troops. The hon. member
proceeded to refer to the paucity of troops at the time of
the mutiny, and the total absence of troops at most of the
principal cities in the Bengal Presidency. Before the an-
nexation of Oude there were three regiments of Europeans
more than there were after the annexation of that country,
while in Oude itself, with 216 strongly fortified felts, there
was but ono regiment of Earopeau troops. It was the most
impolitic thing to' pursue this system of annexation with-
out a corresponding increase of military force to maintain
the provinces so annexed in a state of proper organisation.
The hon. member paid an eloquent and merited eulogy to
the leravery and valour of the small detachments of
European troops who had done so much to put
down the present mutiny. He could not help think-
ing that the present system of the double government
might be simplified, but felt, at the same time, that
the system had its advantages, not the least of which
check upon an ignorant President of the
Control. (Hear.) The present was, in his opit
nu, dh
ae of
salutary
most
unsuitable time for effecting changes in the
Bwioaoasrt
Government of India, and believing that such alterations
would at the present time be attended with risk and
danger to that empire, he felt bound to oppose the intro-
duction of the bill. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. AYRTON said that many years ago, having gone
to India prejudiced in favour of the East India Cempany,
he had nevertheless, after a residence there of some time,
come to the conviction that government, in the name of
the company, was not only a proceeding highly inexpe-
dient bat a thing almost impossible to b 3 continued. Dar-
ing the last session of Parliament, upon the first oppor-
tunity he could obtain, and before the events which they
now deplored had broken out, he took occasion to say that
the substitution of the Government of the Crown for that
of the East India Company was absolutely necessary for
the maintenance of the loyalty of the natives of India. He
regarded the continuance of the government of the Com-
pany as incompatible with the least knowledge of political
ideas on the part of the natives of India. It was impos-
sible to conceive anything ao degrading, so dishonourable
to a people as to be turned over to the remnant of a joint•
stock company to be managed. He admitted that it was
no longer a trading company, but still it was the remnant
of one. He was glad to find the hand of no director was
attached to the petition which they had pros eited, and
that it came to the house like so many acts of the Com-
pany, under the common seal, without any personal
voucher of individual responsibility. That petition bad
shadowed forth to the people of this country a fact which,
if it were accepted, would be so strong in favour of the
Company, but which was so at variance with the truth that
he thought it would be an injustice to the question if the
representations of the Court of Directors, or rather the East
India Company, were allowed to go forth without some re-
mark. The Company had presumed to say that they had
acquired the government of India and their power for India
entirely by their own means, without any assistance what-
ever from the British Crown, without any assistance
from the people of this country. But how could they
make such an assertion when the three presidencies had
been acquired by them, or rather held by them, as re-
garded two of them, namely, Ma iras and Bombay, by a
grant from the Crown, and as to the other, namely, Cal-
cutta, by the joint action of their own and her Majesty's
troop,. Such were the foundations of their territorial
possessions. Ho could not forget that, in 135 ;, when
they were told an end must be pat to this anomalous
state of things, the Government of India was insol-
vent, and that it was maintained by the profits they
received from the monopoly which they enjoyed at the ex-
pense of the people of this country. Iu order to alarm the
Government of that day they stated that the value of that
monopoly, from the year 1813 to 1833, was an aggregate
sum of 23 millions, which had been applied by them in aid
of their government. But how was that money obtained ?
as fully and completely as if, year by rear,oTfhtalitissucmouwatarsyprovided, as Mr. Grant stated, by the people
it had been voted by Parliament. It was obtained by a
monopoly which raised the price of a commodity (a neces-
sary of life) at the expense of every individual in this
country. Did it then become the East India Company to
say that this country had cont-ibuted nothing to the ad-
vancement of India ? Was it nothing that the blockade
between France and India was maintained by the English
navy and English valour, and that thus the French were
prevented from getting to India ? lii tho face of these facts
the Company had the arrogance to tell the people of this
country, or rather the Parliament, that while under the
PaDnY to inquire what
not the Com-
pany Imperial Government this country was losing America,
the
America o m ?
they by their unaided efforts were extending our dominions
iwnatshteheEcaastu.se
of our ou itr becomelosing
go to the Government and say that they were
insolvent, and asked, as a means of extricating them-
selves from this position, that they might be allowed
to send their tea to America, for it was their tea,
and the destruction of it, which first produced the
American war; and it did nut become the East India
D
Company, therefore, to take credit to themselves for
the maintenance of empire iu India, while, at the
same time, America was being lost to this country. It has
been said also that they had done great things in develop-
ing our trade in India. Why, whatever had been done in
India within the present century had been done in spite of
the Cempany an I against their most violent remonstrances.
