The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

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7,12,:t
sett 4
atte
ii
distinguishedo rnn
introduced
eightrr oo
dd
uu
oc
ie trd,t
arh years
memberns. ago
w 0 e
ft
ooh nre
me heado;b
aitlnhi, ode fa
ntfwrhnoheomi ote err , het
r4/r.-Ifla:Z.- f".;7
elea, tila 4,,)-_--
r
ugwnhtpchiaegadrttPy:—isotrrtwia—hetneotnthbtlOmj::el7o:_t'_Hk'.k--1
as I believe every gentleman with whom
,
sidered myself,
I act, not merely in the Government, but in public and .
political life, considered himself, honourably emanci- ,
pated from the engagement made by Sir R. Peel on •
behalf of the conservative party. If the Reform Bill was to be altered, and was not to be adhered to in spirit and
in truth—if there was to be another Reform Bill—we
were, in our opinion, free to exercise our faculties, and
give our opinions as to the principles upon
which the
new Reform Bill should be founded. From that time we
have never concealed our opinions, but, on the contrary,
we have rather sought opportunities for making frank
expositions of our views on the subject. (Hear.) Well,
the second Reform Bill of the whigs was promised as, I
think, in 1850 or 1851 —we are now in 1858. The delay
has certainly not been occasioned by the conservative
party. It is not the tories who have been the obstrnc-
fives of reform this time. There has not been hitherto
any cry for " the bill, the whole bill, and nothing
but the bill ; " on the contrary, nobody even
among the whigs themselves would listen to the question
when it was brought forward, and on two occasions the
bill has been withdrawn, not through opposition on our
side, but either through a sense, on the part of those
who brought it forward of its inadequacy or imperfec-
tions, or in consequence of a total disrelish for the
article by the great body of the Liberal party. Well,
so we have gone on year after year. We have had
inefficient Governments, we have had coalition Govern-
meets, we have had Governments of pure elements and
materials—we have never had any Government that
really had a hold upon the confidence of the people ;
and whenever the Government have been disturbed or
distressed they have always said, "Only let us stay in
a little longer and you shall have a Reform Bill." Lord
John Russell brought forward, not one Reform Bill, bat
two Reform Bills. When Lord Aberdeen formed his
Gohernment the condition of his being supported by the
Liberal party was that he should bring forward a Reform
I Bill. We ksve not got Lord John Russell's Reform
Bill, and we did not have Lord Aberdeen's. When
Lord Palmerston became Prime Minister he was to
carry on the war with energy ; but he was also to de
something not second to that ; the moment peace was
proclaime he was to give a Reform Bill. Year after
year the Reform Bill has been promised, year after year
the Reform Bill has not appeared. First it was t© be
next year; at last they got the year that it was to come ;
and then—and then—it was to be brought in after
Easter. (Laughter.) At last I thought I should have
it. I looked at the almanac at the beginning of the
year; it happened to be an early Easter, and, as Easter
was early and the Reform Bill certain, the Government
was changed. (Laughter.) Well now, gentlemen, I
wiel ask you a common sense question in a purely serious
spirit. Is it decent—is it politic—is it honest and
honourable—that a question of such a nature as this—
a question which concerns the representation of what we
believe to be a free and enlightened people, eminent
for their love of liberty and their progress in know-
ledge, should be made the stalking horse of faction—
(cbee-s)—that it should be hung up and taken down
according to the exigencies of a distressed
ininitter, and that the highest principles of policy should
be part of the stock in trade by which a government are
to shut:fit through a disgraceful and discreditable exist-
ence ? Now, gentlemen, lam convinced that it is the
opinion of the people of this country that this question
should be settled "aye" or "no ;" and if a Reform Bill
is necessary, it should be produced and carried ; and if it
is not necessary, the Minister who is not prepared to
grapple with the question ought frankly to state his coo-
victians. Remember, gentlemen. that a Reform Bill has
been twice brought in by her Majesty's Ministers; re-
member that only two months ago, or less, the attention
of Parliament and the country was called to the subject
in the Speech from the Thror.e. In my opinion, and in
the opinion of those a ith whom I act, it is totally impos-
sible that a question which has been so introduced to
the notice of the country by the propositions of Minis-
tees and by recommendations for its consideration from
her Mejesty herself—it is, I say, totally impossible such
a qtestion can any longer be trifled with ; and to that
subject we shall give our earnest and anxious considera-
tion. (A voice, "Olt, you'll do, then.") (Laughter )
Well, then, it is said, " When are you going to bring the
bill forward ? Af.:er Easter ? nese gentlemen who have
been seven years playing wiih the question—these gen-
tlemen who have been postponing, procrastinating, de-
laying, year after year, as many years as the number of
the learned doctor's questions, now say to us, " You
are not sincere reformers. Where is your bill ! Have
you not got it ready ? Are an impatient people to be
baulked of an object for which they have such a raven•
ous desire ?' Gentlemen, we have to effect a reconcilia-
tion with our great ally ; we have to conduct negotiations
upon which the peace of Europe may depend ; we have
before us a lade most difficult to perform—we have to
put down the revolt in India, which, allow me to say, will
yet den-amid from this country no commoneffort; we have
to carry through Parliament a bill for the government of
India, based upon principles which I hope and believe
will recommend it to national approbation ; we have to
introduce ficancial measures of no ordinary gravity; and
then we are told we are not sincere reformers because
our Reform Bid is not immediately brought forward.
