The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-11 00:00:00

IV.zI7IONAL REFORM UNION.

YeAerday a meeting convened by the National
Reform Union was held at the Westminster Palace
_Hotel to receive a deputation from Manchester, and
to consider the propriety of bolding, as soon as pos-
sible, public meetings in London on the present po-
sition of the question of Reform in Parliament.
There was rather a full attendance, and among
those present were Mr. S. Morley, Mr. Stansfeld,
M.P., Mr. C.. Gilpin, M.P., Mr. P. A.Taylor, M.P.,
Mr. Ayrton, M.P., Mr. E. Beales, Mr. G. Potter,
Mr. T. M. Jones, Mr. S. Pope, Sir H. Hoare, Mr.
Deputy Reed, and the following gentlemen who
formed the deputation :—Messrs. W. Warburton,
Walters, and Torr.
The chair wis t tken by Mr. Monr.Fer, who said
that the object of calling the meeting was to see
whether it was not possible to bring together the
middle and working classes in order that they might
unite their energies to obtain a real and substantial
measure of reform. He feared they were at present
hi a position of extreme danger, and that it was in-
cumbent on all true Reformers to exert themselves
so that they might insure such a bill as should put
an end for some years to come to all further agita-
tion on the subject. His conviction was, that if the
bill before Parliament should be passed in its pre-
sent shape, it would be the duty of -all earnest Re-
formers to begin a fresh agitation. He deprecated
introducing the elements of discord among Re-
formers, and he lamented beyond expression the
course which had been taken by certain persons to-
wards Mr. Gladstone. It must never be forgotten
that the present house of Parliament was not elected
on the principle of Reform, but on what he might
call a Palmerstonian principle. The two things were
totally antagonistic. With regard to the decision
to which the house came last night, it would have
the effect of handing over the great mass of the
electors to the entire control of the landlords, and
they would find men holding a-moneyed power over
the tenants which would enable them to drive the
people to the poll like sheep to the fold ; therefore it
behoved all the true friends of Reform not to accept
the-division of last night as by any means settling
the question. What, therefore, the present meeting
had to consider was whether they ought not to call
further public meetings to renew their demands.
He wished it, however, to be distinctly understood
that, although he admired the energy and zeal which
Mr. Beales had displayed, and although he acknow-
ledged that the people had conducted themselves
most magnificently in their late proceedings, yet he
could not cmicur in the extreme issues at which that
gentleman and those whom he counselled were
anxious to arrive. lie was not an advocate of man-
hood suffrage. But this did not make him the less
anxious to bring about a co-operation between the
middle and the working classes, so that they might
endeavour to retrieve the Reformers from the
humiliating position in which they had been placed
by, he feared, the conduct of some of their friends.
Indeed, he was intimately acquainted with some of
them whose constituents he had no doubt would
have a reckoning with them before long. As to the
effect that would be produced by the present mea-
sure, he did not think the number of electors would ,
in any degree be increased proportionately to what
justice and equity demanded. He had never been
able to reach a higher figure th.an from one to two
hundred thousand additional voters—a contemptible
number in comparison with the vast population who
were as yet unenfranchised. The basis of represen-
tation ought to be much more greatly enlarged, and
to further this object he hoped some proposition
would be made to bring about several large public
meetings where the subject might be fully discussed.
Mr. P. A.Tamort, M.P., said, as a member of
the Manchester Union, he begged to offer one or two
remarks. He considered that the working classes
had done their duty in regard to the agitation of
the question of Reform with activity and modera-
tion, but the middle classes had been very remiss.
It was this which had produced the false position
in which the Reform party at present stood. There
was no agitation in this country for manhood suf-
frage. The middle classes were timid and fearful,
and hence there had not been any practical point on
which the two classes could agree. There should
be some distinct p)iut for all alike to aim at, and
they should not content themselves with the vague
and general phrase of "Reform." As a member
of the League he believed that the people would at
present be prepared to accept household suffrage,
not as a final measure, but as a step in the right
direction. The moment Mr. Disraeli named house-
hold suffrage two mistakes were made by Mr. Glad-
stone, because he ought to have known that the
people would not rally round a £5 rating, although
they could be rallied round household suffrage. He
was one of the tea party—that was to say, he was
one of those who saw it was impossible to vote for a
£5 franchise in opposition to the proposal made by
Mr. Disraeli. These mistakes had for the present
rent the Reform party asunder, but there existed a
nucleus from which they might be made to adhere
together as soon as Mr. Gladstone could be induced
to raise a standakd around which both the middle
and working classes might rally.
Mr. WARBURTON sail the object of the deputa-
tion in coming to London was neither to justify nor
to condemn Mr. Gladstone. The National Union
of Manchester a lvocated household suffrage pure
and simple and a lodger franchise. Mr. George
Wilson was at the head of the union. They had.
long felt that there was a large area in London
not occupied by the Reform League Association,"
and the object of the Manchester Union was to
corns to Landon and hold large meetings at the
Covent-garden and Drury-lane Theatres, where
such a co-operation between all classes of Re-
form irs as the chairman had described might be
brought about. £50,000 had been raised for the
purpose, £l,OOO of which had been contributed by
the chairman, and the prelent conference had been
sought with a view to assist in effecting the common
object of all Reformers. They were anxious to
avoid coming into collision with any other body of
men, desiring only to supplement what might be
wanting in the operations of others. .
Mr. TORR (a deputy) said the National Union
were not doctrinaires nor philosophers, but practical
men. Abstract rights and theories were fit subjects
for the closet, and were not suited for th,3 arena of
the world. They felt that if they were to do any good
they must adopt a practical programme, which was
household suffrage and a lodger franchise, and wit he
out expecting at present to merge their Unfon with
the League, they still invited the co-operation of
the League for the attainment of those two im-
portant measures cf Reform.
Mr. Wacrerts said the redistribution of seats was
a vital question, for, however low the- franchise
might be brought down, unless that redistribution
were made upon a sound principle, the measure of
Reform would only be half completed.
Sir R. Hoare, Mr. Dresser Rogers, and Mr. S.
Pope having briefly addressed the meeting,

