The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-09 00:00:00

THEWSUN, LONDON FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 9, 1858

quence, a striking contrast in these respects to the
gentlemen who bear " the bloody hand," on their
escutcheons.

That there must be a deficiency of from six to
seven millions is 'note generally admitted. The
Mats acknowledges to six, and we recently pointed
out that it would be close on sewn. The calcula-
tions which we put forward, when " the precious
budget" of last year was introduced, have been
strikingly verified, making due allowance for the
perturbations arising from the Indian mutiny and
other elements that could not then have been an-
ticipated. It is the duty of M.r. DISRAELI to meet
this serious demand in the manner that will prove
least burdensome to the great body of the people,

and also most consistent with justice and equity.
We have frequently pointed out the imperative
necessity of a complete revision of the fiscal code,
so as to apportion the burden fairly, and make
every British citizen contribute to the maintenance
of the national establishments and the liquidaticn
of the national liabilities according to his means
and position. It couldnot, however, be anticipated
that Mr. DISRAELI could enter on such a task,
which should be preceded by a very stringent in-
vestigation before a select committee. We must
for this year, and under existing circumstances,
be contented if he make the most of the materials
at his disposal, and render the additional charges
required for making up the coming deficiency as
light as possible.
The first point that can fairly be required is
the renewal of the Exchequer Bonds created by
Mr. GLADSTONE. By so doing a large portion of
the deficiency will be provided for, and that in the
most equitable manner. As we yesterday explained
it was never intended that the South Sea stock should
be paid off without an equivalent, and we repeatedly
urged that the tax-payers were fairly entitled to
have the stock which should be substituted there-
for, sold for the benefit of the Treasury. This
would probably have been done, but that it would
have rendered the grievous mistake of Mr.
GLADSTONE too perceptible, and proved beyond
the possibility of doubt that his abortive attempt
had cost the nation nearly a million sterling. The
, six millions of Exchequer Bonds were intended as
a partial substitute, and there is ample justifica-
tion for their renewal, which would not ha any
degree destroy " the beauty of the invention," or
what would be still better, let new stock similar
to that contemplated by Mr. GLADSTONB, be
created to the same amount that would have been
required if every holder of South Sea Stock had
accepted the terms proposed by Mr. GLADSTONE.
No reasonable objection could be made to this
course. The Oxford pet would be silenced. He
at least could not complain of such an arrange-
ment. There might also be added the sum ad-
vanced to the Sardinian Loan, which is bringing
in a well secured revenue to the British nation,
although it was paid out of current receipts, and
the amounts paid for the redemption of the Sound
Dues—which ought to have spread over at least
20 years—and for the redemption of ceitai❑
hereditary pensions which would never have been
sanctioned by Parliament. The latter transactions
were, however, kept strictly concealed. Nothing
was known on the point until credit was taken for
the money thus misappropriated, in the annual ac-
counts. All these matters which have occasioned
the deficiency, might be properly taken advantage
of by Mr. DISRAELI to repair the evil, and
by so doing he would have a handsome fund in
hand to modify or abolish obnoxious imposts, the
most striking whereof is the " tax on prudence,"
in the shape of duties on fire and life policies of
assurance.

But, beyond anything, a judicious apportion-
ment of the Income-tax is demanded by the
country. The gross, the palpable injustice of that
flagrant grievance, is universally felt. If it were not
an "actual fact" coming home to every man earn-
ing 100/, per annum or upwards, and touching him
in the tenderest point—the pocket—it could not
be credited that any Government would so greatly
stultify itself as to propose--or any Parliament as I
to enact—such an iniquitous system. Mr.
DISRAELI was the wily financial Minister who re-
cognised the distinction between dividends, in-
terest, and annual produce of accumulated and
realised property, and the hard earnings of
industry. He has now a glorious opportunity of
carrying out his view. A beginning is all that
is required. If he commences by reducing the
payment under schedule D to one-half of those
required from men possessing tangible property,
the country will bail the step in the right direc-
tion, and gladly confess that "the right man" is,
at last, "in the right place." More will, un•
(loubtedly, be required, but that handsome instal-
ment will be willingly accepted. Should he do i
so, ho will establish an irresistible claim to the I
national gratitude, and so strengthen the hands of
Government that it nay smile with disdain at all
the factious opposition ofered on untenable
grounds. The golden opportunity is before him.
It should not be neglected or misapplied.
On this point we would earnestly invite atten-
tion to an article by an esteemed and valued col-
laborateur, the Belfast iferaantile Journal, which
will be found in another part of this day's im-
pression. The views contained therein are in
strict accordance with those we have incessantly

