The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-11 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 11, 1858.

quillity. We cannot yield implicit credence to
this assertion, nor even, if it were perfectly cor-
rect, acknowledge that there was any extraordin-
ary claim on our gratitude thereby established.
The Provisional Government looked to England
for fair play. Had we interfered, it might have
materially damaged the cause of the revolution.
It was our forbearance, and unflinching determin-
ation to support the expression of the national
will, that restrained other Powers that
regarded with excessive jealousy such de-
monstrations that prevented acts which might
have led to very different results than those which
actually took place. The people of France recog-
' nised and appreciated the spirit displayed in this
country. They were at that time anxious to
establish and maintain the most friendly relations
with England. There was, therefore, no hostility
on the part of the Republic to be conciliated by
the new PRESIDENT, and there were hints
respecting the yet unavenged Waterloo, and a
line of policy adopted in the Roman States by no
means calculated to achieve that object !
It is not necessary to refer to the statements re-
specting the sailing of the French fleet to the
Dardanelles. The instruction that it should not
sail, or co-operate with the English fleet, although
both nations had a common object, was not a very
striking exhibition of amity by the Presidential,
nor can we regard the departure of the French
Ambassador from London, at the time of the
difficulty with Greece, in a more favourable

The Emperor of the FRENCH has thought pro-
per to appeal to public opinion on the questions at
issue between his Government and that of Eng-
land. We say the EMPEROR-for although the
pamphlet, which has excited so much curiosity,
is nominally from the pen of a Member of the
Council of State, M. DE La GUENOCIERE, it is
notorious that he has derived his inspiration from
the highest quarter—that he was but an Editor,
to give form and expression to the opinions which
be was instructed to embody in his publication.
It is, therefore, to all intents and purposes, an
Imperial Manifesto addressed to the Peoples of
England and France. As such we accept it,
and as such we shall deal with it ; giving
it all the consideration to which it is en-
tikled, and carefully examining the statements and
deductions contained therein.

The reference to the coup d'etat of the 2d
Deeemluer might well have been spared. It is
by no means calculated to elevate the character of
the man who thereby converted the Presidential
chair into an Imperial Throne. It was, unques-
tionably, freely commented on by the English
Press. But we unhe4itatingly assert that there
was no calumny invented, no error spread. If
anything, there was more leniency displayed than
could reasonably have been anticipated under the
actual circumstances of the case. We may add
that it would exactly have suited Louis NAPOLEON
to have assailed England at the moment that he
was aiming at Empire. Looking to the entire
matter, we may boldly assert, that the balance of
obligation was certainly not against England at
that time.

We gladly recognise the fair and judicious
conduct of the EMPEROR at the commencement of
the Eastern difficulty, and the mutual cordiality
that existed between the troops of Great Britain
and France, who cemented with their blood the
friendship which we would gladly see perpetuated.
It was a common object that was to be achieved,
and both sides acted faithfully and loyally. We
wish that we could add that the same course was
adopted to the end, and that a pre-
mature peace was not forced upon us by
the action of the French Government, which
brought the just and necessary war to a most
lame and impotent conclusion. Nor is it neces-
sary to allude at present to the opposition of the
Cabinet of Paris to English views respecting the
affairs of Bolgrad and the union of the Princi-
palities. We certainly owe no such extraordinary
debt of gratitude on that account, as should in-
duce us to subvert our most cherished institutions,
or surrender at French dictation the freedom of
journalism, or the right of affording universal
sanctuary to all claimants.
Having thus disposed of the pretensions put
forward, let us see what are the claims founded
thereon. It says, as a fact, that "it is, then,
always in England that attempts are prepared
against the Expanon and society." And it is
insinuated that these attempts are encouraged in
this country ; that, in fact, the propriety of
assassination is advocated at public meetings,
and in sundry publications. On each and
all of these points we offer the most emphatic
denial consistent with courtesy. It is not
the English element that has encouraged
the would-be murderers. They would carry on
their atrocious designs in any other country, even
in France itself, just as energetically as in this
country, and it has been shown that the much
vaunted French police cannot interfere more effec-
tually than that of England. There will always be
conspiracies. The mode by which they could really
be averted would be by removing all just causes of
complaint rather than by stringent regulations
repugnant to a free country. We wish that the
EurEßoe. would recognise this truth, that he
would adopt the measures calculated to disarm
the assassin, and to render atrocious design, if
possible, more detestable than they are. We 1)01 lly
say that the people of England are not the advo-
cates of such atrocities. Far from it ! They are
no less abhorred here than in Paris, and we shall
unhesitatingly punish any person or persons who
may be preyed to have participated therein. But
we shall not accept suspicion as proof, nor will we
act on what is termed notoriety, which simply
means the opinions of the French police.
We do not think that the objects of the ENIPE-
ROR will be promoted by the publication above re-
ferred to. We have discussed it temperately, as
it is couched in moderate terms. But we shall not
refuse shelter and protection to any political re-
fugee, no matter what may be his opinions, nor
aim a blow against that great Palladium of national
liberty—a free and unfettered Press.
The nature of the changes which are desired to
be introduced may be understood from the on-
slaught against Journalism in Belgium. We
subjoin the repot t of two trials which
have just taken place in Brussels. It
will be seen what heavy punishments have
been inflicted on men who certainly were not
the advocates of political assassination, but merely
put forward views which they bad a perfect right
to make. And we beg to add, that England will
certainly not carry her complaisance so far as
Belgium has been compelled to do, although
any licentiousness or impropriety will be dealt
with in strict accordance with the English law
and the spirit of the nation.