Mr. BEALES asked whether any notics had been
given to the working classes of its being intended to
hold that meeting.

The CHAIRMAN said he thought not, but upwards.
of 690 notices had been issued to Reformers.
Mr. BEALES said he should have been glad if
there had, because it was a qu stion which materially
affected the working classes. If the National union
thought that by calling meetings in London and con-
fining themselves to the advocacy of household suf-
frage they would attain their object, he begged to
tell them they would be greatly disappointed. Ile
wished the working men were present, for he, on
their part, could not give his consent to the pro-
gramme without first having it before them. It
was admitted by the chairman that the middle
ci saes 1141 not given their support to manhood
suffrage.

The CHAIRMAN said the middle classes had not
yet been heard upon that point, and writhe wished
was to give them an opportunity to speak out their
thoughts upon the subject.
Mr. BEALES replied that they hadVenty of oppor-
tunities for doing so during the last two years. The
programme of the Reform Leagae, it was well
known, was not.aceeptable to the great body of
the London Reformers. He denied that the pro-
gramme of the Union was more practicable than
that of the League. On the contrary, he considered
manhood suffrage to In wore practicable than house-

hold suffrage. All the intricacies and perplexities
in which they were involved in carrying out a house-
hold suffrage would have been avoided by adopting
what they called the abstract principle of manhood
suffrage. In conclusion, he called upon the Na-
tional Reform Union not to put themselves, either
directly or indirectly, at variance with the Reform
League, which had done so much for Reform. If
they purposed to hold meetings upon the basis of
the National Reform Union, in opposition to the
National Reform League, they would do one of
the most suicidal acts that could be possibly at-
tempted.
The CHAIRMAN said, with every feeling of re-
spect to Mr. Beales, he must decline delaying their
proceedings until the League had determined what
to do.

Mr. WARBURTON said that the Reform League
and the Reform Union of Manchester had united to
carry out a great demonstration. They entertained
no such feelings towards each other as Air. Beales
had expressed, bJcause they felt that there was
plenty of room for all parties.

