The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-29 00:00:00

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY.—Morning, 9h. 30m.—Afternoon, 101. 11m,
TO-Sloßßovv.-horning, 1013. 45m.—Afternoon, 11h. 20m

•
M.e,
di, 0 011 e.

LOIVDON, .4110NDIY, APRIL 29, 1867.

According to the last accounts we may conclude
that the Luxembourg question is settled in a satis-
factory manner. Prussia, it is said, agrees to a
Conference ; but she will not consent beforehand
to the conditions relating to the neutralisation and
razing of the fortress and the withdrawal of troops.
If the Conference should, however, settle these
terms, Prussia will agree to them, if a European
guarantee secure their execution. The hesitation
which it was expected that the French Government
would manifest on the subject of explanations has
not been nearly so great as it was supposed that it
would be. On ,-.;attirday the Legislative Body were
informed that M. ROUHEIt had furAisticd a despatch
which declared that a "keen desire" was experienced
by the Government to give all the information

possible about the Luxembourg question ; but
negotiations that are favourable to the maintenance
of peace have now been opened, and are actively
carried on by the great Powers. Hence there is
imposed upon the EMPEROR'S Government
a " diplomatic reserve ;" and a political de-
bate on the subject, if it took place prematurely,
might be very prejudicial to the interests of the
affair. A promise was given at the conclusion of
this despatch, which held out a prospect of the de-
sired revelations being made at a future period.
The excitement in Paris is very great, and M. JULES
FAVRE gave expression to the feeling when he said
that he demanded that the Government should take
no " resolution" in the question until the
Chambers were consulted. The French jour-
nals of both yesterday and Saturday seem
to regard a Conference as all but certain,
and the Etandard of yesterday states that it has yet
to be settled whether the evacuation of the fortress
of Luxemburg will be made previous to the assem-
bling of the conference or not. To-day, at Berlin,
this matter will be determined upon ; but in the
meantime, no doubt exists as to the Conference
meeting. The chief object in view of this Conference
will be to settle the future position of the Grand
Duchy, a very desirable thing for it to do, accord-
ing to all accounts, and one that is demanded
alike by reason and justice, for the encroachments
of Prussia are becoming quite unbearable.
We may remark that it is certainly a change of
days for Prussia to agree to anything that takes the
settlement of affairs out of her hands. 'We have all
heard a great deal of late as to the supremacy of
Prussia, and the uselessness of trying to cope with
her ; but it is a new thing to see that arbitration
and conferences are necessary in order to settle
her ways and actions. Had the reasonable
requests of the French EMPEROR been complied
with there would have been no need of all this
reference to the other Powers of Europe, and the
imbroglio in which so many have found themselves
might have been avoided. The Berlin papers do
not seem to know what to say exactly, but content
themselves with vague remarks as to the necessity
for prudence, and assertions that Prussia will not
hesitate to conform to arrangements which the
European Powers may desire, such a result
being different to consenting to the " individual
demands" of France. The truth is, we suspect
that they are glad to let BISMARCK down easily, and
seeing that he has got himself into a fix they are
seeking how they can most effectually extricate
him without compromising the dignity of Prussia.
The time is not so very far distant when very
little, if any heed, was paid by the Cabinet
of Berlin to the wishes, and even the
remonstrances, of the Powers of Europe ; but
now it is convenient to make a great
fuss about their desires being gratified. When
Denmark was sacrificed there were not wanting
many remonstrances against the work of spoliation,
and when Austria was ruined, comparatively at
least, the greatest trouble was taken to prevent
the catastrophe. But all to no avail, and the work
of destruction went on. Is it because the point
at issue now relates to a mightier foe that this
new-born deference for the opinion of the Euro-
pean States is seen ? Be this as it may, the result
is satisfactory, and the prospect of peace will be
hailed far and near. At this junction of affairs it
would be especially unfortunate for any fresh dis-
turbances to take place ; and, although there is no
fear of this country being involved in hostilities,
yet a Continental war cannot take place
without all suffering more or less from its effects.

The chief burden of the war would fall on those
who are innocent of offence, and are compelled to
act in accordance with the dictates of others, and it
is hard indeed that families should be desolated and
property wasted 'in order to satisfy the unlawful
claims and extortionate demands of a grasp-
ing Power. Not that a possible war with
France must in the end be the means of
satisfying Prussia, for there is no reason to
suppose that she would have the best of it. On
the contrary, we expect that the consequences of
such hostilities taking place would be to curtail con-
siderably the power and influence of the Berlin
Government ; but although such a change may
eventually be desirable for the peace of Europe, the
present does not seem an appropriate time. Per-
haps it is not too venturesome to hope that even
the arrogant pretensions of BISMARK may be mode-
rated, in consequence of the hints he has so plainly
been furnished with, and the general disapproval of
his conduct and of the policy of Prussia which has
been conveyed to him from so many quarters, and
conspicuously so from this country. If a war be put
off it is a general gain, and if it be altogether avoided
it will be an advantage to all parties, and a great
thing for the intereFts of humanity. It is not
really the question of Luxemburg that is para-
mount, but the impertinent interference of Prussia
has rendered it neceFsary for France to enter a
protest, and if that protest be attended to it will
be well for the peace of Europe, and especially
for the prosperity of Prussia.

