The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-11 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY fl jBsi3. -

THE DELICATE QUESTION.

- -
" Sin will plank on sin."--Shakespeare.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.
Sir,—Your condescenaion in inserting my former
letter, and the notice taken of it by " Amiens"
affect me deeply. Believe me, although
"sick is the world's regard, wretched, and low,"

I can still be grateful.
My heart, such as it is, whispered that good might
come out of my humble endeavours to provoke the
discussion of this uninviting subject, and now the
thought that I am addressing, those who can think
of us without levity or loathing is overpowering !
"Amiens" reminds me that One, than whom no
greater ever trod this earth, was most solicitous
about the least deserving, and—although it may
excite a smile—l would remark that, somehow,
even the most depraved among women—so far as
my terrible experience enables me to judge—cherish
come latent and lingering consolation in vague con-
nection with Him. -Iwill address a line to "Amicus"
when I can pis • II upon myself to do so. At present
I beg him to accept my-thanks. As. for Coder
Idris," he writes like a Welshman : angrily, trans-
parently, and with an eye to business. Charac
teristically enough, he hotly contradies what he
rather confirms. I hope, but more than doubt,
I have wronged Dolgelly, and I wish some
Englishman would set me right. I never alluded
to "bundling" (which still goes on el-ewhere), and
I might have added that among the humbler classes
in Weles (the quiet, demure, and rustic population)
legitimate children ate so frequently bean during
the "honeymoon" that upon calculating a first-
born's age you must not be guided by the marriage.
certificate of its parents. I mention such unpalate-
able truth; simply that while one particular vice
is assailed it is only proper to c oasider it in all its
phases, lest in crusliieg one development you en-
courage the growth of another. For myself—and
I say it with all becoming humility—l have but
one aim, that of helping towards the prevention of
an abuse of an authority, while I respectfully con-
cur in the widely expressed opinion that it must,
in some shape, be exercised in the way of curing a
common nuisance and checking a growing al.omina-
tion. And when not only an association of well-
meaning and highly respectable gentlemen, some
remarkable fur their piety, and others actuated
more by moral motives—when not only these, but
the great mass of intelligent and influential people
who make up society and read the Times, Fha 11
have overcome their natural srrnp'es, and given
this distasteful but important question their calm
and unwarped judgment, I am certain practical
measures will be adopt. d for the benefit of the com-
munity without violating the laws of humanity, or
the "free agency" with which we are all alike sup-
posed to be vested.
Sir, I will be so bold as to say that England owes
all her worth to the good sense and good feeling of
her people. When does our Government come
forward in the cause of propriety in any shape, but
upon compulsion..? Has not the obscene print,
"That blurs the grace and blush of modesty,"
been exhibited until even foreigners pointed at it
in derision ? And what was more easy tlian its
removal ? The question, " What is an indelicate
picture, and what is not ?" is an insult. And now,
is it not a reproach to our rulers, supposed to have
the welfare of the public at heart, that all this out-
cry must be raised before any steps will be taken to
abate what makes even me cry " shame T' It is
hard, sir, that no well dressed man, old or young,
can pass along certain thoroughfares without mo-
lestation ; and it is worse, much worse, that decent
women, maids and matrons, are subjected to con-
duct and language truly disgusting, and which
there is no avoiding. I see people shrink from us
as they would from loathsome things. Why should
we be pe:mitted with impunity to harm or even
annoy those who have never off- laded us Sorely
there is wickedness enough-in the world that mutt
be borne with. By day, when ladies come out to-
gether shopp;ng or for walking exercise, that they
may look into shop-windows (a harmless way of
passing an hour), and when the company of a gen-
tlecnau is purposely dispensed with or not to be
obtained, is it, not a pity that insolent prostitutes,
carrying their calling on their faces and disportiug
themselves most offensively,;sliould be permitted to
elbow them from every attractive spot, even from
shopcounters, aud "stare them down" with that
unabashed effrontery which seems to say they glory
in disgracing womanhood? Is there no cure for that
'sort of thing ? We are not all alike. Many a sweet
face have I admired through rising tears. And
mothers ! We recognive them at a glance. How
dreadfully severe some look, and how mildly corn-
passionate others. You think, perhaps, we cannot
appreciate their exemplary lives ! Ah, Sir ! we
could actnetimea kiss the hems of their garments,
although

