The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LON voN. MO.NDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 11, 1%7.

The Fenian Trials at Manchester.

MANCHESTER, Nov. 9.
At the sitting of the Court this morning, at 9

o'clock,

Thomas Scalley, Michael Joseph Boylan, Henry
Wilson, Michael Kennedy, Michael M'Guire, Wil-
liam Murphy, and Patrick Kelly were placed in the

dock.

Before their trial was proceeded with,

Mr. Pickering, Q.C., referring to the verdict of
Guilty delivered against three other prisoners late
the previous night, drew the attention of the Court
to the joint effect of the 24th and 25th of Victoria,
cap 100, sec. 47, as amended by the 27th and 28th
of Victoria, under which, whenever any person
should be conTicted upon an indictment for any as-
sault occasioning actual bodily harm he should be
liable, at the discretion of the Court, to be kept in
penal servitude for a term of five years, or to be
imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years,
with or without hard labour ; and whenever any
person should be convicted upon an indictment for
a common assault he should be liable, at the dis-
cretion of the Court, to be imprisoned for any term
not exceeding one year, with or without hard labour.

Mr. Justice Blackburn intimated that he should
not thliver judgment until all the prisoners bad
been tried.

Mr. Pickering then stated that of the prisoners in
the dock there were three—Boylan, Maguire, and
Kelly—against whom the Crown would not offer
any evidence.
Mr. Justice Blackburn said that a nolle prosequi
would be entered against those three, who would
then become entitled to their discharge.

Mr. Cottingham, on behalf of Boylan, asked that
he might be formally acquitted.
Mr. Justice Blackburn said the nolle prosequi
equAlly permitted the discharge of the prisoner.
Mr. Cottingham •—Yes ; but they might again
prefer an indictment against him.
_ _

Mr. Justice Blackburn s ;id such a course would
be perfectly legal, but hardly probable. The men
might be immediately discharged.
Boylan, speaking for himself, said ho ought to
have been discharged long ago.
All three prisoners were then discharged.
An application was made by Jones and Mr. Cot-
tingham that the costs of witnesses summoned for
the discharged prisoners might be allowed.
Mr. Justice Blackburn sail the application was
one requiring some consideration. It could be made
more conveniently at chambers in London.
The remaining prisoners included in the indict-
ment—viz., Scalley, Wilson, Kennedy, and Murphy
—were then formally arraigned.
Mr. Pickering, Q.C., Mr. Sowler, Q C., and Mr.
Higgin appeared for the prosecution ; Mr. Ernest
Jones (with whom Mr. Blain now appeared) de-
fended Scalley and Wilson ; Mr. Cottingham de-
fended Kennedy and Murphy.
Mr. Pickering stated the case for the prosecution,
and at the conclusion of his remarks several wit-
nesses were called, as in the former cases, to give
formal evidence of the attack upon the police van.
Among the additional evidence given was that of Con-
stable Yar wood, who spoke to seeing Wilson standing
near the side arch as they were driving through, but
apparently as a mere spectator. William Hughes,
the young man who was at the photographer's, saw
Wilson loitering about the Hyde-road Inn for about
an hour, from half-past 11 ; he also saw Scalley
running away at the finish with the men who came
out of the van—a few yards behind them. He went
over the line. The boy, George Mulholland, spoke
to Scalley as being in the centre of the road at the
back of the van, and said he fired at Police-constable
Trueinan with a revolver. In cross-examination by
Mr. Jones the witness said that shot was the only
one fired at that moment. He saw Truman duck.
A dozen shots were fired before the policemen got
off. The next witness was Charles Thomas, plumber,
who saw Scalley helping to throw stones to smash
the van ; then saw him run away across the brick
croft. Joshua Munn, the omnibus driver, saw
Murphy near the van with the men keeping the
crowd back. The other men bad revolvers' but
Murphy had not. Another witless, James Ken-
nody, who was in the Railway Inn for more than
an hour, saw Murphy there ; he was reading a
newspaper, and invited the witness to drink out of
a quart. He did so. Edwin Walton, a shopkeeper,
near the Hyde-road, identified Murphy as being
among those who threw stones to keep back the
police and those assisting them. In cross examina-
tion he admitted that he had identified Featherstone
at the police station; and afterwards, at the police-
court, after looking them over, he said he was not
there. Witness now admitted that he was confused
by being called upon a second time.
Mr. Theodore Fennel Kirwin, house surgeon at
the Infirmary, deposed to the injuries of Truman.
There was a bruise and extravasated blood.

inspector Gareer was examined to prove the war-
rant against Kelly and Deasey.
In answer to a question from the Judge, as to
whether it was necessary to go into all the evidence
on this point again,
Mr. Cottinghatn said he should not require it,
because anything these witnesses had said as to a
warrant he dil n)t c)asider could aff,ict the legal
question to be raised in London at all.
Police-constable Dickens again proved seeing
Kelly and Deasey go into the prisoner 'Wilson's
house at 3 o'clook on the morning of the llth of
September.
Elizabeth Robinson spoke to seeing the prisoner
Kennedy, as she was going towards the arch, fire a
revolver during the affray on the 18th -ult. Could
not say which way he pointed the revolver, but
thought it was more towards Belview than Man-
chester. She was about a yard and a half from him
when he fired.

By Mr. Cottingliam--It was not the first shot
she heard. Did not know what the firing meant,
but got through the arch as quick as possible after-
wards.

Police-constable Drysdale apprehended Murphy
in Ilardman-street, and found a number of news-
papers in his bedroom. This was on the 26th of
S...pternber.

Mr. Coifingham objected to the papers being put
in, and the Judge I hought it was better not.
The case for the prosecution was then closed.
Mr. Ernest Jones asked if he might not be re-
lieved of the case against Wilson. The only evidence
against him was that of Yarwood, who saw him
standing on the footpath, near the arch, like any
ordinary looker-on, and the evidence of Hughes,
who had seen him in the neighbourhood, at the
Hyde-road Inn, at half-past 11 on the same day.
Mr. Pickering said the only other evidence
against the prisoner was that of police-constable
Dickens.

Mr. Justice Blackburn said that evidence, at the
utmost, came to this—that Wilson was a friend of
Kelly and Deasy, and might, therefore, have been
disposed to rescue them. He did not think there
was evidence he could leave to the jury in the case
of Wilson.

