The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-04 00:00:00

electoral serfdom, to make the county voters._
the tenant class, we especially mean—real voters,
and then, indeed, we might, fairly, proportion
representatives to the number of registered elec-
tors. All is loose again for want of the humble
linchpin. It looks but a little matter, yet,
move which way we will towardi an honest
and fair extension of electoral rights, and
towards the obtaining of a truthful expression of
the sentiments of electors, and the best looking
proposals all need the Ballot to make them
work, and to keep the Coach of Reform
upright. Extension of suffrage without the
ballot is but extension of serfdom ; and what is
the gain to the cause of liberty if more members
are assigned to populations of slaves ?
And now for our witnesses and facts. Colonel
CARTWRIGHT, the Tory, has just triumphed in
Northamptonshire. His friends and supporters
of course had a good dinner over it, and, of course,
also the Colonel was with them. A Baronet, Sir
HENRY DRYDEN, was in the chair, and a proper
proportion of Esquires and Reverends, and some
farmers, too, it seems, were present. Now, before
all these witnesses, what said the Baronet in the
chair, with the expressed approval of the company.
That "certainly a tenant had no right to use his
landlord'soial m s vote against him." Why no—that was
g
assuredly—the only thing which
lc
puzzled us being, how the tenant contrived to get
hold of the landlord's vote. We have heard
of the landlord • using the tenant's vote, but
never of electoral burglary by the tenants
before.

We look a little way on, however, and we be-
gin to understand this strange language. There
we are told that " where there is a difference
between the landlord and the tenant, the tenan t
should not vote." It would seem, then, that the
tenant, if he thinks his landlord an austere mas-
ter, must keep the landlord's vote laid up in a
napkin. It is the landlord's, and he must not use
it for his own purposes. However, such unpro-
fitable tenants are, by some landlords—the last
Duke of MARLBOROUGH
was mentioned—cast out
of their farms ; the former Duke was a great
Radical, the san a great Tory, so the Radical
voters gathered together by the father were ousted
by the son ! Well, we have known of such deeds
ourselves, and could give living names. But
here comes the solution of all the difficulties. Is
not the vote the landlord's if the landlord bargains
that the tenant shall give it for him. "I," said Sir
HENRY, "always satisfy myself of a tenant's prin-
ciples before taking him—if, after that, the tenant
turn round, I may fairly come down upon him."
Bravo Sir HENRY DRYDEN I That is speaking
out. You avow that you hold your estates to
growgood votes as well as good wheat. Why do not
all the Sir HENRYS and Sir ROBERTS, and the
Lords and Dukes, too, speak out like you. We
know their practice, indeed, but they for the most
part, deny it. We thank you, on behalf of Mr.
F. H. F. BERKELEY, for these public avowals, and
doubt not he will do you the honour of an intro-
duction to the House of Commons—of your name
at least.

The terrible crisis through which the nation
has passed still leaves its sting behind. Although
the rate of discount has fallen at the Bank from
10 to 3 per cent., and to a still greater extent
out of doors, yet trade and commerce has not as
yet revived in anything like a proportionate
degree, and there is, as the Times declares this
day, a tendency to languor is the market
for almost all kinds of public, securities,
except Consols and. Exchequer Bills. There
' is eta" a general distrust of all private secu-
rities. Credit, if not annihilated, has been
w seriously impaired, that, what in the olden
time was the foundation of the national prosperity,
no longer rests on a firm and substantial basis.
" The beautiful simplicity of the 3 per Cents,"
alone finds favour in the public sight. The most
promising speculations are disregarded. It is not
the possibility of large returns, but the certainty
of small ones, that are taken into considera-
tion. " The good share the penalty with the
bad," and even the best names are Row
insufficient to at tract attention to any
new scheme, although it way promise the most
satisfactory results. This is au untoward state
of affairs, and the organ of the hard calculators,
by whom it has mainly been brought about, con-
fesses that it is "humiliating to all," but adds
that there is " no help for it."

It is, however, mistaken in the latter assertion.
There is an tfficient and adequate remedy, if the
Government will only have the courage to bring
it forward. The people should be tauglit the
folly of hoarding, and the hard calculators
deprived of the power which they have so
terribly abused, of creating monetary con-
vulsions whenever they enter into an organised
for the purpose.
conspiracy These great
desiderata CAn only be attained by a com-
plete change in the monetary code, and the
establishment of a currency which will at all
times be adequate to the internal circulation of
the country,
and
and, therefore, to our domestic
wants
exigencies—that will sustain our trade
and manufactures without applying at ono
time an undue stimulant, and at another
time, a depressing and
tpaeral
ytseirnrgibleinfluleesusQeon.
We should profit by h
so recently received, and remove the causes
which have manifestly produced such fearful
calamities.

It is not by the enactment of penal laws, how-
ever stringent, that the disease will be eradicated,
or even alleviated. Men, however high their
positions, or unexceptionable their character, will
still yield, as they have always yielded, to tempta-
tion. Remove these temptations, render legiti-
mate commerce no longer an excitement for the
gambler, but a fair means of acquiring an
honourable subsistance. DJ not let fair traders
suppose that they can either realise a large fortune
in a short tittle, or be reduced to poverty and
ruin at an adverse turn of the dice. We never
had such extraordinary and rapid fluctuations in
the value of money, while there was free trade in
currency, and
men of good credit could issue a
supply of paper promises adequate to the demand.
No doubt that power has occasionally been
abused, but it was in many respects of essential
advantage to the community, and there was no
possible reason why it should be abolished, when
reasonable guarantees would have entirely met the
difficulty. If
adequate security was given, with a
sufficient margin to provide against any temporary
alteration in value, and still better if the nation
itself would issue really national a tes, secured
not only on its accumulated and realised property,
but on the thews and sinews of the creators
and producers of national wealth, there could be no
objection to paper money. " The worthless rags"
would be thankfuily received by butcher and
baker, tailor and bootmaker, because they would
carry with them the purchasing powers, and
them freely in exchange for any commodity
every possessor would know that he could pass
which he required. The Times truly declares,
"the present quietude is not the result of
prudence, which is always the same, but of
f rigid, which is merely a blind emotion, and
the certain forerunner of an opposite extreme."