The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-17 00:00:00

INDIA.

Mr. W. EWAItT gave notice of a motion relative to
the future i►nprovemeut of India.

CONSPIRACY BILL.
Mr. M. GIBSON gave notice that on the motion f.,r
the second reading of the Conspiracy to Murder Bill,
he should move an amendment to -the effect that
the house had heard with much concern that, it
was alleged, the recent attempt on the life of
the Emperor of the French had been devised in
England, and to express their detestation of such
guilty enterprises ; and, further, that they were
ready to assist in remedying the defects of our criminal
law, afterdue investigation, were any proved to exist, yet
they could not. but regret that her Majesty's Govern-
ment, previous to inviting the house to amend the law,
-had not felt it to be its duty to make some reply to
the despatch of the French Government, dated Jar!. 30,
1858. (Rear, hear.)
THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH.

Mr. GRIFFITEI asked the First Lord of the Trea-
sury, whether, since the later of the oth of Feb., from
the French Ambassador, expressing the regret of the
Enveror for the publication of the addresses in the
Monikur, had not appeared in that paper in the
same way as its predecessor of the 20th of January,
asking for redress, for the information of the French
public, it was the intention of her Majesty's Govern-
ment to suggest to the French Government, that its
publication would, in their opinion, be conducive to a
satisfactory termination of the transaction ?

Lord PALMERSTON said, before answering the
question of the hon. member, I wish to put a question
to the house. (Hear, hear.) I wish to a:ik the house
what is their wish and intention on a matter of great
national importance. Whether it is their wish and in-
tention that the friendly and confidential relation—
(cheere, and loud cries of " Hear, hear")—that happily
exists between the two countries should be re-
tained, or whether it is their wish and inten-
tion to infuse into the relations existing between
the two countries a spirit of irritation, bitterness, and
enmity. (Cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear.") If the
latter be their object no more effectual course can he
adopted, though not a very dignified one, than the con-
tinuance of the personal attacks in this house on the
Emperor of the French and the French nation—(hear,
hear)—and therefore though with great regret (and I
will try to prevent it), yet if the house chooses to
pursue that course, on them be the responsibility.
(Cheers, and cries of " Hear, hear.") If, on the other
hand, the house attaches that importance to which I
attach to the maintenance of those friendly relations,
as now happily exists between the governments of the
two countries, I entreat them to discourage—(bear,
hear)—the continuance of those excessive personal
a'tacks and annoyances- (Cheers, and cries of hear,
bear)—on that Emperor who has been the spontaneous
cho'ce of the French empire. (Cheers). With regard
to the question, I have to state that it is not the inten-
tion of Her Majesty's Government, to adopt a course of a
proceeding ouch as the lion. member suggests—(Cheers)
—because I think it would be highly improper, and it
the hon. member will permit me to say, without
offence, an offensive and excessively absurd one. (Cheers,
and loud laughter).
THE CAGLIARI STEAMER.
Mr. MONCKI'ON MILNES inquired whether the
Government had taken any further steps respecting the
detention and trial of the British Engineers of the Cag-
liari steamer by the Government of the King of the Two
Sicilies ?
Lord PALMERSTON said that her Majesty's Go-
vernment were iu communication with the Government
of Naples, through the English consul in that country
on this subject. Oar consul had attended to the
buthet he regretted
e
pro-
ceedings iu the Neapolitan Court, and had giveni
ue
attention to them. The statement he had communicated
that
to state that Watkt's mind and nnicated
to her Majesty's Government wag
wriaito
the trial of Pares was proceedint,a.
, werei unfortunately
s
suffering from the imprisonment he b
gone, and the apprehensions that existacfc; 'intrehaisdyinuilniddelri:s
Palmer-
ston) regretted result of t
b theirayt trials.
ilenci,lhil.iae statey. a' '
of mental excite-
ment that it was impossible he (Lord Palmer-
tNhaepplersesownta.ttso
bnatain
beenap
himi;inodu
trial could take place for
Con ,ul, who had placedto the Government c I
leder
hospital
the. .British
country where ho was subjected in
tßritisho treatment osp ltalin
ftrhollnti
British persons, both medical and others. (Hear.) He
bheopinedigtbbtarteewoivther. proper(Hearm,
hear,)
treatment and kindness
_ LUNATIC ASYLUMS (IRELAND).
Mr. BLAND asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland
whether the Government intended to introduce any
measure this session respecting the management of
lunatic asylums in Ireland ?
Mr. H. HERBERT said he could not pledge himself
to the introduction of such a measure this session.

