The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-02 00:00:00

SURREY.

The admirers of high dramatic talent and pare decla-
mation will be gratified to hear that that favourite
tragedienne, Miss Goddard, after a career of the most
complete success in the Australian land of gold and
adventure, has once more made her appearance before a
British public. This gifted lady had long been favour-
ably known to theatrical fame, prior to her visit to
Australia, upon the York circuit. In hailing her advent
to the London boards, we predict for Miss Goddard
that the debut of last night at the Surrey Theatre will
prove the inauguration to a permanent and eminent
position upon the metropolitan stage. Miss Goddard
is gifted by nature with all the attributes which are
so necessary to scenic effect—a fine face, a tall and
commanding figure, and a voce the most effective
for declamatory purposes, a deep contralto, which
is susceptible, however, of remarkable modulation.
The thrilling drama of " Lucrezia Borgia," was selected
by Miss Goddard for her appearance. Miss Goddard
was enthusiastically applauded throughout the piece, and
was called for, in front of the curtain, at the conclusion
of each successive act. Indeed, the nature and impulse,
if we may use the expression, of Miss Goddard's per-
formance, saves us in her case from the invidious task of
comparison. Mr. Creswick sustained the part of
Gennaro with his usual correctness and fire, although
suffering from a severe attack of bronchitis, f..r which an
apology was made to the house in the course of the
evening. Without dwelling further upon the dramatic
power or the thrilling pathos which this gifted lady
evinced last night in her debut before a London audience,
we can but repeat, we are of opinion, that Miss Goddard
will achieve for herself, that which she clearly merits, a
lasting and prominent position upon our national stage.

MARKET NEV9:3.—(This Day.)

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS. --(YESTERDAY.)

In consequence of the announcement that Lord
Derby would this evening make a statement to the
house relative to his future policy, the avenues leading
to the House of Lords were crowded at an early
hour, and this otherwise desolate part of the
gorgeous building presented signs i,f of
an unusual character. The vestibule leading to
the house was densely crowded long before
4 o'clock by persons anxiously waiting for aimission to
the strangers' gallery—a small space, scarcely large
enough to hold 50 persons. A number of elegantly
dressed ladies, members of the families of distin-
guished peers, took their seats in the ladies'
gallery long before 5 o'clock. The portiens of the house
allotted to members of the lower house were crowded to
excess. Mr. Dallas, the American Minister, was present,
and occupied a seat in the ladies' gallery.
The space in front of the throne was crowded by
members of the lower house, and some peers and their
friends.

Lord Chelmsford (Sir Frederic Thesiger) arrived
at a quarter to five o'clock, and took his seat
on the woolsack, when he received the cordial congra-
tulations of his friends on both sides of the house on his
elevation to the distinguished office of Lord Chancellor.
Among the earliest arrivals of peers on the Opposition
side of the house, were Lord Granville, Lord Stanley of
Alderley, Marquis of Clanricarde, Earl Shaftesbury,
Lord Panmure, Marquis of Lansdowne, the Duke of
Newcastle, the Duke of A rgyll, Earl of Clarendon, and
Earl Grey.
Lord Wensleydale, Lord Redesdale, Lord Brougham,
and Lord Campbell also arrived at an early hour.
Oa the Ministerial side of the house, the Earl of
Hard wicke, Marquis Salisbury, and Lord Colchester
were amongst the earliest arrivals of those connected
with the new Government.

The atte❑dance of peers, on the whole, was much
less tha❑ might have been expected.

. --
Lord Derby entered the house at 10 minutes past 5
o'clock, carrying in his hand the official red boa. He
took hia seat in the centre of the Ministerial bench with-
out any manifestation of feeling. He was followed by
the Earl of Elenborough, the Earl of Malrnesbury, and
other members of his Cabinet.

Lord BROUGHAM addressed the house, observing
he should best consult the interest of the mouse by put-
tingaquestion to the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs relative to the Elave trade on the coast of Cuba. On
repeating his question, it was met with another
outburst of feeling, when his lordship, in the most
indignant manner, said that if it were repeated
a third time means would be taken to clear
the house of all but their lordships. He asked it the
annual returns about the slave trade would be ready
before Easter

The Earl of MALMESBITRY said he hoped they
would be ready by that time.

THE MANIFESTO OF THE NEW GOVERN.
MENT.

