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London, England, 1858-03-04 00:00:00

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O. 6! =ITU, lecretary.

THE BE-ELECTIOLVS.

THE FIRST LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY.
Sir J. Pakingtcn, having accepted the office of
First Lord of the Admiralty in the new Adminis-
tration, presented himself according to constitu-
tional usage, to the constituency of Deoitwich yes-
terday, and was re-elected without opposition. The
nomination took place in the: Town-hall, whither
Sir John was accompanied by a procession of his
supporters, who Met him shortly be ors 11 o'clock
at the George inn. The Town-hall
was crowded
on the occesion, and the proceedings were presided
over by Mr. J. IL Bradleyo mayor.
Tile writ having been read by. Mr. Tombs, the
Town-clerk, and the otker formalities completed,
Mr. W. H. Rectomers proposed, and Mr. E.
BEARCROFT seconded, the nomination of Sir J. S.
Pakengton, Bart., as a fit and prhper person to re-
pre eat the beroUgh in Parliament. -
No elector appearing to propose any other can-
didate, the right hon. .baronet was declared duly
elected amid the acclamations of the .assemblage.
Sir JOHN PAKrNGTON then presented himself
to the meeting,_ and was received with loud and
prolonged cheering. Having
thanked the consti-
tuency for electing hith on 'that occasion for the
7th time without a contest, and also expressed his
deep sense of honour attached to a political con-
nection resting alone ou their good opinion, the right
hon. baronet proceeded'to saye—Gentlemen, not a
year has elapsed since I last stood before you as a
candidate for your suffrages,
and I now offer my-
self to you again, because I have thought it my
duty not to decline the acceptance of one of the
most important and responsible-posts in the new
Administration which it has become necessary to
form for the government of the country. Tee II
months which have passed since you last elected
me have been characterised by some 'of the most
remarkable events that have occurred for many
years. They will, I believe, form a period that
will-hereafter stand out as one of the most marked
epochs it, our history. When we assembled in this
room last, it was because Lord Palmerston's Go-
vernment had then, as it has now, been out-voted
on a great question of national policy. A majority
of the House of Commons had condemned the line
taken by the Administration in respect to the
quarrel with China, and Lord Palmerston accord-
ingly appealed, as he had a perfect and legitimate
right to do, to the country by a dissolution of Par-
liament. I explained to you with the utmost can-
dour the grounds of the conscientious vote which I
gave on that question. But tee result of the gene-
'isipthose me,
lo support Lord entertained on
Pelmerston's Government in tee dispute in
gene-
ral electiou tended to show that the majority of the
electors of England didnot approve the views which
thata subject,
whot votedwere d
v
which it had engaged with China, upon what
I ventured to think an unjust and au un-
righteous cause. The policy of the Government
having been thus sanctioned by the coessieuencies,
the Ministry resumed their functions in May last,
apparently at the head of as powerful a party
as ever supported a Cabinet in the House of Coln.-
MOM. Parliament had, hOwever, seeteely reassem-
bled iiefore events occurred which at once extin
ieuished all the interest felt in the affairs of China.
The whole feeling of England was soon absorbed by
those lamentable occuirences in India which have
occupied so large a share of our attention from tha
day to this. Throughout the Bengal Presidency,
throughout Central India, in the great and recently
annexed province of Oude, a wide-spread rebellion
broke out under circumstances which male our
military power in that country peculiarly weak,
and in the mode by which for many years our
greatest statesmen had always predicted that our
Indian empire would be shaken if it ever was seri-
ously a'-sailed,—viz., by a general mutiny among
the native army, to which we had mainly intrusted
its defence. You all remember with what splendid
courage those little b oafs of Britsh soldiers who
still remained in India triumphantly and in every
instance maintained their ground. You all remem-
ber the horrors which befell our unhappy country-
men. You have not forgotten the signal proofs of
the vigour and energy of the British character given
not only by our troops, but by our civilians, and,
last but not leest, by those heroic women—(cheers)
—too many of whom, alas ! were exposed to atro-
citiesj upon which it is painful for even one mo-
ment to reflect. If ever the British mind was roused
to action—if ever one unanimous determination
filled the heart of the nation that the Queen should
be supported and British power reasserted, it was
upon the receipt of the rec,nt dreadful intelligedce
from India. And, gentlemen, I must frankly tell