" Every woe a tear may claim
Except an erring sister's shame."
Is it nothing to look upon ono eurialA being,
and say, "Such once was I," and upon another,
and think, "Like that I might hare been ?" No,
Sir, we are not so much enemies to virtue as we are
victims to vice.
" How is it then," asks the father of a family,
"that I cannot come home from my—a—club,
without being accosted iu a very—a—familiar —I
may say-4—impertinent manner t" " And how
is it," adds the Bon, "that wegularwy, whenistwoll-
ing up Wegent-stweet, they call me Charles, and
ask me if lam good-natured ?" Then chimes in
mamma with " I don't like naming these people."
It is only charitable to ignore their existence. But
really if ladies and their daughters must become
familiar with exhibitions that scandalise their sex;
gentlemen having daughters neglect their duty.
Male folks can, I suppose, take care of themselves.
" Blows my soul, what can I do ?'' demands the
husband. "Is it tay business to—a—do the work
of the—a—scavenger—police I mean ?"
Now, one word to this dornesto circle. The
portly gentleman addressed by a strange woman in
Pal!-mall could scarcely be expected to give her
into custody. His sense of duty may be strong,
but an ther feeling may be stronger Beside the
sacr:fiee of convenience would be great. Bs, ut ha
may with justice complain. As for the son, one
could expect nothing from him but silliness ; there
is much of it prevailing in these days among young
gentlemen ; but he is entitled to protection. The mo-
ther describes the worst features of the nuiean-e, and
instinctively points to the remedy, but the father
declares that it is not his business. Now, I tell him
that it is. Never mind the term implied by the
"scavenger," nor the iniquity suggewed by
the.
word " police." There is a pest at his door. Ile him-
self, his wife, and his children come in contact with
it ; then who so fit to grapple with the noxious-
ness? In dealing with it, however, do nothing in
ignorance. Going to the root is ono process, lop-
pin the branches is another. A writer named Col-
ton, if my memory fail the not, has said, " Seduc-
tions would be scarce, if women sent the seducer to
Coventry instead of the seduced." Aa it is, the
seducer is countenanced and courted; and it is the
boast of the young among the Let: er classes that
they have betrayed U 3. So much for the rout ; but
we have to do with the branches, and they over-
shadow more of the land than can be seen at a
glance. Some young men, an 1 old men toe+ will be
what is called "wild." They will spend ,hex money
disreputably ; and among some of them there is an
affectation of " fastness," which others emulate.
Dissipation ruins some; it only kills whers. These
men must, or rather will, go somewhere to carry
out their bad propensities. They belong to all
swiallowso tuelodtt
nt
withtoe them e
(t)
lona
condemns se
msa ennudi
public
oul erbdloiepere.
gnal
classe4, even the moat influential, and it is wise to
Thereforee an ga m
a nudch
oi
it is
hsi
es i
rs that
pc con
no
I--
menades any more than I would other public re-
h the anybody y
responsibility
nc as
inbai
lvi
toyi d
0. Tf
hethe
asojetsti,dhaingehe aonfdthloe police,w,whic
proprietor, and the presence of respectable persons
ought always, as at the Crystal Palace, to be a gua-
rantee for decorum. But oolong as the I ssolute—
exclusi velythe dissolute—of bothsexc a are permitted
to assemble in oyster and coffee roo.ns in the midst
of the• metropolis, making a common rendezvous on
the pavement in front; and so long as there shall be
dancing-rooms, visited only by the fr
pro gat t, and
whets the notoriously immoral ply for hire, this
nuisance will continue to grow. Now, the scum ob-
set vableuponLondon IN, as it is seen iu the streets,
I know to be rank. But you in 4y not know how
little skimming would remove it. Take from it
a SNT t orlW )of flreiln women, the most
thoroughly adept at their heinous trade, and double
as many English hasitities of the pave—all well
known to the initiated for their hateful calling,
and you will miss the great bulk of prostitutes that
infest our principal streets. The majority t,f these
could be frightened into more retired habits, while
the incorrigible could be taught to respect an autho-
rity vested in those who would not abuse it. But
few accomplished women are to be found among
those to whom lam alluding. The provinces sup-
ply most of th m, and many have been servants. I
never saw what I should term a lady on the town,
and more than one or two of really gente 1 origin
and good education. The " better tort" either die
soon, hid up in nooks courrs, or get into