advocated. It is but a question of strict justice
that so long as the exemption is extended to in-
comes not exceeding 1001., a similar relief should
be given to every payer, whatever may be the amount
of his receipts, on the first 1001. It is absurd to
say that a man earning barely 1001. per annum
should be_charged 21. 18s. 4d., while the person
with 991. would go free, or that the mechanic
obtaining 21. per week should give 10d., and the ,1
working man who gained 38s. paid nothing. The
class brought within the operation of the tax, coin-
prising a large proportion of clerks struggling to '
maintain a raspectablo appearance, aro those for
whom the utmost sympathy should be felt, and
the greatest possible relief afforded.

We highly approve of our contemporary's sug-
gestion of taxing accumulated property of all
kinds according to its capitalised value. We have
repeatedly urged the justice and expediency of so
doing, and in the beginning of 1857 pointed out
the large returns that would be obtained from the
adoption of such a system, by means whereof
the most obnoxious and onerous taxes might be
either entirely repealed or materially modified.
Property has its duties as well as its rights, and
certainly not the least important is that of pro•
viding for the interest of the national debt,-__
which, as we have already proved, should fall ex-
clusively on realised property—and also of con-
tributing largely to the maintenance of the publi•
establishments, which to a great degree aro re-
quired for its protection. The man without pro-
perty of any description would have little to fear
if the Expenditure in these departments were rc-
(laced t) one quarter of their present amount.

question is
The true difficulty in the Indian
that candidly stated by Lord DERBY at the Man-
sion-house--how to combine a responsible Minister
with an effective Council. We must confess this
is the problem which it has always appeared to us
impes-ible to solve. Make the Council powerful,
and the President or Secretary—whichever name
L e may go by—is in just that proportion irrespon

Bible y
;otefrthabescooluutnec,ilantodayetoueffdecei
tively. If the Council be composed of persons to
inducements
de-
stroy the Mn i s
whom any Minister must more or less defer, or if
they are authorised to adopt a mode of procedure
which interferes with the Minister's free action,
the latter could always put forward, when
attacked in Parliament, the plea of our first
parent, and could justly say—the Council which
thou gayest to be with me advised thus, and I did
act. And the House must admit the plea, too. It
could not get rid of an Indian Minister who
yielded to the power created to "check" him.. On
the other hand, what would a Council become
which had no substantive power 1' What would
our Lords and Commons be, if the Minister of the
day could hear their opinions and then act on his
own i What have Louis NAPOLEON'S Senate
and Legislative Council, and even our own
Board of Admiralty ever been t It seems
as inevitable that a Council which does not
act as well as advise, or whose advice is
not necessarily followed by action, should lose
its vigour, as that any muscle of our body, if not
used, should shrink and almost vanish.
As we observed, however, a few days ago, it
seems to be considered a necessity that a Council
we must have. The old Company has left that
impression, at least, on the minds of most of our
legislators. It will probably survive in part
under the name of an Eist India Council, when
the name of East India Company is abolished.
It might take for its motto, while expecting its
change, the non (minis morid6r of the poet, for by
a kind of political metempsychosis the worthy
directors, or many of them, will enjoy a higher
title, a double salary, and no diminution, perhaps
rather an increase of patronage. Lord DERBY can
scarcely be blamed for proposing a Council, when
he knew that Parliament is not yet prepared to
construct a new Home Government for India on
any other terms ; but from his statement on
Monday week we have little doubt that lie con-
siders a Council and a really responsible Minister
to be almost incompatible ; if, therefore, a Coun-
cil we must have, his Cabinet proposed to make
the Council one of the greatest possible moral
weight, and to lay greater stress on making the
Council efficient than the Minister responsible.
At the same time he has provided that the Mini-
ster should be able to act almost as a perfect
autocrat if he wished ; the great check being that
it would not be easy for him to ignore the moral
weight of the elected half of the Council.

