The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-08 00:00:00

:THE SUN, LON I ,ON, MONDAY EV ENING, APRIL 8, 1867.

pathy of the country is on their side, and
we trust that the House of Commons will
vindicate itself from the aspersions that have been
cast upon it, and will to-night, by giving a trium-
phant majority for Government, declare its inten-
tion to settle the long-vexed question of the repre-
sentation of the people. We would earnestly impress
upon hon. members that it is not a question of
party which they are called upon to decide, but a
great question of national interest and im-
portance. There will be many more fitting
opportunities for testing the respective merits of the
various statesmen who aspire to rule the destinies of
the country ; but the present moment is not the
right time. It is indeed disappointing to think
that all that has been done as yet during this
session in the cause of progress is lost, and
that we are again to engage in a discus-
sion of first principles ; but let the House do
its duty, and reject Mr. COLERIDGE'S Instruction
by an overwhelming majority. The news will spread
through the length and breadth of the laud to-
morrow, and cause rejoicing in the hearts of all
who are genuine in the cause of Reform, and
anxious to secure the welfare of the community.
If, however, a vote adverse to the Government be
recorded, they will have but one course to pursue—
to appeal to the country, and they have
no cause to fear the result of such an alternative.
The general feeling of the people has been with them
throughout this session, and it will not fail them
should they be defeated by the schemes and devices
of faction ; and we feel convinced that if they are
defeated to-night it will only be to appear with
renewed strength when they meet a new House of
Commons.

The arrival of the Africa, with news from New
York on the 26th, brings us some fuller accounts of
the political situation at Washington. The two
great difficulties remain the same as heretofore—the
reconstruction of the South and negro suffrage.
The latter is still very unpopular in many parts of
the North, and it is one of those questions which
divide the Liberal party against itself. We have a
specimen of this difference of opinion in the news
before us. A Radical Convention, we are told, has
been held at Baltimore, at which the Convention
called by the Maryland Legislature was denounced,
and proposals made for a separate Convention to
form a Constitution on the basis of negro suffrage.
At Charleston a mass meeting of Radicals and
negroes was held and some exciting speeches made.
In consequence the negroes became riotous, and
several arrests were made. The Radicals, notwith-
standing their professions of eympatby, do not seem
to understand the negro character nor to appreciate
the excitable nature of the blacks. They are, there-
fore, very often more vehement than discreet in
their advocacy and assistance. The Reconstruction
Bill is still the main topic. The Louisiana Legisla-
ture has repealed the act calling the State Conven-
tion under the laws existing previously to the pas-
sage of the bill, and a special committee of the
Legislature has advised that active steps be taken
for the re3rganisation of the State under the
Reconstruction Act. To judge by this, Lousiana
at least is willing to abide by the new measure,
but we very much question whether it will be cor-

dially accepted throughout the South generally.
President JOHNSON in his veto states very forcibly
the constitutional reasons against it. He declares
with truth that it is based upon the wrongful as-
iirtiption that the Southern -States are entitled to
no constitutions, except those which are arbitrarily
dictated to them. The Southern State Constitu-
tions, he says, conform to the acknowlediged stan-
datd of loyalty and republicansim, and yet
Congress would exact from them universal
suffrage as evidence of their loyalty. If this
is to be the best reconstruction he pointedly
reminds :them :they might as well begin in
Ohio or Pennsylvania. He goes on to complain
that the bill requires the voters to take an oath that
they have never been disfranchised for participation
in rebellion—a grave responsibility, in discharging
which an error in judgment may lead to perjury.
The officers of the Board of Registration are to

need no qualification but loyalty; but Mr. JOHNSON
has ample opportunity of discovering that such
a term is by no means synonymous with all the
virtues that great power is entrusted to their hands.
" It is a scoff and a satire on liberty," he exclaims
with indignation, for the terms of government to
be prescribed by military leaders, and for the suf-
frage to be exercised at the point of the sword."
Yet this is the inconsistent position to which these
professors of extreme theories have reduced Ame-
rican liberty. During the war, says Mr. JOHNSON,
he advocated strange measures for its suppression,
but when the end was gained, and the Southerners
yielded, he thought it best to meet them half way,
" and to conquer them more by magnanimity than
by force of arms." If Congress, he adds, "had
adopted that policy the States would now be in the
Union." Americans must acknowledge that, in
spite of all their sacrifices, the country is
disunited. The very object which they set
before themselves during the years of struggle
and suffering they are voluntarily surren-
dering when won. The State could scarcely
be more disorganised had the Southern population
refused to acknowledge the supremacy of the Central
Government, and had each State Legislature pro-
tested against the form of union. Mr. JOHNSON, iu
concluding his veto, says, truly enough, that con-
templating the alternatives left to the South he
considers its condition deplorable ; and, is fact, it
has been reduced after all this lapse of time, and con-
sequent modification of public feeling to a choice
of evils which no honest and patriotic American
could conscientiously wish his countrymen to be
willing to accept.