In the very able and sensible pamphlet recently
put forward by Sir CHARLES TREVELYAN respecting
the defects of our military administration* the
writer condemns alike the manner in which we
obtain our officers and our privates. The purchase
system is open, as all must admit, to very serious
objections, and its hardships and inequalities are
forcibly dwelt upon in these pages by one who has
had ample opportunity of studying the ques.ion in
all its bearings. If our army was merely intended
for a costly national plaything, to fight its battles
on paper or to pass through a theoretical examina-
tion of its capabilities, it might be very well to keep
it as a preserve for rank and wealth, in which in-
fluence, family connections, and, above all, money,
are powerful. But since it is intended as an army
for action, and not for display, it is evident that
the fact of a man having so many thousands at his
bankers', or an uncle at the Horse Guards, does not
necessarily fit him for the command of a regiment.
Whatever may be the individual bravery common
to Englishman, there is a degree of skill and ad-
miniArative capacity required in the management
of a large body of men, under dangerous and
disadvantageous circumstances that does not neces-
sarily accompany the adjuncts of rank and wealth.
No doubt even under the present system we have
many excellent officers, and many who only need
the opportunity for action to display their military
genius, but the purchase plan does not do them jus-
tice. If promotion were a test of ability and cha-
racter we should know that their high rank was
really due to themselves, and to no accident of for-
tune, while capable men in the lower grades
would be ep:u•ed the discouragement and mor-
tification which now too often awaits them
in seeing an officer of less ability and expe-
rience passed over their heads after a shorter
term of service, just because he can afford to pay
fur his promotion. Sir C. TREVELYAN proposes to
change all this, and he believes that the adoption
of his suggestions would cause " the current of pro-
motion to flow with a certainty and steadiness, as
well as with an equal application to all officers

* •' The Purchase System in the British Army." By
Sir C. Trevelyan, F.C.B. Socond Edition, with Additions

Longnaans.

according to their services and qualifications which
are totally wanting in the present system." The
different sources of promotion according to his
method would be comprised under the following
heads :-1. Invaliding on half-pay previously to
20 years' service ; 2. Invaliding on full pay after
20 years' service ; 3. Compulsory full pay retire-
ment at the maximum age to be fixed for each rank ;
4. Voluntary full pay retirement after 30 years'
service ; 5. Voluntary retirement without pension
previously to 30 years' service ; 6. Death vacancies ;
7. Staff corps, depot battalions, army of reserve,
militia, &c. Whatever apparent expense these
arrangements might be attended with, there can be
no doubt that if our army were put on a new and
equitable footing the country would save a great deal
in actual outlay, as well as in obtaining more efficient
service, while officers would have less cause to com-
plain of the hardships and injustice of their treat-
ment. As Sir CHARLES very sensibly observes—
" The system is so framed as first to create a dead
weight, and then to throw it off upon the shoulders
of the public ; and we have gone on so long com-
pensating officers for the losses occasioned by it,
and have incurred such heavy and indefinite expense
in the attempt to mend it, that we might return to
correct principles of army administration without
incurring additional expense—perhaps with consi-
derable ultimate saving." As it is the arrangements
are most hurtful to the honourable independence of
officers of moderate means. A man is compelled
to sacrifice all his private fortune to obtain promo-
tion, and then, in case of his death in action, his
widow and orphans have to be recommended as
recipients of public charity whereas more than
sufficient provision has been sacrificed by
the purchase system. Sir E. TREVELTAN cites
several painful cases of this nature, one in which,
after an investment of £12,000 in commissions, the
officer in question lost his life at sea in a transport.
He had been unable to insure from want of suffi-
cient income, and his widow was forced to depend
on the receipt of a pension. The sum provided in
the estimates for widows' pensions, compassionate
allowances, Royal allowances, and Relief Fund,
amounted in the year 1857-8 to £158,600. "This
multiplication of eleemosynary arrangements is
characteristic of a system which first de-
prives military officers of the means of
providing for their families, and then treats
their wives and children as objects of
charity." Without doubt the families of officers
who have lost their lives in the public service are
entitled to some provision from the State if their
circumstances require it, but if the purchase system
were altered officers of any standing or length of
service would be able to insure their lives, and thus
make their families independent of the capricious
gifts of favour and fortune.

The Military Reserve Fund, which has greatly
extended its operations of late years, is derived from
two sources, both of which, as our author remarks,

have a strong tendency to narrow the limits of pro-
motion without purchase. Officers are allowed to sell
commissions which they never purchased, and to re-
ceive a portion of the price, the remainder being
paid over to the Reserve Fund. But though the
officers who sell those commissions get only part of
the value, those who buy them aro entitled to sell

them again at full value, so that every such free
commission passes to the purchase system. The
other source is a change in the management of the
cavalry commissions, so that the purchase system
is strengthened and extended by Government
agency.

The excessive dimensions of the half-pay list is
another of the mischievous results of the purchase
systetn. In the French army, with 16,000 officers, the
list on half-pay is small. In the Indian army out
of nearly 7,000 officers only 404 were on half-pay
i❑ 1856. The original object was to enable officers
to retire on account of ill-health, but as every one
knows it is now altogether altered. The colonelcies
are pure sinecures, to which general officers descend
to get the pay. The regimental agencies are worse
than sinecures, for which over £40,000 a year is paid
by the country. Such is the ♦erdict of an expe-
rienced and dispassionate observer, and it is surely
time to ask whether we cannot altogether amend
the cumbrous and costly machinery of our
military administration. With an immense
annual outlay there are yet constantly occurring
cases of individual hardship and suffering. While
we are overpaying the holders of sinecures we are
absorbing the private means of hardworking officers
of lower grades. It is no great wonder that, not-
withstanding all the attractions of a military life,
our army is no longer popular with the great middle
classes.