" keeping." Their superior intelligence makes
them companionable„ and- if they have tact, and
anything like personal advantages, they must for a
season live in a certain sort of luxary. The most
unprincipled men are the greatest fools in regard to
wome 1, and most easily fleeced by them ; but some-
times the fool is scarcely a knave, and simply
" soft." It is wonderful how many'of your emi-
nent men, as well as men Qf rank and fashion, are
the dupes of courtesans. The highest professional
attainments and the most exalted positions, are
laughed to scorn by woman, whose wiles a city
" gent" would ridicule. Occasionally' the welt-
informed woman—and Oven the woman of obscure
origin—finds not only a " protector," but a hus-
band, either in a weak-minded man, a mere cal-
lous sensualist, or one of noble nature, with per-
ception to distinguish between misfortune and de-
pravity, generosity enough to forgive past errors,
and faith enough to rely upon future fidelity and
rratitude. Although society
is dead age
we are tot all incapable of being lifted out of the
mire of reprobation, and becoming, as many now
are, wives and mothers of exemplary behaviour,
whatever be passing within. As we. have so little
to boast of, I may be excused mentioning this. The
genus "kept lady" is, however, an extensive one.
They can scarcely be blamed. There is no retalia-
tion they can inflict which circumstances will not
palliate, but we have few of us sufficient calcula-
tion for anything beyond the present moment.
Looking backward we cannot endure ; looking for-
ward we fear. We are ntvortbeleos mongol
with-
out desizn, sometisometime.Wltliont privity. Moralists
should look to thin. Younotezt talk of their
" little woman," and their "box a little, way out,"
as they do of their dogs and horses. Married men
are not ashamed of taking a confidential friend to
a " bit of dinner with madam ;" and the utter
ab'ence of all compunction is marvellous even to

us, with our recollections of home not qu'to
effaced. Now, whi!e y-u gentlemen sodu..e, keep,
abandon, and then parronizi us indiscriminately,
as you do, be careful how you legislate for the suppression of one portion of your victims. Fearing
that I have overtaxed your patience, I remain your
humble servant,

ONE MORE UNFORTUNATE.

THE CONSPIRACY TO MURDER BILL.

(From the Daily Neus.)
We need not repeat—what everyone who has
read the two nights' debits on the Conspiracy Bill
has already remarked—that the whole weight of
argument, and all the dignity of moral sentiment,
was on the side of Lord Palmerston's opponents--
Lord John Russell's statesmanlike breadth of view,
Mr. Roebuck's vigorous and impassioned eloquence,
h
the sound Constitu-
tt
ioe able
nailegal
6 analysisx p
tMr.
i 0
n s Hope,Messrs. Warren and
of
Bovill. Nor is it necessary to explain the under-
hand arts by whiAt eloquenc 3 and reasoning of the
highest order were rendered of no avail. It will be
fact vas had been indefatigably at work—their
easily understood that the " whippers-in" of both
fingers on every members button, their noses in
every membor's ear : "If Lord Palmerston is left
to-ma orminority,rom.
We need scarcely remind our readers th%t though Cuuut Persigny will leave London
by no means averse to war on just and necessary
grounds, we would remain at peace with all nations
as long as possible, and more especially with France.
We have again and again argued in support of the
theme that war between France and England—the
only two complete nationalities in Europe' the great
champions of European civilisation—woul,l be only
not so unnatural as a civil war. Still we feel that
the duty incumbent upon our Repre4entatives in
the House of Commons of resi,ting the proposal to
legislate under pressure from without was s ) urgent
and imperative as to hive warranted their T-jesting
Lord PalinerAton's application for leave to bring in
his bill at all hazards. _

