The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-03 00:00:00

r UN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENfrG, JUNE 3, 15 8.

i m portant questions at issue, in which 150,000,000
of our fellow-subjects were deeply interested, that
would be excluded, while the really bankrupt
spendthrifts would be eligible;provided they were
prepared to make a ridiculously false and un-
founded declaration. A gentleman perfectly in-
dependent from the possession of high professional
attainments, or an eminent commercial man might
be set aside, although paying Income-tax on
large amount, while a blockhead, having neither
!,rains nor property, would be unexceptionable,
provided he had a sufficient amount of reckles3

flendacity.
It is time that these legal fictions should be
abolished. The privilege belongs not to the
elected, but to the electors. They have a con-
stitutional right to confer a seat in the popular
branch of the Legislature on any man whose
views on political topics agree with their own, and
whom they consider capable of adequately repre-
,euting their wants and wishes. It is the consti-
uencies, not the individuals, who are wronged by
the exclusion of the objects of their choice. The
natter is also obviously unfair in making a dis-
• inction between income and property which is not
recognised by the collectors of taxes.
The majority of yesterday is decisive so far as
the House of Commons is concerned. But many
isk what will be the course adopted by the
Upper House ? We venture to predict that there
will be no interference by Peers, with a matter
-xclusively relating to the constitution of the
co-ordinal() branch of the Legislature, and solely
concerning the House of Commons. Their
Lordships are in no degree interested. The
son of a Peer is exempted from the ope-
ration of the law, so are those of county
members. The representatives of the Universi-
ties avoid the pitfall, and those of Scotland
laugh it to scorn, for they cannot be involved in
the meshes of the net. And yet they are by no
means the least meritorious or independent parties
who 'occupy seats above ,or below the gangway,
end it would be well if their examples were fol-

lowed by many of those in the colourable 6001. or
3001. per annum, the talismanic sums that con-
fer political virtue, genius, and enlightenment on
the fortunates who are prepared to swear they
enjoy them.

The speech of Mr. WALPOLE should be decisive

►n the subject. In answer to the challenge thrown
tut, he showed that there was no inconsistency
on the part of the Government, or any of its
members in supporting the wise and salutary
measure. It is true that it is but an instalment
of the Reform Bill that may reasonably be antici-
pated. But why reject a wholesome proposition,
because all that could be desired is not at once
conceded? It is au integral Part of the subject, and
;nay fairly be dealt with, per se. Should there
be an appeal to the country, on the question of
the qualification, or mode of voting of electors, it
will render it more decisive, when they are
enabled to select without let or hindrance the
representatives in whom they have confidence,
and that those representatives are not bound in
the first instance to degrade themselves by becom-
ing parties to a false and fraudulent statement.
It may be but a form, but it is one " more
honoured iu the breach than in the observance."

The Hertfordshire electors have had presented
ro them for one tantalising moment a somewhat
nviable opportunity—an opportunity which,
thanks to the ignominious withdrawal of Mr.
CARDWELL'S motion, has been for the time being
wholly denied to all the other constituencies. It
tppeit tined for an interval exclusively to the
electors of the county of Herts—to the voters
••here of both the great political sections alike—in
ether words to the more advanced Liberals and to
the more enlightened Conservatives ! The op-
portunity we speak of was obvious till yesterday
❑pon the first hint—upon the faintest intimation.
It was that of being privileged in the face of the
whole country to pronounce a deliberate and dis
tinct opinion upon Lord DERBY'S Government.
When three months ago the new Cabinet was
suddenly called into existence—some ten or fifteen
right hon. gentlemen and noble lords on accepting
office appealed, according to constitutional custom,
to their constituencies. Therefore, in not one
single instance—although under the vigilant
scrutiny of many, the precise policy and the future
intentions of the new Ministry were, by necessity,
from the very abruptness of their transformation
from an Opposition into a Government, in a very
considerable degree purely hypothetical—never
,lieless, not in one single instance were the new
Administrators opposed before their constituen-
4ies. The Derbyite candidates were returned at
once, en masse, without a shadow of opposition.
Not one solitary Palmerstonian ventured any-
where to appear on the hustings as an
antagonist. The reason of this frank and cor-
dial unanimity was very simple and very apparent.
It was entirely because it was universally and
almost instinctively recognised that the new Mi-
nisters had not in any way scrambled into power
—that they had fairly and constitutionally won
their way to its possession—that the fall of the
late administration was an inevitable necessity—
that the choice of the new Government was the
choice of the SOVEREIGN. Hence the unani-
nity with which Ministers were returned, without
even a show of opposition by their consti-
tuencies—at the first blush, at the first moment
of their collective nomination ; and when,
as we have said, it was by necessity ex-
quisitely difficult, if not absolutely impossible,
to conjecture, with anything like certainty,
the nature of the policy, or the bias •of
the intentions of Lord DERBY'S newly-con-
stituted Administration. In thus acting, three
months ago, the electors acted simply in obedi•
ence to the fine old national prejudice in favour of
fair Play--their maxim was "a clear stage and
no favour"—.a maxim at all times but especially
in times of sudden emergency, dear to the hearts
of Englishmen.