The India Howse has very naturally criticised
both the bills. It has presented a report, which,
however, reads like a last dying speech and con-
fession, to the proprietary, and finds, of course, so
many faults with both bills as to show that the
Company is better than either of the preposed
councils ! One thing is very amusing. Both Lord
PALMERSTON and Mr. DISRAELI wished to be as
tender as possible to the " sick man," or as civil
as possible in showing the old Company the door.
They used as kind words as possible, therefore, and
bowed the Directors out. The worthy Directors
mistook the commiseration and the courtesy for
bona fide tributes of praise to their past merits !
They actually advert, almost in the opening of
their report, to the praises bestowed by the
abolishers on the institution they were abolishing,
as rendering it marvellous that it should be
abolished, and important if it were, that its ex-
cellencies should be perpetuated under any new
arrangement !

As to the two bills, they divide their censures
and their approbation pretty equally, though
Lord DERUY'S as the more thorough-going comes
in perhaps for more of the former. Either of
them ought, they think, to be opposed by all legal
means, but if the Rouse will pass one of them
every effort must be made in committee, to confer
increased powers on the council, that is, to lessen
1 the responsibility of the Minister, and to make
the irresponsible council the real power, and the
actual administrator of the Home Government of
India. One proposal in Lord DERBY'S Bill has
our hearty concurrence—the !appointment of a
commission to examine, in India, into the state
and prospect.; of Indian Finance ; the Directors
profess fear for the reputation of the Indian Go-
vernment, and oppose most hotly the appoint-
ment of the commission—their real fear is a
Blue Book of facts on their own Revenue delin-

quonotees
The election of five members of couneil by com-
mercial constituencies, of course, incurs their un-
qualified censure ;—" they can only express a
feeling of amazement," at which we certainly are
not at all amazed. They are obliged to confess
that an English element is wanted in the courcil,
and if they had not done so, their own most vain.
able servant, Col, ARTHUR COTTON could have en-
lightened them. " Old Indians"—he has told
them—"are the destruction of India." "What is
wanted is a great majority of untainted English-
men, Englishmen who are not turned
Asiatics." " India never can make a fair
start in the race of improvement till
Old Indians are in the minority among the ruling
body." " What is wanted, is representatives from
different classes in England, who will bring their
English energy and understanding to the work."
Such is the testimony of one of the most honest
and efficient of the Company's servants in India,
and we ask whether Lord PALarettsTors's Bill, or
any other part of Lard DERBY'S Bill, provides
Councillors more nearly approaching Colonel A.
Corrox's description, than the proposal to choose
five Councillors from commercial men by the five
largest commercial towns in the kingdom. No
person, we presume, seriously concerned to de-
cide aright, could do more than laugh at the very
silly picture drawn by The Times from fancy, of
the bankrupt merchant beggars whom London
and 'other great cities would choose as Councillors
for India. The proposal is perhaps sentenced,
by the interested, to be joked out of the Bill ; we
h however, that, assuming we are to have
a workingink,
Council, the idea is a good one.
t
It is superfluous, however, to advert to all
their criticisms, since they are scarcely anything
more than a repetition of the current objections ;
objections easy enough to make, and some of them
such as we have already made ourselves. Mr.
Serjeant GAZELEE objected to both bills, and
" thought it would be much better to throw the
whole responsibility upon the Ministers, who
might be assisted by a competent number of
clerks. Such was the system in the Imperial
Government, and surely what was good for Eng-
land was good for India." Different as England
and India are, the last remark is somewhat of a
non sequitur. Still it is not to be denied that the
simple responsibility of a Minister, who would
always be able to command the services of the
ablest men, might be the best solution of the diffi-
culty stated by Lard Deasy. We should not be
much surprised if the public were, indeed, driven
to get rid of councils altogether.