But the refired oven to discuss the principle of
the measure under the pressurea of threats would
roirsiktyo: thNlisone hlisadt
obfetehne
not hare led to any ru
sheowitdh France. If there
ainnin know be ter than the
should have found the
names of Air. Bright and Mr. Milner Gibson iu the
most iutimate and influential Councillors of the
Fenperor that the bare •
land b • • • wig Imminent woulkattonc d
price of every security in the Bourne doun
th*3
w unie at least 2 )
per cent The prospect of a
industry ar with England
would paralyse p-oductivethroughout
France. This is a result which
the Emperor and
his ad v i•-,ers were not prepared to risk. They would
not have pushed matters to such an extremity.
Though we feel confident, however, that a vote
against I,lrd. Palate' ston's ny,t.ou would not htv
seriously endangered t'
the good understanding ' e
be-
tween
.Francs and England,are by no means
certain that the vat in we
e .favour of ha lordship's
motion willnot
endanger it. Let Lord Palmer-
' ales
and his friend s, .
1 what they. will, eo reason-
able being doubts thehis bill was presented to the
House of Commons and it as a psaeis-
offering to theFrenchG received
by
overnment. Such a measure
would never have been presented to the House of
Commons but for Count Walewski's insinuation
that "the English
legislation contributes to favour
the designs and plans of assassins." It is true that
Count Walewski in the 'lama of his Imperial
Master, has condescended
the bruslitelee to express regret that
suage in which some ardent
Colonels backed hisllow application in their Addresses,
had been allowed to find its way into the
columns of theed
31eit
iteto. ; but has Count
Wale wski apologised
ofor the insolent and intem-
perate apee,th fM.
Ds Morny, the President of
the Corps Legislatl .
I , and designated as a Member
of the future Council of Regency ? Was the de-
livery of M. Dt,
Oroy's speech, as well as its pub-
lication in the -4/
accident ? The fact
onitettr, an inadvertency and an
cannot be denied that the
Cabinet has prepared Ba 11, and that the House of
Commons have co
pressure of insolent threats
to discuss it, under the
threats from foriegu miui.tera
and a foreign army. We know the French army
too well to impute to the whole of that gallant body
the vnivr
branembers. But we ggadocio
of some of its jobbing
of these we
know that among the weak-
nesses brave •
men is an irresistible propen-
sity to taunt a one who they imagine has
"shown the whintey
to
refrain feather." They will find it im-
possibleevery Etwish ~, from gibes directed against
missivenis—o-fLuriTary man they meet, on the sills.
Palmerston. Similar lan-
guage will bs held by by all the coutinental nations,
an I by American
and eivilia2: to all Englishmen, both sol-
diers
be heard from n • Already a low murmur may
every -
grade of English society, ex-
pressive 'of shame
and iin
ritation at the pol/onery
of their Ministers
of mind will ba
still
further exasperated by taunts
from al quarters in England and America. In
this mood the English i nation will be ready to pick
a quarrel with their
neighbours across the Chann.l
on very slender grounds.
And grounds there can
be no doubt will be
haste of Lord pdatiord.ed them, for the servile
hlle
and his colleagues to an-
ticipate the unreasontae )u
bt.'
e wishes of the Emperor of
the French will only encourage him to urge more
unreasonable demands.
This
is only a now illus-
tration of the old truth, that unworthy fear is ap;
to en ate the very danger seeks to avoid.
'
The fault that has been
eiieommitted is not irre-
mediable, though a very little time may maks it so.
A severe scrutiny of the principle and details of the
bill, and its rejecion 0., the merits, may yet make
amends for the undignified
yielding implied in the
consent to debate its provisions. It would thus be-
come apparent that an overstrained courtesy alone
had been at the bottom of .the extraordinary vote
of Tuesday night. The public are willing to grant
a locus penitentice to those
raercbers of the House
for
of Commons who voted Lord Palmerston's mo-
tion, and also to those who more shabbily absented
themselves from the vote. But Should this oppor-
tunity of re-establishing their tarnished reputat ion
be neglected, honourable members must be pre-
pared to have disagreeable remarks made upon their
conduct. . Mr. Collier and Mr.c Serjeant Kinglake
ar
ay expect to be egerstelate upon their amended
prospects against the next vacancies in the ranks of
the Counsel for the Crowe Thomas Dun-
combs may expect to be condoled:l4r' with on the pain-
ful sacrifices he has felt himself compelled to make
of his Radical principles to his. at'achment to an
Mr. old boon companion. Charles Villiers may be
prepared to listen to ironical
compliments on the
strength of his fraternal affection
. The Whig mem-
hers for Edinburgh and Glasgowon•
may expect to be
told that to.shirk a VOte fu, mere p Irty cons d •ra-
tions is as unpardonable a sacrificee of principle as
voting wrong. The great mass of the Conservative
their persistence party may rest assured that in
abstaining from opposition
inbecause their Chief fears
that in the event of succet.s immediate advan-
tage ny accrue, not to himself,e but to Lord John
Russell, will be regarded as e
scandalous sacrifice of
national honour to merepart party considerations that
mu,,, if possible, still more degrade and weaken
their party in public (stimasi
o% As for the leading
Peelites their conduct on
that
has already
strength' ibis
strengthened the susp
"have icion the
at, as the poet says of
"most women," theyno character at all."
Acute critics of others,
plausible lecturers on al).

