The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-26 00:00:00

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, TUESDAY MORNING.

VISITATION OF TRINITY COLLEGE.

Yesterdiy, at 11 o'clock a.m., the Vice-Chancel
for of theilllniversity (Blackburne) and the Arch-
bishop of Dublin opened the Visitors' Court in the
dining-hall of Trinity College. The proceedings
were commenced by the reading of the roll of Fel-
lows and Scholars, all of whom answered to their
names, with the exception of some, who were stated
by the -Provost or other friends to be absent with
leave. The roll having been called, the Vice-Chan-
cellor announced that the first business before the
Court was the hearing of Dr. Shaw's appeal against
the censure passed on him by the Board of Trinity
College some weeks ago. The Vice-Chancellor asked
Dr. Shaw whether he appeared by counsel or other-
wise ? Dr. Shaw having replied that he wished to
appear by counsel, Mr. Lawson, Q. C., the late can-
didate for the Universiry, rose and delivered an
able speech on behalf of Dr. Shaw. In order to
comprehend the question at issue, it is necessary
to quote the annexed extract from the statement
of the learned counsel :

On the Ist of Feb., 1858, a document of great public
importance was issued in this cokntry—namely, the re-
port of the commissioners appointed by her Majesty to
inquire into the s'ato of endowed schools in Ireland.
That report was the immediate and proximate cause of
the publication of the letter of Dr. Shaw, and the re-
commendation and observations contained in the report
formed a considerable part of the written communica-
tion in question. This was not the only occasion on
which Dr. Shaw felt himself coerced by his sense of the
duty he owed to the public and this university to call
the attention of the public to the state of education
in this university, and suggest such reforms as seemed
to him to be expedient to be carried out in order to ren-
der the university as effective as possible for the objects
for which it had been incorporated. Dr. Sbaw, in
the early part of the year, published a pamphlet in which
he called the attention of ths public to the reforms that
were going on in the sister universities at the other side
of the water, and impressed upon this university to fol-
low their example. The report of the Endowed School
Commissioners being bef .re the public, and being of
course the subject of public comment, Dr. Shaw, on the
27th of March, published the following letter :
" TO THE EDITOR OF THE DAILY EXPRESS.
"Sir,—l have just looked over the able and elaborate
letter to Sir G. Grey, in which Mr. Stephens, a member of
the late Endowed Schools Commission, details his objec-
tloris to the report, and his plans for bringing about an im-
proved administration of the schools. Mr. Stephens states
that his objections to the report were too strong to allow
him merely to abstain from signing it without alleging the
grounds of his dissent, and su various that he could not do
justice to them within the or linary limits of a protest at
the end of the report. It is satisfactory, however, to find
that, notwithstanding this wido and multifarious diversity
between Mr. Stephens and his brother commissioners,
there were some important subjects on which all parties
were fully agreed. As most of these subjects on which una-
nimity prevailed seem to me to concern other educational
institutions quite as nearly as they do the endowed schools,
and as they appear to me to claim especial attention in
their application to the University of Dublin, I would ask
leave to quote them in your columns, where I have, no doubt
they will receive the attention they deserve from the
' alumni' of the university, among the clergy and educated
laity of Ireland. Mr. Stephens agrees with his brother
commissioners ;

"1. That the chief causes of abuse and inefficiency in
endowed schools' are the following :
" a. The want of inspection conducted with authority
by duly qualified inspectors, visiting at short and uncer-
tain intervals.

"b. The want of properly trained masters, receiving
adequate remuneration, and animated in the discharge of
their duty by the prospects of promotion, and of retiring
pensions as the reward of faithful service.

" c. The smallness of many of the endowments.
" d. The incomplete and unlafe modes at present in use
of keeping the accounts of school funds and revenues, and
the want of a proper system of audit.

