The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1858.

IMPERIAL CONTINENTAL GAS
ASSOCIATION.
Incorporated by. ActA Karliament.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN; • what an Extraordinary
GENERAL MEETING of the Shareholders of the Imperial
Continental - Gas Association,- will be held at the office
of the Association, No. 7, White Hart -court, Lom-
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for the purpose of elecfing two Directors :to fill the vacancies
in the •Board- occasioned by the decease of John Horsley
Palmer, Esq., and Sir Robert Campbell, Bart., and one Audi-
tor in the place of Frederick Pattison, Esq., resigned.
Dated this 27th day of October, 1858.
By order of the Board,
• ' WILLIAM WALTON, Secretary.

CI- ND ON CRYSTAL
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Applications for the remaining space are requested to bo
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GEORGE HOBSON begs to call the attention
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255. Also his New Partridge Mixture Shooting Coats.

Excellence with Economy.
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Established 1796.

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GLEN?IELD PATENT STARCH,
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Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, Sc., &c.

BOARD AND RESIDENCE. A Superior
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Referenees to be exchanged. Address, J. I'., Wright's
Dairy, Granby-street, Hampstead-road, N.W.

LORD C. RUSSELL ON THE BALLOT.

IVO have been requested to publish the following
letters

" Offices of the Society for-Promoting the Adop-
tion of the Vote by Ballot, 5, Guildhall-
• chambers, Basingla-street,.-London,
Nov. 3.

"My Lord,—A friend has sent nio a Bedford
paper containing a report of a lecture delivered at
Woburn; by Mr. White, on ' The Morality of Secret
Voting:' At-this lecture your lordship presided, and
not content with filling the ordinary duties of a
chairman, you supplemented the lecturer's observa-
tions with some_ of your own, in. which yon reite-
rated the expression that ' all secrecy is a sham,'
and endorsed the lecturer's 'first principle, 'that all
secrecy is °Ulm" nature of deceit.' "wish to recal to
Tour mind what occurred ,at the City of London
election : that at- a public meeting you endeavoured
to remove the difficulty caused by your brother's
(Lord.:-J:=RuSsell) opposition to the-ballot by asking
what reason -there was to suppose that he was so
strongly opposed- to the ballot, and by stating that
when in Parliament you yourself had always voted
for the ballot. -

" I will make no secret of my :conviction that all
that was said and done to induce the friends of the
ballot in the City of London to believe that Lord-J.
Ruisell might be induced to reconsider "his opinions
and support the ballot, including Lord John's pro-
inisc to -reconsider. the question with reference to
the evidence of thi succes.sful working of the ballot
in Victoria was a' shan,'. if hotin .` the nature of
deceit.' I say this, and am prepared to justify it by
reference to what took place in the House of Com-
mon's after your brother's election was secure. •
"As at the public meeting before referred to, you
made political capital of the intention of some
members of the Ballot Society, including myself, to
vote for Lord J. Russell; I think I have a fair right
to asl: you whether, when you voted for the ballot,
as you say you always did when in Parliament, you
considered it a measure in the nature of deceit,'
and a ' sham.

" You cniorse Mr. White's dogma that ' all sec-
recy is of the nature of deceit.' I wish you would
kindly answer me the following questions :
" A Teacher whom I
.presume you respect said
that in almsgiving the right hand should not know
what the left hand doth.' That in fasting we
should not appear unto men to fast.' Is this secrecy
in the nature of deceit ?
" Is it in the ' nature of deceit' to seal a letter
when you send it, through the post ?
"Is it legalising deceit to prevent by law the
publication of income tax returns ?
"Is the secret writing the protection of which
our enjoy, and of which Mr.
Sidney newspaper
would
drsdeprive them, a
sham ?'
"Is the secret voting at clubs a sham and in the
nature of deceit ?
H e Herbert ww
" Is the secret voting which na7al and military
officers exercise at courts martial, and which is ex-
plained in the paper enclosed, a sham ?'
"Awaiting the favour of a reply to these ques-
tions,—l have the honour to be,
" Your most obedient servant,
"EDWARD C. WHITEIIURST,
" Vice-Chairman of the Ballot Society.
" The Right Hon. C. S. Pox Russell."