• THE POOR LAWS,
Mr. WISE asked the President of the Poor Law
Board whether he contemplated the introduction of any

msai.ure to after the mode of rai,ing tie rates for f,be
relief of the poor ; and whether he could ',lsser.t to lea
appointrasia of a committee to consider the policy and
general effect of the present laws relatiag t p44e!tlemeatr
removal, and parochial acsesemont ?
Mr. EOUVERIE eaid he did not oenteini,ate
ilinuecrninbc
;suaculii‘av,in(77.rie e.:,• that suggested by the ion.
atter the nemeruus inquiries that.l':d-j-t-i";;; upiLeceonhthrYs
suject of the poor laws. The 13,11 with reference to the
irremoveable poor would ex ,ire nix'i year, and he
. thought desirable an inquiiy should take place into
its operations during the ten years it had been In opt ra-
tion. (Hear, hear.) He should be prepared to ask for
a committee during the present seasion to inquire into
that subject. (Hear, hear.)
bcarcii UNIVERSITY REFORM'.
In reply to a question from Lord ELCHO,
The LORD ADVOCATE said he had prepared an
outline of a bill for Scotch University Reform, which he
hoped shortly to introduce. The report of the committee
withwith reference Aberdeenhous Universitye would soon be
la
DUBLIN POLICE FORCE.
tehretaceble to
of t

Mr. GROGAN rose to move for a committee to in.
quire into the present state of the Dublin police foroe,
both asregarded the number and efficiency. The expense
for the maintenance of the Dublin police force was
exorbitant and extravagant in comparison to the number
of men and its efficiency. The hon. gentleman there
entered into a statistical comparison of the Dublin polio.
with many of the large towns of Ireland, and also those
of England and Scotland.
Mr. VANCE seconded the motion.
Mr. H. HERBERT sail he bad hoped that the
reasons he had given the hun. member in private for
not gran log the committee would have been sufficient,
and he should not have pressed his motion. He (Mr.
Herbert) opposed the motion. Had it not been for the
unavoidable absence of the Attorney-General for Ire.
land attending to his public duties in that country three
tills would have been introduced by him before the
one which would have had reference to the motion
now before the house. Referring the subject to a com-
mittee wouol defer a settlement of the question this
session.

Mr. VANCE addressed the Louse in support of the
motion. The fact that the police of Dublin cost 11;
llfd. in the pound, whilst London only cost 6d., and
Liverpool, fild., showed there was Extravagance adopted
in connection witn the Dublin police force.
The motion was negatived.
THE RECENT ANNEXATIONS IN INDIA.
The next matter on the paper was a motion by Mr. if.
BArLme, to call the attention of the house to the causes
which had led to the rebel! ea in her Majeety's
ozone in the East; and fur copies of a secret despatch
signed by the President of the Board of Control, in
the year 1831, addressed to Lord W. Bentinck, and
ordering him to annex or otherwise assume the &dads.
istra'ion of the kingdom of Oude ; of the despatch of
Lord W. Bentinck, explaining his reasons for net
cat rying those orders into effect ; of the correspondent*
which took place, through the secret department of
the Inslia House, between the President of the Board
of Control and the Governor-General of India in the
years 1833, 1834, and 1835, in reference to the annexe.
lion of Oude ; and a copy of a note or minute signed
by Sir Henry Ellis, when a member of the Board of
Control, expl ining his reasons for dissenting from tho
projected annexation of Oude.
Lord PALMERSTON appealed to the hon. member
net to bring forward his motion now. The subject to
which be was about to call the attention of the house
was a sort of parenthesis to that on which the debate
was adjourned, and he thought it would be better to
allow the house to come to a conclusion on the latter
first.

