The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-11 00:00:00

TliE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 11, 18G7.

GAME LICENCES.

IIIE COMMISSIONERS
.OF INLAND
REVENUE hereby give Notice, that SUPPLE-
MENTARY LISTS containing the Names of all Persons
V.:O have taken out LICENCES to KILL and DEAL in
Game in the current Year, from Ist October last, inclusive,
have been printed for each Excise Collection.
A Copy thereof may be obtained GRATIS by any
Person on application at this Office, or at the Offices of the
Collector or Supervisor of Inland Revenue, Distributor or
Sub-Distributor of Stamps in the country, by whom
Licences are issued.

The Commissioners further give Notice that instructions
have been issued to their Officers to take the necessary
steps to prefer informations for penalties against all persons
found in pursuit of or dealing iu Game without licence.
WM. CORBETT, Secretary.
Inland Revenue, Somerset House, -
London, Bth March, 1867.

THE NORTH LONDON ESTATE, Finchley
(Middlesexl, close to the new station of the Edgware,
Highgate, and London Railway.— THE CONSERVA LIVE
LAND SOCIETY.—The holders of Rights of Choice, t' .e
Shareholders, and the general public are respectfully in-
formed that the ALLOTMENT of the First Portion of the
Finchley-road Estate, close to the new station, will be com-
mencei at the Offices, as above, at noon precisely, on FRI-
DAY, the 22d of March.
11 order of the Board,
CHARLES LEWIS GRUSEISEN, Secretary.

Offices, 33, Norfolk-street, Strand, London, N.C.

Plans 6d., or 7d. by pod. Prospectuses of the Land, Bui!d-
ing, Share, and Deposit Departments, with List of Villas
and Houses (or Sale, will be sent free of charge, together
with printed instructions how to acquire land and pay for the
plots by easy instalments, together with the regulations for
the priority of selection according to rotation.

THE BENEVOLENT SOCIETY of ST.
PATRICK.

Instituted in the year 1784.
Under the patronage of her MAJESTY and his Royal
Highness the Prince of WALES.
The EIGHTY-FOURTII ANNIVERSARY FESTI-
VAL of this Society will b 3 celebrated at Willis's Rooms,
King-street, St. James's, on ST. PATRICK'S EVE,
March 16th, 1867.
H.R.11. the PRINCE 0
TICE-PIC

the Duke of Cam-
bridge, K.G.
The Archbishop of Armagh
The Duke of Devonshire,
K.G.
The Puke of Lcinster
The Duke of Manchester
The /4arquis of Clanricarde,
K.P.
The Marquis of Headford,
K.P.
The Marquis of Lansdowne
The Earl of Bessborough
The Earl of Courtown
The Earl of Darnley
The Earl of Dartrey, K.P.
The Earl of Derby, K.G.
The, Earl of Egmont
The Earl of Enniskillen
The Earl of Granard, K.P.
The Earl of Longford,K.C.B.
The Earl of Lucan, K.C.B.

WALES in the Chair.
SIDENTS.
The Earl of Shrewsbury and

Talbot
The Earl Russell, K.G.
The Earl Vane
The Earl of Mount Charles
The Viscount Ilarbeton
The Viscount Monck
The Viscount Sydney, G.C.B.
The Viscount Templetown,

C.B.
The Viscount Hamilton,M.P.
Tho Lord de Blaquiere
The Lord Dufferin, K.P.,

K.C.B.
The Lord Dunsany
The Lord Dunkellin,
The Lord C. ITarnilton,M.P.
The Lord A. E. Hill-Trevor
M.P.
The Lord Stanley, 111. P.
Sir Ralph _Howard, Bart.