Mr. Cottinghatn then submitted that there was
not sufficient evidence against Kennedy. The only
witness who identified him was Elizabeth Robinson.

His Lordship said he should not thiuk it unsafe
to leave to the jury to decide whether that one wit-
ness, a credible witness, might be relied upon. It
was entirely a question for the prosecution whether
on that evidence alone they would subunit the case
to the jury.

Mr. Ernest Jones then addressel the jury. Ile
raid, being relieved of the case against Wilson, he
would at pr. :;orit merely indicate the nature of the
alibi in favour of Se.dley. He should call respectable
witnesses to pr,rve that Sealley was at work, tailor-
ing, at the time of the outrage. These witnesses
could not possibly be mistaken ; they. must either
speak the truth in this matter or be perjuring them-
selves.

Ahrworth, master tailor, said he lived at
10, Bootle-street, near Peter-street, two miles from
the arch in Hyde-road. had known the prisoner
Scalicy 12 months. In consequence of requiring
extra assistance he sent his wife with a message at
9 o'cock in the morning, and Scalley, who is a
came at 9.30, and worked for witness on
that day (the 18th) till a few minutes before 8 in
the e,veuing. lie worked on the same board with
witras. He went out to dinner at 1 o'clock, re-

turned at a quarter to 2, and from that time did not
leave his work again during the afternoon.
Cross-examined—Did not remember sending for
any man before to assist, except that he sent several
times to a man named Kelly for the loan of a man,
but did not get one. Remembered sending to a
tailor named Seymour for the loan of Scalley a fort-
night before the 18th. Scalley then came and
worked for him three days in oue week. Would
not be positive whether before the magistrates he
said two days or three days. The witness was closely
questioned as to how the pressure of business came
upon him to require the assistance of Scalley, and
he gave particulars. Scalley always had 3s. 6d. a
day when he worked for witness ; witness did not
pay him on this occasion. _

Aftcr some further evidence the judge ordered
Wilson to be discharged, and . _ _

The Court adjourned till 10 o'clock on Monday,
when Mr. Cottingham will call his witnesses.

SPAIN'S RELATIVE POSITION IV
EUROPE.

Unity of faith has one result which vastly affects
the political question, inasmuch as it is the indis-
pensable basis on which the whole system of go-
vernment depends.

This result is the sense of order—order not im-
posed by force of arms, or by the fear of paralyz-
ing commerce—but born of that religious senti-
ment which brings respect for authority, obedience
to the law, and horror of every kind of violence
and turbulence.

It was but lately said by the Espana, "The Re-
volution has not taken root in our country. The
last attempts have shown that the Spanish people
yet preserves its traditional ideas of order, loyalty,
and integrity."
And another newspaper, the Regeneration, with
confidence declares that revolutions in Spain are
to be traced always to the gentry of broad-cloth
and light kid gloves, and never to the wearers
of the fustian jacket.
Both statements are undeniable. The Spanish
people is anti-revolutionary, not certainly by na-
ture, for southern nations are by nature restless
and turbulent, but in consequence of that admir-
able unity of religious feeling which has been
always inseparable from its monarchial tendencies.
Of all the countless revolts by which our country
has been troubled not one really merits the name
of popular revolution ; and if the people have ever
taken up arms and shed their blood generously in
any cause, it has not been to defend a barricade or
overthrow a Ministry. No ; for in such miserable
squabbles the Spanish people never take part—
but to fight against the foreign invaders who com-
menced by assailing the holy religion of our fathers.
It is natural that a stranger who sees our petty
though perennial squabbles should believe that
ours is an ungovernable country, first cousin to
Mexico ; but assuredly such would not be his opi-
nion were he to know, as has been well remarked
by the Espana, that public order is here at the
mercy of but a dozen giddy and ambitious heads,
and, therefore, that its restoration can easily be
brought about by the adoption of radical measures
measures as simple as complete, seeing that they
are applicable to only a dozen schemers.
We are thoroughly convinced that Spain is of all
countries the very easiest to govern. In our opi-
nion, only two conditions are necessary in addition
to the obvious requisites of honour and intelligence
—frankness and stability of government. Frank-
ness, that no one may be ignorant of the road that is
to be followed ; that every one may see that the
Government will fear no obstacle in its way, or
flinch from the measures it has determined on, re-
lying not on brute strength so much as on the
unfailing honour and chivalry of the Spanish
people. Stability, that every useful project and
every work of promise may bo carried into execu-
tion.

A people that loves order is already more than
half way on the road to happiness and prosperity ;
and there is not a nation in Europe—let not our
readers be startled by what we are about to say—
there is not a nation in Europe more order-loving
than Spain. Would France, Germany, and Russia
be as tranquil as they are, without the Clesarism
that keeps them down ? 'Would these nations feel
satisfied to stop at :revolts so insignificant—nay,
so ridiculous, as those our country has witnessed ?
The revolutionists of France, by whom the Revo-
lution is everywhere propagated, with all their
vast resources, with all the secret societies they
have scattered through the half of Europe, and
above all, in Italy and Germany,—what would they
not perpetrate were they not repressed by the
iron rule of Calsarism? What would these secret
societies not do in Prussia, in the German Con-
federation, if Bismarck's iron hand did not keep
them down? Why is Italy in the pitiable condition
we now see her in ? How does the Russian auto-
crat uphold order in his dominions, if not by means
of terror ? Is not even England herself constantly
threatened, sometimes by the Fenians, sometimes
by her own workmen, always by the discontent in
Ireland ?

The causes of the disturbances existing in Europe
are all momentous, are all founded on one power-
ful principle that has long found nourishment in
the hearts of nations—the revolutionary principle
in France and Italy, Freemasonry in Prussia, the
national religion and independence in Poland and
Ireland—contradictory principles, ever at variance
with one another, and never to be reconciled so
long as the present condition of Europe lasts.
Can such causes as these be compared with those
which at times affect public order in Spain ? By no
means : at fatal periods here we have seen the
Revolution trumpeted forth in books, in pamphlets,
in newspapers ; and yet, in spite of gigantic efforts
to get it naturalized in the hearts of the Spanish
people, it has managed to upset, as we have said
already, just a dozen giddy and ambitious pates !
Is it not proved by the last attempt which found
no echo whatever throughout the country ?
Well, then, the end which every Spanish Minis-
try should, as we think, have in view, is the
maintenance of those two ideas which are so
intimately connected—the love of monarchy and
religion and the love of order. It is not for us to
say what means are to be made use of to attain this
end ; but it would not appear very difficult to up-
hold sentiments so innate and preserve them from
every influence that could corrupt.
These essential bases being secured, it is neces-
sary to proceed to consider the means that may
best promote public prosperity ; for, although we
ourselves must always prefer moral to material
well-being, we yet are not of those who believe
the two things incompatible. On the contrary, we
think that one of the principal means of preserving
moral order, of destroying the revolution to its
very roots, and putting an extinguisher on the
disturbers of the public peace, is to encourage trade,
to give life to industry, and protection to agricul-
ture—not to undertake mere adventures of doubt-
ful results, but by every means to favour every
undertaking that offers a probability of success—
to;root out idleness and reward industry, from time
to time holding provincial and national exhibitions
as a stimulus to our manufacturers and our agricul-
turists.