case we cannot conceive that
Lordll3 any
DERBY will allow himself to be driven
iron, office, as the factious ones may
sulject,
a
yhope,
on an India Bill. It is not a party
any Minister would be justified in accepting any
alterations which discussion, not partizanship,
may show to be desirable. Lord DEBBY will not

allow India to be sacrificed, we may be assured, to
mere patty tactics. There are ways and means
enough for party to fight the battle for office, if it
will, in Parliament, without perilling the interests
of such an empire as India. We should think it
would exercise a most salutary influence on the
debates, if Mr. DISRAELI should announce pretty
early, that under no circumstances would the Go-
vernment resign on the question of India—that
they were quite prepared to carry out honestly
the best plan which the united wisdom of the two
Houses could furnish.

It can scarcely be otherwise than a source of
universal satisfaction, the knowledge that the
protracted struggle against misfortune, maintained
now for ten years with unwearied assiduity by
M. Da LIMARTINB is at length about to be brought
to a happy conclusion. Between 1848 and 1858
the contest with impending ruin has been main-
tained by him, single-handed, in the midst of an

all but overwhelming accumulation of diffi-

culties. After saving France and Europe from
the horror of Anarchy—effecting this, moreover,
at the imminent haaard of his life—the Hero of
February, though by nature a poet, though by
genius a dreamer, though by an instinctive pre-
ference, all his life long, a man of letters rather
than a man of action, consented, nevertheless, for
three months, in the midst of an appalling crisis,
to assume the then by no moans tempting responsi-
bility of supreme Government. It is not an exagge-
ration of his importance, to say this of LAMARTINX.
For he, among all his colleagues, was indisputably
and notoriously the genius of the Provisional Go-
vernment. DUBONT DE L'EURB, it is true, occu-
pied the chair of presidency at the council board
—but he did so simply in recognition of his age,
and of his probity. GOUDOHAUX held the port-
folio of Finance, MAXIE that of Public Works,
LEDRU ROLLIN that of the Interior, CREMIEUX that
cf Justice, CA.RNOT that of Public Instruction,
ARAGO that of Marine, BETHMONT that of Com.
merce, and General SUXERYIE that of War—but
they were dominant, these men, each simply and
exclusively in his own department. With La-
MARTINE it was Otherwise. He was far more than
simply Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was
pre-eminently the
mouthpiece, the spokesman,
the representative of the entire Government. His
famous manifesto was the document to which all
looked for the revelation of the intentions, the
principles and the aspirations of the Republic
born of the Revolution. When that Republic,
scarcely yet brought into existence, was imperilled
by the mob—he was the one who stood forward
as its champion in front of the Hotel de Ville.
When the organs of various parties and sections,
and even, be it said, creeds and races, had to be met
and reasoaed into a patient submission to the course
of events--he it was who personally gave audience,
ono after another, to the imperious and imprac-
ticable deputations. For three months he toiled
at his perilous post,
with unflagging assiduity and
determination, and, in the end, only withdrew
from holding within his generous and heroic grasp
the reins of the democratic Government—because
the tocsin of civil war had sounded in the streets
of Paris the absolute and instant necessity of
gathering those reins up yet more tightly, and
placing them collectively in the iron grip of a
military Dictator. At the advent of the soldier
CATARINA°, LAMAATINE, the poet, descended
again, first of all among the ranks of the national
representatives, and ultimately to the comparative
retirement of a studious cultivation of the various
fields of literature. The dignity of this
retirement ho himself has eloquently
vindicated but very recently in one of the last
instalments of one of the most popular of all his
aerial publications. It is in the preambule of the
25th, caretiel. of his Curs Fainilier de Litters-
lure, that in an address to his readers, M. DE
LAMARIINB has condescended to repel the shame-
