The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-31 00:00:00

THE SUN,

not, of course, set forth in plain and intelligible
language, but such are the legitimate conclusions
to be derived from the arguments employed.
Another sapient commentator upon public men
and Parliamentary measures declares that Lord
Derby and his colleagues have no right whatever
to govern upon sound principles, and to administer
the affairs of the country with credit and success.
Certain favoured individuals are, according to the
views of this luminary of the nineteenth century,
alone entitled to hold office. If, when in posses-
sion of the same, they show themselves arrogant
and incompetent, a reprimand is considered suf-
ficient punishment, and they are on no account
whatever to be dismissed and replaced.
" Ministers have played out their trump card,"
cries another caviller, " and have don e
so well in this matter that it is nuessary to get rid
of them as soon as possible. As they have displayed
statesmanship and impartiality in their proposal
for the settlement of the Indian difficulty, the House
of Commons must reject their budget. It is utterly
impossible for the country to go on much longer
with a Government that works harmoniously and
with such remarkable ability."
Such objections—and the above are, in honest
truth, all that have hitherto been urged apinst the
new India Bill—will not carry much weight. The
public perceive plainly enough that opponents who
cannot adduce more substantial grounds for oppo-
sition are merely seeking to throw obstructions in
the way of the Government, to gratify personal
animosity and to further factious aims. Office is
not the heritage or the right of any par Licular party.
The Whigs have during the last twenty years been
tried in every conceivable way, and failure and
disaster have been the results. The Conservatives,
during short intervals of power, have managed to
do much good, and their interference once more
restores confidence at home and abroad. Aware of
this, their antagonists desire to thrust them from
their present position before the benevolent charac-
ter of their policy is thoroughly established, and all
grades and classes of the community perceive more
fully who are their real friends, and who aro the
best protectors of national interests in their various
ramifications. Hence the vials of wrath a: o poured
out upon the heads of the new ministers. First it
was stated that Lord Derby could not form a Go-
vernment. Then followed a rumour respecting dis-
sensions in the Cabinet. This was succeeded by
ominous whispers, to the effect that ministers would
not faot) rlia menf All thcac i tlO p:odir+innq hav,,
been disproved. Lord Derby and his colleagues
have not only triumphed over opposition, but they
have gained respect, and are popular in the country.
In five weeks they have accomplished more than
their predecessors did in as many months. It is,
therefore, vain for calumniators to assert that
they are unable to govern with dignity and
success; the results furnish the best refutation
to such a charge. Consequently a dif-
ferent line of argument is attempted, an
the public are assured that the new Ministers are
doing their duty bravely, but that such conduct is
against their antecedents. It was never intended
—that is to say by their opponents—that they
should discharge their functions so happily, and
detractors endeavour, with a wonderful display of
sophistry, to show that the Conservatives ought to
be obstructives, and not that which they have
always been—temperate yet earnest and enlight-
ened reformers.