Let us not flatter ourselves with the idea that we
can in a short while attain the level of other nations
in these matters, but let us quietly, and yet ener-
getically, go on making the improvements that our
actual state requires. Let us have less railways
and more high-roads ; less professional training and
more primaryinstruction ; fewer elegant streets,
and fewer sumptuous palaces, and more model
farm-houses, more artesian wells, more schools of
agriculture. To inspire absolute confidence in our
commerce, so that our mutiny-mongers may never
reckon on elements for the disturbance of public
order, and that business affairs may be carried
on with security ; to open up public works so that
the misery in our working classes may be allayed ;
in a word, to let the whole country understand that
it contains within itself—in its own natural wealth
--the solution of the great financial problem that
now occupies the attention of the world—such
should be the object of the Government in the
administration of public affairs.
For our part, we are thoroughly persuaded that
this is one of the most simple, most certain, and,
at the same time, least costly me ,11Fi that can be

adopted to bring us out of our financial troubles.
We shall ;be told, perhaps, that these are only
general iderts, and that they are practically full of
difficulty; that what we require is something more
tangible, more definite, more easy of attainment.
Those who have to manage the affairs of State
have need of fundamental principles like these if
they wish to follow out a fixed, straightforward
system. It is not our business to enter into par-
ticulars; but we venture to assert that by adhe-
rence to the conditions laid down at the beginning
of this article, viz., frankness and stability, our
views could be carried out without much labour,
and to the entire satisfaction of the country—
Pc nsamiento .Espanol.

ALISCELLiINEOUS NEWS.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
PARIS, Nov. 6.

The curtain has fallen upon the second act of
the Italian Drama, and Garibaldi, beaten, and
wounded, and prisoner, has at length learnt as
Rienzi, Coriolanus, and many others have learnt
before, what it is to depend upon the ficklo support
of an Italian mob. The French press do not say
whether or not the Pontifical force were or were not
supported by the troops of France, but it is more
than probable that such was the case. That, how-
ever, makes little difference, as in sending troops
to Rome the avowed intention of the Emperor has
been to protect the Pope against the attack of ag-
gressors, who, whatever might be the patriotic
purity of their intentions, have yet commenced
action in a most unconstitutional manner, and upon
the principle that the end justifies the means the
King of Italy has been placed in this affair in a diffi-
cult and delicate position, which has given him
very much the appearance of running with the hare
and holding with the hounds, and it is more than
probable that either the knowledge of this fact, or
a suspicion of his policy, has induced the rapid
action of the French Government. Anyhow, judg-
ing from the opinions formed and appearance of
matters in France, I am inclined to believe that all
this tangled web of difficulties will receive au im-
mediate and satisfactory solution. Garibaldi has,
it is true, set the ball a-rolling, but the matter has
now passed out of his hands, and the question of
the continuance or otherwise will most probably
receive a peaceful and deliberate solution, and in all
likelihood by the intermediary of a European Con-
gress. As regards the position of France, Ido not
think it is likely she will oppose such an arrange-
ment, as in the first instance the Liberal party
strongly disapprove of any interference in Italian
affairs; and, secondly, I am of opinion that the
Emperor has acted simply in accordance with the
terms of a convention to which he considered him-
self in honour bound to adhere.
The Universal Exposition has now become, like
all sublunary matters a thing of the past, after a pro-
rogation of three days, the receipts of which are to be
given to the poor, a decision of the Imperial Com-
mission which is, I think, infinitely to be preferred
to an indiscriminate admission without payment,
which would, I think, scarcely have guaranteed
the safety of the priceless articles exposed ; and
even, under present circumstances, a robbery of
diamonds, to the amount of 35,000 fr., has taken
place on the last day, supposed to have been com-
mitted by two women, who have as yet passed un-
detected.