you that I am not disposed to be severe upon the
late Government for the part which they took
under the most difficult and most unforeseen circum-
stances. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think, however,
that they were sufficiently alive to the magnitude of
the danger—they underrated that danger, and were
too &ow in recognising the duty which devolved
upon them. But I should be sorry to speak with
harshness of those who, whatever their merits or
demerits, have ceased to hold the reins of power ;
and I will candidly own that when at last the Go-
vernment were aroused t a sense of the crisis, they
showed great energy in the measures they adopted
to meet it. I cannot leave the subject of India with-
out thankfully acknowledging that I believe the
danger has in a great degree passed away and I
trust I am not too sanguine in entertaining the
hope that we shall soon see the complete re-estab-
lishment of Brit ish power in thatcountry. (Cheers.)
You will remember that the moment when all Eng-
land was so painfully excited about the events oc-
curring on the other side of the globe, we were also
suddenly overtaken by a great monetary criers.
Almost, as it were, in an instant, and with a vio
lence certainly never before witnessed, we found
that magnificent edifice of commercial, manufactur-
ing, and banking prosperity of which we are so
justly proud shaken tD its very foundations. The
most solv nt houses fell without the ability to re-
tard their fall, and in all parts of the country firms
reckoned to be as stable ae the Bank of England
itself were involved in irretrievable ruin. The ag-
gregate amount of the mercantile and banking
fnilue ee was to be counted by a vast number of
millions, and from day to day no man knew who
was safe, or to what extent the wide-spread com-
mercial paralysis might reach. That storm, too,
thank God, has passed away. (Cheers.) It went as
suddenly as it came ; the rate of di,count, which
rose as high as 10 per cent., has in three short
months fallen again to 3 per cent. ; money is abun-
dant, and our commercial interests are once more
prosperous. A strong feeling was, however, left in
the public mind, viz., that there must be something
unsound in the laws t egulating the banking interests
and the currency of this
country to admit of the oc-
currence of these periodical convulsions, each of
which proves to be more alarming and violent
than its predecessor ; and accordingly it was gener-
ally felt that it was the duty of Parliament and of
the Government of the day to address themselves
seriously to the question whether it is possible by
any leumau wisdom to prevent the recurrence of
such disasters. These were the
circumstances under
which Parliament met in December last ; and,
moreover, the Government had announced their
intention to bring forward a measure touching that
immensely important subject, our system of Parliae
mentiry representation. I went up to the House
of Commons last December with a deep feelingthat
since I had had the honoui of representing you I
never had been called upon as a politician, and, as
I hope, an honest member of the Legislature, to
consider subjects of such anxiety and difficulty as
those which I then anticipated were to be brought
before us by the Government. And if there was
one event which I thought less probable than an-
other, it was that the administration of the affairs
of this country would change hands, and that the
'Government of Lord Palmerston, supported as it
apparently was, by an overwhelming majority,
would fall. But iu the middle of
January there
occurred the disgraceful and wicked attempt to
murder the Emperor and Empress of the
Fiench. By Providential interference—it would
be a mockery to attribute it to any other cause—
that blow did not strike where it was intended to
strike. Blood was shed, innocent lives were lost,
and numbers were wounded ; but, thank God, the
great man wl.o rules the French nation escaped.
(Cheers.) The fact, however, became clearly dele-
loped that this detestable plot was planned, and, I
may say, to a certain extent carried out, in Eng-
land. One of the chief conspirators, an Italian
named Pierri, resided in Birmingham as
a teacher
of languages, and was a quiet and inoffensive man,
lam informed, as long as he lived there. Another
man of higher social standing, who appears to have
been fitted by nature for better things, and named
Orsini, was also residing in England. lam ashamed
to add there were Englishmen mixed up in that foul
and nefarious attempt. It was most eloquently and
truly stated by Lord Derby, in the splendid speech
before
which he addressed the night last to the House
of Lords, that to judge fairly and dispassionately of
the feelings of Frenchmen on this subject we ought
for a moment to put ourselves in their position, and
consider what would be our own feelings if we had
found a nest of disloyal ED Ol h
..iO-111eLICODall)ginerfrOa