The Earl of DERBY then rose and said—l hope, my
lords, that in asking your permission on Friday evening
to postpone until this day the statement which constitu-
tional usage requires from those who fill the situation in
which I have now the honour to stand, I shall not have
been thought guilty of any disrespect to your lordships.
(Rear.) On the contrary, considering that during the
whole of last week I was engaged day and night in mak-
ing those personal arrangements which are necessary on
the formation of a new Government—a task which I had
not previously the slightest idea of being called on to un-
dertake—and that consequently I had not a single me.
ment for reflection on any matter not immediately con-
nected with those persoaal arrangements ; and consider.
ing, too, the great importance of the subject, I thought
it was more respectful to your lordships that, bavieg
only just acceded to office, and having only departed
from the presence of her Majesty at half-past 4 o'eock,
I should not come down here at 5 o'clock to lay befcre
your lor&hips what must necessarily, under the circum-
stances, have been a crude and imperfect statement.
(Rear, hear.) Believe me, my lords—and I say it with all
sincerity—l address your lordships from this place on
the present occasion with no feeling of triumph or exul-
tation. I am overwhelmed with the sense of my own
incompetency to perform duly the arduous task which
lies before me. lam overwhelmed with the sense of the
magnitude of the difficulties which I must encounter,
and of the questions with which I have to deal; but my
satisfaction, my consolation, in feeling myself so unable
to deal adequately with those great questions is, that
indulgence will be extended by your lordships and by
the country to one who, having been called suddenly to
office by the favour of his Sovereign, has certainly sought
for it by no unworthy means, and by no underhand
intrigues. (Loud cheers.) Before proceeding to enter
upon public questions, 1 believe it will be proper that
I should remind your lordships of the course of events
which have placed me in my present position.
Your lordahips will all remember that last Friday
se'nnight a vote of the House of Commons taken in a full
}loose resulted in a majority of 19 against the then
Government upon a motion which, in point of fact, in-
volved a vote, if not of censure, at least of disapproval
of the course which had been pursued by the Govern•
went upon a matter of great importance. Into the
substance of that motion I will net at present enter,
though it will be my duty so to do before sitting down ;
but 1 rejoice to think, my lords, that, although that
majority was composed of parties certainly not u-ually
iu the habit of acting together in concert, but entertain-
ing different opinions upon most suitjects, I have not
heard from any quarter upon the present occa,icn any of
those taunts of combination and coalition which were so
freely poured forth upon a similar occasion last year.
(Hear.) For myself, I must confess that I never was
taken more by curpr,se tan by the vote of Friday week.
and for those with whom I have the honour of acting I
can only say that there was not the smallest step taken
for the purpose even of securing attendance, or for
inviting a single member to remain in his place. (Hear.)
Toe Government having been thus placed in a minority
of 19 acted in accordance with constitutional usages in
at once tendering their resienaeione to her Majesty, and
her Majesty, as I understand, at once accepted those
resignations. I believe that the noble viscount lately at
the head of the Government was with her Majesty at 5
o'clock on the Saturday, and in the course of that
evening her Majesty did Inc the honour of summoning
me to her presence. With her Majesty's gracious per-
mission I will venture to state what took place during
thet interview. Her Majesty having been pleased to
inform me that she had accepted the resignation of Ler
late servants called upon me for my advice as
to the course which she ought to pursue, and asked
me whether, looking to the circumstances of the
case, I was willing to undertake the responsibility of
forming an Administration. In reply to that gracious
intimation, I took the liberty of requesting her Majesty
not to press for an answer to her question on that