Mr. AYRTON thought it was a misfortune that in
the city of London there should not have been any
expression of opinion of those classes connected
with its wealth, intelligence, and industry as to the
most suitable mode of acting for those who were at
presented excluded from the franchise. The Go-
vernment were left to deal with the question as best
they could ; while it often happened that it got into
the hands of a small party in the house, who fell
into errors on the subject. They were now exactly
at the point of divergence, where, if the Govern-
ment could be induced to move in a certain direc-
tion, everything might be achieved that was desir-
able. What was done in the House of Commons last
night was irrevocable. He did not consider that any
mischief was done on that occasion, the mischief was
come to by the after measures, such as the payment
of rates and the entering the names of the house-
holders on the rate book, and determining that no
man should have the franchise unless under such
conditions as they all knew were impracticable. If,
therefore, those persons who were Reformers, and
who understood these matters, would express their
opinions upon them, the Government might be in-
duced to reconsider their further proposals, and
thereby prevent laying the ground of a new agita-
tion throughout the country. The hon. gentleman
then moved the following resolution :
" That this meeting, having heard the statement
of the deputation from the Manchester National
Reform Union, pledges itself to aid in holding meet-
ings, and otherwise affording opportunities for the
public expression of opinion in favour of a just and
comprehensive measure of Parliamentary Reform,
embracing the principle of household suffrage and
a liberal lodger franchise, by those sections of the
inhabitants of the metropolis which have not hi-
therto generally pronounced on this important
subject."
The resolution was seconded byMr. Deputy REED,
and after a short discussion it was unanimously
adopted.
A sub-committee for carrying the resolution into
effect was then appointed, and the meeting broke up.

IKELAND.

DUBLIN, May 10.

The Dublin Special Commission has been sitting
a fortnight. Notwithstanding the tedious formali-
ties with which the law of high treason encumbers
the procedure considerable progress has been mide.
The insurrection in the county of Dublin was so
paltry an affair that it could furnish but few pri-
soners worthy of such a tribunal. There was not a
single leader of note who actually took part in the
rising. Burke, the principal Convict, performed his
exploits of Fenian generalship in the county Tippe-
rary. His companions fled at the first alarm that
the soldiers were coming, and he dropped from his
horse, and was found in a ditch. Doran was one
of those who attacked the police barracks and dis-
armed the constabulary near Dublin; but none who
saw him in the dock could believe that he was
man of mark, even among the most miserable rabble
of insurgents that ever alarmed a community.
n'Afferty had attained some distinction in the con-
spiracy ; but he was arreste I before the rising i❑
the county of Dublin, and therefore could have
taken no part in it, whatever his intentions might
have been.. There are, indeed, several important
cases of high treason or treason-felony still to be•
disposed of ; but the prisoners are not ready for
their trials. Under these circumstances, what wits
to be done with the crowd of wretched dupes—the
tailors, weavers, and shoemakers—who went out
armed to Tallaght-hill, according to their Fenian
vows, from which many of them would be glad to
get free ? They fired one round at the police in the
dark, but hit nobody, and when the fire was re-
turned they were scattered in all directions i❑ wild
panic, dropping their arms on the road, and hiding
in the ditches. The bulk of the remaining prisoners
are those frost-bitten fugitives who were picked up
on the highway and in the fields, more dead than
alive from fright, cold, and hunger. To try such
poor creatures for high treason would be to degrade
the most solemn forms of justice. The Crown, there-
fore, with the full approval of the Judges, have re-
solved to try those prisoners under the Whiteboy
Act for the offence of assembling in arms. Indeed,
it would be absurd to pursue any other course,
although the charge really amounts to high treason.
Accordingly, when the Court opened yesterday
morning, James K. Carolan, Edward Mitchell, and
Cornelius Mathews were first put forward, and
indicted for illegal assembling in the directio►t of
Tallaght on the night of the sth of March, and for
unlawful carrying of arms in a proclaimed district,
to the terror of her Majesty's peaceable and loyal
subjects.

