The Sun.
London, England, 1867-08-28 00:00:00

THE STANTON EMBROGLIO.

The PRESIDENT, it is said, made up his mind last
November to remove Mr. STANTON. THUELOW
WEED and HENRY J. lisymoND persuaded him to
forego his intention, although Gcncral SIIERMAN
had been called to Washington temporarily to fill
the place. When Congress met the Tenure of Office
Bill was passed expressly to prevent Mr. JOHNSON
from exercising the power of discharging Govern-
ment officers who opposed "my policy." When
this bill was debated in the Senate the PRESIDENT'S
power to remove officials appointed by his prede-
cessor was discussed, and admitted by the lawyers,
Mr. STANTON being expressly named, coupled with
the conjecture of his probable removal. On this
occasion Senator SHERMAN said that " if either the
Secretary of War, of the Navy, or of State, was so
wanting in manhood, in honour, as to hold his
place after the politest intimation by the President
of the United States that his services were no longer
needed, I certainly as a Senator would consent to
his removal at any time, and so would we all." The
honourable gentleman did not then contemplate the
circumstances that appear now to have arisen—the
PRESIDENT, irritated beyond endurance with the
opposition of the Secretary, bent on getting rid of
him at all hazards, and the Secretary iden-
tifying himself with the strongest party of the
nation, the overwhelming majority of Congress,
persuading himself it was. his duty to stick fast to
the
go.
drag,
a and displaying equal
determinationln vain Mr. JOHNSON
had informed Mr. STANTON that he would accept his
resignation. No attention whatever was paid to
State coach
nota s
to a
the hints, the Ohio Senator considered would be
sufficient for any gentleman. At last Mr. JOHNSON
despatched the following curt communication, which
he evidently considered would settle the question :-
44 Executive Mansion, Washington, Aug. 5.

"Sir,—Public considerations of a high character con-
strain me to say that your resignation as Secretary of War
will be accepted.—Very respectfully yours,
" ANDREW JOHNSON.
"To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War."
To this Mr. STANTON, after consulting with his
friends, returned the following reply

"War Department, 'Washington, Aug. 5.

" Sir,—Your note of this date has been received, stating
that public considerations of a high chai actor constrain you
to say that my resignation as Secretary of War will be
accepted. In reply, 1 have the honour to say that public
considerations of a high character, which alone have induced
me to continue at the head of this department, constrain me
not to resign the office of Secretary of War before the next
meeting of Congress.—Very respectfully,
"EDWIN M. STANTON.

" To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States."
The PRESIDENT appears to have taken the opinion
of the Attorney-General on the recent act of Con-
gress, depriving him of the power of dismissing such
officials. It was considered that the law applied
only to those appointed by himself, and on the 9th
instant the question was discussed in the Cabinet.
Pending his definite action, the PRESIDENT ordered
that no other Department should hold communica-
tion with Mr. STANTON as Secretary of War. As
Mr. STANTON remained stedfast in his refusal to
resign, the PRESIDENT eventually removed him and
appointed General GRANT to act in his place. This
episode gave rise to great scandals. In the first
place, the correspondent of the Loudon Standard
accuses Mr. STANTON of having played a villainous
part in detaching from the papers of the Court's
proceedings which tried Mrs. SuRRATT, prior to
their submission to the PRESIDENT, a recommen-
dation to commute the sentence from death to one
of imprisonment for lif?.. That correspondent openly
declares that his information was derived from
official sources. The New York Herald ac-
counts for the silence of the Tribune —the paper
all expected to defend the Secretary—by
GREELEY'S hostility to Mr. STANTON, who once
made out an order for his arrest for nego-
tiating with rebels in Canada, which President
LINCOLN would not permit to be enforced. The
general feeling appears to be against the course
taken by Mr. STANTON, although little interest is
excited by the quarrel, which is regarded as a per-
sonal affair. Neither of the principals stand well
with the nation ; but,
viewing the question in its
abstract bearings, the opinion is widely held that no
such dead lock should be possible, and that it is
highly improper to deprive a President of the ability
of dispensing with Cabinet officers. It is manifestly
unjust to rob a ruler responsible to the nation of the
power of instantly removing an obstruction to the
policy of the Cabinet. When a statesman differs
from Lis colleagues in opinion,
it is his duty to
resign without being asked, when he becomes free

to oppose their policy by every legitimate means.
If such a system as that adopted by Mr. STAN-
TON were tolerated there would be an end of
Government—there would be an end of responsi-
bility of the chief of the Executive, and a Cabinet
meeting would resolve itself into a debating society,
or a bear garden, with the members growling at
each other, instead of working harmoniously to a
clear, well-defined end. This results from the ex-
traordinary spectacle presented by the United
States. The party of Freedom and Progress, are
placed in the unnatural position of forcing the prin-
ciples of Republicanism on a number of the States by
means of a military despotism. It is almost im-
possible to conceive anything more contradictory
in appearance, than the most advanced party
of the universal rights of man, forcing their
doctrines on unwilling millions, by means of an
absolute military despotism. It makes them
attempt to carry out their views by the very
measures most opposed to those views, and while
urging the first doctrine of the Constitution—that
all men are born equal, and with a right to the
pursuit of happiness, they deprive whole States of
all civil rights, and place them absolutely at the
will of a military lictator. They use the despot's
weapon to enforce the most noble doctrines of
liberty, under a pressure which leaves no
other course. The task undertaken by the
great Republican party has been one of
overwhelming difficulty, increased vastly by the
strong opposition of the chief of the Executive,
through whom they were compelled to carry out
their policy. That they should thus far have
succeeded is matter for congratulation, and,
although a dead-lock has arisen in this instance, it
is no small surprise that much greater and graver
complications have not resulted. Very few people
sympathise with Mr. STANTON, as he has manifestly
placed himself in the wrong ; but the sympathy
with the PRESIDENT would have been general had
he not drawn on himself the dislike of the great
body of the American people.—Anglo-American
Times.