as might be inferred i
What they regard with ale 0 N D 0 N- oold
innovation implied by such p. .on coming
from a Conservative Ministry.- They ask themselves
—" Are we about to be deprived of our monopoly
of public virtue 1"
They need not fear. Their turn will come round
again. But they must submit, with a good grace,
to a suspension, fora time, of their functions. Such
political offences as were committed by Lord Pal-
merston's Ministry must in some way or other be
expiated. A great nation like the English cannot
submit to be trifled with. The whole country was
convulsed to give to a particular statesman a great,
majority, but it was accompanied, in the return of
Lord John Russell for London, with a warning.
The power was given to Lord Palmerston, not to
les abused vaingloriously, but for the advancement
of the great interests of progress. Ho was also
plainly told, that ho must propose a thorough mea-
sure of Parliamentary Reform. No sooner was he
installed, with his great majority cheering at his
back, than he began to show his contempt for the
previous compact. Towards the House of Commons
he conducted himself as no minister has ever done,
within historical memory. " L'Etat, c'est Moi 1"
was stamped on every word, act, and gesture. His
measures—when he offered them—were conceived
in any spirit rather than that of progress ; the
question of Parliamentary Reform he treated with
cool contempt. Now, it may be a very bad
state of things, in the eyes of those who sit to the
left of the Speaker's chair, that a Conservative
Ministry should be in office, but they will have
to perform quarantine some considerable time,
ero they regain the other side. Of this they appear
to be secretly conscious, and hence their dread of
certain symptoms in the tactics of the Ministers.
For, suppose the Conservatives should have
found wisdom in misfortune. Suppose they have
not either " learned nothing," or " forgotten no-
thing ;" and that they have the sense to see that
their Restoration is anything but the result of Re-
action. Charges of tergiversation of principle they
can afford to despise. The majority by which their
opponents believe themselves able, at any moment,
to turn them out, could not be got to act together
except at sacrifices of principle quite as glaring.
There is more congeniality of sentiment and simi-
larity of opinion between the advanced Conserva-
tive Chiefs and the Whig Leaders of the Opposition,
than there is between the latter and certain sec-
inna of their followers. Assume, thou, th.t •the
" cold shade of opposition" has taught its lessons
—that during the last eight or ten years the Con-
servatives have been in the position of the man
with the turned head, marching one way but look-
ing the other—that while the "Protection" con-
ferred by monopoly of office has rendered their
antagonists indolent and forgetful, Competition
has sharpened their own powers and appetites. If
they be allowed, under such circumstances, to get
warm in their seats, it is impossible to say what
might happen. Think of the frightful blow to
vested interests, if " the Tories," as oblivious
enemies still call them, should become the " popu-
lar" party in the State !
The crowning sin of the new India Government
Bill appears to be, that it throws open the choice
of Councillors to a species of popular election, and
confers the right of nominating five of the number
on certain great commercial towns. This is obvi-
ously a fault in the New Ministers. They had no
right to poach on their antagonists' peculiar manor.
They had no right to be untrue to the traditions of
their party, but ought to have acted exactly in the
spirit of Lord Castlereagh or Lord Liverpool.
We do not stop to argue whether the proposed
change is the best that could have been made, but
only amuse ourselves with noticing its effect on the
fr:ends of Lord Palmerston. They are indignant
at such innovations on established custom. At first
they tried to laugh at the new measure, but they
met with no sympathisers ; and now they devote,
instead, columns of heavy argument to the annihi-
lation of the monstrous propositions of Lord Ellen-
borough and Mr. Disraeli. This is all promising
enough. It shows that certain Whigs and others,
who had begun to forget that they were trustees
for the public, and only thought of their class in-
terests, are at last aroused to asense of their danger,
if not of their duty. Conscience evidently has
something to do with the metamorphosis. They
lou ily complain that the Conservatives are going to
give one-fourth of the Indian patronage for the
purpose of corrupting five great Parliamentary
constituencies. This is a touching sensitiveness.
We were not aware that large constituencies were
so easily corrupted, and had rather supposed that
the applications for places came from members re-
turned by the small boroughs, where a narrow-cast
majority carries the day, and every individual
voter is known to the representative.
Covert threats of ejection are renewed against
the Ministers, upon the strength of the supposed
wildness and impracticability of the scheme of elec•
tion proposed by the India Bill. Mr. Bright struck
the key-note, when he said the Parliamentary-con-
stituency election of councillors savoured of "clap-,
trap," and those who need the hon. gentleman's
order to form a -Liberal majority, have
carefully sung since to tie same tune. There must
have been some peculiar motive for a line of con-
duct so opposed to Mr. Bright's usually liberal
views. Birmingham is not among the " favoured
five" towns representative of Indian commerce.
Strange to say, this eminently " popular" proposal
of toe Government, which is certainly gaining
favour with the public, is also considered as fatal
to the prospect of a good budget from Mr.
Disraeli. Surely this is rather too bad. A Mi-
nistry, seemingly powerful, makes an unheard-of
mess of its affairs, and. is suddenly driven with
ignominy from the helm. Its successor is
compelled to take up its fragments of legislation,
and to fulfil pledges against which it had vainly
protested. It converts an arbitrary scheme into a
constitutional measure of government, and because
that measure has struck the public with surprise,
and secured some favour, its authors are to be ob-
structed in their endeavours to arrange the finances
of the country. Considering the state cf involve-
ment in which these finances were left by the late
Government, and the difficult task they have im-
po!ed on the new Chancellor of the Exchequer,
common decency would have suggested the choice
of some seller battle-field. If, however, the Con-
aervaives have really resolved on abandoning their
traditional policy, awl mean to piece themselves in
the van, ef national sentiment, they ought to hail
with welcome the angry strictures bestowed on the
n Nettles of their India Government Bill. If they
have not, it will be a matter of very little conse-
quence to the nation whether they are fairly or un-
fairly treated on bill or budget, because they roust
speedily pass from the scene, after having done
i enough to de Arey their distinctive political chine-
ter, without having laid the foundation on which
they might constitute themselves a really national
party.

