The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-06 00:00:00

The Position of Editors.

An interesting and full-freighted article on the
" Leading Political Editors of Washington
affords 7 he National I ntelligencer an opportunity
to contrast the eatimation placed upon editors in

past and present times by other prominent public-
ists. " Such men," says The Intelligencer, " at,
James Buchanan, Robert J. Walker, William L.
Marcy, and George Bancroft, leading members o
the great Cabinet of Mr. Polk, unlike some of our
present political functionaries, read newspapers and
esteemed the editorial fraternity." We cannot
help thinking that in the main the esteem in which
editors are held, either in Washington or out of it,
depends upon themselves and not upon people,
however eminent, who are exterior to the profes-
sion. The editorial calling is second in importance
trading
a t politician. When our brethren
and dignity to no other practised in this country,
and a respectable editor is surely any day the supe-
riorwill once, and in combination,
awaken
uest sense of the elevation, the in-
responsibility of their functions ;
fl ue in-
fluence, o
c fe a
to
apressd
of hhj
influential, when th s
andceas eintaokteriutnhcketshleee
men
interest
rfeelest politicians,otfh acto
determine to speak truth they howevercan-
rurtohp with-
outt
oa ;
whennot
fear eltnrhteroyorl rfteahsvoeol pressuu ter
about
system, whether in common councils, state assem-
blies, or national legislatures ; then, and not till
then, will the profession of the journalist rLse to its
true level, and command the respect to which it is
intrinsically entitled. The press of this country has
a magnificent future before it. No other power can
accomplish its work or fill its niche.
There have
been some circumstances and some men, unfortu-
nately,
whose tendency and personal character have
lowered the position and impaired the influence of
rvp ooe
ds r.
ut ac ni
ucAge
American newspapers. News, indeed, has been
thought too much of, and the editorial comment
which accompanies it has been regarded too little.
The public has learned
nantreocreanoto totf acwhi
tr iltti
analysis,;
itelgem_siempl
to the editorial expression of opinion because the
editors have fallen into the habit of attach-
much to the prejudice of
m
and whose
I ihac nrre ugtci due etc:te °ll
sea nwcd littlenmi hastyelnh ownim: l
very
importance
ae
single aim is to subserve a party interest—has thus
the highest purpose and truest
interest of the
sus
journals themselves. The •
picion, too, that
newspapers are managed with a view to the
political advancement of individuals, rather than
for the edification of the public,
inevitably weakens
influence, and ultimately
brings
contempt. Self-
respect is as potential with newspapers
as it is with
consequence to commanding
individuals in ninaltnudriengofththeisrecsopuecattr
and in keeping it when •
got. It is of unspeakable
professed journalists should be men of country that othersi
pure life, of
Wide attainments,of • . •
unequivocal patriotism. The
congressional standards, and, indeed, those of
popular representation altogether, are falling lower
and lower year by if
take a higher standthan it
has done, we know not
to what the people are to look for criticism of
things bad, encouragement of things good, or for
the germs of regeneration.—The Round Table.

Artemus Ward's
bust is being made from a
posthumous cast by AIL Edward Goflowski.
The severest battle yet fought between the
friends and enemies of legislation to enforce total
abstinence from intoxicating liquors, or, to put it
briefly, between Maine-law men
and anti-Maine-
law men, has just come to an end in Massachusetts.
If, as some think, it resulted in defeat for the pro-
hibilionists, the fact does not as yet appear ; it may
have been a Gettysburg, but it was not a Waterloo,
and the defeated party will continue campaigning.
The Legislative Committee, it
is said, will make a
majority report in favour of a license system, and
if they do,
we suppose it will be the effect of a
change brought about in the minds of the commit-
tee by the argument of Mr. Andrew and the testi-
mony of many witnesses; fora majority of the
committee must have been friends of the " Maine
Law." But whatever the report is, the Legisla-
ture, it is expected, will give the law another year
of trial. The next Legislature may do the same
thing, and it may not. For the temperance ques-
tion will be likely to have some effect on the elec-
tions in Congressional districts as well as in the
State at large,--2he Nation.

The Debate on Army Reform.