It is a good sign that there should be such an
appeal. It proves that the attempt at coercion
has failed, with the withdrawal from office of the
PALMBILSTON Cabinet, and that fair and compara-
tively temperate argument must now be resorted
to, in order to obtain the objects on which the
EMPEROR has set his heart, viz., the subversion of
the liberty of the Press, and the freedom of dis-
cussion, and also the abolition or modification of
the right of sanctuary, which has been maintained
from the earliest ages, and to which none are more
deeply indebted than the EMPEROR himself, and some
of his most influential advisers. As we conceive
that truth is always promoted by the most perfect
publicity and discussion, we are pleased to find
that the desires of the Imperial Cabinet are advo-
cated in a manner which leaves them open to fair
and impartial criticism, rather than by diplomatic
dictation,
or the bluster of ignorant and insolent
soldiers.

The universal indignation excited in this coun-
try has not been forgotten by the Editor, He
adopts courteous terms, and there is a studied
moderation of tone, which is another satisfactory
symptom of the change produced by the energy and
decision of the English nation. But the fallacies
and mss-statements contained therein are not the
less obvious, and they may be the more easily and
distinctly pointed out inasmuch as they profess to
cal expression to tthe opinions of the French
o
ineorge, rather than, o
'taa;: exarain:tynte:t:di:iirnyvmarrEttilla°lllY hthime smealft:ter:Viloe
elaborately
ascer-
tain whether there is any, Nuak7ara' and w founda, ion
upon which they rest.
It opens with what may be regarded as a reca-
pitulation of the several matters in which th©
EMPEROR has acted in a friendly and considerate
manner towards Great Britain, and for which it is
supposed that we owe him a debt of gratitude.
It asserts that on his election to the Presidency,
""he only found about him in the Assembly which
was to share and often embarrass his Government,
parties hostile or unsympathetic to England." It
is thus insinuated that we owe to his good offices
exclusively the maintenance of peace and tran-

Cabinets much more would the IMMO disin-
terestedneFis cause him to shrink from accepting
the most splendid appointment in the gift of the
Crownif, as we suppose, that gift will soon
3
become va cant.

It must not be forgotten, however, that Lord
STANLEY ig wanted in England far too much to
make it desirable, for the sake of the New
Ministry, that he should renounce English politics
for Indian Yice-Royalty. We regard Lord
STANLEY as one of the most important members
of the Cabinet. With a higher position than Sir
JOHN PAKING :CON he has shown the same
markedly liberal tendencies, and there is not
probably a single member of the present Ministry
who enjoys more LI the confidence of the Liberal
party, or to whom t he house looks with more respect
as a rising statesman quite up to the times
in which he lives. He cannot be dispensed
with by the Ministry at home. He is the pledge
to the non-factious liberals, that the Conservative
Cabinet shall be a Ministry of progress. He is
known to be too honest a man to sacrifice his con-
victions even to a parent ; what those convictions
are is well known ; all are confident that his veto
or his resignation would follow any attempt how-
ever covert at retrogreatiou ; but more than this,
it is thought impossible that positively liberal and
popular measures should not result from the in-
Muence he must exert on his colleagues. With
such a large liberal majority against him on party
grounds in the House of Commons, Lord DERBY
can least of all spare from it the very man who
more than any other in his ranks has the good-
will of that majority. All the independent libe-
rals especially are almost to a man admirers of
Lord STANLEY. Indeed none amongst the liberal
' party are opposed to him except those who, pass-
ing under the name of Liberals, are at heart much
less attached to liberal principles than the young,
nominally Conservative, lord.