Mr. BAILLIE said there might have been some
reason for his giving way if this had been an ordinary
occasion, but it was not an ordinary occasion. The
house was called upon to legislate for India without
any information having been accorded to with referees:*
to the rebellion in that country. The motion which he
was about to bring under the notice of the house might
possibly throw rome light on it, and therefore he
thought the noble lord would admit he was justified iit
bringing it forward before any decision was taken on
the bill. A very general and a very natural desire pre.
vailed among all classes to ascertain the cause of the
mutiny which Lad taken place. Various reasons had
been assigned for it, and explanations offered by men in
high authority. He was bound, however, to say that
those explanations had not been deemed satisfactory by
the people. Some most eminent numbers of the Court
of Directors had given the public their opinion, and
amongst the rest his hon. and gallant friend the member
for Aberdeen, who seemed to be of opinion that this had
not been a rebellion, but a military mutiny, which had
its origin in an insult inadvertently offered to the tell.
gions prejudices of the Sepoys, and he supported that
view of the case by a reference to the mutiny at Vellore,
which was no doubt produced from such a cause, but
was happily suppressed by the military authorities. An.
other dirtinguished member of the Court of Directors, of
great knowledge and experience in Indian affairs, the
hon, member for Leominster, in an address which he
some time ago made to his constituents, candidly con.
fessed that be could see no reason for the rebellion, but
he supposed that a madness or a frenzy had seized on the
soldiers which he was altogether unable to explain. A
third member of the Court of Directors, not less distin.
guished for his services in India than for his literary
reputation, denied that it was a mere military mutiny,
and said it deserved more the name of a national move.
went, and that the elsject was to drive us out of the
country. These were the discordant opinions of those
to whom they should look for correct information on
this suhjecl. Her Majesty's ministers, however, hat
called upon them to legislate for India, but they had not
condeseeeded to furnish them—nor, he believed, ware
they able to do so—with any information relative to this
subject. It was under these circumstances that horhad
felt it his duty to call the attention of the bonse to this
subject ' • and he would now prooeed to state what he
believed to be the opinions generally entertained by on*
fellow-countrymen in India, who were unable to express;
their opinions in consequence of the restrio;ion that
had been placed upon the press of India. The
general opinion which prevailed was, that this rebel.
lion originated in a conspiracy on the part of
portion ef the Mahomedan population of the country,
and that the question of greased cartridges was
adroitly taken advantage of by the conspirators, its
order to secure the sympathy and support of the Hia.
done, and to a great extent they succeed, They be-
lieved that this conspiracy was suggested by the valuable

opportunity that presented itself in consegtence of the
state and condition to which the government of India
was reduced by the course of policy which had of late
years been pursued, and the reckless disregard of cones.
quences with which that policy had been carried into
effect. These might be strong opinions, but he did not
avow them without being prepared to state fully the
ground on which he was compelled to come to that
conclusion. Those who had studied the march of mite
in India could not fail to have perceived that a great
change had of late years taken place in the conduct and
policy of our Indian government. Thegreatest sta.es,nen
that India had produced had all been of opinion thatthe
wholesale annexation of natke states by the Britirk
Government was alike impolitic and unjust. But it would
seem as if those who had of late years had had the contrul
of affairs in India were utterly ignorant of the opinion's
proceeded
ezi
Zo
of those great and illustrious statesmen whose maxims
allow
him to allude
he P
the opinions of Illunre, of Weliington, of Elphinetens,
farther, ought
to
perhaps Lava been
e the house their
wouldguide. e
and of Wellemley. The first authority that he would cite
was that of the Duke of Wellington, who seemed to have
formed at an early date strong opinions on the impoiio,
of annexation :—" In my opinion the extension of our
our
territory and influence has been greater than 1110&1216
Besides we have ad..led to the number and description ei
our enemies by depriving of employment those who have
heretofore found it In the services of Tippoo and the
Nizem. Wherever we spread ourselves, particularlyifwe
aggrandise ourselves at the expense of the Mahrattas we
increase this evil, we throw out o employment and
means of subsistence all who have hitherto managed the
revenue, commanded or served in the armies, or have
plundered the country. Thesepeople become additional

enemies, at the same time that, by the extension of our
territory, our means of supporting ourgovernment and of
defending ourselvesareproportionately decreased." These
were the opinions of the Duke of Wellington. Then the
Marquis of Wellesley gave a practical illustration of hin
feelings when having conquered Tippoo Saib, he did not