It is said that the next Universal Exposition
will be held in America at some few years' interval.
It is to be hoped that the energy and untiring power
of progress which have so distinguished our
brethren on the occasion of 1867 will by that time
have succeeded in rendering them at least the
equals in those industries in which, at present, they
have held but au inferior rank. In saying this it
is necessary that I explain myself somewhat more
fully, even though it is not my intention, in the
limits of this letter, to enter upon a comparative
examination of the merits of the American section
as compared with those of others. I shall speak more
fully on that subject before long, when the Ameri-
can Commission and their talented Secretary, M.
Mellon, have laid their report before Congress.
America, in coming to the Exposition of 1867, has
laboured under many disadvantages, amongst the
principal of which may be considered the late war.
Nevertheless, all honour to the South, she has come
boldly and fraternally to the rescue, and the con-
tributions both of North and South may, I trust, be
looked on as a good omen of further and future
conciliation. The distance has also been a serious
difficulty for exposants, but it has, nevertheless,
been completely vanquished, and all things
considered, leaving out of the question the
number of the prizes gained, I maintain that
America will come well out of a comparative
examination of the Exposition of 1867. lam wel
aware that even many Americans have stated that
they have been ashamed of the poverty of their
Exposition, but such men have been unfortunately
but superficial observers, and have based their
opinion not upon the quality, but upon the quantity
of the objects exposed. And in saying this I speak
with the authority of one who has closely and
scrutinisingly regarded every exposition in the Ame-
rican section, from the invention of Milton Bar-
low, I speak his name with respect, and at the same
time with the liveliest personal remembrance of the
kindness and patience with which he has several
times explained to me the properties of the Plane-
tarium—au invention of which Galileo himself might
well be proud. " E per se muove," said the great
astrologer. What would he say if he could now see
the Planetarium, which, however, I do not intend
to describe at present, for I am simply unequal to
the task, and merely content myself with a protest,
which I trust will pass over the world on the wings
of the Anglo-American against its being considered
simply and merely as an educational improvement.
" .Mais revenous a nos moutons." I have said that I
have scanned the American Exposition from the Pla-
netarium tothe arms and trinkets of the Ojibbeways;
from the heights of civilised science to tho depths of
barbarism, from the crude products of the mines
of Colorado and Nevada to the peerlessly artificial
ladies' boots of crocodile leather, furnished by Fel-
meden, New Orleans (I will pursue the comparison
no further) ; and I maintain, and will in the course
of a few letters prove, Q. E. D., as we used to
say at college, that America comes very well out of
the Exposition of 1867. Look, for instance, at
Group the first, the Beaux Arts. The paintings, it
is true, are comparatively few ; but select a few of
those glorious,landscapes of Bierstadt, Church,
Gignoux, and others whom I will ore long criticise
more at length ; look at the part of America from the
period of its colonisation and the long struggle with
every-day life which lay before the simple but stern
Puritan, and then consider only one subject at this
moment, the glorious American scenery which has
created a school of art in its natural inspiration
equal to any in the world. But lam getting out
of my depth. I must wait till next week, when, if
my reader, like Mr. Weller's fiance, by her love
letter, wishes there was more, he will probably be
gratified. I have been so serious hitherto that
I believe I must try to make him laugh with one
or two of the final jokes of the expiring Exposi-
tion. In one instance at the brewery, the visitor
condemned the beer as awful. " That," said the
waiter, who had no longer fear before his eyes, " is
the international beer—a little of everything except
some castor oil, which we expect from China." ID
another instance, however, the garcon was not so
fortunate. lle had supplied a foaming tumbler of
hock to a fashionably-dressed lady from the Rue
Vivienne, who apparently found the foam rather in
excess, if one may judge by the remark—" That
beer," said the lady, " resembles you, mon garcon."
" Et pourquoi, madame," sail the hero, expecting,
doubtless, a compliment. " Too much false collar,
mon cher, beaucoup, beaucoup." The Emperor
of Austria has at length left Paris, after
a brief visit to Compiegne. The lovers of
the horrible have a crialinal treat before them,
of the highest possible stimulus in the instances of
the butcher d'Avinaiu, condemned to the guillo-
tine for murder and dismemberment of his two
victims ; and itt the trial of Ifgros, the woodcutter,
for the murder with a woodman's axe of the Sicur
Demandre and his servant.

The weather is clear, healthy, and cold, and the
amusements of the winter season have fully taken

the place of those of the departed summer. Even
autumn has vanished, leaving her fallen vine-leaves
as a trophy, and her chestnuts to be roasted for the
benefit of the good people of Paris.

The Hon. David A. Wells spoke at the Board of
Trade, Toledo, Ohio, on the appointment of revenue
officers. Referring to the information he had gained
in Europe, where little was lost through dishonesty
or incapacity in officials, he observed that a re-
form was necessary in America in the mode of
appointing revenue officers. In Europe they had
to submit to a searching examination, but their
appointments when received were for life or during
good behaviour, and they rose by seniority as in the
army and navy. To save the immense sums out of
which the Government is annually swindled, Mr.
Wells went on to say it is necessary to adopt a
method resembling this when an honest class could
be secured.

There is danger that the Republican party may
split in the Presidential election, and if General
Grant was not so strong, the chair of the Chief
Magistrate might be filled by a Democr:st in succes-
sion to Mr. Johnson. Many supposed Chief Justice
Chase would have dropped out of sight on the result
of the elections in his State (Ohio) becoming
known ; but they have been mistaken. The Cin-
cinnati Commercial, on the 21st October, published
a defence of the Chief Justice, at the same time
reviewing his political career. It says Mr. Chase
in temperament and convictions is one of the most
Conservative men in the country. From the first
he has been opposed to confiscation and impeach-
ment; that he never advocated negro suffrage in
the North ; and that his basis for reconstruction
is, and has ever been, Universal Suffrage and
Universal Amnesty. Nor is he in favour of any
paring down of the national debt, but desires
that the nation may work to make greenbacks as
good as gold, and then to pay off the Debt. A copy
of this artiele was forwarded in MSS. to the Tribune,
and appeared simultaneously in both papers. It has
excited a good deal of attention, as it indicates the
design of the Chief Justice to stand for the Presi-
dency, and if he does, he will be strongly backed by
the Republican party. If that party splits between
him and Grant, the Democrats might carry General
M'Clellan or Horatio Seymour.

It is still rumoured that Mr. Johnson will resist
the action of Congress if suspended from office
during impeachment, should the New York elec-
tions prove favourable to his cause. The Maryland
Militia, nearly 5,000 strong, with its three batteries
of brass guns, has been reviewed by Governor
Swann, but as this is too mild a thing to go to war
with the United States, even with a President at its
head, a more drealful story has now been concocted.
General Sherman is to hold the army now employed
against the Indians in readiness. This is the latest
bit of "sensation" news due to the fertile imagina-
tion of the Washington correspondents. The ridi-
culous canard has, by order of the President, been
branded as a fabrication.