"2. That ihe.provlsion made for the teachers ought to
bo such as to enable them to maintain themselves and to
provide for their families in a manner suitable to their
education and position in society, without its being neces-
sary for them to resort to any extraneous emp!oyment as a
means of livaihood.' —Rep. 233.
" 7. That all accounts relating to educational trusts
ought to be audit-d under public authority, and the par-
ticulars thereof :teees ible to the public. limp. 233.
" I shall not trespass on your valuable space by any corn-
meats on these obvious truths. Thole who are in the least
acquainted with the state of affairs now existing in Trinity
College, Dublin, know tbat there is, indeed, no want of
properly trained masters,' but as to their "receiving ade-
quate remunention,' or being 'animated in the discharge
of their duties by the prospects of promotion,' there are
loin. very serious cases of want indeed ; while, as to the
prospects of retiring pensions as the rewards of faithful
vrvice, such pensions in Trinity College are restricted to
members of the board, a body wbich few of the lower half
of junior fellows need ever expect to join until long after
age and infirmities shall have rendered retirement neces-
sary. With respect to paragraph 2, I shall only observe
that there are now six of th fellows permanently obliged
to resort to the extraneous employments of 'grinding,'
' managing a school,' &c., as a moans of livelihood. And
on the subject of paragraph 7, I will avow my belief that
the simple publication of the college accounts for a
few years, would leal to the most important educational
reforms, so strikingly opposed is the present distribution
of the revenues to the arrangements which the interests of
education require, and which the voice of public opinion.
would speedily enforce,
GKORGE F. SIIA.W, Fellow and Tutor, T.C.D."
That 1. Ver was published on the 27th of March, and
on the 13th of April Dr. Sbaw received the following
communication from the registrar of the cullege
-

"Trinity College, April 13.
" Dear Sir,_ -I all directed by the Provost and Senior
Fellows to irect your attendance at the board, at 12
o'clock to-morrow.—Faithfully yours,
"J. H. TODD,
" George F. Shaw, Esq., LL.D., F.T C.D."Registrar.
Dr. Shaw haring received that I,ornewhat unuival
commuLicatlon, with the very natural desire of prepar-
ing birnmelt with respect to any charge which aught be
advanced against him by the governing board of the
CJl:ege, "rote the f 1. ter
Ty College, Ain il 13.
"Dear Sir, - If the matter aboutrinit which I am summoned
to appear before the board to-morrow be of much import-
ance, I would thank you to inform me what it may be.—
Yonr obedt. servant, "G. F. Sue.w.
" it.ov. Dr. Todl, Registrar."
That was a courteoui and proper reply, and now came
the laconic reply

" rinit Colleg, 13. " Dear Sir, --The Matter which the boarde have April to com-
municate to-morrow is of importance, but I have no in-
structions to Make it known to you more particularly.—
Faithfully yours,
"
"G. F. Shaw, LL.D." J. H. TODD.
He (Dr. Shea) attended the board next day, 14th April.
He found the Provost and seven Fellows assembled in
full state. The two Deans were present, and all the
soletnrities directed by the statutes in reference to a
public 'admonition were performed, and Dr. Shaw then
received tie ce .sure from which he appealed. When
Dr. Shaw appeared bef we the board he was asked whe-
th.r he was the author of the letter of the 27th March,
and having avowed its authorship, the Provo.t, in the
presence of the two Deans, thereupon proceeded to in-
flict upon bi.n the punishment against which he now ap-
pealed. The resolution embodying the sentence of the
board was pawed on the 13;11 April, 1858, the day bf-
hre the corre,pondence between Dr. Slaw and Dr.
Todd. It was as followe:

" Board-room. Trinity College,
" Letters were read which had appeared in the public
newspapers, signed, one by Dr. Shaw, and the other by
Mr. Carmichael, appealing to the public against ortain
buivosed abuses in the internal manitgement of the college.
' Resolved,—That the discussion of the internal affairs
of the college in the newspapers by any of its members,
whether fellows or students, is inconsistent with the dis-
cipline of the college and contrary to the spirit of the sta-
tutes. The statutes provide a tribunal armed with fall
authority to decide all controversies and correct all abuses
which the Provost and Senior Fellows, when properly
called on, have failed to correct or decide. [lt then quoted
a passage fromighe statute and proceeded.] The existence
of this tribune renders it a high statetabl'e offence for any
member of the college to appeal to any external tribunal.
It was therefore ordered tbat 'the Registrar summon Dr.
Shaw and Mr. Carmichael to attend the board to-morrow,
and that the Provost, in the presence of the two Deans,
be requested to convey to them the foregoing resolution,
and to admonish them to abstain from such conduct in
future.'"