(Hear.) t Gentlemen, the course that we shall take will
be this. We shall give to the subject our most earnest
and serious consideration with the view of bringing for-
ward, if pos-ible, a measure which shall not be a mere
party measure—(cheere)—which shall not be constructed
or devised merely to prop up a faction, which shall not
be invented merely to increase the political influence of
a political section, but which, dealing largely and com-
pletely with all thoso questions connected with the sub-
ject that are entitled to consideration, will, I trust,
' recommend itself to all temperate, rational, and sober-
spirited men as a measure adequate to the occasion.
(Loud cheers.) Ready as we are to act in this Spirit, I
think I do not ask too much for her Majesty's Gevern•
meat in asking that we may be permitted to give to the
consideration of that subject, and the construction of
that mosenre the time, the thought, and the labour
which the responsibility of so vast a theme should com-
mand at our hands. (Hear.) And, gentlemen, the
hypocrisy which would be involved in such conduct is so
great that I cannot believe that any prejudice will be
raised against us lot cause in dealing with this subject we
wish to deal with it like sincere and responsible men,
because in anything that we nosy do we wish to do that
which will be adequate to the occasion, and which will
meet with the approbation of ail sound-thinking people
in this country. I feel, therefore, gentlemen, that it is
unnecessary for me to enter into any of the details of
that theme which must soon—in due time at least—be
brought under the consideration of the country ; and
under these circumstances I shall not offer my opinions
which I might otherwise have offered, and which I have
intimated before upon this table, as to the different
franchises or modes of voting, and other qaestions of
that character. When the question is introduced by
her Majesty's Government in Parliament, their epi-
nians will be expressed iu a formal and matured
manner, and then also will be the time for the country
generally to express its opinion on the propositions laid
before the Legislature. (Hear, hear.) And now, gee.
tlemcn, I have only one word to say as to the position,
inauhderuMuaaujiemstuyuss
which I, now fihlil
thereby, I need
say, my heartfelt gratitude. (Hear, hear.) lam
ecloeucnticoin: s
I,
aa
vned
tw h
si cdwhaiytyhroaumtiyfibyedyo colleaguesgurainfri
ne ge
told--I read in those newspapers whence we get all our
information—that we are a Government on sufferance.
(An Elector—" That is true.") An hon. gentleman says
that is true ; now I shall flatly contradict him—(hear,
and a laugh)—and, gentlemen, I think the last charge
that should or could be made against a Government of
which Lord Derby Is at the head is that it is or can be a
Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) Because in
1352 we might have remained in power—and we were
solirited by our opponents to remain in power—if we had
chosen to be a Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.)
But as the organ of the Government of that day, I said
in the House of Commons that we never would consent
to be a Government on sufferance, and we quitted office
because we would not be a Government on sufferance.
(Hear, hear.) If a Government that is in a minority
bring
forwardra a measure
rried—ifth of l
they have
rnpaortam.
inoczei and
yudf
tthhea mea-
sure uns
be not
of Commons against them and still retain their seats, I
call that a Government on sufferance—(hear)--but if
that should happen to the Government of which I am a
member, I assure you we shall not remain a Govern-
ment on sufferance, but shall immediately take that cen-
t—
stitutional course which under those circumstances it
will be our duty to pursue. (Hear, hear.) Well, then,
gentlemen, in having been thus summoned by her Ma-
r esn atuhde
Iru c es—eo off the
jesty at a critical moment to takouthoeusheeloommons is
to assume h
helm
oof affairs, 1
am not going
hostile to ourWe have
A ndthaelli se c
succeeded to power without intrigue—we have been
Government.ta t the(Hear,
hear.)
summoned to power by the voice—the spontaneous
v o
Itio
circumstances—and
spto:ne c thates
above all Houses of Commons the
oi sovereign. Commons
under
present House of
Commons—is to array itself in factious organisation
against us ? On the contrary, I believe that so far from
being a Government on sufferance a constitutional confi-
dence will be reposed in us by the House of Commons. If I
know anything at all, I think I know something of the
House of Commons, and I am sure that upon the whcle
it is a generous and a gentlemanlike assembly, and is
certainly not likely under the circumstances in which we
arrive at power to make itself the ready tool of any set
of scheming political intriguers. (Hear.) But I know
that the House of Commons, like all human institutions,
is not entirely exempt from faults and errors—l know
that the House of Commons in the year 1852 did act in
a very different manner. There was against the Govern-
ment of 1852 a coalition of all sorts of discordant
pat-
ties, who by their united influence threw the Ministry of
Lerd Derby into a small rranority, upon which we
quitted office. But have the circumstances of those days
taught no lesson to the pe pie of England l Has the
experience of these everts brought no wisdom to the
Rouse of Co!wl,onsl The destruction of the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby brought on the war with Russia.
(A. laugh) I beg to state what I know to be the faot.
(dear.) The war with Russia brought on the Persian
war, the Eastern disturbance, and the Indian mutio..v;
(A. laugh.) There is a gentleman in the crowdanwh
laughs at this. I think I remember that gnt
iewas
one of those who in this hall cheered Mr.
Cobden,
this court.
and
said that he %39 the proper man to represent
tewords of his
ty. What will that gentleman say,
to h
no doubt ono of the
favourite politician ? Mr. Cobden
,itiin
the House of Com-
mons. He wax a strong°P
most eminent men that ever
e cat
of the Government of
hi::: peas o no of the majority by
Lord la rby in 1852, aod ,
Government was expelled.
who e vote Lord Derby 0
,
What did Mr. Cobden
two years afterwards in the
House of COMMODE' ?
I el
Hsaid " that of all the votes he
had ever given in the course of his political life, the Vote
which turned Lord Daly out of office in 1852 was the
vote be most regretted." (Hear, hear.) That vote, he