A telegram from New York, dated Nov. 7,
announces the debt of the United States on Nov. 1,
1867, to have been $2,625,000,000 ; and the cash in
the Treasury $134,000,000. From the latter sum
has to be deducted $24,900,000 in gold, due in
payment of gold dividends. This will leave the not
debt of the United States on the Ist of this month
$2,515,900,000. On the Ist of Aug., 1867, the
not debt was $2,511,306,426. On the Ist Sept.,
$2,492,783,365. On the Ist Oct., $2,495,277,446.
Messrs. Belding, Keith, and Co., of 80, Lombard-
street, have called attention to the fact " that the
only loan of the United States Government which
is issued under an act distinctly specifying that the
interest and principal are payable in gold had but
then, for the first time, been quoted on the Stock
Exchange. This loan was issued in 1864, redeem-
able in ten, or payable in forty, years, and bearing
5 per cent. interest. The amount of the loan was
$400,000,000." They strongly advise their clients
if they have any fear that 5-20's will riot be paid in
gold to exchange them for 10-10's, which they
offer to do for a single commission.
The fall in the price of cotton appears at last to
have reached its limits. It is remarkable that iu
the face of a deficient Southern crop the staple
should have drooped so low. According to the Na-
tional Statistical Bureau of the United States the
crop for the year 1867 will reach only 1,700,000
bales. If this estimate be correct prices can
scarcely fail to rise. The loss sustained in Liverpool
must have been prodigious, and it is time that those
who have suffered so heavily should at last experi-
ence a change for the better.
Although there were rumours that the trial of
Mr. Davis would be again postponed, the case will
probably be heard during the present month. Chief
Justice Chase has announced that he will preside at
the trial if held in sufficient time to enable him to
dispose of the case before the sitting of the Federal
Supreme Court on the 2d December. Mr. Davis's
counsel wishes the Chief Justice to preside, and Mr.
Chase has instructed Judge Underwood to let him
Know that the trial can commence on the 13th inst.
if his client prefers it, although his bail-bond does
not require him to appear before the 27th.
The Fenian trials iu Dublin are raising questions
which people might have supposed, in this age of
the world, had been settled centuries ago. Colonel
John Warren claimed, as an American citizen, to
be tried by a jury de meditate lingua, and his coun-
sel withdrew on this being refused, alleging that
the United States had then become the principal.
Captain Augustine Costello exclaimed, in an ex-
cited manner on the Attorney-General concluding
his statement,—

" I do not recognise the authority of this Court to try
me as a British subject. My learned counsel haz applied
for an alien jury to try me, and that has boon refused. I
would have followed the course adopted by Colonel War-
ren, but at the earnest request of my counsel I have con-
sented to allow the trial to proceed in the usual manner;
but I emphatically and distinctly protest against the course
that this Court thinks fit to adopt. I claim to be an Ame-
rican subject, and if you try me as a British subject on
your heads be the consequences. To the people of the
United States I look for justice,"

The Dublin Nation and Irishman uphold the right
of an American citizen to be tried by an alien jury,
and deny that because a man had been born a Bri-
tish subject that therefore he must remain one till
death. The doctrine of eternal national allegiance,
the Dublin Nation says, was blown to fragments
by the cannon of Bunker's Hill. Judge Keogh
overruled the claims made by the prisoners, alleg-
ing the English law to be perfectly clear that one
born a British subject could not shake off his alle-
giance. Allegiance or. no allegiance, British or
American, French or Chinese, all living in a coun-
try, can claim to be protected by the laws of that
country, and are either bound to observe these laws,
or stand the consequences of infringing them. If
the United States are compelled to defend every
party of fillibusters—every body of liberators—.
every gang of mad schemers who may issue from
her borders to commit outrages in foreign countries,
the Government of Washington will have enough to
do. The Nation and Irishman attach great import-
ance to the question of allegiance, but we cannot
see the grounds. There is no country more inte-
rested in maintaining the doctrine that aliens
sheltered under laws owe the same obedience
as natives to these laws than the United ,States,
for in no other country do so many foreigners
find a home. If American citizens commit breaches
of British laws in the United Kingdom, all
that America has to do is to see that the man
is fairly tried according to those laws, and when
these newspapers threaten England with the venge-
ance of the United States for acting in compliance with
the well-established interpretation of those laws,
they may speak on behalf of the Fenian organisa-
tion, but not on behalf of the American people,
who, as a body, strongly condemn their lawless and
violent acts.

On the 16th October, Chief Justice Chase ruled
that the apprenticeship of negroes in Maryland, by
the Orphans' Courts, was such a species of slavery
as to come within the meaning of the Thirteenth
Article of the Constitution, and that the Civil
Rights Bill was constitutional. The master of the
apprentice who sued out the writ of Ilab..as Corpus
did not employ counsel to defend his claim, but let
the matter go by default. The decision will affect
a large number, and gives the final blow to the last
vestige of slavery.
On the 12th October the Indian Peace Commis.

sion met Santana, chief of the2Kiowas, and many
leading chiefs of other tribes, at Fort Larned. The
great conference is to take place at Medicine Lodge
Creek, and the head chiefs will accompany the Com-
missioners on their way to the interview. Governor
Crawford and Senator Ross, of Kansas, are with
the Commissioner. Both advocate firm measures and
disapprove of any temporising. Superintendent
Murphy warns the Commissioners against a strong
escort, which may tend to alarm the Indians. The
gathering is very large; runners have been out to
bring in outlying bands. On the 16th October the
Dog soldiers, with their chiefs, Tall Bull, White
Horse, Little Bear, and Grey Head, arrived. The
Penettichet, Comanches, or Honey-eaters, had also
reached Medicine Lodge Creek, from Texas, 300
miles south of Little Arkansas. All the Cheyenne
Lodges were to be assembled by the 18th October,
making up in all from 7,000 to 10,000 Indians.
On the 16th Superintendent Murphy issued a week's
rations to 5,000 Indians. Strong hopes are enter-
tained that the interview to begin on the 19th Oc-
tober, and last for four or five days, will tend to
peace.

Attention has been drawn to a decision of the
President to test the Constitutionality of the Tenure
of Office Bill. The manner in which this is to be
accomplished is shown in the following statement,
which is said to be published by authority of the
President :

" Whoever shall take the place will receive an appoint-
ment outright as Secretary of War, vice E. M. Stanton
removed. It is the purpose of Mr. Johnson to make an
absolute removal of Mr. Stanton under the law as it existed
prior to the passage of the tenure of office act, which is
held by the administration to be unconstitutional. In this
opinion of its unconstitutionality, Mr. Stanton himself con-
curred. When the bill was passed, Mr. Stanton prepared
a portion of the veto message, denying the power of Con-
gress to pass such an act. The removal of Mr. Stanton
being accomplished in the manner indicated, the President
will simply send his message to the Senate nominating a
secretary of war. In case the nominee bo rejected
possibly Mr. Stanton will claim that ho shall be reinstated,
but as the President will consider him out of office he will
be compelled to seek his legal remedy by a mandamus, or
by any other mode, if there be any other pointed out by
law. This will bring the question as to the constitu-
tionality of the tenure of office act before the Supreme
Court of the United States for adjudication."