No, let the Court of Directors still inquire into the past—
let them rely as their safest government upon the present.
He for one thought it was much to bo regretted that former
governments had not felt themselves strong enough to face
the powerful influence of the Company •
, he was glad, how-
ever, to find that year by year the Court of Directors had
been falling so low in public opinion that the Government
were now able, in a comprehensive manner, to deal with an
anomaly which had been a disgrace to the country from the
first hour of its existence. But it was alleged the present
was not the time for establishing the proposed change in
the form of government of India. His opinion, on the con-
trary, was that every hour in which the change was post-
poeed was pregnant with the greatest misfortunes to the
empire. So far from the insurrection being a cause for de-
lay, it was precisely a cause why the Government of the
country should be made more efficient in its action. It was
precisely now that the deficiencies of the existing system
were most felt. The greatest value would be attached to the
transference of authority from the Court of Directors to
the Crown. The princes of India would hereafter feel
themselves treated with dignity, and he could say himself
that in India the greatest weight was attached to oven the
shadow of things. Why, natives regarded the right of ap-
peal to the Queen in Council as a great political right.
Indeed, as wag observed by the noble lord, the very inti-
mation that the intermediate authority of the company
had ceased to exist, would be tantamount to an army of
Europeans in the heart of tho country ; that was to say,
supposing the change was carried out with sagacity and
intelligence. But, undoubtedly, if any attempt was made
to undervalue the change by those who would be inclined
to act upon the ancient traditions of the Company, the
proposal of the Government would not end iu much. With
reference to the future administration of the patron age of
Lillie, he must say he did not think the Court of Directors
were entitled to any high consideration upon that ques-
tion. Notwithstanding the immense amount of patronage
at their disposal, the Court of Directors, eating as a body,
hail never appropriated a single cadetship for public
purposes. He would not canvass the subject of the purity
of Indian appointments. He hoped that the market price
of the Company's appointments was no longer known in
the City of London, and that they were now purely given.
But he knew enough of past transactions, ho hal seen
enough of the banking accounts of East India directors, to
be able to say that they had better net challenge too strict
an inquiry into the past. Then he could not conceive any-
thing more absurd than the present system of government.
Tleey load the right hon. gentleman the President of the
Beard of Coutrul at the head of the Government ; and
they had a body of gentlemen sitting in Leadenhall-street.
The right hon. gentleman was regarded as responsible for
what was done, but he had not by law the power of com-
municating with these gentlemen. What was the object
of a council except that he who was responsible should be
at liberty to canvass the opinion of ovary individual in the
council ? But all that the right hon. gentleman could get
by law from the Judie House was a resolution of a court
of directors distilled to him through the medium of the
cheirmar. The chairman might himself be personally op-
pone 1 to the opinions which he had to express, and might
have to argue in favour of a resolution of the court in
opposition to his own opinions. Ho be!ieved that such a
thing had actually occurred. What could they think of a
system in which a council was required to assist in the
administration which had no communication with the
sponsible Minister, and which was so managed that there
could be no responsibility on any individual director, and
so that the result only of their deliberations was known,
and that result perhaps arrived at only by a majority of
one ! He did not think so highly of tho perfection of
hninan nature as to believe in the official capacity of
any man who acted in a crowd, who acted behind a screen,
and who could never be responsible. Could the house
hesitate to support the Government in putting an end
to such a system ? He was glad to find that year by
year the Court of Directors had fallen in public
ul iuion, and had new fallen so low that the Govern-
ment had at last determined to put an end to the
anomaly, The noble lord had right Is- tv,arded that they