Mr. Brewster, Q.C., followed on the part of the-Board
of Trinity College, and having addressed the Court at
great• leng,b, was succeeded by Mr. Joy, Q.C. (also a
late candidate for the• college), who appeared for Mr.
Carmichael. The arguments were of .a purely technical
nature, and pi tress no interest for the general public.
At the conclusion of Mr. Joy'e address the proceedings
were adj burned to this day.

•
THE O'CONNELL FAMILY.
The Freeman's Journal of this morning has a
brief but eloquent obituary.notice of Mr. John
O'Comiell, the 'favourite son of the Liberator,
whose sudden doith was announced by telegraph in
the Times of Tuesday. By this event the Clerkship
of Hanaper, value 8001. per annum, is left at the
disposal of Government. The surviving sons of
Daniel O'Connell are Morgan O'Connell, formerly
member for Meath, and Daniel, the youngest, who
sits for the borough of Tralee. Some 20 years ago,
or nuke, Mr. O'Connell, then in the zenith of his
fame,, used proudly to boast that there were "eight
of ns"—a very forcible hint to the Minister of that
dAY• :In 1858 but two of that formidable phalanx
aTe anrviving, and only one of the name of O'Con-
nell is new to he found on the rolls of Parliament.

A letter ITIRDER IN TIPPERARY.
pub iilhe9 tit iv? a dated Tipperary, Munday morning,
morning paper, says :
into a state 0;1 and
neighbourhood have been thrown
ad morning
by the perpetration of a hor.
rible mu,der.
was fou-undsraorning a respectr.ble farmer, named
Green,
npra:l:ld aij,
called Ariloman, within
one mile of this townsl Placa
The body, when found, Acing his own house.
a shocking appearance.
Toe bead was completely laireed
from
sharp instrument. The
the effecis of a blow ir9tu liqrayEZ: as is supposed,
small pool of
wangled remains were found lyii
general appearreae'giihny:-:1
thio, hod bore
the
and the
deuce of a violent struggle.
no
.after the
intelligence arrived in town Mr. William Saville, S I
sod a party of police were at the place whore the b;r1;
etas found, and immedia'ely were ore the qui rive. Th-,,'
anxiety con elueut upon the a witil outr ,ga ind iced your
Corresppodeot to proceed to the locality, where he
learued,the following particulars. While I write the epro-
/ler for this district (Mr. JAI) Uyan, M.D.) has lei,
to hold the invest, and there ie every prohabil:ty that

some clue will be got towards -the apprehension of-the
party or parties to the foul deed."
THE LATE EXECUTION IN NENAGH.
A correspondent of the Daily Express of this clay
pus forward ths following statement :
"A paragraph from the Dublin Evening Post to the
effect that Burke, one of the witnesses in the case against
the Cormacks, was arrested in Liverpool for perjory,
having caused a good deal of sensation, and added an
unpleasant degree of importance to a subject which has
been freely canvassed since the execution of the Cor-
macks—namely, their innocence—l have learned the
facts connected with the rumour. Burke was some days
since transmitted from Nenagb, and on his way to Dub-
lin stated in conversation that he gave his evidence under
coercion, and that he knew nothing whatsoever of the
transaction, and swore to prevent his being detained in
custody. The matter was reported to the lospector-
General of Constabulary, who caused Burke to be brought
back to Dublin, and the police-constables who escorted
him from Nenagh were also ordered to attend there to
be examined. After a full investigation before the an-
thorNes in Dublin, the statement of Burke was found to
b 3 gr,iundless, or rather given with a view to stand well
Qitb the people, and he was discharged. A strong feel-
ing exists against the jurors who tried the case. Their
names are circulated ail through the North Riding of
the county of Tipperary ; and numbers of. that body,
who hitherto were highly popular with the people, are
now spoken of with opprobrium, and the most absurd
stories are told connected with their finding of the ver-
dict Even persons who were not on the jury, but who
were said to be of the number, have already experienced
most dislgreeable results, w'iich it would not be proper
to publish ; but it is an undoubted fact that the morbid
sympathy with the unfortunate men who lately suffered
the last penalty of the law has reacted upon a class of
men who have faithfully and fearlessly at all times dia-
-1 charged their duties to themselves and to the country."