But since then
.a whole quarter of a year has
elapsed, and now neither Lord DERBY'S policy
nor Lord DERBY'S intentions can anywhere be
regarded, for one instant, in any one particular,
hypothetic 1. The
as in the smallest degree
policy has been strikingly illustrated again
and again by a. variety of brilliant admini-
strative achievements—by a despatch answered
without detriment to our alliance--by a deficit
met without a grinding increase of taittion—by
fellow-citizens released from durance vile in a
foreign land, after having endured a prolonged
and barbarous incarceration ! But, instead of
cintinuing the enumeration of the remarkable
catalogue of Ministerial triumph?, won, in rapid
succession, since the date of Lord DEBBY'S acces •
sion to power, may we not more appropriately
oxtract those few pithy words in which the new
Colonial Secretary, in the coarse of his address to
his, constituency, the electors of Hertfordshire,
has epitomised the policy inaugurated by his
colleagues—words, the eloquent and epigra-
matic terseness of which is as distinctly
indicative of the authorship of the document as
the very
signature appended to it—" Abroad
liberty befriended without sacrifice of peace ;
alliances secured without loss of honour ; where
war is inevitable,
English vigour ; where victory

is achieved, English mercy." Those were the
principles by which the Government had proved
itself to have been actuated during the first three
months of its existence, and at length—at length
—at the close of that first quarter, there really did

appear, until yesterday, the chance of bringing
thatpolicy, those principles, the whole question for
or against Lord DERBY'S Government distinctly and
deliberately before a constituency, the constitu-
ency of Hertfordshire. A Cabinet Minister was
at last to be boarded upon the hustings by a
formidable representative of Palmerstonianism.
The Opposition candidate was actually selected—
a young untried politician, but one who, it was
hoped, would be acceptable as the son of his
father. The Hon. Captain GROSVENOR was to go,
and see, and conquer—Sir EDWARD BULWER
LYTTON, the new Colonial Secretary. It mattered
nothing that the Minister was not simply one of
the foremost men of his party, but one of the
foremost men of his time. Sir BULWER LYTTON
was, of course, a great man, a groat author,
a dramatist, a novelist, an orator, a poet—emi-
nent in many departments—one whose reputation
is not merely national, but European. It was
comparatively of no account that the Colonial Se-
cretary had a Parliamentary experience dating
back as long as seven and-twenty years ago,
when, as a very young man, Mr. BULWER first sat
for St. Ives, in 1831, and afterwards for Lincoln,
and finally for Hertfordshire. It was scarcely
worthy thinking of that Sir EDWARD LYTTON,
while yet Mr. BULWER, in the midst of his
first successes as a debater in the House,
and as a laborious Committee-man, wrote
a book called " England and the. English," which
may still to this day be accurately designated as
the jade mecum of a member of the House of
Commons—as the very abstract and condensation
of all the machinery and mysteries of our com-
plicated and exquisitely balanced Constitution.
It signified not a jot, of course, that there also
—years and years ago—Mr. BULWER published
a certain political pamphle+, in a certain momen-
tous political crisis, a pamphlet called significantly
The Crisis—that (pamphlet though it was) "told"
so wondrously at the time, that it ran through
several large editions in the course of a few
days, and so affected the position of parties
during the emergency, that the then Prime
Minister of England offered place (as his own
well-won recompense) to the young pamphleteer.
With perfect grace, as well as perfect truth,
can Sir E. LYTTON say now (as he does) to his
constituents, " They who know me best are aware
how little, at any time of my life, the desire of
office has actuated me in the part I have taken in
public affairs." And so Lord MELBOURNE'S offer
was declined magnanimously through diffidence by
the youthful and gifted politician who has since
risen so high as an orator and a statesman. " I
accept office now," says Sir EDWARD BULWER
LYTTON, in the ripened maturity of his
powers, " with a profound sense of its
responsibilities, and that sincere diffidence" (still
vital iu his nature) " which impels men to supply
by assiduity and labour their defects in ability and
experience." Yet with a rashness and self-reliant
temerity worthy of a better cause, the Opposition
—it may not be said the Cabal—thrust forward
(for one brief interval), in direct antagonism to
this skilled and practised Gladiator, one who had
never been known to wear the political cestus, a
new aspirant fur Parliamentary distinction—but
one at any rate, if not "a POWLER—a GROSVENOR.
At length, after the most elabarate pre-
paration, after a grand flourish of trum-
pets, and. the gates being flung wide
open, and the arena cleared, and all Herts
on tire tiptoe of expectancy—there is no redoubt-
able c'iampion after all to be vanquished. If the
very shadow of him is to be caught sight of at
all, it is only to the cry of " Stale Away I" And
so Sir BULWER LYTTON has to content himself
with an Oration instead of Victory. And so Mr.
CARDWELL'S policy of withdrawal is renewed in
Hertfordshire. And so, while reviewing again
that policy so very confused and so very craven,
every one is led once more to the inevitable
ejaculation, " Oh, most lame and impotent con-
clusion 1"