Boulogne or Calais, bringing with them shells and
'grenades, and trying to blow up our beloved Queen
Victoria at the door of the Opera-house in London.
We should have felt something like indignation,
especially if we were very ignorant of the state of
the law in France, and were not aware of how far
that law was really competent tol avert such out-
rages. Well, gentlemen, a strong feeling was
aroused in France. The French people saw that
they had been on the brink of a great catastrophe ;
for I really know of no misfortune which at this
moment would be greater to France and to Europe
than the death of the Emperor Napoleon. (Ch, ers.)
Seeing that the French are by nature a brave and
noble, but at the same time a warm and excitable
peop!e, I think generous Englishmen will not be
extremely ready to take offence at any language
made use of in a time of such alarm. The question
is how we, the great and independent kingdom
of England, ought to deal with these critical cir-
cumstances, and I must say I believe the
Government of Lord Palmerston did not deal
with them. (Cheers.) As soon as Parliament
reassembled in February the Government in-
tro luced a Bill to amend our law of conspiracy.
But did they introduce it with the necessary cau-
tion and discretion ? Never was a Government
placed in circumstances demanding greater care
and circumspection. The law of England to begin
with, is by no means clear upon the subject. The
question is a complicAted one, and it has a two-
fold aspect—first, how far is the offence of foreigners
conspiring in England to commit a murder abroad
within the English law of conspiracy ; and,
secondly, how far the same offence does or does not
come within the law of England, when it is a con-
spiracy by foreigners here to commit the murder
abroad not of any person whatever, .but a person
who is a Sovereign in alliance with this coun-
try. The subject is one on which the moat eminent
lawyers differ. Therefore- the Government would
have taken a wise course if, before presenting to
Parliament a bill to amend the law of England,
they had ascertained by careful inquiry what the
law of England is. Instead of that they pro-
ceeded at once to legislate. There, I think, they
aced very indiscreetly. But that is not all. In the
me intime there arrived a despatch from Count
Walowski, complaining, in the name of the French
people, of the state of things in this country, and of
the English law. That despatch has, I believe, been
the cause of more offence than it ought to have
been. In the first place, lam bound to say, it has
not been conveyed to the English people very accu-
rately, not having been very well translated, and I
am quite convinced that the French Governmen

intended no offence by sending it. But what was
the[courf,e taken by our Government ? They never
answered that despa-cb, but forthwith, on the re-
I ceipt of it, came down to Parliament with their
bill ; and, whether intentionally or otherwise,•they
held out to the British people and to the French
people the appearance that they were h gislating
under foreign dictation. No p ,licy could have been
more uns,2eualy or unwise. (Cheers.) And I think
the feeling of nation:il pride and indignation
which has been aroused, and has pervaded all classes
and which influenced the division of the Hou-e of
Commons a fortnight ago, was clireet,A. not so much
against the Bill as an amendment of the law as
against the impolicy and infatuation which induced
the Government to bring in their measure under
circumstances which had at least the complexion of
fereige dictation. But I may be asked in that case
why I voted for the introduction of the Bill, and
why there was a large majority in the House of
Commons in favour, as we are commonly told, of
its first reading. Allow me to explain that the
division did not take place on the. first reading of
the Bill. By the forms of the House a Bill once
introduced is read a first time a ;ratter of course ;
but before any Bill can be brought in in our HotPe
leave must be Oven, and when leave is granted no
pledge is thereby given by the House that it will
support the details or even the principle of the mea-
sure. My own feeling was that when a horrible out-
rage of this kind bad been committed, and had
formed the subject of complaint from our friend and
ally the Emperor of the French, and when our own
Government told Parliament on their own respon-
sibility that the law of England required correction,
it would have been an ungracious act, and one most
unwise as respects the interest of this country, to
say" You shall not even introduce your bill, and
we will not consider your proposal." The division
which overthrew the late Government was not a
division upon the merits of the bill, but whether
her Majesty's Ministers had duly regarded the
honour of England in sending no answer te- a de-
`watch which gave great offence to the British peo-
ple. (Hear hear.) There I had no hesitation.
Pray rememberi this fact—that the Opposition did
not seek the overthrow of the Government. The
amendment did not proceed from our benches, but
a proposition was put before us which a right hon.
friend of mine said "I can't resist, simply because
it affirms the truth." The Government, from what-
ever cause—from whatever motive, forgot the •