THE CAMBRIDGE HOUSE CONSPIRACY.

(Front the Daily News.)
We hear on all sides of the great political " dead-
lock." Parties can't be kept together ; majorities
won't work. Powerful and popular Ministers sud-
denly find themselves denuded of support. There
are no effective rallying cries. The Whigs are in-
d:gnant. The Coteries are puzzled. The Solons
of St. James's-street and Pall-mall sit owl-like in
aolemnconclave, peering out blankly into the chaos.
All kinds of devices are tried- and found wanting.
Cambridge House, according to John Bright, has
attempted a Government by evening parties, but
this, too, would appear to have failed like the rest.
What does it all mean, and where is it to end ?
are questions asked on all sides, without meeting
with any very satisfactory answer.
It is no doubt high time that some answer should
be given—that some serious and earnest attempts
should be made to aster ain the nature, the causes,
and the remedies of a political condition so anoma-
lous and perplexing. Suppose, instead of asking
incessantly where it is all to end, we began by try-
ing to find out,how it all began. What are the
causes of that political indifference and stagnation
which have for a time suspended the regular and
animated working of our Parliamentary system !
The inquiry is not an abstruse one—the solution of
the problem requires no deep reach of philosophy.
It needs little more than ordinary attention to the
plain meaning of one or two phrases which are so
often on our tongues that they are scarcely ever in
our thoughts. All political parties, by universal
admission, are substantially reduced to two--the
Liberal and the Conservative ; the party of Pro-
gress and the party of the Status in. quo. There
;a no avowedly Retrogade party in Parliament ;
there is no avowedly Destructive party ; there
are none who would go back ; none who would
pull down. The desire to keep things as they are,
either more or less absolutely, is the characteristic
principle of the Conservatives. The desire to
move onwards, either more or less rapidly, is the
characteristic principle of the Liberals. Now it
is quite conceivable that a period should arrive
when, from the absence on the Liberal side of any
vigorous impulse to advance, and on the Conser-
vative side, of any rooted aversion to change, the
mass of Parliamentary or active politicians ranged
ender the opp elle denominations of Liberal and
Conservative should be distinguishable rather in
name than in reality. A period like the present—
a period which has succe ded to the great middle-
class Revolution of 1832 without participating iu
its active enthusiasm or its turbulent excitement—
a period of widely diffikel information and of
varied experience, which has witnessed, on one
hand, the dissipation of so many eleutheromeniac '
dreamg, and, on the other, the utter futility of so
Atoll stubborn resistance to instittrional change—
such a pencil as this is naturally disinguished by
the presence of political eclecticism and the absence
of party zeal. It is well if it be not also leavened
with the scepticism to which all public objects are
alike indifferent, and the cynicism to which all
public virtue seems a delusion, and a lie. In free
constitutions these epochs of political languor are
not without their peculiar dangers. Without the
animating stimulus derived either from grand ob-
jects of pursuit or con-eientious principles of reAs-
tance, the business of k ditics is too apt to degene
rate into a sterile conflict for place and power—the
faction-fights of retainers for their chiefs, not the
struggle of parties foe their cause. What life can
there be in a Party of Progress which has ceased
to be progressive, or in a Patty of Resistance
which has nothing to resist ? The result is what
we see—uncertainty, embarrassment, disorganise-
tion—in a word, the dead-lock.
Now, in the middle of the eighteenth century—
in the days of the Walpoles and the Pelhems, when
the State was a virtual aristocracy, the middle
class a political nonentity, and the " great order"
of the peasantry and handicraftsmen but a dumb
multitude—this state of political equipoise was
natural enough. Where the people had 110 voice,
