The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 11, 1867.

EXPOSITION UNIVERSELLE,
PARIS, 1867.

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LONDON, MONDAY, NOV. 11, 1867,

The intelligence which reaches us from the
United States is not calculated to allay the anxiety
with which all interested in the welfare of our
transatlantic kinsfolk have recently watched the
progress of affairs. The negro difficulty is assuming
alarming proportions, and although we may set
down some of the reports and rumours as probably
exaggerated, there is evidently some ground for the
prevailing uneasiness. The negroes have learnt
their strength ; they find arms and ammunition
easily obtainable, and they are inflamed and excited
by the constant agitation of Radical demagogues.
The division of the planters' land among their former
slaves is afavourite doctrine with these mob-orators,
and it is one which naturally is very welcome to
their throngs of excitable and indolent hearers. To
have land enough to support him in laziness with
the least possible amount of exertion is the negro
beau ideal of happiness, and it is no great wonder if
by degrees he persuades himself into the belief that
it is no more than his right. It has been easy for
those at a distance to foresee the consequences of the
Radical policy in the South, but warnings and
cautions have been completely thrown away. The
Radical party had gained the political pre-
eminence and they were determined to main-
tain it at any cost." It was necessary for them
with this view to keep their rivals out of the
field, and the negroes were a powerful agent.
Regardless of the ultimate consequences, they
have been deluding them with visions of political
equality, and even supremacy, the division of
lands, the protection of Government, and other
chimeras, till the result has been that the negroes
have outstripped their teachers. Their numbers in
many of the Southern States, thanks to the new
registration system, completely outbalance the
whites, and they are returning delegates and elect-
ing officers of their own colour in a manner very
unwelcome to the masses of the North. To such a
length has their assumption grown that in
America, the boasted land of free speech,
several prominent citizens have been ordered to leave
Richmond by the coloured Vigilance Committee for
speaking disrespectfully of Mr. HUNNICUTT and
discharging negro Radical employes. American
politeness has grown into something very remark-
able : it leaves Parisian courtesy altogether i❑ the
shade. " Speaking disrespeCtfully" of a political
opponent is sufficient for social ostracism, and dis-
charging disagreeable employes, if they happen to be
black, can be punished by nothing less than banish-
ment. The servant who "discharged his mas-
ter" finds his parallel among the American
negroes. If a master orders a black servant
to leave his house he is likely to have himself to
leave the town. But the care for Mr. IltniNicurr's
safety goes still further. Armed negroes guard his
house, declaring that he is threatened with assassi-
nation. It is no great wonder that under such cir-
cumstances the Southern whites turn for protection
to those very military officers whose first appearance
among them they shrunk from with dislike and dis-
may. So far from resisting the military govern-
ment forced upon them by Congress under the new
Reconstruction scheme, they are urging the Presi-
dent to increase the military force in tho South so as
to overawe the negroes, who are well armed, an
it is feared meditate a general insurrection.
The Southern press generally predicts a war of
races, but notwithstanding all these unsatisfactory
and significant indications the Radicals continue
the same dangerous and reckless course. The
Republican Congressional Executive Committee
have issued an address urging the people to support
the Republican party, whose defeat at the approach-
ing elections would be a national disaster, would
jeopardise the lives and property of Union men in
the South, and even the national credit and exis-
tence, and would probably result in another rebel-
lion. This address stigmatises the PRESIDENT as
"an apostate and a rebel sympathiser." These
threatened dangers awaiting Unionists in the
Southern States have their existence only in the
imaginations of Radical orators, and the people at
large are beginning to discover this. But the very
fact of this high sounding committee thinking it
necessary to advise the electors of the consequences
of their defeat at the approaching contests shows
how much their position is shaken. The fact is that
they feel they have lost their hold on the public, and
they know it is more than probable the bulk of the
elections in the future as well as in the past will
be against them and their candidates. Their
predictions of another rebellion in the South are
sufficiently answered by the appeal of the
leading Southerners for more Northern troops. If
they were attempting an organisation of their own
such a request is the very last which they would
prefer.