The now India Bill is in all respects an admirable
solution of a difficult problem, and we are not in
the least degree surprised at the straits to which
cavillers are reduced. The first thing that must
strike most people is its thorough honesty. There
is not the slightest attempt at the evasion of a diffi-
culty or the introduction of a deceit in one of its
provisions. The authors have evidently laboured
to do a great act of justice. In their measure both
power and patronage are placed beyond the reach
of arrogant officials, and while the most practical
form of government is secured for India the object
is achieved in the best manner possible. Nor is this
accomplished by any improper sacrifices. The re-
sponsibility of the Ministers of the day is quite as
direct in this measure as in its predecessor ; and
while they are rendered fully amenable for every-
thing that is done or left undone, proper guaran-
tees have been introduced to guard against abuses
both in the appointment of councillors and the dis-
tribution of patronage. The balance is adjusted
with admirable skill, and rulers will have every in-
centive to administer the affairs of India with dili-
gence and impartiality. Lord Palmerston's council
was objected to both from the smallness of the num-
ber of the members of which it was compose], and
the absolute power which, as regarded their ap-
pointment, was vested in the hands of the minister.
Both of those defects are remedied in the new mea-
sure. The council will consist of 18 mernbei s, and
the method of their appointment leaves nothing to
be desired. The nine members to be nominveted by
the Crown will be required to possess distinct and
special qualifications. Each nominee will re-
present an important interest connected with
oar Indian empire. Four more, to be elected by
the Indian constituency, must either have served
ten years in some orn,lea mip.eity in In 'lin, 0, 1-7,7..
been fifteen years resident in that country. The
remaining five members of the council will receive
their appointment from the Parliamentary consti-
tuencies of London, Manchester, Liverpool, Glas-
gow, and Belfast. No person will be eligible as a
candidate unless he has been during five years at
least engaged in commerce between England and
India, or in the manufacture of goods for exporta-
tion to India, or has been ten years at least resi-
dent in India. A council thus constituted will be
fully competent to deal with every branch of Indian
legislation. Some objections have been raised in
interested quarters against what is termed the re-
presentative element in this new scheme. One
would have thought that in clays when so much is
spoken and written about Parliamentary reform
and an extension of the suffrage, that advocates of
the popular cause would have hesitated ere they
denounced this as one of the worst means of obtain-
ining honest and useful administrators. If it would
be dangerous to allow five members out of eighteen
of which the Council fur India is to be composed to
be chosen in this manner, what shall be sail of a
House of Commons of which all the members are
elected by popular vots ? The argument cuts both
ways. Those who contend that it would be un-
wise to have live legislators for India thus elected
must admit that it is equally unwise to have a
House of Commons created by such means. It is
impossible for Parliamentary reformers, end advo-
cates of popular change-,,, to escape from this
ddernma. They must either allow that the element
is healthy and beneficial in bothccast,e-t, or renounce
all kinds of agitation for its extension in Parlia-
mentary government.
Some have raised objections because the c)uncil
does net possess, as they pretend, sufficient power.
It was, however, essential to render Ministers
solely responeible, in order to do away with
that much maligned system, the double govern-
ment. Had Ministers attempted to retain the
slightest semblance of this system, which has
been most perseveringly denounced in all quarters,
they would have been charged with proposing
mockery of a change instead of an honest and a
thorough reform. In fact, we imagine that censo-
rious critics are sorely disappointed at the discri.
mination shown upon this point. They hoped that
some scheme for retaining the double government
in reality, though perhaps not in name, would have
afforded them the opportunity for which they long.
In the constitution of the council the elective and
the representative elements are both called into
operation. Thus the selection of the ablest and
best qualified men, without reference to party or
government influences, will be secured. Members
of a council thus constituted will be really inde-
pendent men ; net, as under Lord Palmerston's
bill, the creatures of the Minister of the diy.
Moreover, by proposing to include the names of
the first council in the bill itself, Ministers obtain
all the weight and influence of Parliamentary sanc-
tion in their favour.
Instead, therefore, of denouncing a Conserva-
tive Cabinet for framing and bringing before Par-
liament an impartial, statesmanlike, and complete
settlement of the Indian question, the people of
this country will receive the boon with acclama-
tion. They understand its real value, and are not
to be deluded by the shallow diatribes of interested
critics. Freedom of action is one of the great safe-
guards of our representative institutions ; and the
doctrine that a party in power are only to do
exactly what the party in opposition desires, is
quite a now theory. The Conservatives are not,
and never have been, obstructives. Narro w-
minded opponents have described them as such,
but their object was self-evident. The Conserva-
tives are, indeed, the only true and constitutional
reformers, because with them reform does not
mean destruction, but progression. They know how
to protect that which is valuable in our free insti-
tutions, and, while discarding what is bad, do net
seek to undermine foundations. Had it not been
for their interference our time-honoured constitu-
tion must long since have been destroyed. Against
agitators and demagogues they have ever main-
tained a bold front, and have always opposed
changes which originated in an uneasy Lye of
change, and.w
it
which could not by any possibility
OsiEssi to beneficial

