The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-13 00:00:00

a tradition, existing by sufferance." Surely, then,
if is well that we should learn to call things by
their right names, and no longer be trammelled
by obsolete, albeit respectable, "traditions."
We have already demonstrated that neither the
Directors nor Proprietors have any just cause of
complaint against the proposed alteration. Their
interest in the affairs of India is merely one of
s. ti. All they have to look to is the payment
of the dividends guaranteed by the British nation
until the time when they may be redeemed on
terms already arranged and concluded. It is
really monstrous that persons entitled to receive
630,0001. per annwn for a term of 15 or 16
years, and then a capital of 12,000,000/.—double
their original investment—should also be enabled
to interfere with the destinies of 150,000,000
of human beings, or 25 persons for every pound
originally invested. All that the proprietors
really lose is the possibility of obtaining cadet-
ships in return for their votes at the election of
directors, and that is a demand which will scarcely
be sustained or ventilated in Parliament.
As to the provisions of the measure, they are
very simple. The powers of the Directors are to
cease and determine, and their functions are to
be transferred to a President and Council
of eight members, nominated by the Crown,
for a limited term of eight years, and not entitled
to sit in Parliament. Two are to be replaced
every second year. There will thus be the pos-
sibility of obtaining the services of eligible men,
and infusing new blood into the Council, while

there would be a sufficient tenure of office to pre-
vent them from truckling to the Executive for the
time being. The President and Secretary are alone
eligible for seats in Parliament, and they will go
in or out with the Government of the day. The
decision of the President will be final in political
matters, and properly so, inasmuch as he will be
responsible to Parliament and the country
for his conduct. But the members of the council
will have power to record their protests against
any measures which he may adopt contrary to
their advice. In financial affairs, however, the
President must obtain the assent of at least four
of the Council before any outlay involving an

increased expenditure should be decided on. A
moiety of the patronage will be vested in the Go-
♦ernment and the remainder in the members of
Council, so that the dreaded increase of patronage
will be comparatively trifling. Writerships will,
as at present, be given to the successful candidates at
competitive exminations. The local patronage will
remain with the authorities in India. There can
be no jealousy in this respect. Indeed, Lord
PALMERSTON seems to have yielded too much to
the outcry put forward, and thus forfeited the
opportunity of improving the administration of
justice in our Eastern Dominions. The revenues
of India are to be applied solely to tho purposes
of the Indian Government, and although the
Indian army will be transferred to the Crown,
there will be no changes in the conditions on
which it is embodied.

The debate has been adjourned to Monday, but
we cannot for a moment suppose that the House
will refuse to sanction a measure, the chief objec-
tion to whieh is its extreme moderation.

In the good old times, before duelling had
become obsolete, and men had ceased to hazard
their lives in defence of their honour, it was uni-
versally considered that the same, or even more
extended, publicity should be given to an apology
than to the affront, for which it was demanded.
It was in that respect, at least, a sound and whole•
some practice—one that rendered the amende what
it ought to be, complete and satisfactory. Were it
otherwise many persons who heard of the insult
would know nothing of its redress, and would re-
main under the erroneous impression that the in-
jured party had patiently swallowed his leek, and
submitted to the castigation previously adminis-
tered. One of the vexed questions in the arrange-
ment of these so-called affairs of honour was the
nature and extent of the publicity that should
be given to the explanation or apology, and it
was almost invariably settled in the way
above alluded to, viz., the same publicity to the
act of reparation as had been given to the offence.
The Emperor LOUIS NAPOLEON does not, how-
ever, act on that sound principle. Although the
truculent addresses of the French military bullies,
designating Great Britain as a den of assassins,
and demanding its invasion and even its destruc-
tion, were published ostentatiously in the official
journal, and thus recognised and adopted by the
EMPEROR, although the objectionable despatch of
Count WALEWSICI received similar publicity, the
illoniteur has maintained a total and unbroken
silence respecting that of the Gth of February,
which contained the tardy and inadequate expres-
sion of Imperial regret for the improper and
insulting publication.
This omissien is the more reprehensible, inas-
much as no French journal would dare to publish
the despatch, and the extensive and almost daily
ii seizures of English newspapers would prevent any
I extensive circulation of the explanations given at
the British channel. The insolent sabreurs
i who penned these mendacious and outrage-
-1 ous documents may therefore remain
under the erroneous impression that their
thl.eats had influenced the •Parliament, and
people of Great Britain, and that they were still
sanctioned and approved by the EMPEROR and his
responsible ministers. The limited nature of the
apology should therefore be known to every
popular representative, before the bill for restrict-
ing and eventually subverting the right of sanc-
tuary to political exiles comes on for second reading
in the House of Commons. The waverers who
halted between two opinions and reserved
the right of future action, should know
how futile and inadequate was the apology
offered,
,and the 256 absentees should be stimu-
lated to a better performance of their duty on the
next division.

The Ministerial measure, as we have already
repeatedly pointed out, was wholly unnecessary
and uncalled for ; as the highest legal autho-
rity on criminal questions—the Lord Chief
Justice of England—clearly pointed out, the
existing law is amply sufficient to punish
any conspiracy, either to murder, or in any way
to injure any persons, whether princes or private
individuals, at home or abroad. If life be lost,
the offender:may be indicted as an accessory before
the fact, and we have at this moment a large re-
ward offered for the apprehension of an English
subject, who is charged with a guilty knowledge
of the offence against the EMPEROR. Should Mr.
ALSOP be arrested, and there is
every reason to
suppose that such will speedily be the case, we shall
have
reason
really so defective
knowl‘rYelieutiiir
whether
ers a
asthe existing law of
theland is
lthearastbioeneno
rs tma toeddi ,
and whether it really -
ficatihe on-
Talteration of the nature of the crime from
misdemeanour to felony, may be productive of
results far more serious than at present
supposed. On a charge of felony, any man
may be apprehended without a warrant, his
most secret papers may be ransacked, and ample
bail may be refused for his appearance. We can
easily conceive what an instrument of oppression
It will be suffi-
and coercion this may be made.