he
would eorptria
cihr:
(I)taf jSail:
of Mysore. And nowrive;; them
hover to the Rajs
of Myeore. And now he would give the annex his dominions, but handedld ti
' '
T. Munro. "Even if all India could be brought underuh dominion, it is very questionable whether
the British
such a change, either as it regards the natives or oar.
selves, ought to be desired. One effect of such a eoa.
quest would be that the Indian army, having no longue
soy wit/like neighbours to combat, would gradually low
its military habits and discipline, and that the native
troops would have leisure to feel their own strength,
and, for want of other employment, to turn it against
their European masters. There is no example of any
conquest in which the natives have been so completely
excluded from all share of the government of their
country as British India, Among all the disorders of
the native states the field is open for every man to raise
himself ; and hence among
them there is a spirit of
emulation, of restless enterprise, and independence, fax
preferable to the servility of our Indian subjects. The
existence of independent native chiefs is also useful in
drawing off the turbulent and disaffected among oar

native -troops." ---ilaesewere-the opinions of Sir Thomas
Munro. And now he would give them the opinion of
Mr. M. Elphinstone :—" It appears to me," says that
writer, "to be our interest as well as our duty to use
every means to preserve the allied Governments ; it sa
also our interest to keep up the number of independent
powers." He would not weary the house with quota•
tions, and would only give another authority, that of
Lord Edenborough, whose practice was not always in
accordance with his opinions, He said :—" Our Go•
vernnint is at t' e head of a system composed of native
states, and I would avoid taking what are called rightful
occasions of appropriating the territories of nati►•
states. On the contrary, I should be disposed, as far eis
I could, to maintain the native states ; and I am satisfied

general
hhteirvaaneittencrggtathtlet eoeyngintowhovaeeueirnrresntulami.
biticnjeoteenhnnetostcrisedi
toeoyofrf.fe,
considered
. India,
hoTae
permanentf ne
states
gi
would
thelstates,ud,
c 0 andn yio t ti •
al s so
these statesme❑ was that we should
Lbrough the natives, and that was the Polio/ of
Tr, that year •
our Indian government down to 1833.
vnether that act had or
new C: titer Act was passed.
Led not any influence he was unable to s: y, but from that
giloatyhr:netrgoan:
.eciffinalllii 'i
time the ancient policy of our government was totally
reversed. From that period the policy of ourgovero meat
governments.
hal been to
aanlide e.vaetri.vveoll,:einocr
et
eu,nistnydttooget
absorb rid
t b:0 fr
wi 3tt
4•4 i
annexy
their dominzong. . He would not offer at this stage any
opinion as to the justice of that policy. w h