HEALTH OP LONDON DURING TB.E

(Prom the Report of the Registrar Goneral.)

Under the influence of fine weather the mortality
is much reduced. The deaths in London were in
two previous weeks 1,487 and 1,431 ; last week
they fell to 1,268. In the ten years 1848-57 the
average number of deaths in the weeks correspond-
ing with last week was 1,217 ; but as the deaths
returned for last week returned in an increased
population, they should be compared with the aver-
age after the latter is raised in proportion to the
increase, a correction which will make it 1,339. The
present return is, therefore, so far favourable, that
it shows the number of deaths less by 71 than that
which the average rate of mortality towards the
end of March would have produced.
There is a decrease of the deaths of last week as
compared with these of the preceding week, in each
of the five classes of disease to which they arc re-
ferred, pith the exception of the last elass. Zymotic
diseases were fatal in the two weeks in 286 and 270
cases ; constitutional in 281 and 217 ; the local
(which include bronchial affections) in 628 and 566,
and developmental disease in 170 and 145. Deaths
by violence, the registration of which b !comes more
active towards the end of the quarter, increased
from 35 to 50. Of these 50, 39 were accidental, and
were chit- fly from fractures and burns, and suffoca-
tion of children in bed ; 4 were cases of infanticide,
and 7 of suicide.
Bronchitis has declined in the number of fatal
cases from 192 to 152—the corrected average for
last week is 137. Pneumonia, from which 109
persons died, shows little excess on the average.
Whooping-cough declined from 83 to 72 in the two
weeks ; scarlatina from 40 to 29 ; typhus with
common fever from 41 to 26. There were 12 deaths
last week from diarrhoea (all, except 4, amongst
• infants) ; and a young woman died in Pentonville
from "cholera biliosa," after 5 days' illness. Three
children died of measles in the workhouse, Gray's
Inn-lane. Ten cases of diptheria are recorded, in
which it was either the primary or the secondary
cause of death. Seven persons, the victims of intem-
perance, are included in this return, besides 3 who
died of delirium tremens. Four women and a man
had arlived at the advanced age of 90 years or up-
wards. amongst whom was a widow whose years
had been extended to 97.

G.mat
(~t1(/:trom. the Morning Chronicle.)
Whigs, at tAxeleation exists among the Palmerston
servatives, in't,,"obrtraailnleanings indicated by the Cm-
pproey.iens o£ their new India
Bill. The specific
Constituency of
52000 r
ptzelb,Ltri,,,ono7,..to create a new
or to give to five
great town., cunlnaettAaltryl'atios--
right to elect five Contact
merce with India, the . The Scinde Railway Company have
for the
lore—does not so much really occupy their rai.„,,_ India Company 350,000/. on account of capital
'•"-'3) Po • paid to the East
Pun from Meehan to Lahore z nd Umritir

Lass week the birth of 1,000 boys and 924 girls,
in all 1,924 children, were registered in London.
In the ten corresponding weeks of the years
1848-57, the average number was 1,61 G.