There can be no kind of doubt that Sir JOHN
LAWRENCE is the man who ought to be Governor-
General of India. We have said so before ;
indeed it has been said by all but
routinists, and those who cannot imagine
any great office in non-aristocratic hands.
The training and the notorious merits of
Sir JOHN leave no room for doubt as to what
would be for the real interest of India. Following
his gifted and successful brother in the Punjaub,
he carried on his work with increasing success.
Under his Administration the Sikhs, so recently
our enemies, have become our faithful subjects,
and even our enthusiastic soldiers. He so attached
them to our rule, that relying on them he could
disarm the mutinous Bengal Sepoys in the Punjaub,
or cut them up if they deserted ; and this while
Lord CANNING was afraid to disarm the sepoys in
Bengal itself, or credulously confiding in them till
disasters like that at Dinapore rebuked his weak-
ness. The administration of the Punjaub since the
mutiny began has been the very reverse of that
whose headquarters were at Calcutta. No want
of foresight, no vacillation, no timidity, no hesi-
tation ! Mutiny was dealt with as mutiny, by the
gallows and the cannon's mouth, and the faithless
were disarmed, wherever practicable, before they
could do mischief. At the same time there was
no more undue severity than really cruel lenity.
Moreover, Sir JOHN LAWRENCE has saved
India, and he ought to be its ruler. He may be
said to have provided both the army before Delhi
and the supplies on which its existence and
success depended. It is but to look into
any of the detailed narratives of the eampaign
before Delhi—that, for instance, of Major NOR-
MAN, Deputy-Adjutant of the Bengal Army,
published by permission of Lord CAacilego him-
self—to see that all the reinforcements and sup-
plies came from the Punjaub. Indeed, we are
told explicitly that their very position was one
which they took because no choice was left them,
I "being the only one that could secure our com-
munications with the Punjaub, whence our sup-
plies and reinforcements were drawn." So well
had Sir JOHN the Punjaub in hand that he could
almost denude it of British troops, and raise
faithful native levies to co-operate with them.
The Punjaub was the solo base of the operations
which resulted in the capture of Delhi ; and, but
for whieb,""an overwhelming multitude of muti-
neers would have been concentrated in the Doab,
such as would have left a HATELOCIC no chance
but retreat, or perishing by ruinous victory.
But for LAWRENCE in the Punjaub, Cawnpore and
Lucknow, perhaps even Allahabad and Bemires,
could not have been relieved. He held in check at
Delhi, till he vanquished them, the strongest
of the rebel forces. No one, indeed, would
compare invidiously with each other our In-
dian heroes and administrators—HlTELOCX,
NEILL, WILSON, NICHOLSON, OUTRA.H, and a
long list besides, were all and each of them
equal to the occasion, however critical it might
be, but it fell to Sir JOHN LAWRENCE'S lot to be
just in the position in which he could display, and
did display all the highest qualities of an admi-
nistrator at a time *hen they were most severely
put to the test,

Probably Lord STANLEY never even thought of
the office for himself ; most assuredly he would
be the last man in England either to deprive Sir
JOHN LAWRENCE of the post he has merited, or
India of his invaluable services ; as little doubt
can there be that his appointment to the post
would be as popular an act as the new Adminis-
tration could perform ; one which all classes
would accept. Even that thorough aristocrat
and Tory Lord SHAFTESBURY, pronounced Sir
JOHN to be the man for Governor-General, amid
the cheers of Exeter Hall, and of the bishops and
clergy present. Lord STANLEY has, on the other
hand, ample time before him ; ho is becoming
growingly versed in home questions, social and
political ; he is the favourite both with Liberals
and Conservatives in his own borough ; his work
therefore just now is emphatically home work ;
and we want him for it. He is to aid us in all
the coming liberal measures.

We are not aware that the Times has any The Tdeg of March again began yesterday for
ground but political gossip for supposing that the Literary Fund Annual meeting, but they
Lord STANLEY had an eye to the vacancy likely to have not yet, we believe, ended for the
occur in the highest office in India, or that his Managing Committee. In anticipation of this
father intended to reward his sou for what the yearly season of trial for the Committee, the
latter described as plain filial duty by the most leaders of the ever-zealous and indefatigable
splendid appointment likely to fall into his hands. Reformers have just now discharged at the
If Lord CANNING have any self-respect worthy of devoted heads of the management a paper pellet of
a British Nobleman, he cannot, of course, serve rather formidable character. A thin pamphlet,
under a DERBY Ministry, and especially under his of a single sheet, consisting, consequettly, of to
critic Lord ELLENBOROUGH. Lord ELLENBOROUGH more than sixteen pages in all—entitled simply
himself is where he ought to be, and probably "The Case of the Reformers in the Literary
prefers to be ; and L-ird STANLEY, though cer- Fund ; stated by CHARLES W. DILKE, CHARLES
t4inly very young for such a post, seemed, partly DICKENS, and JOHN FORSTER." It bears the int-
oll4 partly ayenoodi ntbt account
these
sf hisep, personal
esskitwiiinoenwlaenddgeaboifliltyn,dniao,tanniad primatur of the Messrs. BRADBURY and EVAN S.
llkely to have the offer of the Indian appointment-. Ititnsettaiytesanthde
scuacsceincotflytohe
It
tefeoxrpmlearinss ahtnwoncite dhiass-
tea,,,pired,
and. believe nothing has wonderfully come to pass that the Managing Com-
, ready tiaiu Lora
nonainagtir:
would be more tnittee have not only contrived entirely to dispense
we
aanLiord alone
lia.,si',st::tl4:l;:ecia.Elln.tiomijosnelef to endorse the with the assistance of the Council, but actu-
hove,aims tolfteSVirerjy. the kine
gdom
be, we be• ally to refuse the members of the Council
on behalf of routine the
future reapaor;Beillii
tor demand access to such records of the Society as would
aaii;tlriely and marvellously to the post of Governor-General of ludia,
were suggested gefaatelicebrl:y4
from apprehensions of the appearance of nepotism Committee. How it really is that the
taims e acquaint them with the doings of
Managiug Committee have enabled themselves
(i hough very different motives
responsibility
yly
itso
cr
ei t
ainly themselvesvery
the Times) he Lesitated to join