We confess ourselves entirely at a loss to ac-
count for Lord DERBY'S pertinacity on the ques-
tion of the Oaths and the -Jews—or, rather, on
the simple question of keeping the latter out of
the House of Commons. In his younger days,
to be sure, his Lordship did write a little book
on the Parables, and a good one, too ; but it con-
tains no indications of the religious bigotry which
any one, who knew him merely by his speeches
on Jewish Emancipation, would certainly attri-
bute to him. Men, far his inferiors in intel-
lectual powers, are giving way either to the
reasons for the demand itself, or to its political
necessity ; on Monday night Lords LUCAN,
STANHOPE, and MALMESBURY followed many pre-
cious converts to the expediency, at least, of now
conceding to the Commons that they shall be
authorized to admit a Jew to be sworn in the
way most binding on his conscience. What
causes a man of Lard DERBY'S intelligence to lag
so far behind noble lords who do not even pre-
tend to be his equals ? Lord DERBY talks of its
being a question of principle. But a statesman is
not required to import all his own religious princi-
ples or scruples into legislation ; the time for
that is surely gone by. The Statesman must
allow others to have principles as well as himself,
and must allow the principleg of the majority the
practical ascendancy. In this case, the great ma-
jority of the Representatives of the People, hold
the opposite principle to that of the Noble Lord.
Is the principle of the permanent, and now vast
majority of the Commons, which has steadily in-
creased to the number of 140 members, to be for
ever contravened, by the principle of a much
smaller number of members in the Upper
House ? In politics, surely, when both sides
appeal to principle ; the principle of the
majority ought to prevail, or business must come
to a dead lock. Lord DERBY is not answerable for
the convictions of others, but as a constitutional
statesman he is bound to give effect to the convic-
tions of the great majority.
Butdemand surely
of we may take the almost universal
Peers who spoke on Monday, for
those
a compromise, as a proof that the Lords wilt not
have the consummate folly to pit any longer the
little clique of hereditary legislators, against the
obvious sense of the country. Lord LUCAN'S
amendment was to give to either House the power
to administer the oath to Jews by resolution, iu
the form most binding on a Jew's conscience.
The proposal is somewhat novel. It is but a poor
lame compromise at best, still it would attain the
obj,lct with the present House' of C3IIIOIOIIS,
by
DERBY himselfflinging their
and there is not the slightest danger of any house
becoming less enlightened on questions of religious
liberty. As to the Lords, they would retain the
precious right, if the Sovereign should make a
Jewish millionaire a Peer of the realm,
to
pet checkmateoath
her
face. MAjE
LordSTowned that the scheme looked plausible,
in
his
Pleided that it ought to be done by a bill for
the purpose, not by a mere clause in a bill, would
not at the moment altogether oppose the propoai