STEWARDS.
The Attorney-General for Edward J. Milliken, Esq.
Ireland, M.P. Philip Vanderbyl, Esq., M.P.
The Right Hon. F. P. Dunne, Tristram Kennedy, Esq.,
M.P. M.P.
Sir Bernard Burke Jelin Kinali.tn, Esq.
Sir Edward Coey Colonel Leslie, M.P.
Sir W. J. Tyrone Power, Charles M'Garel, Esq., M.P.
K.C.B. Charlesßrinslay Marley,Esq.
Mr. Sergeant Armstrong, Arthur R. Naghten, Esq.
Q.C., M.P. J. Lyster O'Beirne, Esq.,
W. Fitzwilliarn Dick, Esq., MP.
M.P. Edward O'Neill, Esq., M.P.
Samuel R. Graves, Esq.,M.P. Robert Wm. Cary Reeves,
lon Trent Hamilton, Esq., Esq.
M.P. Rear-AdmiralSoymour,C.B.,
J. Napier Higgins, Esq. M.P.
Bartholomew H. Hartley, Colonel Suther, C.B.
Esq. Charles Waring, Esq., M.P.
J. N. M'Kenne, Esq. M.P. John F. Corscaden, Esq.
The Musical arrangements will be under the direction
of Mr. Edwin Gray, and the Band of the Grenadier Guards,
conducted by Mr. D. Godfrey, will attend.
Dinner on she Table at Six o'clock.
Tickets, 21s. each, to be had at Willis's Rooms, and at
the Schools in Stamford-street. Blackfriars-road.
A limited number of Ladies' Tickets, ss. each, will be
issued, application for which should be addressed to the
Secretary.
The children dine, as usual, on St. Patrick's Day, at the
Schools, at One o'clock.
THOMAS KIPPAX KING, Jun., Secretary.

ARTIFICIAL TEETH I—For price unequalled.
For use, comfort, and appearance unsurpassed.
PAINLESSLY supplied (in a few hours when required) by

➢lr. DAY, DENTIST,
291, Relent-street (3 doors from the Polytechnic),
Late principal assistant to Mr. EsKELL, of 8, Grosvenor-
street, W.

ONE II UND RED and SIXTY-SEVEN
DESTITUTE ORPHAN'S arc being maintained iu
the ALBERT ORPHAN ASTLUI, Colliugwood Court,
Bagshot, Surrey. FUNDS greatly needed for their support.
CHARLES A. WALKER, Sec.
Offices, 96, Cheapside, E.C.

CONTRACT FOR SEAMEN'S CLOTHING.
CONTRACT DEPARTMENT, ADMIRALTY.
Somerset House, March 5, 1867.
THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING
the OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the
UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRE-
LAND do hereby Give Notice, that on MONDAY, the
25th instant, at Twelve o'clock at Noon, they will be
ready to treat with such persons as may be willing to Con-
tract for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's Vic-
tualling Stores at Deptford the undermentioned articles,
viz.:—

Quantities.
Flushing Jackets, No. 1 6,000 No.
Blue Cloth (No. 1 74,000 Yds.
No 2 15,000 „
Duck 350,000 ~
Blankets 37,000 No.
Flannel 423,000 Yds.
Blue Sorge 373,000 „
White Cotton Drill 140,000 ,
Bed Covers 45,000 No.
Black Silk Handkerchiefs
Shirtings
Blue Jean
Flushing 5,000 „
Hair for Beds 73,000 Lb.
Comforters 5,000 No.
When to be deliverei—Ono-half of each quantity with-
in four calendar months from the date of the acceptance
of the Tender, and tho remainder thereof within two
calendar months afterwards, or earlier, if preferred by the
party tendering.
Their Lordships reserve to themselves the power, when
the tenders are opened, of contracting either for the whole
or for such part thereof only as they may deem tit, or
for a greater quantity, or of not contracting for any, and
also an unlimited power of selection in accepting the
Tenders.
No Tender will bo received unless made on the printed
form provided for the purpose, and which may bo obtained
on application in the Lobby of the Depai tment of the Con-
troller of Victualling, Admiralty, Somerset House, and at
the Victualling Yards at Gosport and Plymouth.
Tenders will be admitted for any portion of the above
quantity.
Separate tenders must be made for each article, as none
will be entertained unless so made.
Samples of the articles may be seen in the Lobby above
mentioned, between the hours of ten and two only; and
also at. the Victualling-yards at Gosport and Plymouth.
Particular attention is called to the revised conditions of
the contracts (especially as regards penalties for non-deli-
very in time), which may also be seen in the said Lobby,
as well as at the Victualling-yards at Gosport and Ply-
mouth.