less insinuations cast against him by certain men-
dacious opponents. " How cruelly insequential,"
he says, "it is to say to a man, You owe debts,
and if you do not pay what you owe you are dis-
honoured ; and to say to him in the same breath,
Yet, if you continue to work to pay what you owe,
you are still dishonoured." Nevertheless, this
is precisely what has, been said of and to
this great man by his flagitious and illogical
assailants. Embarrassed in his circumstances at
the period of the last revolution—he ascends to
the diazy altitude of the virtual chieftainship of
the French Government. Empty-handed, after
doing his part to the last nobly and con-
scientiously, be descends from that unwonted
elevation to assume anew his labours as an author.
out,ail
ln‘ ob ue, i,
en:
juqiu Vonasesa
in ne ira,,
What is his reply no w to his malignant deprecia-
eitkems
tors ? It is a reply worthy of LA.MASTINE. " Tells
pouvez m'btouffer," ho cries
no me dishonnerez
tr
pagonindaerfnaiuetros;oicipoirs,ere je
sue ee
cellsde av
maiellsera e
a
" Yes, you may strangle me," he says, " but you
cannot dishonour me. I will work on to my latest
breath, and if I fail in my efforts the fault
will not be mine ; it will rather be that of my
ietractors." But France at this moment has
decreed otherwise. For ten years this unequal
contest has been continued uninterruptedly. At
last it is to cease. The gratitude of the Great
Nation to one of the noblest, and truest, and most
gifted of all her sons can no longer be restrained.
A. national subscription is to liquidate the liabili-
ties of the man who is at once—Hero, Poet, His•
torian, Orator, Romancist, Legislator, Admini-
strator. The estates so long in jeopardy at Ma-
con are to be redeemed from mortgages and secured
intact to the owner from whose possession they
Appeared but yesterday to be passing away rapidly
and inexorably beyond the possibility of redemp-
tion. The home of the poet of Jocelyn, is still to
ho his and no other's. The vineyards familiar to
the feet of the young day-dreamer of _Raphael are
to be yet trodden by him now that he is aged
into the historian of the GironcNns. The BYRON
~f France is still to have his Newstead. The
SCOTT of France is still to retain his southern
Abbotsford. France has said it. Frenchmen of
and 'lassos are swelling the lists of sub-
scription for this splendid and touching testimc-
nial. It is well. Had the struggle with adverse
fortune ended in this instance differently, it would
have been a disgrace for France no less than it
would have been a grief to LIMARTINE. There.
fore, we repeat, it is well—and not the loss so
that the movement which is at length being parti

cipated in by
a Whole people is now formally
authorised and inaugurated by the Government.

There was uo
part of the Ministerial arra.uge-
meats on which the thick and thin adherents of
Lord PALMERSTON
expatiated S.) pathetically as
on the dangers likely to arise from the substitu-
tion of Lord RIALMESBURY for 1.411'd CLA.RENDON
at the Foreign Office.
The safety, however, and
welfare of the country
would be endangered if the
portfolio passed from the vigoeous hands of the
f 'ruler Minister to one
so weak and inefficient as
his successor, "Pecially at a time when such im-
p )rtant questions were pending with
he French and Neapolitan Governments.
Such was the tenor of the sundry Jeremiads by
Close who wished to constitute Lord PALMERSTON
perpetual dictator, encouraging him to treat with

contumely and insult every member who dared to
give expression to opinions opposed to his own.
We have now witnessed the satisfactory termina-
tion of • the untoward differences with the
Cabinet of Paris, and certainly the publica-
tion of the correspondence respecting " The
Cagliari," on which we commented on Monday,
dues not place the loss to the country from the
resignation of Lord CLARENDON in quite so strik-
ing a light as the panegyrists of that Nobleman
would wish it to be regarded in. Nothing in-
deed more humiliating to the national dignity can
be conceived than the correspondence and entire
proceedings up to the time of the change of
Government. And there are few consistent
Liberals who would not now regard the return of
the Earl of CLARENDON to the Foreign-office as a
matter that would inevitably follow the over-
throw of the DERBY Cabinet.