day, and I then proceeded to lay before her Majesty as
fully and clearly as I could, without partiality and with-
out any bias, what I conceived to be the state of political
parties in the House of Commons—an element in the
question which I thought her Majesty ought to have
clearly presented to her. I entreated her Majesty to
take till the following day to consider whether she would
think it expedient to call me to her councils, and I stated
that if upon reflection she should at 11 continue of that
opinion my sense of public, duty would render it impera-
tive on me to attempt to execute the task which she was
pleased to intrust to me. (Cheers.) But at the same
time I felt bound to add, that if upon full consideration
her Majesty should be of opinion that any other person
would be better qualified to form a sound and stab le
Government for the country, she should not for a single
moment consider my position, feelinge, or interest, but
take the course which upon reflection she should deem
most advantageous for the country. (Cheers.) On the
following lamming I had the honour of receiving a note
from her Majesty, informing roe that further reflection
had fully confirmed her in wishing me to accept office,
and I felt then that I had no course to pursue but hum-
bly to submit myself to her Majesty's pleasure. (Hear,
hear ) It may be said that in taking that course I acted
with precipitation and rashness, but I venture humbly
to think that I was called on to act as I did by every
sentiment of loyalty and public duty. (Cheers.) Having
taken upon myself the responsibility of forming an Admi-
nistration, my next care was to endeavour so to form it
as to secure the largest portion of Parliamentary support.
My lords, I do not share in the opinion which vas
expressed some three years ago by a noble earl now in
his place, that the state of parties in this country was
such that any combination might reasonably Le expected
and that- the leafers of all the great political parties
might sit harmoniously is the same Cabinet. I do
not go as far as that, but it is undoubtedly true
that, as compared with former periods of our hhiee-
tory, the line of separation between parties in the
State is much less sharply and distir alp drawn . n
it used to be. (Hear.) Parliament and publdiciroiprenp
y,
which Parliament represents, are no longer
formerly
the broad lines of demarcation to which we were
numf
bers
01 f
accustomed, but they are separated by vast
ystrictly to
small gradations which it is scarcely p 0_ eas;
eb I e.
b so many
define. Persons call themselves nvaottylvaeds,
Llberal-different names—Tories, Conservatives,
Radicals ; and such
Con-
servatives, Whigs, Liberal!,na
between some cf these
are the niceties of distinction
names that I believ_totuhseereofroecneorninalcoonnes,idaenrdahpleernbearmpsbienr
of members in,thh
oeuse too, who find it difficult to say
your loriships
with which of all these they have the closest sympathy.
The state of parties is very like the distinc-
tines of the various laugh.) The
• grades of rank in society at large.
There is a broad interval between the highest and the
lowest, but the gradation by which one welts int• the
other is so imperceptible that it is difficult with regard
to social rank and to political parties in the State to ray
precisely where one commences and another ends. But
I did think that, desiring to form a Government upc n a
basis which should be Conservative in the truest stn e
of the word, but at the same titre not indisposed to
measures of progressive improvement, I might hope to
obtain the assistance of those eminent persons who, not
belonging to the Government which we have succeeded,
shared to such a degree the opinions of the Conservative
party that they might not be deemed guilty of arty in-
consistency in associating themselves with me in the
difficult task which I had undertaken. Thus thinking,
I applied to a right hon. gentleman and to two noble
lords, members of your lordships' house, who I conceived
might tot be indisposed to render me their assistance
in framing such a Government as I have described.
They did not, however, deem it consistent with their
position to afford me such aid. I cannot, of course,
find the smallest fault with their decision, but
Although I must undoubtedly regret that I have