but must have time to think of it. We believe
all the speakers but one were desirous, in one form
or another, to terminate these annual and un-
seemly differences between the Houses ; and, if
compromise must settle it, a fairer one could hardly
be conceived than one which should leave each
House to deal with a Jew according to its wishes.
Perhaps, indeed, the thing most resented is, that
the Peers should by such a shabby and hateful
' device as that of an oath devised for another
purpose, persist in excluding Jews from
the People's House. The lit•le expressed but
very general feeling probably is, " What
have they to do with our House ?" The pro-
posed compromise would enable the House of
pure Gentiles to modify to their wishes all Bills
from the Lower House tainted with Judaism. But
how does this mere supposition expose the childish
fully of the Noble Lords ? Who imagines that a
syll-tble or a letter of any future Act of Parliament
would be modified by the presence of one-third
or one-sixth per cent. of Jews among six or seven
hundred Gentiles ?

Lord DERBY and his Lord Chancellor com-
plained that none of the reasons sent up by the
House of Commons were new ? Whose fault was
that ? Is it due to the Commons that the
affair has been in hand so long that
every possible reason has been brought for-
ward years ago. But we beg to remind the
Noble Lord that his answers wore certainly not
more novel than the reasons of the Commons ;
and, as the country has heard his answers again
and again for many a year ; and, as it has shown
by successive Parliaments, that it thinks his an-
swers insufficient, it is -he who is bound to find
new and satisfactory answers, and not the country
that is to find now reasons. We may also ask
Lord DERBY whether the Lords have not
had always, on popular questions, to yield
to old reasons ; and, for the very good rea-
son, that they have always negatived all
popular demand', till the reasons for them have
become as familiar to all the nation as the Cate-
chism, or even the multiplication table. As a.
Statesman, Lord DERBY should rather acknow-
ledge that, when, after a thirty years' conflict,
the House of Commons, in the name of the con-
stituencies, sends up a string of reasons which
they have long urged in behalf of a popular de:-
mand, those reasons, notwithstanding all their
Lordships' obstinacy, are still hold to be valid by
those whom they concern.
A curious reason for persevering resistance was
insisted on by Lord CHELMSFORD, and not over-
looked by L n.l DERBY, that if required to
yield this question to large and repeated
majorities of the House of Commons, they
would not ho aide to stop there—that they would
have to yield on others also. It was distinctly
stated that a Church Rate Abolition Bill, and a
Bill for legalising marriage with a deceased wife's
sister, vere soon to be expected, and were they to
yield these demands also 7 Now, this may seem a
very potent argument to some wilful Lords—but
surely, to the great majority of even Tory Peers,
it must appear a very dangerous one. Is it for the
credit, or even the safety, of the Upper House,
that one of its prominent Members should hold
forth a list of measures which the nation has
passed by considerable majorities of its represen-
tatives, and should tell the country, " We do not
intend to grant you any of these, and, therefore,
we refuse the first, lest you should expect us to
yield on all'?" What is this but to proclaim an
irresponsible despotism for the House of Peers ?
Practically—we say it with all due respect for the
powers that be—the Crown has ceased to be ono
of the estates of the' realm ; or, rather, as it nomi-
natss its responsible servants in accordance with
the wishes of a majority of the House of Commons,
it must be regarded as one with that House.
The Lords, therefore, and the Commons are left,
as every one knows, in practice, to settle all
matters of legislation between them. Now, is
it wise to raise thus nakedly the question
which house is to be master ? In this and in a
neighbouring country that question has been
answered by shutting the doors of the Upper
House, or by requiring it to vote with the Lower
House. There is probably no danger of that
now, but it is just because all the men of character
and sense among the Peers have fully recognised
their office to be that of a check on hasty legisla-
tion, not of an obstruction to all legislation.
Very absurd, as it will strike the country, is,
however, the course actually taken by the Lords,
as also the real reason for it. It was wisely
and strongly urged on then to adjourn for a
fortnight,
as most Lords seemed to
prefer a separateh Bill to
g-veaffect to Lord LIICAN' s
proposal, might be submitted to the House, and
t ataßill,
stilt down to the Commons with the amendments
on which the Lords " jurist." But no ; Lord
DERBY thought it was onlyconsulting the dignity
of the House to " insist" on the amendments,
and say nothing about a kill, even if they meant
to pass one ! He himself could not deny that a
compromise, such as the ose proposed, looked very
plausible. but he would throw it on the House
of Commons, " to hang up the measure for a
fortnight" to see what thersords would do. He must
give the Commons the kick pure et
simple ; then, perhaps, if they took it as it
became Commons to tale) such a thing from Peers,
in consideration of their good behaviour he might
allow a little concession, Bat what if the Com-
mons should imitate ;he Peers in their folly ?
What if they should show that the Representa-
tives of the people %re as much bound to consult
their dignity as the House which represents itself
only ? What if they should snub the Peers by
doing what Lord DERBY undoubtedly dreads, by
seating Baron ROTHFCHILD by resolution For
all that might follow; with the eventual humbling
of the Lords, the Premier, and his notion of the
dignity of obstinacy, would be alone responsible.