stract questions of policy, when the time comes for
action, they seem ever to keep halting between two
opinions. If they fail on the tiecond=xeading as
they have done on the first, it will be said of them,
as it was said of the Patriarch of " Issachar is
an ass crouching between two burdens."

(From the 7imes.) •
This country, while it is endeavouring t•) satisfy
;he reasonable demands of foreign Governments by
ncreased severity of legislation, may naturally

expect that no efforts shall be made to drives
political malcontents to despair ; but the measures
which have recently been adopted in France seem
equivalent to a warning that no opposition to the
present Government will be tolerated or forgiven.
The law which has been approved by the Council
of State offers ►ittle security against the recurrence
of crimes such as those of Pianori and Orsini ; but
it weakens the position of moderate Liberals in
their resistance to violent schemes, and it tends:to
recruit the ranks of insurgents and of assassins from
the general mass of political exiles. A majority of
those who at first resented the violent suppression
of popular government may have been willing
tacitly to subside into the acquiescent mass of the
nation, and the newly founded Empire.could hive
no pretension to call up arrears of loyalty, or to
reckon with those who had failed to worship the, yet
unrisen sun. The defenders of that which was law
and order on the Ist of December might laY claim
to some consideration for the sudden change which
converted them into insurgents on the 2d ; but
after the lapse of six years they fin 1 that they
are never to receive complete absolution for the
acts wh.c4 a fe►c hours, conrroneincr with a sur-
prise, had converted into crimes. rue a aileron so:
the defeated factions in 1848 and 1849 are included
in the alarming catalogue of suspected ticket-of-
leave men. Combatants from both sides of the barri-
cades of June find themselves equally subjected to
imprisonment or transportation at the will•of the
Executive authority. General Cavaignac, if he
were now living, would, under the provisions of
the new law, be rtduced to the con:li ion of a con-
vict at large on good behaviour. If international
courtesy requires the assumption thst the proposed
measures are suited to the internal necessities of
France, Englishmen may nevertheless express their
uncatfne3s at the adoption of a policy ro obviously
calculated to revive misunderstandings mei ns th4t
which has recently occurred. Eve❑ Count Wa-
lewski recognised the duty of affording an asylum
to the members and adher nts of fallen dynasties ;
but the enactment which attaches penal conso-