No Tender will be received after 12 o'clpelc at noon on
the day of treaty ; and it will not be required that the party
tendering, or an agent on his behalf, should attend at the
Office on the day of Contract, as tho result of the offer re-
ceived from each person will be communicated to him and
his proposed sureties in writing.
Every Tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the
Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words
" Tender for ," and must also be delivered at
the Department of the Controller of Victualling, Somerset
House.

The Contractors will have to pay one-half the amount
of the stamps on their contracts and bonds.
By order, ANTONIO BRADY,
Registrar of Contracts and Public Securities.

EXHIBITORS at the PARIS EXHIBITION,
who ADVERTISE in "THE SUN," can have the
SERVICES of A SPECIAL AGENT in PARIS, whose
address can be obtained at " The Sun" Office. He has a
perfect knowledge of French, is also acquainted with busi-
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Sun" Agent in Paris, either personally or by letter, ho will
obtain every possible facility for Exhibitors, or persons
who may have other business in Paris, or who' may go
there for pleasure only.

pR IN TIN G-. —TO PROPRIETORS OF
NEWSPAPERS, PERIODICALS, &c.—The Print-
ing and Machining of Newspapers, &c., done on exceed-
ingly favourable terms. Uso of Editorial and Publishing
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particulars, with stamped directed envelope for reply.
Address—The Manager "Sun" Printing Offices, 3,,Church-
row, Savoy, Strand, W.O

SPI.Q.,IT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TILE SPECT-4011," ON TIIE " SITUATION."—
The only remedNis clear, though even it may not be
adequate. A vote of want of confidence should be
passed as soon as may be, and a new Government,
with a fresh sense cf responsibility, entrusted with
the task to which this feeble apology for a Cabinet
has shown itself so utterly incompetent. We should
fear to trust even Mr. Gladstone if he were merely
leader of Opposition, bidding against the Govern-
ment in relation to a bill for which nobody feels any
distinct personal responsibility. A leader of Oppo-
sition in a confused party fight may acquiesce in
errors which, if charged with the full responsibility
of office, he would never commit. The policy now
is to declare this Government incapable, and to
weight Mr. Gladstone with the official responsibility
of proposing a mature measure that may satisfy the
country. If we do not do this, we shall be in danger
not only of drifting into a Reform for which no one
is really responsible, but of setting a precedent
which mdy permanently weaken the significance of
the words " official responsibility" throughout the
future history of English Parliaments.
THE " SATURDAY REVIEW " ON HOUSEHOLD
SUFFRAGE.—Wise or foolish, beneficial or injurious,
Household Suffrage pure and simple involves a re-
volution. Mr. Disraeli's figures are not yet ready,
and we do not know what they may show, but we
have by us some statistics very carefully drawn by
Mr. Newmarch in 1859, and we cannot perceive
why the total result should ever greatly differ. All
manner of deductions will have to be made from
them, but so they will from Mr. Disraeli's. House-
holders by the hundred i ty not vote, but then ten-
pounders by the score do not vote, but they can
stand such deductions with the least comparative
loss of power. According to these figures every
elector now on the roll will become under Household
Suffrage one of three. Speaking in round numbers,
400,000 borough electors will be increased to
1,200,000. In a majority of boroughs, possibly in
every borough except the city of London, the
existing constituency will be outnumbered by the
new one, while in a very large number, probably in
a majority, the householders below £6 rental will
outnumber all classes above that figure,—will out-
number, that is, not only the ten-pounders, but the
ten-pounders plus the clasSes Mr. Gladstone last
year desired to enfranchise. The figures are as
follows :