He it was who not merely omitted answering,
but excused and justified the despatch of Count
WALEWSKI, and thus caused the exclusion from
office of the Ministry of which he was an influ-
ential member. He, too, was the person who so
seriously compromised the national dignity by
his milk and water remonstrances on the out-
rageous cruelty exhibited in reference to two Bri-
tish engineers, virtually conniving at that cruelty,
until one of the victims (WATT) was driven to
attempt suicide, his intellects having been
affected by his protracted incarceration ; and the
bodily health of the other (PARK) had yielded to
his protracted sufferings. Already, WATT has
been restored to his country, although but a mere
wreck, while the other has been liberated from
confinement and given a fair chance of recovering
his health. A decided and energetic tone has
also been adopted, calculated to bring King BOND/
and his advisers to a due sense of the folly of
which they were guilty, in striving to gratify
their vindictive feelings against Great Britain, at
the Expense of two innocent Englishmen, illegally
captured out of the Neapolitan waters, and treated
as if they had been malefactors of the worst elms.

We have already contrasted the legal opi-
nions given by the late law officers of
the Crown with the lucid and convinc-
ing document signed by Dr. TRATERS Twiss.
In the former there was a manifest desire to avoid
the responsibility of making any demand, which,
if refused, might be followed by hostilities. For
that purpose, assumptions totally unwarranted by
the facts were put forward—assumptions which
were not warranted, or even ventured on by
Commander CARAFA himself. The benefit
of the doubt was given to the Sicilian autho-
rities, and a justification put forward on
utterly untenable grounds, which were not alluded
to by the parties implicated. Dr. Twiss, on the
contrary (as well as Dr. PRILLIMORE), clearly and
unequivocally examined every circumstrance, and
proved the total illegality of the entire proceed-
ings ab initlo. And yet Signor CARAFA, depend-
ing on the weak and vacillating tone of Lord
CLARENDON, declares that England herself has
declared " that there cau be no right to re-
quire anything more than a speedy, regular,
and public trial." This was his impression from
Lord CLARENDON'S diluted correspondence. He
was, however, undeceived by Lord MALMESBURY,
who expressly stated, that her Majesty's Govern-
ment " cannot admit that the prima facie evi-
dence which was produced, as far as it is at
present known, could justify the prolonged con-
finement to which these British subjects have
been exposed, and from which they have
SO severely suffered," emphatically adding, " Her
MAJESTY'S Government still believe that the
Engineers, WATT and PAux, were entirely igno-
rant of the conspiracy to BOiZ3 the Cagliari, and
were throughout acting under durance."

From the above, it is manifest that Lord MAL-
MESBURY, in a few days, effacted, through
Mr. LYONS, what Lord CLIRENDON COM -
pletely failed in doing during as many
months. The vigour and energy so clearly de-
monstrated proved to the Neapolitan Govern-
ment that they could no longer maintain
the contumelious trifling displayed towards
the late Foreign Minister. And we hope
and believe that the demand for compensation to
the sufferers as atonement to the Government
will be responded to with equal promptitude.
Lord MALMESBURY has shown that the old pro-
verb, " where there's a will there's a way," is