to do in the first place was to show the house what had
been the policy of our Government, and the reckless
manner in which that policy had been carried out. Such
a policy muetnecessarily have caused great dissatisfaction
among the native princes. They naturally feared that if
annexation was the 'policy of the British Government
there was not one amongst them who would be safe. If,
however, the British Government was determined at all
hazards to carry out such a policy, prudence would have
suggested that they would have adopted those precau-
tions which men usually took then they undertook diffi-
cult and dangerous operations. Let them consider the
number of native states which had been annexed since
1833. They commenced with the small territory of the
Rajah of Coorg, then with the more extensive dominions
of the Rajah of Sattarab, then the vast territories of the
Ameers of Scinde, then the Punjaub, then Pep, and,
last of all, the large territory of Oude. All these states
had been annexed to the British dominions within the
period he had named, without the addition of a single
British soldier. Of course, it was impossible for us to
occupy these newly-conquered territories without the
presence of large bodies of European troops. The Pun-
jaub required little less than 10,000 men, nearly one-half
of the British force in India, and in order to supply them
and those which were wanted for the other newly-ac-
quired territories, it was requisite to withdraw nearly
all the British troops from the garrisons and great arsen-
als in central India, so that when the mutiny broke out
there were only two European regiments between
Delhi and Calcutta, and the great military stations of
Delhi, Allahabad, and Benares, were handed over to
the guardianship of the sepoys of the Bengal army.
And yet this was considered a favourable opportunity
for the annexation of Oade and the expedition against
Persia, which one would naturally have thought would
be deemed a sufficient reason for increasing the number
of troops in India. The Government had surely had
sufficient grounds for knowing the great dissatisfaction
which had been created in the Bengal army by its con-
duct with regard to Oade. They ought, at least, to have
known that no great dependence was to be placed in a
body of men who had shown their dissatisfaction in so
unmistakeable a manner whenever they had a grievance.
When Sir C. Napier was in India he found that thirty
battalions had entered into a mutual engagement to
rise in open mutiny—a mutiny which had only been
prevented by the wise policy of that distinguished officer.
And what was Sir Charles's reward ! He received a re.
primand from the Governor-General, and was forded to
give up the command in India, although he was un-
doubtedly the greatest general of modern times, with
the exception of the Duke of Wellington. The annexa-
tion of Oude was not a simple annexation of territory,
but it involved the dislocation of all the machinery by
which the government of the country had been carried
on. The chuckildars or feudal chiefs were not likely
to submit quietly to the loss of their authority while they
had arms in their hands. Besides, the change, affecting
as it did the tenure of the land, could not but give dis-
satisfaction to nearly every sepoy in the service, for a
great majority of them were sons of small proprietors
of land in Oude. No sooner did the chiefs learn the de-
termination of the Government than they petitioned the
Zing to allow them to resist ; bat he refused, and
announced his submission to the British Government.
That for a time baffled the chiefs, but immediately after-
wards they entered into communication with a force of
14,000 aepoya, who were under the command of Sir T.
Ontram on the borders of Oude, and who promised that
they would never fire a shot against their countrymen.
The Governor-General and his advisers remained, how-
ever, in a fool's paradise ; but there was one man that
was not at his ease, and who warned Government of the
danger that threatened them. That man was the lamented
Sir H. Lawrence, who wrote an article in the Ca/euita
Revive, from which he would read an extract :—" The
King of Oude employed 50,000 soldiers ; his chiefs and
officials at least as many more. Of these vast numbers
one-fifth at the utmost have found employment in the
police and irregular corps. Yet these levies, with half-
a-dozen regular corps, form the whole army of occupa-
tion. This seems a grave mistake. Why not at least
make a change ! Why not move some of the Punjaub
regiments that have been keeping constant watch and
ward on the Indus for seven years to Oade, and send
some of the King's people to the north-west l The King
had some 8,000 artillery ; of these about 500 may have
obtained employment, the rest, old and young, are on
the world. Surely, if there was danger in employing
Sikhs in 1849 it would be well to remove some portion
of the Oade levies from Oude, where such materials for
mischief still remain. In the province are 256 forts,
besides innumerable smaller strongholds, many of them
sheltered within thick jungles. In these forte are 466
guns. Forts and guns should be in the hands of
Government, or the forte should be razed. Many a
foolish fellow has been urged on to his own ruin by the
possession of a paltry fort, and many a paltry mud fort
has repulsed British troops. . . The 80,000 or
90,000 disbanded Oude soldiers are the brethren of the
British sepoys. The earliest days of annexation are not
the safest." (Hear.) The warning voice of Sir Henry
Lawrence was raised in vain ; but what could be ex-
pected from men who, while the rebellion was raging,
actually sent home for six weeks or two months misre-
presentations of the real state of the case to her Majesty's
Government, and thus prevented the Government from
despatching troops to the scene of the mutiny—those
troops who, if they could have arrived six weeks earlier,
would have saved so many disastrous occurrences. He
(Sir. Baillie) did not blame her Majesty's Government
—they could only act upon the information they had
received—but he did feel a little surprise that after
such an exhibition of incapacity such men should