honour and the interests of England in not sending
a reply to that despatch. That document was in-
serted in the columns of the Moniteur, the Govern-
ment organ of France. No blame attaches t 9 the
French Government for that. But the despatch
was circulated alone. It should have gone forth
accompanied by the answer of England. That an-
swer ought to have been clear and decisive, concilia-
tory to France, deprecating these foul crimes, but
asserting with a dignity worthy of this country that
W 3 would never abandon that right of asylum which
all the world has found in this free land. (Cheers.)
The late Government, however, lacked the decision,
the moralcourage, and the wisdom to give that re-
ply, and hence the difficult and delicate circum-
stances with which the Administration of this
country has now to deal. I must touch
but lightly on the subject of the present state
of the law, because the trial of one of these
foul conspirators is now going on, or likely soon
to commence, in this country. We then shall see, in
the sJlemn and dispassionate arena of one of our
highest courts of justice, what is pronownced to be
the law of England on this vexed question ; and
then will be the time to determine whether legis-
lation is wanted. In the mean time I hope and
trust her Majesty's present Ministers will so
answer Count Walewski's despatch as will main-
tain the honour and dignity of this country, and at
the same time give no just cause of offence to the
French Government. That seems to me to be our
present duty. It may not be easy, but it is at
least clear. That duty is twofold. We have first
of all to proclaim and make it patent to Europe
that we cannot and we will not surrender the right
of asylum to all the world in England ' • and aide
by side with that declaration we must make it

equally patent that we will not sanction the cori-
coctiug of these foul crimes in our land—that we
will not
.allow our hospitality to be abused, but
that those who seek our protection must submit to
the condition that they shall abstain from crime
aud render obedience to our laws. (Cheers.) The
second part of our duty is to maintain as long as
we can maintain with honour that alliance with

France which is so conducive to the peace of the
world, and which I hope may ever flourish in close

and increasing friendship for the mutual benefit of
both nations. (Cheers.) Having explained the im-
mediate cause of the downfall of the late Govern-

ment, I must in frankness own that I think other

causes have contributed to the same result. There
have been many occasions of late on which the

conduct of the Ministry has not met with public
approbation. Among other things, they have
shown since Parliament met a want of decision--a
want either of opinions of their own or of the
courage to assert those opinions on important
domestic questions, and this has shaken their
moral influence in Parliament and weakened their

popularity with the country. I can give you two
very recent instances of this. A short time ago a
bill was introduced into Parliament for the total

abolition of church-rates. ROW, without discussing
the merits of that question at present, all must see
that it is one of great importance, this impost hav-
ing from time immemorial been part of the posses-
sions of the established church. Without saying
whether the view that I entertain is the correct one,

viz., that we must deal with the case as it stands, and
that our wisest course is to effect a compromise on

liberal principles towards Dissenters, at all events.
a Government ought to be prepared to declare its