Ten Ten rounders, Under
Pounders. plus Six rou',xids
Metropolitan (7 boroughs) 132,0'0 908,000 76,000
S. Eastern (27 boroughs) 31,000 57,690 50,500
S. Midland (15 boroughs) 12.600 19,900 10,700
Eastern (19 boroughs) 27,700 43,700 44,200
S. Western (88 boroughs) 2'.3,800 42,800 43,600
W. Midland (8 boroughs) 40,200 59,700 77,800
-Midland (8 boroughs) 30,500 50,500 55,200
N. Western (26 boroughs) 86,700 142,100 01,200
Northern (19 boroughs) 2.3.700 34,700 41,600
S. Wales (9 boroughs) 38,800 14,900 °13,400
N. Wales (5 boroughs) 4,000 7,100 12,000
In other words, the existing constituency is almost
everywhere swamped, and will be swamped in most
cases, even should the six-pounders rally to its side.
In the event of a surge of emotion pissing through
the working class sufficiently strong to make them
pull together, say, for instance, an enthusiasin for
the Maine Law, the upper class will not be able, even
if unanimous, to seat a single unpledged member, ex-
cept for some out-of-the-way and probably corrupt
constituency. That may be a wise, or expedient,
or inevitable change, but at all events that is revolu-
tion—a transference of power at least as great as that
which took place in 1832, probably very much
greater, because the middle class, though it gained
the borougi's, lost the counties under the Chandos
Clause. The middle class is deposed simply in
favour of another, possibly more competent, but still
different class, as completely deposed as ever were
the aristocracy in favour of themselves. If this is
what we, that is, moderate Englishmen of Liberal
convictions, intend, well and good, then is our in-
tention perfectly fulfilled; but at least let us recog-
nize it as our intention, let us not play at blind
man's buff with constitutions, let us avow that we
mean once for all to make the workmen the ulti-
mate depositaries of sovereign power. Because
they have a right to a share, and a visible and sub-
stantial share, is it our decision to give them all ?

THE " EXAMINER" ON OFFICIAL CIIANGES.—The
Duke of Buckingham succeeds Lord Carnarvon as
Secretary for the Colonies, and is himself succeeded
as President of the Council by the Duke of Marl-
borough. Sir Stafford Northcote takes the Secre-
taryship for India, and is followed at the Board of
Trade by the Duke of Richmond. We have thus,
again, three Dukes in the Cabinet,—a pledge of
wisdom in the Executive we have not had since the
coalition under Lord Aberdeen. Three stronger
politicians could hardly be found than their Three
Graces ; and three more appropriate hostages
for Tory orthodoxy could not be offered to
doubting followers. Mr. Henry Corry takes the
command of the British Navy on the strength
of his having been twice Secretary to the
Admiralty. Lord Henry Lennox cannot under-
stand his being put over his head ; and to prove
his indignation has asked and obtained leave to
exchange his present office for the less lucrative one
of Vice-President of the Council, in which, if he
has not more to do in other respects, he will have
more to say as representing the department in the
Lower House of Parliament. The rumour goes
that his successor, as Secretary of the Admiralty,
will be found in Mr. Baillie Cochrane. The office
of Lord Steward has not yet been filled up ; but as
Lord Derby is proud of a ducal staff, it is not
improbable that he may appease the discontent
of Kimbolton by offering the Gold Stick to the
Duke of Manchester. The tendency we noticed
some time ago of conferring more than one
office in the administration upon the same family
seems to be unabated. Lord Abercorn and his
brother, Lord Behnore and his uncle, Lord Derby
and his son, and now the Duke of Richmond and
Lord Henry Lennox, are curious illustrations of
this disposition to concentrate patronage in a few
Great Houses, regardless of the claims of others.
The same tendency was often made a reproach to
the Whigs. As a
party taunt Conservatives can
use it no more. The bill which abolishes for the
future the appointment of Vice-President of the
Board of Trade contains a reservation in favour of
the present holder of that office, whereby Mr. Cave
will be allowed to continue to discharge its duties ;
and now that the head of the Department is a Peer
he will have the conduct of the business in the
House of Commons.