But happily for the future of America these
Radical threats and pledges are losing their force.
The people who hare been patiently paying most
oppressive taxes for a long period are now told that
their debt is greater than at the close of the war.
Whether this be true or no there can, unfortu-
nately, be no room to doubt that it is substantially
the same, and no wonder. The Southern States
instead of bringing the vast produce of
their plantations to enrich the national
coffers are a heavy national burden. The expense
of the military governments is no small addition to
the public expenditure, and there is no correspond-
ing return. The Radical rolicy has been Protec-
tion under its worst forms, so that there has been
no chance for the trade of the North to recover what
it lost through the apathy and desolation of the
South. Add to all this the extravagant bounties to
soldiers,
,the reckless expenditure in many other
ways, and it will easily be seen that the Radicals,
during their fast closing lease of power, have been
no better guardians of the public purse than of the
general welfare and the national honour.

It is not likely that the time-honoured custom of
the Banquet at Guildhall will be given up, for it is
looked forward to by many as a not little day in
their calendar, and, besides, it affords the oppor-
tunity for the citizens to meet some of the leading
men of the day, and judge for themselves how
public matters are proceeding. In the absence of
Lord DERBY, the duty of representing Her MA-
JESTY'S Ministers devolved upon the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and he perf.Rmed his task with
great ability and adroitness. His reception was a

most enthusiastic one, both on his entering the
hall and upon his rising to respond to the
toast. The right hon. gentleman spoke
hopefully of the state of affairs in general, although
he declared that he could not follow the course
which his noble friend would have done, and
" taken stock" of the general condition. Mr. DIS-
RAELI referred most particularly to that department
of the State with which he is most intimately con-
nected, and alluded to the bad condition in which
all were placed at this time last year, owing to the
collapse of credit, which, in its " extent and seve-
rity," was probably unprecedented. Even yet one
so capable of forming a judgment could not con-
gratulate his hearers upon having entirely recovered
from the shock then received. This is not
at all surprising, though it may not be very satisfac-
tory, for, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said
very truly, " Credit is the most powerful, but, at
the same time, the most delicate of influences," and
therefore time must elapse before we are in the
position we were some years ago. Consolation is
not wanting, for the country has no reason to com-
plain of the state of our commerce or of the condi-
tion of the revenue. The right hon. gentleman
declared that "the course of our commerce had been
steady and uniform, rich and regular, like one of those
trade revivals with which it is connected; and as for our
revenue it maintains itself at that rate to which we
have been accustomed, and I am glad to say that
the exchequer is, without overflowing, full."
It is very satisfactory to find Mr. DISRAELI, on
the part of her MAJESTY'S Ministers, assuring the
citizens of London that the relations between Eng-
land and foreign Powers are so friendly ; also that
there seems little cause to fear that the peace of
Europe will be disturbed. This country seems
also to be gradually resuming its rightful posi-
tion among the nations of Europe, and upon
more than one occasion lately the British
Government has been applied to for its friendly
offices. This last year has brought calmer feelings
to America, as well as to Europe, and justice is at
last rendered to the goodwill that England has dis-
played. This desirable state of affairs has, we doubt
not, been partly brought about by the representa-
tions of the Foreign Secretary, as Mr. DISRAELI
very truly said. The domestic position is not less
hopeful, and it must have been with feelings of pride
and rejoicing that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
referred to the passing of the Reform Bill at the
civic banquet, where the subject had been so often
discussed in its immature form on previous occasions.
As he emphatically remarked, it was a question of
" chronic irritation, which embarrassed the Crown,
made electioneering ridiculous, and England con-
temptible in the eyes of Europe." Our Govern-
ment for fifteen years was declaring that a resti-
tution of power in the State was necessary, and no
ono was competent to bring it about. Mr. DISRAELI
believes that the nation accepts the recent arrange-
ment with favour, and that history will consecrate
its consequences ; and we think he is fully justified
in his belief. We may fairly say that it is long
since a Minister of the Crown, at a Lord Mayor's
entertainment, has been enabled to give so good au
account of his stewardship as the Chancellor of the
Exchequer did on Saturday last, and the company
appear to have been of the same opinion to judge of
their enthusiasm.
Lord STANLEY made some remarks on the House
of Commons, which were particularly appropriate
just now. The connection between the Gity of
London and the House of Commons calls forth, as
the noble lord said, many historical reminiscences,
and there are no members who speak with more
weight and authority than those who, whatever
be their party, aro sent as " representatives
of the greatest commercial community that
ever existed since the world began." Nowa-
days it is the habit in certain quarters to de-
preciate rather than to extol anything peculiar to
this country ; and we are therefore the more rejoiced
to find in Lord STANLEY'S speech so able a vindica-
tion of the merits of the House of Commons. As
he says, the English Parliament differs in some re-
spects from every other legislative assembly that
has existed in the world. In the first place, "we
are the only unpaid legislative body in the world,'
and this certainly speaks volumes for the supe-
riority of English customs, as the noble lord
argued, even if we do incur the expense
and annoyance of popular contests for purposes of
vanity or ambition, it is something gained, since
the motive prompts them to serve in the Parliament
of a free country. No other legislative body in the
world gets through a fifth part of the business that
is done by the British House of Commons. What-
ever its faults, no one can invalidate its claim to in-
dustry and goodwill. Another merit, and perhaps
it may be called the crowning one, is that it exhibits
so much justice and fair play to those who address