----
DINNER AND TESTIAONIAL TO MR. F. P. SAIITIL—A
dinner was given yesterday evening at St. James's-hall
to Mr. Smith, whose name, in connection with the adap-
tation of the screw propeller, is familiar to the public.
Mr. R. Stephenson,
M.P., who presided, in proposing
"the health of Mr. smith," said that be did not wish to
claim f,r that gentleman any exclusive merit. Mr.
Smith had, hme ver, working from
a platform which
might have been raised by others, as Watt bad done, and
as other great men had done, made a stride in alvance
which was almost tantamount to a new invention. It
was, in his opu ion, almost impossible to overra e the
a ivaieages which this c,iuntry had derive
S mid from
had he.e un
st easel upon the subject of propelling vessels by means
Mr. t'i
tiring and dev ited patience which
of the screw, and it was to s low the sense entertained
of those servilea that they bad invited Mr. Sm:tb to
meet them that evenieg. The hon. gentleman then
preseetel Mr. Smith, in the name of the company pre-
sent, and of al.saat subscribers to tartan fnd, with a
hand ome sal i/ r and claret ju.:;. Tile gements left
n, th rig to be desi, co.
A LIVERPOOL PHIL INTHROPIST.—Mr. Charles Me'ly,
a Liverpool roerehaat, to whom the public of that town
are indebted for its numerous beautiful drinking fbun-
tain,,, has just established, at his own cost, a free public
gymnazium for the working &asses of Liverpool, to
who n he has issu3d the f,llow i ig address :—"Friends,
—This playground is intended for your et,j iyment, Lia I
is placed unirr pur care. The poles, rupee, laidere,
and chains wig bear any fair usage ; it will be for
you to prob.& them' from wilful damage. The trees
will adorn your playground if they are allowed
t) grow up, and you will I am sure prevent them
from being destroyed. Tuis playground is hereby
you placed in your hands ; let,it be used for the purposes fur
C. P.
%Mob it is obviously intended. Let good humour and
good temper prevail. Let aere be no quarrelling among
yourselves, and allow no stone throwing, or. fighting
among your younger members. It rests with
whe-
ther the first attempt at free out door amusement in our
town be a success or a fuilure.:— ur
MELLY,—
Liyerpool, June 1, 1853."

LITEST NEWS.

THE PENINSULAR MAILS.
(BY ELECTRIC TELEGR XVI)
SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY MORNING.
The Tagus, steamer, Capt. Christian, has arrived.
She left Gibraltar May 25th ; Cad'z, 26th ; Lisbon,
29th ; Oporto and Vigo, 30th ; and brings 81 p ts-
sengcrs, 54,3111. in specie, 605 half chests and 26
quarter boxes of orangds, 250 boxes and 220 baskets
of potatoes, and 80 packages sundries.
On the 29th the British squadron (which had
gone out to Lisbon in honour of the King of Por-
tugal's marriage) sailed, the Diadem and Curagoa
returning to England with the Marquis of Bath
and suite, mad the Renown and Racoon proceeding
to the Mediterranean.
Lisbon exchanges for three months were 521 to
; on London, with bills over, at 521; Paris, 542 ;
Amsterdam, 411 ; Hamburg, 46/ ; Genoa, 538 ;
Three par Cents., Registered, 4G to 4 ; Coupons, 45
to ; Deferred, 28q td 29 ; Bank of Portugal
shares, 7/ to 81 pm.; Oporto Bank, 25 to pm.
The royal marriage festivities had been well sus-
tained, and the young Queen was everywhere most
favourably received.
On the 27th the King was invested with the
Order of the Garter at Belem Palace by Sir Chas.
Young, Garter King-at-Arms, who had gone over
with the Marquis of Bath for that purpose, attended
by Lord Burghersh, Sir Harry Smith, arc. The
King, who is the seventh Portuguese invested with
the Order, acknowledged the compliment in a
pleasing address. Their Majesties afterwards gave
a State dinner, at which the whole of tho British
Legation and Special Mission were among the guests.
A grand ball had also been given at the British
Embassy in honour of Queen Victoria's birthday,
which was attended by all the important personages
attending the marriage festivities, including Prince
Leopold, the Queen of Portugal's brother.
Gibraltar exchanges on the 22d were—London,
491 ; Paris, 5.29 ; Genoa, 5.31 ; Marseilles, 5.30.