Iheee deprived of tee heleenti of their assistance, I ear.
not regret that I made such an offer. Having, there.
fore, been thrown entirely upon the resources of those
with whom I was more immediately and intimately
, connected, I proceeded to select swell gentlemen a 3 I
thought best qualified to fill public places with honour to
s the country and with credit to themselves. My !olds,
in changes of this description—and more pertieulerly
when such changes take place during a seetien of Pailia.
men', arid still more at an eatly perici of the session—
there are always inevitable evils to be encountered. in
the first place, at such an important period of the session
public business is very inconveniently interrupted fr ere
the necessity of new elections is the case of many Illfilil*
berm of the House of Commons who may have accepted
office. In the next place, seems considerable time n net
elapse before those who are appointed to high offing
have the opportunity of making themselves masters of
the variose details of the departments to which they are
called, and of taking up the thread of the tangled Pl:e ia
which may have been left by their predeceseore. more
especially is this the case with respect to a most import.
ant department—that of Foreign Affairs, over which
my noble friend opposite (Lord Clarendon) has presided
so admirably. In some cases, as my noble friend well
knows, negotiations and discussions have been pending
for a series of years, with the whole details of which the
wawa who succeeds to office must be familiar in order
to take them up with advantage. The case is the same
with regard to other departments. I understand that
my noble friend opposite the late President of the Coun-
cil (Earl Granville) said the other night that he thought
it very desirable that a period of three days should be
allowed to her Majesty's Government, in order that they
might make themselves masters of the business of their.
respective departments, and give the house an intimation
of the policy which they intended to pursue. If the
noble earl made use of those sxpressione, I must say
that I certainly cannot pretend to such a speedy acqui-
sition of knowledge or such rapidity of execution as may
characterise my noble friend—(a laugh)—and I must
frankly say that at this moment I possess a very impere
feet account of what has taken place in the different
departments, and of the state in which they were found
by the present Government. But, my lards,
knowing the vast drain which there must have been
upon cur miiita:y resources in consequence of the tine
fortunate war in India, and fearing what might have
been the result of that unusual demand upon the re.
sources of this country, which undoubtedly never ere.
tended to he a first-rats military Power, I did feel great
anxiety to ascertain what was the state of the numerical
force of the army and the condition of the War Depart-
ment ; and I should do an act of great injustice to the
noble baron opposite (Lord Pannsure) and to the
illustrious Duke (the Dake of Cambridge) the Com-
mender-in-Chief if I did not say that it has not only
afforded me thegreatest satisfaction, but also the greatest
surprise and pleasure, to find, after all the drain that
has taken place, how respectable a numerical force is
still in hand within the limits of the United Kingdom.
(Loud cheering.) I recollect the state of affairs when I
took (lace in 1852, and in contrasting the numerical
strength of the army—and I may probably add its
efficiency—in 1858, notwithstanding all the demands
that have been roads upoa our forces, with what it was
in 1852, I say, in the first place, that it affords me as
agreeable surprise to find the amount of military ardour
and of readiness to enter the service exhibited among :he
population of this country, and I must add that the
change which has taken place within the past six years
reflects the greatest credit upon the Governments which.
have held office during that period. (Cheers.) Sol ng
as the unfortunate war in India continues there must,
no doubt, be a heavy drain upon the military resources
of this country ; but I trust, my lords, although muck
remains to be done—although our labours are not yet
drawing to a close—that we are beginning to see a
favourable turn of events, and that the cperations of Sir
Colin Campbell, following upon those of the galled,
officers who preceded hiss, have already struck ter, or
into the great body of the insurgents. Mach unefues.
tione,bly remains to be done ; and I do not entertain
for a moment any doubt that the continued exist.•
tions of the gallant troops of her Majesty, aided
by the cordial support of the people of this coun-
try, will, at no distant period, put down the
formidable insurrection which has lately raced
and which still rages, in some parts cf India, and that
her Majesty's Government will then have leisure, both
here and in India, to apply themselves to the far more
agreeable task of the pacification and reorganisation of
that vast portion of her Majesty's dominions. The ac-
counts which we have received within the last day or two
from the coast of China lead us to expect that the unfor-
tunate war in that country—if, indeed, it is to be called
a war—at all events, that the unfortunate operations in
that country will be brought to a ppsedy termination.
Those operations, undoubtedly, are not unfortunate in
their conclusion, so far as we have arrived at a conclu-
sion ; but I cannot but entertain the same opinion as I
formerly expressed—namely, that the war was entered
into unadvisedly and upon insufficient ground. I never
denied, and do not now deny, that we had ample cause
of complaint against, and of quarrel with, the Chinos.
authorities ; and, as we have taken the course of em-
ployiug military force to bring the Chinese to eubrals-
sion, I cannot but cordially rejoice at the ruceess which
has hitherto attended her Majesty's arms. The best
result of that success, however, I conceive will be, that
it will give us the opportunity—standing in sac's a
position towards China—of concluding with the least
possible delay a safe and honourable peace—(cheers)--
and will enable us to resume the benefits nod advantages