The following is the text of a letter addressed to
us from an influential source. Regarding the first
name we have received other letters, which leave
no doubt of the occupation to which Mr. Rutledge
has devoted himself. From one of the best shops
in London this man secured a supply of the best
articles, regardless of price, as he might well do,
considering he never intends to pay. It is
characteristic of this style of gentry that they go
to the highest class of shops, and select the highest
class of goods, and they go to the best hotels, exact
most, and live on the fat of the land. We give
prominent insertion to our correspondents' com-
munications to guard the public, but we should be
sorry to do the slightest injustice to any individual,
and had not these names been mentioned through
other channels we would have declined to publish
them.

" SWINDLERS ABROAD.—Consuls are particularly
cautioned against one Rutledge, claiming to be from
Charleston, South Carolina, sometimes passing himself off
as the Earl of Rutledge. He has some worthless drafts
which ho borrows money on, and has a certificate of iden-
tity from the United States Consul at Hamburgh. Hof
rarely pays bills, and his drafts are always protested, and
ho is wholly unworthy of confidence.
Another disreputable person travelling on the
Continent is one Col. Alexander, claiming to be a brother-
in-law of Speaker Colfax, which is not believed to be true.
He also is good at borrowing, but poor at paying. He was
dismissed from the United States army for dishonest prac-
tices.

A woman, sometimes passing off as Mrs. Smith,
and sometimes as Mrs. Whams, also lives by borrowing.
She was last heard of at Strasburg.
_ .

The people are also cautioned against one Sey-
fried, who is an adopted Swiss American, and who nearly
lives by borrowing money."

ITALY AND THE POPE.

The supporters of the Italian Government com-
pletely forget two things—namely, the engage-
ments contracted by Italy, and the sovereign
rights of the Holy Father. If Italy had been faith-
ful to those engagements —had she merely observed
her own laws had she arrested or dispersed the
bands of Garibaldi, instead of providing them with
arms and stores, and reinforcing them with her
own soldiers—had she done all this, the bravery of
the Pontifical troops, which General Menabrea
himself admits, would have disposed of these in-
vaders, and France would not have to send a single
man to the Roman States. Can Italy plead the
violation of her own engagements in defence of
her conduct? The present state of affairs is the
direct and inevitable result of the dishonest con-
duct:of the Rattazzi Cabinet, and Italy must take
the consequences. It is not because Victor Em-
manuel has not prevented and repressed, as he had
solemnly promised to do, the aggression of the
Garibaldians, that his own (usurpation becomes
legitimate. On the contrary, it is still more
odious, " becausel ying and dishonesty ag-
gravate the infamy of the crime." One
may admit, in excuse for the Garibaldians, their
personal disinterestedness, and the dangers they
faced ; but what shall be said of a Government
that steps in to profit by the acts of the very ad-
venturers it disavows? The September Conven-
tion, the main object of which was to keep the
Italians from the Roman States, cannot, in any
manner whatever, be alleged by them in justifica-
tion of their invasion ; and if France can do that
which the Italians are prohibited from doing,
the only reason is, that Italy has not
kept her promise. Besides and above that
Convention, there is the sovereignty of the
Holy See, whose rights are as much entitled to
respect as those of any other sovereignty. The
Pontifical State constitutes for Italy, as well as
for France and for all Europe, a foreign State,
fully independent ; and its territory cannot be in-
vaded and occupied without a complete disregard
of international laws. Does the Italian Govern-
ment imagine that it has towards the Pope and his
subjects a particular situation, and other rights
than France, than Austria, or than any other
Power? This is a pretension which it would not
dare to put forward, because it would not be ad-
mitted by any Government in Europe. Some time
since it pleased the Italian Parliament to decree
that Rome should be the capital of Italy. Is it pre-
tended that any right is derived from so absurd a
declaration ? If there be such a right, the door is
open to every species of ambition. Between the
Roman populations and the populations of Tus-
cany or of Piedmont there are no more affinities
of language, of manners, of usages, of institutions,
than between Lyons and Geneva, Paris and Brus-
sels. The French Chambers would in vain resolve
that Brussels and Geneva should be the chief
towns of two French departments. That resolu-
tion would be utterly worthless ; it would give
the French Government no right, and no Euro-
pean Government would attach value to it. The
sovereignty of the Pope is, then, intact ; it is as
complete and as absolute as that of Belgium and
Switzerland. The presence at Rome of Ambassa-
dors of all the Powers is itself the recognition of
that sovereignty. The Pope acted as a Sove-
reign when he expressed to France his desire to
be protected by her against the enemies whom
the bad faith of Italy has raised up against him ;
and he acted in his capacity of Sovereign by
not desiring the presence of the Italian army in
his territory. France is in the Roman States
through deference towards the Pope, and in con-
formity- with his rights as a Sovereign. Italy can-
not be there but by a violation of those rights.
There is then no parity whatever between occupa-
tion by the French troops, and the occupation by
the Italians. French intervention is legitimate,
because it is sanctioned by the Sovereign ; Italian
intervention is sanctioned by nothing—it is merely
usurpation and violence. The assimilation which
General Menabrea tries to establish between these
two interventions is the most complete:disregard of
the Pontifical sovereignty ; it is an insult to the
Pope, and it is an outrage flung in the face of
France. It is the act of the malefactor who has the
pretension to be the equal or the honest man, and
who says, " I have assassinated the person you
are giving succour to—come, let us join hands."
Neither by the law of nations nor by the laws of
honour is a joint intervention admissible. It
cannot be tolerated by France, inaarauch as it

would be the negation of the sovereignty which
our troops are going to Rome to defend ; and
it would be just as well to sacrifice the Pope
at once, and without hypocrisy, as to acquiesce
in the destruction of his rights. We hold for
certain that a joint occupation will not be tole-
rated ; that the Italians will be called upon to
evacuate the Pontifical territory, and that our
protest against their presence will, if necessary,
be supported by arms. We have as our guarantee
the attitude of the Government from the very
first day, the clear and precise declarations of its
Minister at Florence, the engagements it has con-
tracted towards Pius IX. and all Catholicity, the
effect produced on the public at large, who ask
whether the limits of patience are not exceeded.
No the Italian troops cannot remain on the
Roman territory in presence and by the side of
the French troops; for their presence would belie
our words, and would be the destruction of that
which our soldiers have accomplished. It must
never be said that all France has been moved to
its depths, that Catholic Europe has turned
,its
eyes towards her, and that 20,000 French soldiers
are sent to Rome with the approbation of the
country, merely to witness a moral Castelfidardo,
in which right, sworn faith, the word of the Em-
peror, and the honour of France are sacrificed
to Italian cupidity.—Presse.