Mr. Longueld stated the.case for the Crown, and
witnesses repeated the evidence about the rising
which has been so often before the Court, varied by
incidents connected with the arrests of the prisoners
and their identification. For example, Constable
Cusack deposed that he arrested 60 prisoners, all
armed, one of wh ml told him that if he had known
he was going to be arrested, he would have made
witness smell the contents of his revolver.

The prisoners were defended by Mr. Butt and
Mr. Heron. Mr. Murphy, (IC., addressed the
jury on behalf of the Crown.
Mr. Justice Fitzgerald briefly charged the jury,
and at 20 minutes past 1 o'clock, after five minutes'
consultation, the jury brought in a verdict of
guilty against all the prisoners.

John Sheridan and Edward Fitzpatrick werenext
placed at the bar, charged with a similar offence.
They were mere youths. Messrs. Heron and Curran
having spoken in their defence, Baron Deasy ad-
dressed the jury, who retired to consider their ver-
dict at 10 minutes too o'clock. In about •10 minutes
they returned, finding both . the prisoners guilty.
Immediately after they were put forward to receive
the sentence of the Court— James K. Carolan, 18
calendar months' imprisonment with hard labour ;
Edward Mitchell and Cornelius Mathews, 12 ca-
lendar months' imprisonment with
.hard labour ;
John Sheridan, three months' iwprisontacnt• with
hard labour ; Edward Fitzpatrick, 12 months' im-
prisonment with hard labour.

Edward M'Caffrey and John Watson pleaded
guilty to an indictment under the Whiteboy Act.
John Mulcahy also pleaded guilty.
When sentence was pronounced on Fitzpatrick by
Baron Deasy, he said, " With the help of God I will
be as great a rebel as ever. That will not deter me."
Michael Cody has been committed for trial at the
Special Commission on the charge of shooting at a
polimman with intent to do grievous bodily harm;
The Cork Examiner is justly indignAnt at the re-
ported offer of the Governorship of Labuanto Mr.
Pope-Hennessey, declaring that " It would be cut-
ting blocks with a razor to banish a man of the
varied gifts of Mr. Hennessy to a remote and savage
domain like this, when it is remembered what faith-
ful and brilliant service he did during seven years
to the Conservative party, while they were in the
cold shade of Opposition. It would seem the gros-
sest ingratitude to discharge his claim in this way.
At the time when be gave his fealty to the party
talent was scarcely to be found in its ranks, and
certainly for the skirmishes of debate they were able
to show no equal to him. The services he then ren-
dered might fairly be expected to save =lied sme-

thing like a corresponding reward. This is especi-
ally the case when we remember the way luck fell
in showers on the present Government. Since they
got into office it has seemed to rain appointments.
Nor was the stream composed of unconsidered trifles,
but of the very richest and most tempting that lie in
the gift of a Government. Out of these could they
have found nothing for a man like Mr. Hennessy,
save a place such as might be counted in the patron-
age of a member of Parliament ?"

The Irish limes also disapproves the appointment,
and says :—" Until we see the announcement in the
usual authorised shape, we can scarcely believe that
a gentleman whose parliamentary career has been so
distinguished, and who has been universally regarded
as one of the most promising among the younger
members of the Conservative party, should be
offered by hie political friends the governorship
of a tropical colony so insignificant that many had
to look to a gazeteer in order to discover in what
part of the world it lay."

Spir.t of the American Press.

OUR FIRST DEPENDENCY.

