The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-01 00:00:00

PRICE -4D. S TAMPED, SD.

telligence—such the influence of the press--su
the entire conviction of all parries that progress was
the true character of the English mind, that what-
ever Ministry we might have, whether Whigs,
Tories, or Radicals, we might be sure at all
events that liberal principles were in the ascen-
dant. (Hear, hear.) They could have no better
proof of this than the fact that every measure left
before the House of Commons by the late Go-
vernment had been readily taken up by their suc-
cessors, and either successfully or unsuccessfully
dealt with. Adverting to the Jew Bill, he did not
believe that the people had any desire to see a num-
ber of Jews in the Legislature ; they merely de-
sired to see an imperfection removed, and that in
accordance to the true principles of the constitution
Jews should be admitted to the enjoyment of politi-
cal privileges shared by their British iellow-subjects.
This was one of the measures that were taken up by
the Conservative Government, and the result was a
compromise, which enabled the Commons to scat
JeWish members by resolution of the house, not by
Act of Parliament ; and this was the kind of way
that he feared Liberal measures would be treated
by a Conservative Government. (Hear.) He did
not care whence measures came ; let them come
from what quarter they would, if they were full
and perfect measures, consistent with the interests
of the great mass of the community, and in accord-
ance . with the principles which the Liberal party
had laid down, both he and his hon. colleague would
be found to support them. (Hear.) He had no
wish to disparage measures simply because they
emanated from an opposite party; but he could
not feel the same confidence in those who were
constrained to do things against their will and
their honest convictions, that he should in those
who proposed measures based upon principles in
the correctness of which they conscientiously be-
lieved. (Cheers.) The hon. member next proceeded
to review some of the measures adopted under the
auspices of the Palmerston Government, of which
he was a member, and observed in passing that to
form a correct estimate of men we must look to
their past acts as an indication of their probable
future conduct. He spoke praisingly of the gene-
ral conduct of the Palmerston Government, and
claimed for the noble lord the generous forbearance
of kis countrymen ; alluding specially to his claim
to public gratitude for taking the helm of affairs at
one of the most critical periods of our history,
when, by his able management,the war in which
the country was involved was conducted to a suc-
cessful issue ; and the evil effects consequent upon
the gross mismanagement of the previous Adminis-
tration abated. Glancing at the results oftheCrimean
war, he attributed the emancipation of the 11,000,000
Russian serfs to the contrast of barbarism with civi-
lization, and to the impressions consequent upon ob-
serving the discipline,courage,andfidelityof our small
handful of troops as contrasted with the reckless indif-
ference of the myriads of slaves opposed to them,
who knew not and cared not for what they were
fighting. We were apt to boast of the emancipa-
tion of our West Indian slaves; but what were
these compared to the vast hordes just emancipated
in Russia. (Hear.) It was curious, also, to observe
how our •own interests had been affected. Our
exports had more than doubled since the war,
which also showed the beneficial results of bringing
barbarism into contact with civilisation. The hon.
member next alluded to the recent events in China,
and augured the most satisfactory results there-
from in the opening of that vast empire to civilisa-
tion and commerce. They had heard a great deal
of late about administrative reform. His opinion
was that one practical measure, which should have
the effect of benefiting the material condition of
the working classes—was worth all the theoretical
put together, and as the country was not always in
the humour for theoretical reforms, it behoved the
Government at all times, with the aid of Parliament
to see where practical reforms could be effected in
all that concerned the interests of the people at
large. Having alluded to the large increase of our
exports since 1853, and in trade profits, shown by the
increased returns under the income-tax schedule,
as indicative of the enormous prosperity and pre-
gress which the material interests of the country
had made during that period, and to the reforms in
the administration of justice, the hon. member
passed on to the consideration of the educational
question, and spoke of the desire now generally felt
by politicians of all classes to promote popular edu-
cation, as contrasted with the dismal, forebodings
entertained by-,very-inany persose,seme 20 years
ago upon this subject. Mr. Wilson next dwelt``
upon the introduction of the competitive principle
in Government appointments, arguing that those
whose education had been most attended to were
best entitled to preferment, and that Government
ought to secure the services of those who were best
qualified to perform the duties required of them.