cannon and musketry ; he at once ordered his troops to
advance, and at 9 o'clock arrived in view of the Turkish
camp, but at a considerable distance from it, on the con
trary s:do to where the fighting had taken place, precisely
4.1 the spot previously occupied by the Voivode No
Radowitch, who on hearing the cannon advanced closer
to the enemy. On learning Mirk o's arrival, Ivo Rado-
witch sent in his report of the combat. Peter Ste-
phanow had informed him that be, could hold out, pro-
vided he received a reinforcement of one division, so as
to prevent the Turks falling upon him, and exterminat-
ing him with all their troop. Almost at the same time
a Montenegrin arrived, stating that all was right, that
the Turks had lot en repulsed with a loss of more than
300 men. This news had an electric effect upon the
troops, who asked at once to be led against the enemy.
" Atlo o'clock the Montenegrins recently arrived (from
the Rieke) had taken up a position about half a pistol-shot
distance from the Turkish ntrencliments, making a right
angle with the Montenegrins, under Peter Stephanow. A
small range of hills sheltered them in some degree from
the enemy's fire. Another Montenegrin division came up
announcing that all was right, that the Turks bad been
driven back with a loss of more than 300 men. This suc-
cess electrified the troops, who unanimously asked to be
led against the enemy.
"At 10 o'clock the Montenegrins recently arrived (those
of Rieke) took up a position about half pistol-shot from
the Turkish entrenchments, making a right angle with the
Montenegrins of Peter Stephanow, a small range of hills
shalt gyring them from the enemy's fire. Another Montene-
grin division, taking advantage of the occupation by the
'Parks, turned their camp, one party taking up a position
on the Klobuck road, the other the open ground, one side
of which had been fortified by the Turks to defend the ad-
vance to their camp.
" The Montenegrins, despite a heavy rain, 'held their
positionshtill nine o'clock in the evening. Then only the
order was given to retreat, as the troops had been without
food and water since the evening before.
" On the 12th Mirko changed tactics, and resolved to
starve the Turks in their camp. Peter ephanow's divi-
sion, which commanded the water, was strengthened, as
also the division which cut off the communication with
Klobuck, whence the Turks drew their provisions, but
ready to advance to the aid of the two divisions above-
named, upon whom the success of tho new plan depended.
" During the day an armistice of four hours allowed the
Turks to draw water. During this interval my secretary
asked from 11. E. Hussein Pasha, Gemmel of Division, the
permission to pass through the camp to proceed to Klo-
buck, to confer with the Consuls and with his Excellency
Kemal Effendi. Hussein-Dahim-Pasha gave him a pass,
and the secretary immediately informed Peter Stephanow
that he was about to cross the Turkish camp for Klobuck.
This was about three o'clock. With the pass of safe con-
'duct of the Pasha commandiug the invading troops, and
by making known the respective positions of the two
armies, my secretary hoped, through the medium of the
Consuls, to bring about a settlement without bloodshed.
" Hussein Pasha then offered to conduct him in person
to Klobuck. This the secretary declined, on the ground
that the pass of safe conduct; was quite sufficient. The
Pasha insisted upon taking such measuras as seemed best
suited to protect the Montenegrin envoy, but he saw so
well how impossible it was to withdraw without a combat
that he asked for a letter, to the effect that if any accident
should happen to the Montenegrin envoy on his journey
the Pasha was exonerated from all blame. The letter was
given to Hussein Pasha, the secretary observing at the time
that his mission to the Consuls and his Excellency Kemal
had not anything to do with the amy ; that it in nowise
bound the Montenegrin leaders, who would act according
to circumstances. To make the Pasha better understand
the difficnities of his position and the danger of his resolu-
tion relative to his departure to Klobuck, the Secretary
requested the Pasha to inform in a loud voice (it was at
night) the nearest Montenegrin division, that of Peter
Stephanow :
" `That the Secretary of the Prince and an escort were
leaving for Klobuck.' Peter raplied by exclaiming, within
hearing of both armies, that ho advised no man to risk
himself on the road to Klobuck.