opinions and to act consistently Up to them. Almost
all administrations in this country have had what
are called " open questions." I dare say we shall
be like our predecessors in this respect, and I am
not prepared to say whether churoh-rates may not,
by possibility, become one of those open questions.
But a Government either individually or collec-
tively ought to be ready to declare its views and to 1
act upon them. Well, what was the conduct of the
est/theWbbilyl.'
late Government on this question the other day ?
Two years ago a bill was intl., duced to abolish 1
church-rates, and trio Government said, " We want
to amend the law, and therefore we shall support
the second reading of this bill ;" and they did go.
ortelanaggiaign
But when the same measure was brought ,in the
ewa shall th
their
want to make changes in the law on this subject,
ao :tide r
thereforeday , w h what
laugh.) The division took plsee
. ; two Mihisters

voted against the bilk, im.e voted for it; and four
others stayed away and did not vote at all.
(Laughter.) The man who has a conscien .4E
opinion either for or against church-rates, and votes
accordingly, is deserving of respect; but, depend
upon it, if a Goveromect takes one course one year
and another another year, and at last half of its
members run away without doing anything its
moral influence must be weakened. (Hear, hear
Again, I recently made a motion for a royal com-
mission to inquire into the state of education in
England, and 1 was told, a few days before I made
it, thit the Government would decidedly oppose
me. When I got to the house I was told that they
would decidedly support me. In the course of the
evening I was informed by a friend of mine that
they had changed their minds three times, and at
last the Minister, when he had heard everybody
else speak, got up and said that he would neither
support nor oppose me, but he hoped I would
omit the latter half of my resolution, and
he would accept the first. (A, laugh.) My
answer was, " I have a great question in hand and
au important public object to attain, and I
will be no party to emasculating my resolution and
making it worthless because you can't make up your
mind." And I added that rather than cut it in
two I would abandon it altogether. In the middle
of my motion, however, there were one or two
uord:l to which a meaning different from what I had
intended was attached, and when I had consented
to alter these, both the first and the last half of the
resolution were agreed. to. These, I say, are symp-
toms of weakness, timidity, and vacillation ; fur
what Englishmen like is, that whether a man be
right or wrong he should have an opinion, and
having an opinion should stick to it. (Cheers.)
These, gentlemen, are the circumstances under
which LOW Derby has formed a Government,
,and
under which I have, however unworthy, been called
upon to, ake a part it. You have a right to bear
what sentiments are upon the great questions.of the
day as far as I am able to convey them. I have
always spoken to you with frankness, and I will do
so now. But I leave it to you to say,•as men of
sense and men of business, whether it is humanly
posible for 12 or 13 gentlemen called upon sud-
denly to conduct the affairs of this empire, within 14
days from the event which displaced their prede-
cessors, to proclaim to England what their policy
will be. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible. But
there is one-great question on which we are pre-
pared to act—the question, I mean, how, under
existing circumstances, we are to deal with our
Indian empire. You will recollect that the late
Government brought in a bill on this subject, and
the motion was resisted partly, I am bound to ad-
mit, on the ground that the Government of India
ought not to be changed, and partly on the ground
that, if it ought to be changed, this is not the pro-
per time for doing se. The last was the sole
ground on which I individually voted ag tinst the
bill. It was thought by a large party in the
House of Commons that pending the revolt and the
present difficulties which beet the administration
otaffairs in India the form of government for that
vast empire ought net to be disturbed. But
how doss the question now stand as to the
time for legislating for India ? In the
first place, an overwhelming majority has negatived
the idea that. this is riot a suitable time for legis'a-
tion ; and, ih the next place, look at the inevitable
effect which must be produced in India on the posi-
tion of the East India Company when it is known
there, as it must soon be, that au overwhelming
majority of the House of Commons has declared
this the fitting period for taking the government
of that country out of the hands of the Company.
Attacked by hostile critics on the score of consis-
tency, I appeal to you, as men of sense whether the
fabts I have bri-fly narrated do not materially
change the aspect of the preliMinary question of
time ? (Cheers.) Her Mtij:isty's Government think
they do. We aro prepared, in obedience to that
majority of the House of Commons, in obedience to
the fore() of circumstances, to legislate for the future
government of India. (Cheers.) What is to be
the nature of that legislation ? Feeling the enor-
mous difficulty an l importance of this question, I
would speak with diffidence ; but ever since this
unfortunate rebellion broke out I have closely and
anxiously studied the great problem how India
ought to be governed, and the more I investigated
the more deeply I became impressed with the con-
viction that the day was fast approaching when the
East India Company ought to be superseded, and
the authority of the Queen asserted in that distant
dependency. (Cheers.) I would speak without dis-
respect- to that Company, several of the leading
members of which are men of signal ability. In
tile early days of our Indian history, when we
had only a few detached settlements scattered
over the coast, it was all very well for a trad-
irg corporation to be the organ of England f,r
cbnducting her concerns. For a length of time,
during which our affairs extended, and our rela-
tions, political and commercial, brew more impor-
tant, no doubt the East India Company exercised
their functions well. But, owing chiefly to the
defects of so eccentric and anomalous a system
of government, I am free to express my decided
opinion that India for the last half century, if not
more, has not been well governed. I believe the
intentions of our Indian administrators have