THE DANGERS WHICH THREATEN THE
SOUTH- GERMAN ST4TES.

Under the title—" Warning for the Preserva-
tion of South Germany from extremest Dangers,"
a memorial addressed to the representatives of the
people in South Germany, has just been pub-
lished at Stuttgardt, by Moritz Mohl, a deputy
of the Wiirtemburg Chambers. This interesting
pamphlet will not fail to excite great attention in
the press and in the political world. The writer
pronounces in the most decisive manner against
the domination of Prussia in South Germany ;
and his work fully confirms the statements of
an article in the Kreuz Zeitung (a Berlin Conserva-
tive paper), which were much spoken of at the
time, as to the strong antipathies against Pr ussia
which prevailed everywhere in the populations
of South Germany. This was especially true of
IViirtemburg ; and to this popular feeling, though
in more measured language than that of the
writer of the Kreuz Zeitung, Moritz Mohl has given
a forcible expression.
Mohl begins with the mission of Prussia to:the
domination of Germany, and inquires whether
Prussia have the strength to incorporate the whole
of Germany. He has strong doubts that such a
question could be answered in the affirmative.
To attain such end would only be possible were
Prussia resolved to call the whole of Europe to the
field of battle - and wage a war with its enemies
to the death. But in the Luxemburg affair Prussia
showed that it had no such inclination, far less
would it be able to do so now when the Austro-
French alliance proposes to prevent by force its
entrance into South Germany. Mohl, however,
does enter further on this point ; he is much more
concerned with the question—What must we in
South Germany do ? Has Prussia a right to sub-
ject us ? Is our welfare compatible with such a
subjection, and what ought our plan of action be at
the present moment ?

The Nationalists and Liberals demand the en-
trance of South Germany into the North German
Confederation. That by such an arrangement the
Federal States of Austria, with thirteen millions of
men—that Austria, as a Federal ally, with a popu-
lation of thirty-five millions, would be lost to Ger-
many, and would become the natural enemy of
Prussia ; that Luxemburg and Limburg are already,
lost as German lands ; that the " eternally undi-
vided Schleswig-Holstein " threatens a complica-
tion of its own; that the banks of the German
Rhine—which, before the splitting up of Germany
by Prussia in 1866, were an inviolable and uncon-
ditionally secure possession of Germany—now for
the first time since fifty years stand in constant
jeopardy of being torn away. All this does not
make the Prussian faction in South Germany hesi-
tate for a moment as to whether the Prussian
project is in reality a national one, or whether,
rather, it has not already led, to an immense ex-
tent, to the splitting up and diminution of Ger-
many—Germany which henceforth threatens with
the most terrible wars, and, whate-hr their issue
may be, with immense losses to that united Ger-
many which possessed, before 1566-70. But were
Prussia to be worsted the Rhine provinces will be
lost, and should Prussia succeed in breaking Aus-
tria to pieces, which could only come to pass by the
help of Russia against France, Russia would pene-
trate in the most dangerous manner into Central
Europe, and sacrifices would have to be made by
Germany, and permanent dangers would arise such
as could never have been conceived before the
events of 1866.

The German Bund certainly left many things
undone ; nevertheless, under its sway Germany
enjoyed for half a century peace and tranquillity.
Nobody had dared to attack Germany undivided,
and Prussia might have secured for itself, by
" its reforming energy," a good position in the
Bund. Things have come to a different pass "by
blood and steel." The South German States have
been fined forty-seven millions of florins ; the
Northern States, although they did military service
in the field, have been visited with the loss of their
independence. All this may be popular in Prussia ;
it is not so in South Germany, which has no desire
to become the future inheritance of Prussia. In
South Germany the difference in race and land is
so great that they could endure only with the
greatest reluctance a union with Prussia. " The
South German States," says Mohl, " are by na-
ture fertile, thickly peopled, highly cultivated, and,
comparatively speaking, rich countries. The im-
posts are moderate ; indeed, many of the com-
munes in Wiirtemberg and Baden pay from the
proceeds of rich forests, or grazing lands, not
only the communal imposts due from the citizens,
but also a part of the taxes due to the State ; and
they, moreover, provide them with wood for fuel,
or give them a share in the net proceeds of the
communal income." Thousands of communes are
in a position to give up to their citizens and to
widows portions of land for cultivation, to be held
for life. The large income which the State pos-
sesses is spent in South Germany in the most ex-
emplary way ; to this the high state of cultivation
attests. Further, the land belongs in South Ger-
many, with the exception of a moderate fraction to
the peasant, to the commune or to the State
therefore, to the man who, in the sweat of his
brow, tills the land, and to civil society, and not
to an army of feudal landed proprietors. Hence in
South Germany a free people and a free constitu-
tion ; hence a fresh, joyous mind, and a happy mode
of life, among populations which are purely Ger-
man, and have German sentiments and German
hearts on this account, and on account of the
beauty of nature. South Germany is the land of
German poets, and of German talent in general,
both artistic and literary.—Kolnische Blatter.

An Eastern paper says that through most of the
year, in parts of California, the inhabitants can have straw-
berries and cream in Ow morning, and before noon a sleigh
ride. The Pacific Railroad affords the necessary facilities
for the latter.
LADVSRTISSMENT.)—Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring
Revalonta Arabica Food, which contains three times the
nourishment of the best meat, saves fifty times its cost in other
remedies, restores perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs,
healthy liver, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy
to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily and
effectually indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipation,
diarrhoea, haanurrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous,
ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza-
noises in the head and ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, erup-
tions, hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, pal-
pitation, heartburn, headache, debility, dropsy, cramp:4, spasms,
nausea, and sickness, sinking fits, coughs, asthma, bronchitis,
incipient consumption, scrofula, tightness of the chest, pains at
the pit of the stomach, between the shoulders, &c. We quote a
few out of 68,000 cures :—The Pope's health restored by Du
Barry's Food.—Cure No. 68,413. "Rome, July 21, 1866.—The
health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban-
doning all other remedies, he has confined himself entirely to
Du Barry's Revalents Arabica Food, of which he consumes a
plateful at every meal. It has produced a surprisingly benefl
cial effect on his health, and his Holiness cannot praise this
excellent food too highly."—From the "Gazette du Midi." July
25. Cure No. 49,832.—"Of fifty years' indescribable agony from
dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency,
spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomiting." Maria Joly,
Northam, Ling, near Dies, Norfolk.—Cure No. 47,121.—Mi5s
Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts,
of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits,
and nervous fancies. Important Caution.—Beware of the many
unsavoury and more titan sloppy imitations to which, without
authority, Baron Liebig's name is most audaciously attached.—
In tins at ls. lid.; 1 lb., 28 9d. 2 lbs., 4s. 611.; 5 lbs., Ils.;
12 lbs., '225.; 21 lbs., 40s.—BAttRY Du BARRY and Co., No. 77,
stegent-street, London ; also Fortnam and Mason, 182, Piccad illy ;
and at 61, Gracechurch-street; 4, Cheapside; 63, 150, and 289,
Qaford-stree t; 330 strand; and all grocers and chemists.

THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE.

The present state of Europe is similar to that
which existed in 1847, at the time of the Sonder-
bund, only the evil now is immeasurably graver.
The legitimate and popular Governments of Fri-
burg and Lucerne, attacked by the revolutionary
free corps, who were speedily supported by the
regular troops of the Confederation, had on their
side right, justice, the will of the people, and the
faith of treaties. They were also under the pro-
tectorate of great powers as much interested as
themselves in their triumph, or rather in their
deliverance. France and Austria, from whom they
demanded succour, feared the Revolution, and gave
them nothing but empty words. M. de Metter-
nich wrote fine despatches, haughty enough, which
were the last of the kind; the decrepit Government
of Louis Philippe did not venture so far. The
Sonderbund was conquered, and with it Monarchical
and Conservative Europe. Austria received a
blow, from which it may not recover, and which,
in twenty years, has rendered it even liable to
fear the fate of Turkey. The fate of the French
Government is known. Whether it fell because
it was not attacked, or because it was not sup-
ported, does not matter. When Governments fail
to answer their purpose, they lose their natural
defenders. There is no conspiracy against them ;
they are not attacked ; they are supported, indeed ;
but no one feels any concern for such Governments:
They become feeble, difficulties multiply, a shock
comes, and they fall. The Government of Louis
Philippe—why, is not known—disgusted the bour-
geoisie, which had created the citizen King, and
which he, in his turn, had crowned. They held
banquets out of opposition to the Government.
M. Barrot banqueted with M. Baroche, and M.
Theirs allowed these banquets to be held. HIS
health was drunk. Whilst these politicians were
giving vent to their after-dinner eloquence, and
M. Guizot kept repeating—" It is nothing," 1,500
or 2,000 demagogues, the half of whom were en-
rolled among the agents of police, took possession
of Paris, struck down the throne, the Government,
and the Chambers, and set up a Republic in
France. Everybody was in great alarm. M. Barrot,
M. Baroche, and M. Thiers, and the Republicans
were alone amazed. The Government to-day is
better prepared and more on the alert than it was
then. Every one is convinced that it would put
down very promptly, and with great vigour, any
Republican rising in the streets of Paris. This is
the chief cause that there is no rising to put down.
There is no room, therefore, to predict in France,
—if as a consequence of the fall of Rome that
terrible event should come to pass—the sudden
shock which followed the fall of the Sonderbund.
Nevertheless, there are many things which time
will not settle—many difficulties which will be
multiplied. The Revolution will not sleep upon
its triumph, neither in Italy nor elsewhere. it
will fill up the measure of its iniquity—it will have
means enough at its disposal. It is always a great
misfortune for a Government—one of the gravest
political evils—not to know how; not to be willing,
or not to be able, to protect right. If Austria
collecting its forces, and appealing to the preli-
minaries of Villafranca—had not tolerated the first
crime of Piedmont against Papal sovereignty_it
would have to-day amongst its possessions the
Quadrilateral the more, and in its annals the battle
of Sado wa the less, which would have been as much
use to us as to her. If Italy had observed the
stipulations of Zurich, or if she had been compelled
to do so, King Victor Emmanuel would not have
been forced to throw himself against the Church,
and would not have had the other day, his 10th
of August in the Pitti Palace, and might have
enjoyed a more peaceful reign, perhaps a longer'
certainly a more honourable one. If France be
mindful of its word, given on the 15th of Septem-
ber, and secures all which that word compelled her
at least to preserve, she will find again the days of
1852 ; if not the cycle of great catastrophes, Is
open, and there will be seen in the world, deeper
than has ever yet been seen, the abyss of which
Shakspeare speaks—that abyss, of sovereign power
overthrown, into which all are flung, and which Is
filled with blood. God will always protect 111 s
Church. It will live for ever. It will give to the
world its highest excellencies, its greatest virtues,
its noblest souls, which will never succumb to the
ignominious violence of tyranny. But the nations
—what will become of them ? May God protect
France ! Univers.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

NORWICH-SATURDAY.

White wheat (weighing 631 b), 75s to 78s ; red aittot
(weighing 631 b), 66s to 72s per qr. Flour, 49s Od to 51s Od
per sack. New barley, 41s to 46s per qr.

NOT TINGHAM—SATunDAy.

--------
Old white wheat, 80s to 84s ; old red, 73s to 78s ; nog
white, 88s to 84s ; now red, 70s to 76s per 36 stone. Pats,
old, 38s to 40s; new, 27s to 36s per 24 stone. Beans, 011c,'
54s to 58s ; new, 44s to 50s per 38 stone. Fine flour,
to 56s per sack.

LEICES TER —SATURDAY.
Now white wheat, 77s to 81s ; new red, 68s to 74s ; old
white, 74s to 79s ; old red, 68s to 74s per 36 stone. Brim
ley, for malting, 40s to 46s per qr.; grinding, 35s to 3,
per 30 stone. Oats, old, 35s to 38s ; new, 27s to 34s per 2
stone. Beans, old, 47s to 51s ; new, 46s to 52s per 36 steno'
Fine flour, 56s ; seconds, 50s to 52s per 20 stone.

YORK—SATURDAY.
White wheat, from 74s to 80s ; red, 70s to 74s per 96
stone. Barley, for malting, 40s to 43s per qr. ; grinding',
39s to 40s per 30 stone. Oats, new, 26s to 30s per 24 stone'
Beans, new, 50s to 52s per 38 stone. Malt, 66s to 1-18'5.
Flour, 52s to 55s per sack of 2801bs. Rye, 44s per qr.

Foreign Mail Packet Lila.