" This significant hint did not change the Pasha's reso-
lution; only, instead of leaving that same night, as he had
at first intended, he deferred it to the following morning.
This delay was caused by news from Klobuck. On the
following morning two battalions, escorting a convoy of
provisions, were to leave the camp, and the Pasha hoped
to join them on the road.

I.` On the morning of the 13th his Excellency Hussein
Pasha ordered the Turkish army to depart, and requested
the Secretary of the Prince to inform the Montenegrins of
the departure of the Turkish army for Klobuck with a
view to accompany the envoy of the Prince to Hemal
Effendi and the Consuls ; that the Turks left their tents
at Grahowatz • and to insist, in the name of the Prince,
that they should be respected.
" This was done by the Secretary, who, renewing his
former observations, said it was of no avail, as he had no
control over the army, and the Turks were sure to be
attacked on their retreat. This opinion was shared by the
whole Turkish army, and the letter asked for by Hussein
Pasha the day before gives hie opinion on the subject.
" The Pasha, at the moment of departure, sent the above
mentioned communication to Mirko, and in his haste sent
it in French untranslated, so that Mirko afterwards asked
me what it meant.
" The Pasha commenced his retreat before the Secre-
tary's letter reached the Montenegrin camp.
On the very first move of the Turks the surrounding
heights were occupied by the Montenegrins. As the Turks
proceeded the Montenegrins drew a closer circle round
them ; their return to the camp was already cut off. The
distance between Klobuck and Grahowatz is about four
leagues (four hours' march). The Turks proceeded slowly;
the convoys and cattle hampered their march on roads
by no means easy.
"At
half-an-hour's distance from the camp the Turks

were attacked. The cattle were first abandoned, then the
guns, and the Turkish battalions, thrown back upon each
other; were compelled to fight with the bayonet.
"The hope of succour still animated the men ; they kept
their discipline, and were two hours' march from the campwhen they beheld advancing against them a body of Monte-
negrins, who, after destroying the reinforcements which
had left Klobuck, were advancing on the camp. Hus-
sein Pasha's orders were now no longer obeyed ; the rout
was complete, every man seeking his safety in flight. My
secretary, hitherto in company of Hussein Pasha and his
officers, was left alone. He was recognised and taken pri-
soner by the Montenegrins. They gave him a horse. A
French officer in the Sultan's service was made prisoner at
the same time:

" In concluding the recital of these events I beg of you,
M. le Consul, to observe that it was after many warnings,
at his own risk and peril, when he might have awaited the
return of my Envoy from Klobuck, that Hussein
Pasha resolved upon a retreat. I regret the blood-
shed which has followed that resolution, but I be-
lieve I have done everything to shield me from blame
in the matter. I had ordered my brother Mirko be.
fore his departure not to cross the frontier of my
territory ; that order he was to obey, no matter what
happened. After the departure of the Turkish army,
after it had lost its guns, muskets, and ammunition, I
repeated that order. The army wished to advance on
Kiobuck and Gasko —an open tract of country abounding
in resources ; it would have met with sympathy there,
and no resistance. My troops on the eastern side at
Drobniak would have followed up the movement. They
would have advanced in a Christian country, and con-
quered half the Herzegovina without firing a shot.
" I had placed my apes in the Government of the Em-
peror who deigns to give me the greatest marks of his
favour ; after what he has done for me and for my coun-
try it is my duty to conform to his desires and to follow
his counsels.
" I am, &c.,
"For the Prince and 1.. y his order.
"May 22. " H. DEL ARUE."

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