The political horizon of Europe is just now very
far from being tranquil. In spite of the long-looked
for Parisian Exhibition, which was to inaugurate a
season of peaceable festivity and harmless rivalry,
the rumours of war and danger are making them-
selves heard even in the French capital. Luxem-
burg has risen into sudden prominence as the
question of the day, and a good many Frenchmen
at all events are disposed to think that NAPOLEON'S
pacific policy will not hold out much longer. The
progress of events has been strongly marked in the
operations on the Boulevards during the last two
days, and the prevalent uneasiness is increasing.
Prussia has given the rest of Europe too good reason
to mistrust both her intentions and her actions,
while it is well known that the high-spirited people
of France chafed under the restrictions hitherto
placed upon them. The crisis assumes a serious
aspect when there is so little good faith to appeal to.

Meanwhile we are getting into difficulties on our
own account, though they will not, we trust, prove
very formidable in their nature. Notwithstanding
the almost universal adoption of the non-interven.
tion policy, we believe the public will learn with
great satisfaction that Lord STANLEY has
adopted decisive measures in order to obtain
fitting reparation for the outrageous conduct
of the Spanish Government. The Mediterranean
squadron has left for Cadiz, and there is little
doubt that the logic of the ironclads will prove
more efficacious at Madrid than the diplomatic
courtesies of Sir JQIC CluarioN. The Spanish

Government will most probably be wise in time.
When they see that the English Minister is deter-
mined to be no longer trifled with, they will most
likely concede with a good grace what they ought
to have conceded long ago. Should their cha-
racteristic haughtiness prove too stubborn for
so wise and politic a course, there is yet
a chance that the QUEEN may interfere
and extricate herself and them from the false posi-
tion in which they have placed all parties. The
affront and the injury were such as could not be
overlooked; unless it is understood and believed that
the English Government will support the just claims
of its subjects, we may as well give up cur consul-
ates and embaszies, and may prepare ourselves to
see our vessels despoiled without interference. Lord
STANLEY has expressed himself unconditionally in
favour of a policy of non-intervention excepting
where the honour or interests of England are
directly concerned, and this profession he has
faithfully acted up to, not interfering in the Luxem-
bourg difficulty, with which we have no concern,
but bringing the influence and authority of the
country to bear upon a matter which touches closely
upon its honour and its interests. We have no
doubt that the result will justify his anticipations,
and we hope before long the Spanish difficulty will
be completely adjusted.

above treaty, to ascertain the views and desires of
those respective Governments upon the subject of
Luxemburg. The Dutch Minister, M. de Zuylen,
told the Chamber plainly and unequivocally that
although Holland was disposed to give up Luxem-
buig, the price offered was too low, but added that
the Government of the Netherlands would not inter-
fere upon the question either directly or indirectly.
Apparently there is a good deal of candour and
openness in this declaration of the Dutch Minister,
but, coupled with the manifestations made in other
quarters, it appears only to mean that Holland will
not offer serious obstacles to any arrangement that
may seem likely to turn out eventually to her own
advantage. The German papers do not seem autho-
rised to make any official announcement upon the
subject.
One of the most eminent men of France, Francais
Emile Villemain, has been " gathered to his fathers"
after a long and painful illness. He was born at
Paris on the 3d of March, 1795. After long and
attentive study he entered the Polytechnic School,
and afterwards the school of application at Netz.
In 1814 he was an artillery officer, and served in
that capacity in the French Colony of the Antilles.
Subsequently he entered the corps asMilitary Super-
intendent, for which his talent and faculties pecu-
liarly fitted him, and obtained for him great distinc-
tion. It was to M. Villemain that the Government
applied when it was necessary to organise, after the
Revolution of February, the administrative services
of the moveable National Guard. He accepted the
difficult task, and performed it very successfully.
A position in the Council of State was given to him
upon its formation on the 25th of January, 1852,
and M. Villemain was charged with an important
military mission to the departments of the South of
France. Attached to the section of war and marine
his experience and intelligence were displayed on
every detail connected with military and colonial
matters. On the 24th of October, 1863, the
Emperor, to reward a long career of service to the
State, elevated M. Villemain to the dignity of
Senator. In the Senate, as at the Council Board,
he distinguished himself by his skill and deep know-
ledge of public affairs. M. Villemain was Com-
mander of the Legion of Honour. As a military
man his talents and services may not be so generally
known, but as an orator and philosophical thinker
,he reputation of M. Villemain has been spread
.hroughout the world.

L A TEST INTELLIGENCE.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

THE MEDITERRANEAN FLEET.
MALTA, Sunday, April 7, 4.48 p.m.
The ironclads now in this port have suddenly re-
ceived orders to prepare to proceed to sea. The
Prince Consort and the Royal Oak leave to-morrow
under sealed orders.
It is believed that their destination is the coast of
Spain, in consequence of the Tornado difficulty.
The Galatea, Captain his Royal Highness the
Duke of Edinburgh, leaves to-night for Marseilles,
having now her steam up.

PLYMOUTH, Monday, 10 a.m.

The Lords of the Admiralty have countermanded
the order for the departure of the screw steamship
Rodney, 78, Captain Heleago, for the Cape and
China. Her detention is attributed here to the
state of our relations with Spain.l