be allowed still to wield the destinies of India.
(Hear, hear.) Hitherto he said nothing about the
justice of the course which had been adopted by the
government. There was a time when justice to India was
a favourite theme for discussion in this house—those
glorious days of the Whigs when they had men worthy
to be their leaders. What said Mr. Fox in 1806. in refer.
once to the course which should be adopted towards the
native princes, and towards this very King of Oude !
"af the hon. gentleman opposite thought that the Indian
princes were not entitled at our hands to the same jus-
tice as other independent sovereigns, he hoped that the
number in this house who agreed with him were but
small. There was no proposition more universal than
this, that you acknowledged the right of a sovereign
with whom you treated. It was true when an ancient
sovereign fell, and another came in his place, the feelings
of regret for the fate of the sufferer might be more acute,
and the indignation against the more recent sovereign
more strong and general. Yet this must be confined to
thirst persons, for those who treated with him must by
that act be considered as having acknowledged his autho-
rity. But if ever there was one case where the breach of
treaty ought to occasion more indignation than another
it was where there was no power but the power of the
sword, especially in India, where, as had been stated,
that sword was the British. If ever there could be a case
where a breach of treaty could be defended, it was only
in support of the weak against the strong. But in India
the British ought to be bound by their compacts the more
closely the more it was in their power to break them.
This he hoped asd believed would be the general senti-
ments of the house." But Fox did not stand alone among
statesmen who had given utterance to such sentiments.
There was another great statesmen whose opinions ought
to have no less weight, at least with the noble lord—
viz., Mr. Canning. In 1319 Mr. Canning was President
of the Board of Control, and he was strongly urged to
coerce the King of Oude into payment of certain sums
alleged to be due to certain native bankers narnedDhos.
On the 12th February in that year he wrote a despatch
in which he stated that his Majesty's Ministers felt
themselves precluded from interfering by the existing
state of relations between the two Goveininente. Mark
the considerate delicacy of this accomplished man ;
how different from the tone of bluster and menace they
bad heard of late from the press and even from Cabinet
ministers, not only with reference to the native princes
of India, but even with respect to the weaker powers of
Europe. (Hear.) Let them see how this country had dealt
with India. He would not speak now of the Rajah of
Sattara, the Ameers of Scinde, the annexation of Pegn,
or that of Nagpore ; because all these were subjects
which had been often debated in that house. All that he
would now say was that they were none of them acts re-
quired by the necessities of self-defence, in which respect
they differed altogether from the annexation of the Pun-
jaub. (Hear, hear.) The policy of annexing Oude was not
the policy of Lord Dalhousie—it had long been the policy
of our Indian Government. It had been an object of the
Government so far back as 1831, when authority was
sent out to Lord William Bentinck to annex the kingdom
of Gude. Lord William did not think fit to carry out
th°B6 instructions, and in 1833 or 1834 more positive
orders were sent out to him to the same effect. Shortly
• afterwards Lord William Bentinck returned to this
a°lll'try, sad was succeeded by Lord Auckland, who went
out in 1835, carrying with him instructions from Sir J.
Hobhouse to
carry the secret orders which had been
transmitted to Lord
land's arrival Bentinck. On Lord Auck.
patches had in lodia he found that those secret des-
of Oude.
otion. fallen
laugh')
into the hands of the prime minister
Theglcin That created, of course, a great
comm
King of Oude had been advised by
Lord William Bentinck
todsend a very magnificent
an
'
present to William IV, • what had occurred with
reference to the secret order, d
became
it necessary to
decline that present. Of course it
the circumstaner me requisite to
;
give an explanation of
and his Majesty thought them of so meac to the King
n importance
• that he determined to ask the advice of
the Duke
of Wellington, Lord Wellesley, and Sir Goreoa
who had been for many years commander iffel".'
King of Oude's Body Geard. The opinion of those
distinguished men was, that the annexation of Oude
would create a mutiny in the Bengal army. (Cheers.)
It was under these circumstances, and by the
interference, as he (Mr. Baillie) believe 1, of his Majesty
WARain IV., that the annexation of Chide bad been at
that time prevented. Soon afterwards a aeries of wars
broke oat, which lasted for 13 or 14 years—the Affghan
war, the war in Scinde, the campaign in Gwalior,, tun
first and second Punjaub wars, and the war in Gwalior.
When peace was again restored the project of annexing
Oade was again revived ; and in carrying out that pro.
ject Lord Dalhousie had shown him,elf a willing inetru•
ment. -They all knew the result. (Hear, hear) Oude
was the richest and most fertile portion of India ; and
that fact; perhaps, accounted for the pertinacity with
Which the object of the Government had been punned.
Oade had been called the Garden of India. It contained
a population of five millions, a martial race, who were
soldiers by profession. The Nawabs of Oude had borne
the hereditary title of Viziers of Mogul, since the days
of Timour the Tartar,.who had placed his
title,nwhich geeralissihad
mo,
a relative of his own, in Oude, with the
since descended to his successor. rheat title naturally
gave them great influence a,mongs'.
Gnnatrecprineces;
and Lord Hastings, when Governor- e
the project of inducing
of compromising him
the Nawab to assume tha title
of King of Oude, with the idea
with the King of Delhi. The result was thus described
by Lord Hastings ;—" The offensive animadversions
were keenly resented by the court of Lucknow, and as
irreparable breach between the two Afahomedan states