The mistake people make in discussing the Pur-
chase System of the British Army is in separating
that system, from a complete Army Reform. The
purchase system in itself is scarcely worth discus-
sion. Totally indefensible in theory, it is found in
practice to work fairly, and if the British Army is
to remain constituted of the two extreme classes
of society, there are several reasons why it is advis-
tble to leave the purchase system as it stands. In
he first place it is fair.. When an officer enters he
knows what to expect, and, if he has no money, he
ao more looks for quick promotion than to drive
'bout Hy-de-Park in a carriage of his own, with
powder-headed footmen. What he loses by delay
iie gains in funds when his own time to retire comes.
[f checked at the head of a grade, while his
wealthier comrades are puchasing over him, the
inoment the non-purchase step goes, and he is
transferred from the head of the lower to the foot of
the higher grade, his run up the list of his new rank
is accelerated by the money of those very comrades
who passed over him and who continue to give the
inducements to the seniors to retire. It is a well-
known fact among officers, that a poor man's chance
of promotion in a rich regiment is better than his
chance in a poor regiment. The weight falls on
wealthy men, who willingly bear it, and the
country gains not only by obtaining a class that
can afford to serve for the smallest remunera-
tion of any profession, but also by the induce-
ment which the rich men of the service give
to those who have served long enough to retire, to
do so without any charge to the country. Thus
the nation secures all the best years of many an
officer's life, spent in such climates as India, the
West Indies, and China, with no payment for pen-
lion. The officers are content with the system, and
the nation has every right to be content with it too,
so far as it affects the officers only. But all this
omits the very essence of the argument. There is
little difficulty about the officers, who can be cb-
tained in any number ; it is in manning the army
that the shoe pinches ; and it is not by patching a
bit to the soldier's wardrobe, and adding a slice to
his daily allowance of meat, that recruits can
be obtained. The system requires a total re-organi-
sation ; and one of the main features of that reform
must be the opening of the grade of officers, not in
the exceptional manner that now obtains, but, as a
general rule, to the ambition of the young men who
make arms, their calling. No doubt there are great
difficulties in the way of such a change, and Par-
liament is right in refusing to entertain such motions
as that introduced by Mr. TREVELYAN. Captain
STANLEY, as an officer who has himself but lately
left the army, showed an appreciation of the change
we advocate. Although he spoke with great cau-
tion, as became a legislator dealing with a very
difficult subject, yet his opinion was distinctly given
to open the commissioned grades to the ambition
of young men who entered the ranks, with the view
of attracting a better class. He held that the change
should be settled in time of peace, before we were
encumbered with a break-down in the presence of a
foe. The Minister at War, in reply to the speeches,
made Sir C. TREVELYAN'S pamphlet the text of his
arguments. It is probable that Sir CHARLES'S ob-
ject is attained, in forcing the subject prominently
on the attention of the nation, and familiarising the
people with the idea of the change. It will require
a good manydebates, before the House will be qua-
lified fully to deal with a subject embracing such
large interests, so great an outlay of money by the
nation, independent of its importance as involving
the question of the national defence. The son of
the writer of this pamphlet, who introduced the
question, observed that " a man should be young
who led the forlorn hope in an attack on an abuse
which had existed for so many years, or he might
never live to see his efforts crowned with success."
The hon. gentleman went on to say—" To enable
the nation to feel sure of its security the standing
army must be maintained in a state of the highest
efficiency, seeing that whatever might be our re-
serves it must form our first line of battle." This
is only part of the truth. Not only must it form
our first line of battle, but the neucleus also on
which every after battle must be fought. The tend-
ency of events is bringing us back, with some im-
portant modifications, to the early periods when the
nation depended for its defence, on the service of
every able-bodied man. What is mainly required
are skilled leaders, those who thoroughly understand
what men want on active service, and how they are
to be most effectively controlled and handled. The
most efficient levies ever brought into the field
in India, were raised, trained, and led, on the spur
of the moment, by one or two thoroughly good offi-
cers. It may be said that the tribes from whom
these levies were taken were of a military class with
an aptitude for war. It will be found that such
material abounds in England. and would be forth-
coming on the inducement being offered. Our pre-
sent system, which degrades the soldier in the social
scale, excludes this class, and we will never have an
opportunity of forming such an army as CROMWELL
led until we can get the same men as that comman-
der was enabled to enlist. The douse of Commons,
debate, and the Press discuss the subject mainly in
the interest of the upper classes, and talk as if the
army was composed of officers, while it is essen-
tially a question which should be debated in the
interest of the lower classes ; that is, in the interest
of those of whom our army must be mainly com-
posed. Let those who will, and are physically qua-
lified make the service their career, and give them
a fair field when they enter it. Limit the number
engaged, to the sum the nation can afford to expend
on the army, but direct every effort so to popularise
the calling that the applications for admission will
be in excess of the vacancies, and men of bad
habits can be at once discharged. These are the
weighty points to bear in mind in reforming the
army, and any discussion which goes wide of them
is but time thrown away.—Anglo-American Times.