progress no organ, and resistance no object, the
problem for politicians was well understood to be
reduced to a simple question of dexterously divi-
ding the spoils of office. To extend conuexious, to
sJcure votes, t o get and keep place, and to let things
iu general pretty much alone, was almost the
whole science of politics with Statesmen of the
Bubb Doddingtou type. Is is d ffeieut now. In
1832 a new power entered in' o the domain of legis-
lation ; the artificial barri-ra were removed ; and
since then the stte am of progress hes flowed inces-
santly onward, varying in its speed, but uniform in
its tendency. The rush of waters that followed the
Reform Bill, the angry rapids that swept away the
Corn Laws, have been followed for a time by the
tranquil lapse of a broader and more languid
stream. But it is movement still. It is not stag-
nation ; his not equipoise. The dead lock is not
rn the Nation ;itis in the politicians—it is in those
who fail to comprehend its tendency, to represent
its wishes, to enter into its spirit. Those who
would sway a people must rise to the level of i
destinies, must discern before they can lead, and
be wise before they can be powerful. Above all, if
they aspire to head the party of Progress, th. y must
renew their youth with the spirit of the class in
which Progress is most vital.
The classes whom the Reform Bill enfranchised
are not the while of the Nation. Ten-pound
householders are mug b, but they are not all. Above
and beside the elect, r ,1 qualification of 1832 there
are numbers—below it, there are multitudes tho-
roughly competent and honourably eager for the
lull exercise of the active duties of citizenship. A
wide extension of the suffrage, accompanied by
that protection of secret voting without which it
will be to thousands a burden in the guise of a
birthright, is a concession not only to the just
claims of the People, but to the future prospects of
progressive legislation, which the party calling itself
Liberal—assuming to act on the principles of pro-
gress—has been suicidal in so long deferring. If it
is to be said that the country does not in truth
desire such a measure—if the middle classes are
content with what they acquired. in 1832, and the
unrepresented class have-no craving for their rights
—tt2en, of course, the present position of Parties
adequately represents the present position of the
Nation. if this be so, the dead lock is the only
possible condition of politics, and "Lord Pdlmer-
as tnodn
tahnede Pr
yr°laeg?tsssuiviete to t h
e Improvement"natioa anda are
thet the
time.man
But we all know that this is not so : even the very
House of Commons that, under the influence of
popular bewilderment, was elected a year ago to
support this man and this cry, has already fallen
away from both. The country wants
more earnest than Lord Palmerstotesosmoute ce7laemore
definite than Progressive linprovee"t.
cry is, no Liberal cell doubt. Secret Votine
Household and Educational Suffrage, „press.
wiis
sufficient accuracy the most imminent -political
Principle is
needs of the time. Who is to be the leader? The
person may be contingent, but the
clear : it will, it can only be that statesra.
in, or
that order of statesmen, who shell' show rant
promptness in adopting, and most earnest-
ness in promoting the only adequate means
for rescuing Party from its present dead-lock, and
opening up before the
English people a new and
broad path of social amelioration, political progress,
and constitutional self-development.'

(Prom the Morning Herald )

The battle has been fought and the victory is
won, what are to be its fruits Though Lord ELen-
borough has resigned office the doctrines he has
enunciated will live and survive all the politicians
who have mingled iu ihe recent strife. Those cl,;c-
trines are the fruits of the victory. "We desire,"
bar i his lordship, "to Fite British authority in India
rest upon the willing obedience of a contented
people : there cannot be contentment where there
general confiscation. Government cannot long
b 3 maintained by any force in a country whese the
:holepeople is rendered ho tile. by a sense of
itrwonogut,aannctilt if it
a consummation it wecrepuosamitio so t
o too