been good, but that the system has not worked
in the manner either most conducive to the benefit

of the people of India, or most calculated to up-
hold the interests or the honour of England. I
think the Government of the day committed a
great error in not availing themselves of the oppor-
tunity afforded on the last renewal of the Cum-

panyis charter in 1853, then to transfer the go-
vernment of India from the Company to the
Crown ; but late events have forced this question
forward, and have brought home to us the irresis-
tible convicticm that if we are to retain this noble
dominion—if it 's the destiny of this wonderful
little island to diffuse civilisation over the East, we
must address ourselves with energy to the task,
and must' give to India the form of government
most adapted to advance that end. And I believe
that as the Queen has the supreme authority in all
other parts of the British empire, so the Queen
should have supreme authority over the territories
of India. (Cheers.) Whenever this proposal has
been mule it has been met with the bugbear—the
" practical difficulty" would, perhaps, be a more
polite phrase—drawn from the enormous aniouut
of patronage connected with the government .of
India. There has always been a jealousy in this
country of anything that might unduly increase
the influence of the Government of the day ; and
but for this fear India would no doubt have long
ago been placed under the direct authority of the
Crown. I am, however, sanguine in the hope that
if we shape our measure with a view not to increase

the patronage of the Government, but for the wel-
fare and happiness of India alone, we may be able
to overcome this difficulty, and to pass during the
present session a bill which shall proclaim the
authority of Queen Victoria throughout our Indian
dominions, without in any way swelling unduly the
influence of the Ministry. (Cheers.) Another
important topic on which you would not hold me
excusable if I did not address you in a spirit of
equal frankness relates to the representation of the
people. Gentlemen, the word reform has two
meanings. It is the word which for the last
20 or 30 years has perhaps been most fre-
quent on the lips of politicians. It has a
conventional and a party sense. It has a sense
in which those who use it are thinking of great
democratic innovations in our constitution. Taken

in that acceptation, the party with whom I have
the honour to act in public life never have pro-
claimed themselves ardent reformers. _ But the