of that commercial intercourse for which alone it can be
of the slightest advantage to us to maintain any commie.
nication whatever with such a country. The idea of
territorial aggr:ssion, and of acquisition of power, the
idea of doing more than obtaining adequate security for
carrying on freely peaceful commerce will, I trust, never
enter the head of any Minister who conducts the affairs
of this empire. (Cheers.) I now approach a most
important portion of the statement which I have to
submit to your lordships, but with ono exception I may
deal with it in very general terms. I trust, my lords,
that in conducting the foreign policy of this coma•
try our aim will be to maintain friendly relations
with all Powers, great and small, with which
we are brought into contact. I trust we shall main-
tain those relations without adopting either a tons of
haughty intimidation or a tone of servile submissioa
towards any government. I hope that we shall carry ors
intercourse frankly and unreservedly with foreign
Powers ; that we shall carefully abstain from any inter.
ference whatever with the purely domestic affairs of :any
of them ; and that if, in any instance, a cause of differ-
ence should arise, we shall in public, as we should is
private, life, seek the first opportunity of arranging such
differences by means of frank and unreserved but arnica.
ble communications. My lords, if there should still
remain, from that conflict in which several important
Powers were engaeed some years since, any animosity
between ourselves and that great empire with which we
were at war, I trust such a foe'ing may rapidly and en.
tirely subside, and that our relations with that Pe wer
may speedily resuine—if, indeed, they have not already
resumed—the friendship and cordiality by which they
were formerly marked. I hope, however, I shall not be
regarded as unduly depreciating the value of our alliance
with any country if I here express my firm conviction
that it there be one country with which, wore than an-
other, it is necessary for cur mutual welfare and for the
advantage of the world that we should maintain a per-
Imaneut good understanding, that country is our nearest
and most powerful neighbcur—the great empire of
France. (Loud cheers.) The geographical position of
the two countries, the facility and constancy of inter.
course between their populations, their force respectively
at sea and on land, render their harmonious union almost
a pledge and guarantee for the peace of the world, while
those circumstances also render quarrel or coolness be.
tween the two powers a matter of danger which may
involve alarming consequences to the world at large. My
lords, for France this country can have but one desire,
—that, remaining upon friendly terms with us, she
should have within herself all the means of coetentment,
wealth, and prosperity. There is no country in the
world blessed with greater natural advantages, none
more fortunate in position and in climate ; and if
there be one thing which is alone sufficient to make
• her and to keep her great, powerful, mighty, and
happy, it is the absence within her own bosom of poli-
tical convulsions. With regard to foreign countries, the
peculiar form of government which best suits the
people is, if not n matter of indifference to ue, at all
events one into which we have no cause or right to
inquire. Be it a limited monarchy, be it a republic, be
it au empire, that Government is best for France which
best suits the disposition, the habits, and the affection.
of the people ; but, whatever be the government, it is
of vast importance to France, and it is hardly of secon-
dary importance to Europe, that the government should
I not be liable to perpetual change, but should enjoy 4
condition of permanence and stability. My lords, to.
wards s the maintenance of such permanence and stability
I believe the life of that remarkable roan who, elected
by the voice of the French people, now presides over the
destinies of that country is of great and paramount
importance. I will not go so far as to say that civil
commotion and disturbance would inevitably follow upon
any fatal attempt upon the life of his Imperial Majesty.
But this I do say, that his abseece from the helm of the
State would at this present time seriously endanger th.
new-born tranquillity which that country now enjoys,
and which for the last six years it has enjoyed under his
Government. Therefore, my lords, it was with a feeling
as if all mankind had escaped a great danger—as if
Europe was freed from an imminent peril by the special
interposition of Providence—that the news was received
of the late escape of his Imperial Majesty from a foul
and murderous design. (Hear, bear.) I need not roma
to your lordships the circumstances under which that
dastardly attempt took place. Those circumstances
must have made too strong an impression on your minds
to require any such recital. Suffice it, my lords, to say
that there was not one single attribute of aggravation
by which a parallel atrocity could be attended that
was not present in the details of this horrible crime.
(Hear, hear.) It was not only that by the baeeet
insane a highly important lire was aimed at, but
w
if you look at the titue and the place in hich
the attempt was made—viz., when hie Majesty was
proceeding to the opera-hoase and bad arrived at the
door of the theatre in one of the most crowded streets
of Paris, surrounded by loyal subjects waiting to recoive
their Emperor with acclamation and enthusiasm,—
ebove all, when at his side was the Imperial partner of
his throne, exposed as a wife, as a woman, and as
Empress to all the dangers which threatened her august.
consort, you will see, my lords, that no circumstanFe
aggravation was wanting to deepen the guilt of thoseae
who, under such circumstances, committedtmles
I perial Ma.
act of throwing under the carriage
jracter. (Hear, hear.) The hand of of Franco ; but
esty weapons of the meet formiAdanobflfebrifleirleC,lvrd-eeardcil, Cwhaa;
visible in watching over the destin
much calamity
was
l'Etecmh alnarm was excited
much innocent blood was she
caused to the eopl ofcory. The effect, my lords,
throughout thpe entire
___,m iti toppy
failure 'was thht
of Ana AtA attewPt sad