TimEs.—While the Reform Bill of the Govern-
ment is still in the crucible and has yet to be
moulded into its final shape we may profitably ask
ourselves what it is which has wrought so marvellous
a change in Conservative policy. low comes it that
sensible and honourable gentlemen who trembled
last year at the prospect of a £7 franchise now talk
glibly of household suffrage, and almost terrify
veteran Liberals by their unwonted intrepidity? By
what process has the grim bugbear of " democracy'
been exercised, and what are the arguments which
have convinced many county members that an in-
definite number of artisans may be enfranchised
without " disfranchising" the present constituencies
or shaking the pillars of the Constitution ? There
are critics, perhaps, who would give a short and
ready answer to all these questions. When a party
which has been so obstructive in Opposition be-
comes so enterprising in office, it is easy to suggest
an unworthy motive for the change of attitude.
Such an explanation, however, is not only un-
charitable; it is also inadequate to account for a
conversion on so considerable a scale. The hope of
power or.preferment influences, after all, but a very
limited class, and of those..who sit on the Conserva-
tive benches a large proportion have no personal
ambition of this kind. Besides, we are informed by
Lord Derby that remonstrances against a scanty
and provisional measure of Reform flowed in from
Conservative adherents in all parts of the country;
nor is it possible to mingle in society without ob-
serving a similar change of tone on the subject. This
change of tone, we venture to hope, is genuine, and
springs from conviction, slowly developed, though
rapidly matured. So far as it is common to all the
converts, the conviction is twofold—that Reform
must be settled, and cannot be settled by make-be-
lieve legislation. Here the agreement between them
ceases, for some bow mournfully to this political
necessity, as to an evil power, while others look for-
ward hopefully to the probable results of Reform.
When General Peel confessed that he had changed
his mind with respect to the alleged indifference of
the masses, he was too honest to add that he had
modified his estimate of their capacity for that which
they demand. There are many educated men in the
very same position who now acknowledge, for the
first time, that Reform is inevitable, without being
able to persuade themselves that it is at all desirable.
In spite of some unguarded expressions, we cannot
believe that such is the position of Lord Derby him-
self or of the majority of the Cabinet, or of the more
progressive Conservatives, both in and out of Parlia-
ment, on whose support they rely. We are ready
to give them credit, for having deliberately em-
braced the opinion that a liberal, though discrimi-
nating, extension of_the franchise is for the real good
of the country, and for having found some answer