" Woburn, Nov. 4.
My dear sir,—l little thought that a few re-
marks of mine made to some of my neighbours and
fellow-townsmen at a meeting of their Literary and
Scientific Institution would have procured me the
honour of a communication from the 'vice-president
of the Ballot Society. Had I only known you in
that capacity I might have been content to have
informed you that you were in error, and so have
left you ; but I have too sincere a respect for your
earnestness in the cause of the ballot, and too agree-
able a remembrance of the last City election to alow
me to take .any other course than to answer you
fully. I must begin by saying that I have not
seen (or rather have not read) any report of
the meeting you have alluded- to, nor have I
the paper by me at present. I did not go beyond
the ordinary duties of chairman of our meet-
ings in supplementing any remarks of my own. I
stated, on being called on unexpectedly to take the
chair, that I did so with pleasure, as (they knew)
it ,crave the right of reply. I did not endorse Mr.
-White's first principle, that ' all secrecy is of the
nature of deceit.' What I said was (of course I
don't attempt the precise words), If Mr. White's
first principle be true, then all the rest follows, but
the French have a proverb that it is only the first
step that Costs, and I wish you my younger friends,
to remember this and be aware of small beginnings.
Nothing is easier than for a man to lay down a
proposition with a firm voice and confident air and
then proceed to build upon it. I don't say that the
lecturer has done this, because I want you to take
the proposition home with you and to think for your-
selves.' I then added, my objection to secret voting
is that all secrecy is a sham.' Of course, as Mr.
White had been lecturing on secrecy in public mat-
ters, any supplementary remarks of mine could not
have had reference to secrecy in private matters,
which makes it unnecessary for me to reply to
those questions of yours which are of that category.
The income tax is unfortunately. of a public cha-
racter. lam in the habit of hearing it denounced
as inquisitorial and think its secrecy a sham. You
have asked me whether, when I voted in Parlia-
ment for the ballot, I considered it as a measure of
the nature of deceit' and a sham.' I should have re-
plied to the vice-president of the Ballot Society that
it is more than 20 years since I voted, and have
called upon him to withdraw his imputation ; but
I will tell 3-ou, sir, that I did not consider the
ballot of the nature of deceit, but I always did
think and did say that the question was an exagge-
rated one. And now with respect to the sham'
which you have charged me of having been guilty
of at the last City election, in my endeavour to re-
move the difficulty caused by my brother's objec-
tion to the ballot, I am positive that the facts were
these :—You will remember that at the meeting at
the City of London Tavern Lord John said he would
not support the ballot, giving as a reason that while
the franchise was so restricted it was but right and
fair that those who had it not should at least have
the knowledge of how those who possessed it used
it. Remarking on this I said, " After all, is Lord
John Russell so much opposed to the ballot as some
people think ? How stands the case ? He says
the franchise is so limited that the unfranchised
should at least have the satisfaction of knowing
how the enfranchised vote ; but Lord John is for
an extension of the franchise from £lO to £5, and
it must be evident that as there is an increase in
the franchise there must be a diminution of his ob-
jection to the ballot." This seems to be a logical in-
ference, but I used it to cover my brother's opposi-
tion to the ballot by his advocacy of an extension
of the franchise. I went on to say that I had
always supported the ballot; but you cannot for a
moment think that I could have been guilty of the
preposterous folly of urging what-I had done 20
years before as an index of what Lord John was
likely to do for the future. I used it in this manner—l
said I had voted for the ballot, if the electors made
it a sine qua non they would place themselves in
the ridiculous dilemma of having to prefer me to
my brother. These are the only references I made
to the ballot at the. City election, except claiming
the vote of some of the electors from their con-
fidence in you. You have now my reply, but as
you have also charged my brother of having been
guilty of sham as to the ballot, 3 beg to say. that I
an confident the charge is as groundless in his case
as it was in mine.—l remain, dear, sir, very faith-
fully yours,__ " CHARLES .F. RUSSELL.
" E. C. Whitehurst, Esq."

" Woburn, Nov. 5.
My dear Sir,--I received by this day's post a
leading article from a newspaper under your hand
and seal. As it has probably emanated from you,
and has reference to the subject on which I re-
plied to you last night, I do not intend to read it,
trusting to your sense of justiee to correct any
erroneous impressions it may convey. I find the
report in the Beds Mercury professed to be merely
a condensation of Mr. White's lecture. It might
have occurred to you that the report of the chair-
man's remarks was probably an even greater con-
densation ; and so have saved you, the trouble and
annoyance of writing on imperfect data.—l re-
main, dear sir, very faithfully yours
" CHAS. J. F. RUSSELL.
" E. C. Whitehiirst, Esq."