applicable to diplomacy, as well as other matters

LORD NORMANDY'S REVIVAL.—Lord Normanby has
addressed the following letter to the Constitutionnel :
"Florence, April 3.—1 perceive from your journal just
received that a subscription is opened for M. Lamartine.
If a foreigner may be permitted to join in a tribute of
national gratitude, one of M. Lamartino's oldest friends
and one who has had particular opportunities of ob-
z all that his energy did for the great cause of
order, -not only in France, but throughout the entire
world may venture to contribute. As at this distance
Id
do not know the names of the committee I take the
liberty of enclosing I,ooof. as my.eubscription.--Receive,
&c., NORMANDY."
REPRESENTATION OP GREENWICH.—In consequence
of the recent decision in the Court of Bankruptcy with
regard to Mr. Townsend, M.P., it is assumed that one
oCthe Beets for the borough of Greenwich will shortly
be at the disposal of the electors. It is confidently
sated that at the proper time Admiral Martin will ar-
pear as a Conservative candidate, meanwhile the friends
of Mr. Townsend, who are numerous and enthusiastic
in his cause, although chiefly composed of the industrial
classes, maintain that another combined effort will be
made to enable him to retain his seat, and that a com-
mittee is now in the course of formation, in order to raise
the necessary funds to release him from his pecuniary
difficulties.
Candia, which has arrived at Suez with
the Calcutta mail, brought only one day's later news
from Calcutta than what wag received from Bombay a
week ago by the Ottawa. The Candia, however, met
with the steamer Oriental at Aden, which 11,d a week's
later nows front Bombay. The Oriental is not the regu-
lar Bombay mail-packet, but is at present in the trans-
port service. She therefore only brought the news from
Bombay up to the 18th ult. The regular Bombay mail
packet next due will bring news up to the 25th u:ts,
and a telegram of it may be exp-cted next Wednesday,
the 14th. This telegram will no doubt have very im-
portwit news of the success of the columns in pursuit
of the rebel fugitives from Luck flow.
THE MONUMENT TO THE 23D FCICILIERS.—The erec-
tion of a monument in memory of the 231 Webb Fuel-
liars who fell dining the late Russian war is proceed ng
at Carmarthen. The site is in the Guildhall-square, and
the monument is to he 30 feet in height, with a base 12
feet square, the whole being formed of Portland atone,
and on the shaft and pedestal will be inscribed the rani-ts
of every officer, non-commissioned officer, and private
who fell during the war, whether on the field or by dis-
ease. The monument is to be surrounded by a handsome
iron railing representing rows of muskets with fixed
bayonets, and will he erected at the expense of the
officers and friends of this gallant regiment.
EXTRAORDINARY CLIA.RGE OP IMPOSITION AGAINST A
CLERGYMAN.—A singular case was brought before Mr.
Kynnersley, the Birmingham stipendiary magistrate, on
Wednesday. A person decently attired in clerical garb,
and styling himself the Rev. Henry Chapman, was
charge I by Inspector Glossop with sending begging
letters to the principal nobility, clergy, and gentry of
nearly every county iu England. The prisoner had
bent two years in Birmingham, and during the greater
par, of that time had 1 idged at the house of a person
named George Jefferios, in Hill-street, into whose debt,
by means of vague hints and mysterious insinuations
about property in London, he managed to get to the
an >unt of 1781. 104. ; and in order to supply the pri-
soner with money, Jefferies actually pawned a consi-
derable portion of his household good,. Chapman states
that he was ordained by the Arc bishop of York, and,
having no preferment, for some years performed the
duties of curate at Kilharn, in the E of York-
shire. He was then po,seesed of a competency, but, by
misconduct squandered his resources until be became
penniless, and had no other means of getting a living.
He has lost a leg ; and is besides suffering from hernia.
Among those whom he favoured with his missives were
Lord Palmerston, Mr. 0, B. Adderley, M.P. ; and Mr.
F. Hatchard, of Piccadilly, London. The two last
named put tbemselves in communication with the Rey.
Dr. Miller, rector of Birmingham, and that led to Chap-
man's apprehension. He aeeured the meei,trete that he
did not know he was doing wrong, and if it was against
the law he would not offend again in like manner. He
was allowed to depart, there being no specific okarge
against him,

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NAPLES.
SALERNO, THURSDAY, APRIL 8

A Royal decree, of this day's date, allows
Park to return to England immediately. He is
acquitted (mis hors de cause).