to the reasoning which formerly convinced them of
the contrary. All the problems of politics look
very different from different points of view, and a
new sense of responsibility often produces that mys-
terious emancipation from ancient prejudices the
occult causes of which the historian seeks in vain.
By far the most formidable objection to a larger
infusion of the labouring classes into the electoral
body is one that melts away, to a great extent, on
close examination. It is not denied by the most
zealous advocates of class representation that labour
has a prima facie claim to increased weight in the
Legislature. What is asserted is that a full recog-
nition of its claims would be dangerous to the in-
terests of the whole community,—partly because
the labouring class, being the most numerous,
would swamp all others, and partly because its
members, being ignorant and easily misled by
agitators, might abuse the trust committed to them.
Now, both these dangers, though real, are ma-
terially weakened by self-adjusting natural safe-
guards on the permanence of which experience jus-
tifies our relying. The numbers of the " working
class" appear, indeed, overwhelming, if we include
in it all who can be assigned to no other class. If,
however, we eliminate from it all who are in receipt
of parochial relief, all who have no fixed residence
or are excused from the payment of rates on the
grounds of poverty, and all mere agricultural
labourers, whom Mr. Bright himself considers unfit,
as yet, for enfranchisement—not to speak of other
elements, small individually, but large collectively
—we find that our residuum of adult artisans, occu-
pying the same houses or lodgings for one or two
years continuously, is much less than we might
have expected. Still, it is no doubt quite sufficient
to control legislation most disastrously, if armed
with the franchise and banded together against all
the other orders of society. But, supposing these
unrepresented artisans to be animated by these
unscrupulous objects, is there no danger in ex-
cluding them from our representative system ? Is
it reasonable to imagine that men really bent on
bringing about social convulsions are perfectly
harmless so long as they have no votes, but
would become omnipotent for evil if admitted
within the representative pale? Is not the very fact
of their seeking admission in a lawful and orderly
manner rather a presumption of their attachment to
Constitutional Government? Above all, is there
not a fdlacy in the notion that power is propor-
tioned, even approximately, to mere electoral ar-
rangements in a country like our own ? Would the
most levelling measure of Reform paralyse the social
forces which so vastly outweigh political forces in
our body politic, and is it not possible that a mode-
rate and state-manlike measure of Reform might
strengthen their Conservative efficacy ? These ar.,
considerations which, however familiar to philoso-
pher.,, have scarcely had a fair hearing in Parliament
until very lately. Perhaps they would not have got
a fair h aring even now had not our national self-
complacency. been somewhat disturbed by several
causes of anxiety at home and abroad. Self-reform
must ever be a painful process, and the House of
Commons must be forgiven if it instinctively shrunk
from the task so long as public opinion was unde-
cided. It is public opinion, making itself felt
through the press, which has brought a new order
of ideas to bear upon Parliamentary Reform ; nor
would it be difficult to trace back to its source this
movement in public opinion. The challenge offered
in the debates of last session, and especially by Mr.
Lowe, has never been openly accepted, but it has
not been without effect. No one has attempted to
specify grievances like those which existed before
1832, but the attention of many has been drawn
to a certain chronic debility in our legislation,
which is not devoid of risk, and seems to have its
origin in the character of the constituencies. There
is another reflection, however, of a subtler cha-
racter which may well have operated on the
minds of enlightened Conservatives. If we live
"under the cold shade of an aristocracy," as we
are so often reminded, it is no longer so much
an aristocracy of birth as an aristocracy of wealth.
In the Lower House the growing preponder-
ance of wealth has long been observed with some
misgivings by old-fashioned Tories, as well as by
advanced Radicals, and so long as the small boroughs
retain their present constituencies and their present
share of representation, there is far more chance of
our being governed by millionaires than by dema-
gogues. Now this is a state of things which the
elite of both parties have equal reason to deprecate.
The class which in times past claimed the leadership
of the people by virtue of superior powers has not
altogether abandoned the noble ambition of guid-
ing our political destinies, and is well aware of the
conditions upon which alone popular confidence is
to be won. Here, at least, its members find them-
selves on common ground with Reformers like Mr.
Mill, whose jealousy of a plutocracy is quite as great
as their own. It is, indeed, notorious that many
seats were carried at the last election by agencies
equally hostile to merit of all kinds, and that at
this moment the greatest reluctance to deal with
bribery is to be found elsewhere than among the
country gentlemen in Parliament. It is possible
that Reform might aggravate this evil, but it is also
possible that it might extirpate its chief strongholds.
Without attributing undue importance to a senti-
ment which has not yet become a principle, we may
recognise the awakening of higher aspirations and a
more legitimate self-reliance in the reforming tend-
encies of the younger Conservatives. No symptom
could be more hopeful, nor could anything mitigate
the dangers inseparable from organic change more
effectually, than a revival of political interest, and
an elevation of political aims, in the best and ablest
of the present governing classes. Democracy, in its
worst sense, is impossible in England so long as
they do not fail in their duty. With a prestige in-
herited from ages when nobility was earned by
public service, with a political aptitude which in
other countries is the gift of a few, with an educa-
tion which places them far in advance of self-made
politicians, with an assured position, ample leisure,
and independent means, English gentlemen must in-
deed be unworthy of all these manifold advantages
if they ever forfeit, in free competition, their ascend-
ancy in the national Legislature.