" Offices of the Society for Promoting the
Adoption of the Vote by Ballot, 5, Guild-
hall-chambers, Basinghall-street, London,
E.C., Nov. 6.
My Lord,—ln reply to your letter I beg to say
I will take the best means of doing you justice
before the public, by sending to the press the cor-
respondence between us.
" Your letter of the 4th does not, to my mind,
touch the questions stated by me. There is no sub-
giyen
stantial difference between your remarks as

in your letter and 'the condensed but evidently
faithful report in the 3fercto:y.
"You expressed no dissent from Mr. 'White's
absurd•proposition. that," all secrecy is of the na-
ture of deceit ;' and as I read your words, whether
in your letter or in the report, you gave it at least
an implied assent. Mr. White did not limit his
proposition to public matters, . and therefor:o those
of my questions which relate to matters of a private
nature are not out of place. Those questions which
relate to court-martials and secret writing in news-
papers are clearly within the category of pUblic
matters. The. report in the Times of your spegeh
does not give the same colour as your letter to
your remarks about your supporting- the ballot ; it
reads,.and was so understood by me and others at
the time, as an appeal to us to vote for Lord John
Russell, because, as your votes would show, his
family were not opposed to the ballot, and a friend
who took an active part in Lord John's committee
tells me you dwelt to him on the same fact of Your
Supporting the ballot, and like me he7umlerstood
you to refer to it for the same purpose above men-
tioned. You refer to the length of time which has
elapsed shim you voted for the ballot ; but let me
remind -you that the alleged immorality of the ballot
was a stockargument. even before Mr. Grote intro-
duced- the question in 1853 ; that all arguments on
both sides of that view ofthe question were exhausted
while you-were voting for' it, and that it is no. new
'discovery to which you can refer to ;justify yoUr
chinge of opinion. I wish I could add that lam
satisfied -with your -explanation, and still more with
your defence•_of Lord John Russell, but I cannot ;
and with regard to the noble member for this city,
it would take much to make me believe in the since-
rity of his promise to reconsider the ballot question
when after his alleged reconsideration he only re-
peats the oft-refuted fallacies with which 20, years
ago he opposed the motions of Mr. Grote.—'-Aeknow-
lodging the courteous tone of your letters, I am,
my lord, your faithful servant,
" EDWARD C. WHITEIIURST.
" The Right Hon. Lord C. J. F. Russell,
Woburn, Bedfordshire."

" Woburn, Nov. 8.
" Dear Sir,—l cannot see that myremarks implied
my assent to Mr. White's dictum ; they seem to me
to have left the question an open one, to be decided
on by the audience at their leisure. Nay, not one of
my remarks to the lads present at the lecture bear
upon you. You assume that because my views have
changed on the subject of the ballot they must have
done so on the ground of its immorality, and the
lecture ; but for this assumption you have no autho-
rity whatever, unless you can find it in my having
presided at a lecture on the morality of the ballot,
which turned out to be a lecture on its immorality.
I remain, dear sir, very faithfully yours„
" CHARLES J. F. RUSSELL.
" E. C. Whitehurst, Esq."

lONIAN ISLANDS.

COPY OF A DESPATCH FROM SIR J. YOUNG TO
MR. SECRETARY LABOUCIIERE.

CORFU, June 10, 1857.
Sir,—My opening speech to the Legislative
Assembly, their reply, long considered and warmly
debated, and a few sentences in which I acknow-
ledged it, went forward to you on Tuesday last ;
and you will, I am persuaded, be well satisfied with
the good fortune which has attended this most
difficult matter—in fact, the turning point, or, more
accurately speaking,. the " pons asmorum," of the
Assembly's first session.

After Carefully composing the speech, I availed
myself of the suggestions and criticism of the Pre
si—
dent, and of the two or three other lonians I could
best confide in ; and the result has been, as I am
informed by the residents of all the larger islands,
a very g )od impression on the minds and temper of
the people.
The prc 4,7 of this happy result is to be found in
the address of the Assembly, which you will see
makes no allusion to high police, no complaint
agAinq the protection, mentions no infringement
of the constitution, of individual freedom, or of
liberty of the press. No Lord Charles Fitzroy
grievance of Austrian Police ; and yet also every
paragraph was penned and carried by so-called
members of the opposition. In a Parliament whose
election was, as all admit,perfectly free anduntaintad
by English influence, and in which there are only
places for a few,the opposition is,and must always be,
the majority. They confine themselves to complaints
about the judicature, public instruction, and the
pension law; all of which they are at liberty to
deal with, and existing interests held sacred, to
amend as they please.
All this is highly satisfactory; still I do not an-
ticipate much practical advantage. They will not
assign sufficient salaries to the judges, so as to
enable the Government to avail itself of the best
men. Public instruction will, probably, remain
sacrificed to private interests and the desire for
patronage • and the attempt to deprive all the
pension-holders, and, especially, the English, of
their acquired rights, will, probably, cause the
postponement of any beneficial change in that
quarter.
No doubt, by a very vigilant attention, by stand-
ing always on one's guard, by removing, as I have
endeavoured to do, topics of disagreement, and
striving, as I hope you will. think, not without
success, to infuse somewhat of a calm and modera-
tion into the working of parties, a lull may be pro-
duced, under favourable circumstances ; but the
impression upon my mind is, that no permanent
benefit to England, or real satisfaction to the loni-
ans, can] accrue. England is in a false position
here, and the' islands are too widely separased
geographically, and their interests too distinct, ever
to form a homogeneous whole, under foreign aus-
pices.