That the educational test was not the most perfect
that could be applied be admitted, but it was bet-
ter than the old system ; and he should therefore
support every measure which had for its object the
promotion of merit instead of a system based upei
influence and favouritism. (Cheers.) Speaking
of the late misunderstandings with France, Mr.
Wilson expressed his belief that the great mass
of the people of both nations were really desirous
of peace, and he strongly deprecated the individual
blusterings, which could tend to no good result.
Nothing could be more reasonable than that the
French Government, having a large seaboard to
protect—the largest, perhaps, of any country in
Europe—should maintain a large fleet. It was
absurd to jump at the conclusion that it was of
necessity a belligerent demonstration with refe-
rence to ourselves ; and though there might be good
reason why we also should not be found wanting
in this respect in case of need, it was extremely
impolitic to keep alive by empty vapourings the
feeling of irritation that had so lately prevailed on
both sides of the channel. It was too much to the
interest of all European nations to be at peace to
desire to rush wantonly into warfare. Coming to
the great question of domestic polity now agitating
the public mind—the anticipated Reform Bill—he
said the matter was completely involved in, doubt
that it was impossible to predict what kind of—if,
indeed, any—measure of electoral reform would be
introduced ; but this he would say, that as it appeared
to be a settled question that our constitution was to
undergo some renovation and extension, if the
question was really to be opened, ho trusted it
would be in earnest, for it would not be to the ad-
vantage of a country that it should be always tin-
kering its constitution. If we had outlived the
existing system, for God's sake let us go to work
zealously but in reason, and not for the sake of any
mere temporary purpose. Within the last 25 or 30
years the whole social status of the country had
changed. The working classes now were as well
informed and as intelligent and as well behaved as
were those above them at the period to which he
referred ; and if there was one thing more remark-
able in this country during the last 25 years, it was
the progress that had been made by the working
men as a class, not in education alone, but in the
fruits of education, as evidenced in their peaceful
behaviour and the absence of those disgraceful
riots that used formerly to occur in times of severe
pressure ; and if proof were wanted that they could
be safely entrusted with political power, it was
found in the fact of the stake really possessed by them
in the country through the medium of the friendly
societies with which they were associated, and the
saving banks in which their surplus earnings were
deposited for security. These facts displayed thrift
and prudential foresight on the part of the working.
classes ; and as an answer to objectors that by en-
trusting too much political power te the working
classes public credit would be endangered, he would
refer them to a curious fact in relation to the inte-
rest on the national debt—viz., that of the 260,000
persons who received dividends from the public
funds there were no less than 96,000 who received
sums less than £5, and 46,000 who received sums
under £2O. Was not this a striking argument in
favour of the claim of the working classes if pro-
perty was to be made the basis of a title to.politi-
cal privileges, and a proof, in the immense division
of that property, of the security with which the
franchise could be extended to the great mass of
respectable operatives ? What the measure to be
brought in would be he could not judge, but there
was one thing that he feared would be attempted.
The Conservatives knew that their strength
lay in the counties, -while that of the Liberals
lay in the towns and boroughs, and their great
object would be doubtless, to disfranchise small
towns and transfer those members to fie counties,
to which he should entirely object. (Hear.) What
the country was entitled to was not any abstract
form of government, but the best Government they
could get suited to the condition and state of the
people. He believed that the best Government
possible for this country was that all classes should
be represented fairly, which was not the case at
present. He held that county classes were far too
largely represented at present, because _ they re-
presented but one interest only on whichever
side they sat, whereas in towns we find a great
variety of interests represented, and it would
be a great deterioration of our representative
system if we diminished the town representatk n
and increased that .of the counties. With
regard to thel•alloi—(applause)—whatever- system