Senator Ferry said, in objecting to the purchase
of Russian America, that by it we enter on a new
era and add to the idea of the unity of the republic
that of the value of our dependencies. This is the
true view of the case. For a long time to come at
least, Russian America must be a dependency, an
outlying province, to be governed as such, and to
have no representation in Congress. After we have
purchased or " re-annexed" the Canadas also, and
assimilated them by a sufficient infusion of Yankee
blood, we may begin to think about another tier of
States across the continent north of the great lakes.
Every Yankee looks upon the final absorption of
the whole North American continent, and its union
into one grand Republic of States as " manifest
destiny." It would be as difficult to fix the date of
this consummation in advance as of " the good
time coming ;" nevertheless it is one of the items
of the general American faith. We do not want
Cuba till slavery is abolished, and it has made
some advance towards civilisation ; nor Mexico
till her people have been disciplined by war and
suffering into some proper capacity for self-govern-
ment and obedience to law, but there are some
centuries ahead 'yet, in spite of the impatience
of the Adventists, and we can afford to wait for the
ripening process of events. General Grant is re-
ported to be decidedly against the Russian pur-
chase. He thinks the price too great, that we are
not in a financial condition to make any needless
purchases just now, and that we have plenty of
barbarians to manage without taking in any more.
There is weight in all these considerations, but they
were overpowered in the minds of Senators by the
idea of acting for the future and the importance of
being able to gain control of so long a stretch of
Pacific coast, with its many fine harbours and its
wealth of valuable timber. The fact that England
wants the territory, and will buy it if we decline
the offer, of course had no small influence. The
report that several Senators spoke against the pur-
chase and then voted for it is contradicted, and
there is no reason to suppose that improper in-
fluences were brought to bear upon any Senator.
Certainly we must credit Mr. Sumner with sincere
and patriotic action in the matter, and he made
the ablest speech in its favour. Party considera-
tions may have had some influence. Indeed Senator
satrtreeojneto:htatthiet
earoerfduNi
anee:tauhdei: Nevada,
ouenpr, urged
lei
Republican
upon
eparty the
Nye,pwroo uffi
theSteon
pas-
sion of our people for territorial aggrandize-
ment, and that it would make very little difference
with the people whether the domain is worth having
or not—it is so many square miles of this continent,
of which we mean ultimately to be the
sole pro-
prietors. This, after all, was the prevailing and
sufficient argument. The growth of the United
States territorially has be,n very remarkable. Rus-
sian America is the fifth grand addition to our
domain, and our territory is now more than four
times as large as at the organisation of the Govern-
ment. Each successive addition has been objected
to on the ground that we already had too much
territory; but we have found use for it all, and
events have amply justified the wisdom and fore-
sight by which the various purchases have been
made. The Louisiana purchase from Napoleon in
1803 nearly doubled the area of the United States.
It cost us eleven millions and a quarter and certain
thaws of our own citizens against France, which
we have dishonestly neglected to pay. We bought
Florida of Spain in 1819 for five millions. --We
" re-annexed" Texas in 1845, and fought Mexico
for it afterwards, ;getting California and New
Mexico into the bargain. The territory at the
north-west, known then as Columbia and
,Oregon,
we obtained by treaty with Great Britain in
18-16, previous to which time it had been jointly
occupied and quarrelled over. Our last acquisi-
tion is Russian America. Opposition to the appro-
priation for completing the purchase will doubtless
be made in the House, but it is not likely to be
effectual. The right of the House to go beyond the
fact of the treaty and question its propriety has been
denied by most of our statesmen. To do it would
seem to be an invasion of the treaty making power,
confined to the Executive and Senate by the consti-
' tution. Mr. Benton maintained that the House
has the right to judge of treaties calling for appro-
priations to perfect them, but the weight of autho-
rity is against this view. President Washington,
in 1796, refused to furnish to the House information
called for in regard to the treaty with Great Britain,
where an appropriation of $90,000 was required to
carry it into effect, and after a warm debate the
House voted the appropriation without obtaining
the information sought. Doubtless we shall hare
a lively contest over the Russian appropriation, and
the result may be doubtful enough to add piquancy
to the debate. The question really involves a new
advance in our political development, and Congress
having asserted its dominance over the executive
and judicial departments of the Government, the
question in this case will be is the House dominant
over the Senate; Congress being the Government, is
the house Congress ?—Springfield Republican.

TIIE WORK BEFORE THE CONSTITUTIONAL

CONVENTION.