The small size and distance, one from the other,
of the islands render the growth of a common public
opinion impossible. The free press, consequently,
has no character of reality nor echo in the minds of
the people. Failing these important elements,
there does not exist the power necessary to control
and elevate the tendencies of the Legislative As-
sembly, which, without such enlightened guidance,
either in the press or the public, pusses its time in
discussing quarrels between the different islands or
in the pursuit of individual interests. Napoleon
says, in one of his letters to his brother Joseph,
" What a nation hates is another nation," and this
sentiment poisons with suspicion, or chills with cold
reception, every benefit we confer and every ad-
vancement; and if this dictum be true as to pro-
vinces acquired and governed as an integral part
of an empire, it is doubly so of dependencies held
by such tenure as England holds these islands ; the
sooner, therefore, she extricates herself from the
position the better for her own reputation, and for
the cause of representative institutions generally.
If her Majesty's Government could find, or make,
an opportunity of discussing the subject with the
other powers that were parties to the Treaty of
Paris, I should'inost earnestly recommend its being
done.

New is a good opportunity •, a victory has been
gained over the discontent and Unreasonableness
of those who are discontented without a cause, or
misled by faction. The lonians complain of no
constitutional grievance—of no abuse of power on
our part. England could retire from the protection
with a good grace. I mean especially from the
Southern Islands, in which all the difficulties really
originate. With respect to one of them, Santa
Maura, it is not an island at all—it is a bit of the
continent. Grivas, the noted Greek chieftain, rode
from Greece into the citadel, to pay a visit, without
dismounting, some weeks ago. To part with it
would ba a happy boon to the other islands ; for
while it does not half pay its expenses, and is a
heavy clog on the resources of Corfu, its preten-
sions for patronage and expenditureknow no limits.
As to Corfu, it could scarcely be given up with-
out bad faith ; for its possession by Greece would
keep all Albania and Epirus in constant agitation ;
but it ought to be held by England in full
sovereignty as a colony • and if so held, it would,
with its dependencies, form a most valuable and
beautiful possession. Corfu, as well as.its satellite,
Paxo,':more than pays all its expenses ; has, indeed,
a large surplus revenue, though it is not half
peopled ; more than half waste, undrained, and.
neglected. Under really British auspices, its agri-
culture, its commerce, and its people, would receive
new life, and a vast impulse. The island would
become a garden, and its port the centre of the
commerce of the adjacent countries. This is well
known in Corfu, and in it alone, of all the other
islands, there exists no desire to be separated from
England.
I venture, however, to recall the question to your
attention, inasmuch as the present seems to me a
favourable conjuncture for entertaining it. At the
close of the war, the giving up the southern islands
might have been variously looked on as a surren-
der, a concession, or a withdrawal from a position
where:failure had occurred ; or, if Corfu were taken
in sovereignty, as a territorial acquisition, male at
the very moment when such an idea was studiously
disclaimed ; but now no such objections can occur •
for the moment the obstacles to the working of the

PRICE 4''. STAMPED, 5D..