it. "No doubt sometimes party spirit may be
displayed, but there is one thing that in-
variably overrides party feeling, and that is
reeaseyct worth
to
men
the wh
while tsria
o
the purpose." It is
e of those vehement
advocates of the superiority of foreign and colonial
reallyospeak of o
assemblies over our own, to study the observations
here made, and they must recognise the justice of
them to themselves, if they do not admit it to
others. It is quite as absurd to say that a thing is
bad because it is of ancient institution, as to declare
that because it is venerable it must be good. Lord
STANLEY has said nothing which is not strictly true
concerning the House of Commons, and we
would recommend his remarks to the attentive
consideration of all interested in the subject.

Sir JOHN. PAKINGTON'S speech was rendered par-
ticularly interesting on account of the reference he
naturally made to the Abyssinian Expedition. The
laurels of the British army have not, as he reminded
his hearers, always been gained on the battle-fields
of Europe ; and there is nothing to excite astonish-
ment in the fact that we are sending a force to a
remote country, of which but little is known. The
right hon. Baronet sail very forcibly, " I trust we
shall hear no more of such language as that Abyssinia
is a place where England may meet with disaster ;
but where there is peril to be encountered, or suffer-
ing to be borne, or difficulties to be overcome, then
there is honour to be won."

Mr. H. L. CORRY made some interesting re-
marks on the navy, referring to the visit of the
American squadron to our shores as a happy oppor-
tunity for friendly and cordial intercourse. Ou the
whole, this entertainment was a most successful
one ; and, with the exception of the noble Premier,
there seemed nothing wanting to impart interest to
the brilliant reunion which is always held in such
high esteem by the good citizens of London.

The arrival of a new Ambassador in such a city
as Paris is something more than a piece of courtly
etiquette. The English do not usually shine in the
arts of diplomacy, and it is a common saying that
we lose by the pen what we gain by the sword.
Nevertheless the selection of a representative at the
French capital is a momentous undertaking, so
much, in spite of all that is said and done and
written, rests with the Ambassador himself ; so
much depends on his personal qualities, his tact,
his courtesy, his dignity ; and so much may be
forfeited by want of readiness, by failure of temper,
by a lack either of conciliation or of firmness. We
may hope that Lord LYONS, who bears a name

known and honoured in English diplomacy will, be
a worthy representative of British interests at the
Court of France, and that during his embassy no
interruption may accrue to that entente cordiole be-
tween the two great nations, which, in the words of
his own address to NAPOLEON 111., " have so
powerfUlly contributed to the welfare of the two
countries and to the happiness of the whole world."
The FMPEROR, who received the English Ambas-
sador with marked attention, responded cor-
dially to his professions of friendship and
goodwill on the part of Queen Vic roRIA.
"From the commencement of my reign," said the
EMPEROR, " one of my most constant objects has
been to maintain with Great Britain those friendly
relations so useful to the progress of civilisation
and to the peace of the world." NAPOLEON the
TIMID'S diplomatic utterances are often criticised
with some suspicion and severity ; but there is no
reason to question his sincerity in this statement.
During his reign he has consistently shown a desire
for cordial relations with this country, although that
desire was not always shared by his people. The
present good understanding between England and
France owes much to his example and influence,
and we may hope that, under his auspices and with
the cordial reciprocity of the English Government,
it will long continue unbroken, notwithstanding
the occasional irritations and disturbances to which
in the present position of continental affairs all such
relations are liable.