The three constitutions framed successively by
the people of New York have had such an important
influence upon the whole nation that we may rea-
sonably expect the action of the convention which
has just been elected, in case of its ratification by
the people, to have a like influence. Its delibera-
tions, therefore, will be of some interest to the
whole country, which has a right to expect from
New York an example of genuine reform. The
New York constitution of 1777 furnished the basis
of the Federal Constitution adopted in 1789 ;
while the adoption here in 1816 of an elective
judiciary, of \elections by single districts, and of a
system of decentralization, led many other States to
follow in the same path. The first duty of the con-
vention will be to secure to its members the amplest
freedom of discussion. Already some impatience
is expressed in certain quarters at the prospect of
much talk and a long session. Against such impa-
tienrte, however natural it may b., we would most
earnestly warn the convention. The subjects for
its consideration arc few, but each of them exceed-
ingly complex in its nature and bearings, as well as
momentous in importance. They have been
scarcely discussed at all in public ; and the
members of the convention will find within
two weeks from their assembling that not
twenty of them are of one mind upon any one
point, owing to the lack of that cAnparison of views
in public which enables parties to harmonise and
unite in support of definite policies. Thus, for
example, a majority of the delegates from the
interior are likely to be saisfiqd with the workings
of the elective judiciary system in their own neigh-
bourhood, while fully convinced of the evils pro-
duced by the some system in the city of New York.
The few Republican members from the southern
part of the State will feel more interest in the
abolition of the elective judiciary than in any other
question ; while the Democrats have nominated
some of their worst men for the purpose of secur—
ing the retention of that system at any cost. There
will thus be four or five sections iu the convention
upon this point, one desirous of the entire abolition
9r the elective system, another desirous Qf its ware

preservation, another wishing to abolish it in the
cities, while retaining it in the country, another
proposing to elect judges by the whole State instead
of by districts, and still others of different views.
Many days of earnest argument will be needed to
develope out of such conflicting ideas a theory which
will commanAhe necessary assent of the people.
Discussion, then, of the fullest and freest nature, is the
first necessity of the convention. In the next place,
courage is imperatively required. The convention
meets in the midst of gigantic evils. There is no
doubt in the minds of well-informed men that our
legislators are bought and sold like cattle, that our
public prosecutors are habitually bought off or
menaced off the line of duty, that our gaols are hot-
beds of crime, and that a large number of inferior
judicial officers, with several judges of high rank,
are more vile 'than the thieves whom they sentence.
Yet no one dares to attack these plunderers openly,
or to say in public a tithe of what he knows. The
convention, in order to command popular support
for the radical reforms which it will desire to effect,
ought to search out these iniquities. It will have
plenty of members who can expose them if they will,
and a few who have both the ability and the dis-
position to do so, if encouraged by their associates.
But the danger is that timid counsels will keep these
to speak in such
nen
euphuisticssilent,
language u ag e persuade
as to
le them
the public mind. If the legal members from the
ave no impression upon
cities of New York and Brooklyn would only tell iu
plain words half that they know of the frightful cor-
ruptions that prevail there, we should have no doubt
of the result, either in the convention or upon the
popular vote. There are abundant indications of a de-
sign on the part of the railroad and canal inte-
rests to break down all the barriers interposed by
the present constitution to the creation of debt
and to schemes- for squandering public property.
It is to be hoped that all such efforts will be re-
stricted to the last. The restrictions of the con-
stitution of 1846 upon the creation of public debt,
upon the loan of the public credit, and upon all
measures expending the funds of the State upon
private or local objects, need tightening rather than
relaxing. The provision making revocable all
grants to corporations should be extended to grants
of every kind, so as to prevent the repetition of
the disgraceful trick by which valuable franchises
have been given away by irrepealable acts to groups
of individuals, who immediately afterward organised
themselves-into corporations. But these very men
are strongly represented in the convention, and
will, we fear, be able to defeat this just and neces-
sary amendment. The local nominations have,
upon the whole, been of such a character as to
give us more hope of a good result from the labours
of the convention than we felt immediately after
the nominations had been made for the State at
large. There will be many able, experienced, and
honest men in the convention ; and if they will but
bring courage, patience, and perseverance to their
work, we believe that the new constitution nay dis-
appoint the enemies of reform and prove a triumph-
ant success.—The Nation.