constitution are surmounted, there cannot be
the imputation of failure ; but the recurrence of
difficulties is to be apprehended as inevitable from
the nature of things, and the faulty arrangements
in existence here. And when they recur,
however much beyond English control the
causes; or, however beyond English power of
application "the remedies; inasmuch as the altered
constitution has left the English protection all but
powerless in such case, the certain consequences
will be vexatious, and loss of prestige incurred, or
at any rate risked, as appears to me, for no very
apparent or weighty object.
In order to prove the great importance of Corfu
as the key of the Adriatic, I will mention only one
fact. At the beginning of the r.:,cent war,
in the spring of 1854, three Russian ships (a fri-
gate and two corvettes) were cruising. in the
Adriatic, but did not venture to attempt their
escape past Corfu, though only one small English
frigate was then in the harbour. On the contrary,
all three hastened to Trieste, where they were sold,
while the officers and crews were sent overland,
across the Austrian dominions, to Russian It is to
be remembered, also; that Corfu is of as great im-
portance to the security and convenience of the
route to Egypt and India, by Trieste, as Malta is
to the route by Marseilles or Gibraltar.. Still I do
not insist on the paramount value of Corfu, as a
military and naval station in an English, so much
as in an European point -of‘view. The great estab-
lishments and garrisons which Austria has r:contly
erected at Polo, Cattaro, and lather points in the
Adriatic, are nearly as much`-standing menaces
against the western, as Sebastopol was against the
eastern provinces of Turkey, and the constant
interference of Austria in the affairs of Monte-
negro, and of the semi-independent tribes of Albania
and Bosnia, tends to show that Russia is not the
only neighbour which has views of territorial
aggrandisement at the expense of the Porte.
Now, the permanent possession of Corfu by
England is as effectual a check to any projects
of conquest of the neighbouring Turkish provinces
by Austria as our hold on Gibraltar and Malta was,
at the beginning of the present century, found to
he to the conquest of Spain and Sicily respectively
by France. The letters of the First Napoleon to
his brother, King Joseph (already referred to),
proved that he considered the possession of Corfu
to be indispensable to the furtherance of the ambi-
tious views which he is well known to have en-
tertained, of extending the French dominions over
the neighbouring pirts of the East. And it is evi-
dent that Corfu 13 as well placed for the control as
for the furtherance of any such projects.
It may possibly be objected, that the Powers
which were panties to the Treaties of 1815 would
not consent to our transformation into a sovereignty
of our proteetoratc of Corfu ; and it is clear to me
that our military posse: sign is the only point of
interest to foreign States, and that they must be
'n lifferent, as to the form under which we may find
it best for the interests of the Corfiotes to admini-
ster their civil government. And it is obvious that
if the southern islands (i.e., Cephalonia, Zante,
Ithaca, Santa Maura, and Cerigo),which are widely
removed from Corfu in race, sentim nit, and geo-
graphical position, were given up to the kingdom
of Greece—as those islanders, from national feel-
ings, desire—they would still Abe under the joint
guarantee of the three protecting powers of Greece,
and, consequently, no more liable to fall into the
hands of any other State than the Greek Islands of
the Archipelago now are.
In conclusion, I beg to refer you to m confiden-
tial despatch of May 20, 1856, and to the memor-
andum therein inclosed from Chevalier Curcumelli,
the At'orney-General of these States, who is
very intelligent, and thoroughly acquainted with
the sentiments of his Corfiot fellow-countrymen.
He argues very strongly in their interest for
the incorporation of Corfu and Paxo with the
British empire, in the same way as Malta and Gozo.
Besides the other advantages to both England and
Corfu of such a change, this island would, in the
course of a few years, become completely Anglicised,
and enriched by British capital and enterprise. It
would pay its own expenses, and furnish besides a
considerable surplus revenue.—l have, &c.
(Signed) JOIIN YOUNG.
The Right Hon. 11. Labouchere, &c.

COPY OF A DESPATCH FROM SIR J. YOUNG TO THE
RIGHT HON. SIR E. L. BDLWER LYTTON.

Corfu, July 14:1838. (Received July 23.)
Sir,—l was much gratified at finding in Lord
Stanley's confidential despatch of the 4th ult. the
assurance that I should be furnished with the
necessary instructions previous to the next meeting
of the Legislative Assembly.
In April and May, 1856, I sent home four paper:
written b-r eminent lonians, stating their opinions
upon public affairs, and the defects of the existing
constitution. _ _

I now forward a paper on the same subject,
written by Dr. Julius Tipaldo Pretenderi, Presi-
dent of the Tribunals of %ante. It well deserves
attention, first, because the writer is a learned and
accomplished man, who views his subject from an
honourable and levated position, which takes
away all suspicion that his views are coloured by
personal feelings or disappointment ; and, secondly,
more especially, because he is stated. to have
been one of the three lonians at whose instance,
and by whose advice, mainly, the reforms of 1849
were initiated. The views of another, Sir D. Cur-
cumelli, were forwarded in my confidential de
spatch of May 20, 1836 ; and I invited particular
attention to them in a subsequent despatch, dated
June 10, 1857.
I venture to recommend that this paper be
printed, as the others were, for the consideration
of the Cabinet, and be made with them a subject of
reference in the ensuing deliberations.—l have, &c.,
(Signed) JOHN YOUNG.
The Right Hon. Sir E. Bulwer Lytton,
Bart., M.P., &c.