gnawers to mancativres and intelligences may at any
time be applied to visits at Claremont, or to cor-
respondents with the inmates of Twickeuhale A
zoalous Parisian journal asserts that censure of the
Imperial Government is an instigation to the
murder of the Emperor. Toe logicians of the bar-
racks might argue that the country which protected
the adversaries of the established Government be-
came at once "a den of assassins."
Oa more general grounds the adoption of a
system of repression in France must be regarded
with serious anxiety. If the policy of the Gevern-
went is necessary, the Empire must be exposed to
constant and imminent peril ; and, on the other
band, the exhibition of alarm and distrust tends to
create the very dangers which are apprehended.
One of the most popular French delusions repre-
sents the English as unfriendly to the permanent
repose of the Continent. According to the vulgar
bodef, the selfish islanders, confident in their own
traditional secariry, look with a tranquil setiefac-
tion on the periodical convulsions which interrupt
the progress of France, and some suspicion of this
kind is at the bo•tom of the violsnt feeling which ie
unfortunately not C,,n fined to a few ill-bred soldiers.
No ration :l foreigner can believe that assassination
is tolerated by English opini ; but there is a
widespread impression that chronic plots and mur-
murings of disaffection are watched with favour or
complacency.
We mead not fell any Englishman that the real
feeling of the country and the judgment of its
stateAA, n incline to an entirely opposite conclusion.
It is the wish and interest of Elgland Viet the
government of France should to in friendly hands #
but it is still more important tied the ruling power
should be strong, respected, and prosperous. Thu
advantages of the alliance which has survivel
many vicissitudes are too obvious to be overlooked; 1
bist lissermay. leest, sa tetetter-;
ing govertinicnt in the desperate attempt to earn a
spurious popularity. Charles X. made the attempt
on the eve of his fall, and Louis Philippe fol'owed
his exensple. Napoleon 111., s'rcnger and more
confident in his strength, has also been more reso-
lutely faithful to England ; but the well-wishers of
the alliance cannot regard with iedifferentie the
implied admission that the Imperial dynasty is now
maintains I by force against the wish of a part of the
nation. The military organisation of the provinces
in five separa• e commands, the appointment of
a Marshal-General, to supersole, in past, the
Minister of War, are measures undoubtedly
within the competency of the Government, and
they must be exempt from the hostile criticism of
foreigners. Those who desire the tronquillly of
France may be excused for the expression of regret
that the Civil Administration should be thought or
found insuffisient ; the appointment of a General
officer to the Ministry of the Interior might have
passed without comment as a proof of the c nitidenee
reposed by the Emperor in a well known adherent ;
but General Espinasse has thought fit to inaugurate
his tenure of office by a declaration that he has b en I
selected for the most important civil position on the
express ground that be is a soldier. The public,
he truly says, in his circular to the Prefects, may,
perhaps, discuss the appointment of a military man ,
to functions which are exclusively civil. It may be
added, that the feeling of strangeness will not be
diminished by the recollectiox that the new Minis-
ter
of the Interior, at the head of his regiment,
turned the National Assembly out of doors. Gen.
Espinasse is desirous that the significance of his
appointment should be neither distorted nor di-
minished. He accordingly declares in substance
that the Emperor has been too generous and the
country too confident. "An execrable attempt has '
opened all eyes, and has revealed to us the savage
resentment and the culpable hopes which still glim-
mer among the ashes of the revolts' ionary party."
A civilian might have hesitated to deduce from the
crime of three Italian exiles the conclusion that a
formidable revolutionary party exist° 1 iu France ;
but the Minister knows what is to be done, though
his explanation of the reason for action may be
questionable ; and he announces " a watchful, in-
cessant surveillance, ready to prevent, prompt and
firm to suppress, always calm, as power and justice
should be. . . . This is the most important part
of my task, and this is why the Emperor selected
me." The surveillance which can only be exercised
by a military functionary will be alarming to the
peaceable community.
It has been, perhaps, rather the misfortune than
the fault of the Emperor that he has not been able
to surround him,elf, with advisers of established
reputation and public importance. His personal
followers, in their natural desire to retain the
monopoly of office, have an interest directly op-
posed to that of the Sovereign and of the nation.
It costs them nothing to alienate the moderate
politicians and statesmen who might be their
rivals, but who could never be their supporters or
colleagues. The Emperor cannot himself transact
all the business of Government, and his authority
is sometimes devolved upon subordinates whose
conception of a political. system is confined to a be-
lief in the efficacy of force. With the army and
the peasantry on his side Napoleon 111. ought, in
the interest of his dynasty, to conciliate those who
govern opinion, and to acquire the confidence of
the middle classes, for a ruler se able can scarcely
condescend to the vulgar ambition of founding a
military despotism. But, if the policy of coercion
is pursued, foreign states will regard with just un-
easiness the coincidence of political discontent with
the established supremacy of the army. The temp-
tation to escape from domestic difficulties by schemes
of aggrandisement abroad may become irresistible
if time or circumstances should diminish the vigour
of the hand which holds the sceptre. As General
Espinasse with involuntary justice remark', power
ought to be " calm and tranquil."
y
alioneting every o lucated civilian .v
at the Em
every malcontent
the ddi to
ffi es
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[A DVERTISIMENT ]way'e Pills are undeniably
gbtahneine h
the
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persons
efficacy of this salutary medicine, and the good effects
system, iirbu I
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:is
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