The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-18 00:00:00

and the conviction of Parliament have come to this con•

elusion, that this is a sound and true principle upon which
the borough franchise is to be established. That is shown,
not only by triumphant majorities, but by the proceedings
of this evening, still more characteristic than the triumph
of parties or the struggle of Parliamentary contests.
(Cheers.) No doubt, in the application of this principle in
England there must be great difficulties. It is not neces-
sary for me to advert to them. The hon. member for
Newark has this evening with great clearness and ability
recapitulated many of these difficulties. But it is not the
first time that difficulties have been experienced in the ap-

plication of a great principle. It will not have been the
first time, if this franchise we have proposed succeeds, that
such difficulties have been surmounted. We have always
anticipated that these perplexities—which have full justice
done to them in Parliament—we always believed that,
when they were encountered, they would disappear. I will
not dilate upon the efforts we have made to facilitate the
admission of the compound householder to the franchise,
nor will I dwell upon the general result of the clauses which
I have placed upon the table for that purpose. It will be
acknowledged that, however great these difficulties may
have been, they have been greatly mitigated, if not re-
moved, by those clauses. But the fallacy of the view of the
right hon. member for South Lancashire which has in-
fluenced him to-night is this—that from the first he has ac-
cepted it as a conclusion on which allhis strategy should be
founded, and the whole course of his conduct regulated,
and all the advice given to his friends adjusted, that eve
have fixed upon this foundation for our franchise in order
to reap the advantages which the rating acts would give
us in restrictins, the suffrage. That has been an en-
tire mistake, because a proposition similar to that now
offered was contained in our original scheme. (Hear.)
But when we considered the immense difficulties of the
question, and of engaging the attention of Parliament and
the country in a real, earnest, and sincere scheme of re-
form, we hesitated before we encumbered the ship already
freighted with a cargo of great price with a burden which
might perhaps imperil the voyage. (Cheers.) What did
the right hon. gentleman tell us on the very first night ha
addressed us on the subject. Did ho not describe those
acts as the result of the advanced civilisation of the coun-
try. If we had come down to Parliament and proposed
that the suffrage in boroughs should bo founded upon real
rating and residence, and also that we should simplify the
matter by repealing all the rating acts, why the cham-
pions of civilisation would stand aghast. (Hear.) It would
have required a considerable time, and a great deal of dis-
passionate discussion, and many vicissitudes of public and
Parliamentary life before we arrived at the calm and philo-
sophical result which I hope will distinguish this evening.
(Cheers.) Now let me speak of the motion of the hon.
member. I need not say that, so far as the spirit of the
proviso is concerned, the Government can have no oppo-
sition whatever to it—(cheers)--because it is their own
policy, and if they had been masters of the situation they
would have long ago recommended it to the house. But
the house will feel that in the application of this policy we
must proceed with the utmost prudence and consideration.
I do not myself think, after much anxious attention, that
it will be desirable or possible to deal with this question
by a proviso at the first glance. I see a grave omission in
the absence of a saving clause, and that of a vary large
character, to protect existing arrangements ; and when you
remember the number of acts you have to deal with, I
think it will be admitted that there would be infinite diffi-
eul_ties and perplexities in dealing with the question in
the manner proposed. It is exactly the question which
I think the house should decide. We have said from the
beginning tint, subject to the maintenance of the great
principle which we thought ought to be the basis of the
suffrage, and to which we must adhere, the advice and
assistance of the house was courted by us; and this is
exactly a case upon which the independent opinions of the
house may be given with advantage. Months ago I might
in vain have proposed a policy which is now generally ac-
cepted as of the wisest character ; but it is now proposed
to the house by an hon. member opposite, and her Ma-
jesty's Government, under those circumstances, do nut
hesitate to accept it—(cheers)—it being a policy which is
their own, which carries out their views, and which will
render triumphant the system of rating; and it required
no &olefin) tones of admonition from the right hon. gen-
tleman opposite to induce me to express my cordial adhe-
sion to the proposition. (Ministerial cheers.) But 1 must
impress upon the hon. member for Newark not to press
the house to a hasty division upon it. My own impression
is that separate legislation will be much the better course,
for otherwise you will involve the Reform Bill in great
difficulty, and cause great delay. If it is to be dealt with
by separate legislation, I shall be perfectly prepared on the
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part of the Government to undertake the task. (Loud
cheers.) I should still recommend the committee to pro-
ceed without loss of time with the Reform Bill. Lot us
provide even for the compound householder—(a laugh)—
and the bill can be so drawn up as to fit in with thismea-
sure. I have frankly told the house what were the feelings
of the Government on the subject, and what wore our
plans; and I can take no credit for any sacrifices in the
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dangerous state of the country in consequence of the
state of the Reform Bill and the treatment of the
question by the house. I do not believe in anything of
the Mind. (Cheers.) I believe a more monstrous exag-
geration was never made. I have no doubt there are in-
dividuals who have long tried, what 1 may call, their
blundering hauds—(cries of "Oh, oh")—on this question,
who may be exceedingly annoyed that those who were
their rivals have been more successful in their efforts—
(Ministerial cheers) - but that the great bulk of this nation
are moved with sullen and dangerous discontent by the
conduct of the House of Commons, which every candid
and dispassionate mind must feel is sincerely endeavouring
to bring this question to a satisfactory solution, I think
that that is a statement which cannot be established, and
whatever may be the influences which regulate the con-
duct of others, 1 can assure the house that the Govern-
ment in the course they are taking are not at all influenced
by the terrors predicted, or by any of the arts of agitation
which have been resorted to. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. CHILDERS suggested that after the concession
just made the clause relating to the compounders should
be postponed until a bill for abolishing thorn
was laid on the table, and that the two bills should then
altogether
proceed pari passe.
Mr. AYRTON replied that what Mr. Childers would do
was tantamount to giving up the Reform Bill altogether
for this session, for the ramifications of the Compounding
Acts were so wide that a bill could not be passed without
going before a select committee, and he suggested as an
intermediate course something akin to his own amend-
ment, by which every occupier would be rated, and the
operation of existing contracts and Rating Acts saved, so
that the whole question would be left open.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER pointed out
the impossibility of carrying on he two bills purl passu,
and of mixing up the two subjects, and declined to go
further than to pledge himself to deal with the subject
effectively iu some manner which would not interfere
with the progress of the Reform Bill.
A long conversation followed, turning chiefly on the
CORM to be pursued and the exact character of the engage-
ment of the Government. Mr. Forster, Mr. Mill, and Sir
R. P. Collier dwelt on the futility of proceeding with the
compounders' clauses if they were to be abolished, and
pressed the Government to go on with the other parts of
the Bill until the House could see their plan.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL and Mr. BRETT urged the
difficulties of the subject and the obstacles in the way of
bringing in a Bill.
Mr. POWELL advocated separate legislation.
Mr. DENMAN maintained that the easiest mode of pro-
ceeding was to adopt the proviso, and Mr. SASDFORD
warmly declared that the bill was now turned into house-
hold suffrage pure and simple.
Mr. HENLEY. replied to him, and insisted that there
was no change in the principle of the bill, which had al-
ways offered the franchise to every householder who paid
his rates. He recommended the Government to accept the
resolution as the easiest and readiest mode of effecting the
object, for in passing a bill they would be met with the