word reform has another, a better, and a more
legitimate signification—the signification in which
it is taken to mean careful revision and cautious im-
provement of all our institutions, whether repre-
sentative or otherwise. In that larger and better
sense I think I am justified in saying the present
Administration are ardent reformers. (Cheers.)
In that spirit we are resolved under the circum-
stances of the case to give our best attention to the
question of what changes in the representation of
the people have really become necessary. If any
idea conldbe more untenable than another, it would
be to say, because 25 years ago the Conservative
party were alarmed at the changes then proposed,
and afraid that they might result in mischief to our
institutions, that therefore we are disqualified from
turning our attention to this subject now. I, for
one, repudiate such a doctrine. I will not be s:)
fettered in my political action. (Cheers. ) A quarter
of a century has since elap,ed. The Conservative
iits
party no doubt remains, but alas alame_o
n
propor-
tion of those who ei conspicuous were thr
ranks have passed away. Other men have sprung
up ; great changes have taken place in our institu-
tions ; and, while I honour consistency in
men, there is nothing I dishonour public
man to say; ci Became more than for a
ilinuesnuccheda thisbycr feeling 5 years ago I was in-
by that, I am not to act
manner as the interests of ray country de-
mand." (Cheers.) I hold, then, that it is our duty
to consider fully grid fairly this question of a change
in the national representation. It has been forced
upon'us by the repeated declarations of successive
Governments, Above all, we ought Wbe le-

fluenced by a fact to which I can attach great
weight _viz., that the S wereign from the throne
he, rec or me ride d V is ,til 'act t ► the consideinti in
if her pealiareen n No dou'et, conetittitih the
laaguage teeed.by fee Sovereign is: dietated by bele
reeponallele Mini, tees ; ndeerthelciee" when tho
Severeiger has been cemrnitte I -to &din-
. . .
neaten w.th e'e,Thr *es m -
,10/1 Ortll..e
,or, ost edribue erbfit leers con-
declarations are an:i tied to. most respectful: and
r. think those
deferential attention. Beeftice we ell know the circum•
stance,: under which, the great Reform •Act was passed,
and no reflecting man will deny that great anomalies
exist. Without mewing disrespect to any clasp, I msy
say one can hardly walk through the streets of this or
any other English town without rneetirg with men to
whore judgment and stuceien even the most ardent re-
former would scarcely think it safe to entrust the desti-
nies of this country. (A. laugh.) On the other hand,
you will find men elle, under the present law, are with.
who in common justice ought to
o possessut the
it. franchise,see
butan lion. gent'emen roan of
high scientific acquirements and great respectability,
and holding an important position in this town, but
not happening to be a 10/. householder;
There is an anomaly which doubtless eught.to be cur-
rec' est And, after all, what are the charm and sacred-
ness of the 10/. vote itself t A 101. rating in; Droiteicha
is a guarantee of respectability. In the large cities of the
kingdom it will virtually give you household suffrege.
It profeves to secure uniformity, but fails to secure it.
Whether tiniforinity be desirable is another question.
But one thing upon which I have been par;,icalari,y
careful is net to commit myself to the doctrine of finality
in respect to nay franchise or any representative system.
The limit of the franchise must in the nature of things
be a matter of degree. At one time it may be unwise
to go beyond a ,certain amount. Spread education and
intelligence, make a man fit for the duty, and in God's
name why should he not enjoy theprivilege ! (Cheers.)
On these grounds, then, I am not prepared, as a Minis,
ter who has been but a week in office, to pledge the
Government to the introduction of a Reform Bill. The
eubjeckrequires mature deliberation. Moreover, gentle.
men, we are candidates for public confidence, and that
confidence we seek on the only grounds on which we
can ever gain it. We ask you to judge of us partly by
our words, but much more by our acts. (Cheers.) And
if we wanted to forfeit public confidence, and to pro-
claim that we had no right to it, we could hardly
take a surer mode of doing so than before we have
been 10 days in office to come down and say we are
prepared to deal with this most important question.
year ago Lord Palmerston's Government promised, and
I believe intended, to deal with reform. I hope I do them
no injustice, but I think, from certain signs I have wit-
nessed,rebat, although they have had 11 Months for con-
sideration on that subject, their views upon it are not ;
quite decided now. (Laughter.) And lam net sirrithat --
teis is very much a matter of blame. So great a subject
ought to be discussed with calmness and deliberation.
It is easy to write a letter to the newspapers, saying that
no reform ought to be acceptable to the people which is
not based on this principle or on that. It is easy, too,
to go to public meetings and there recommend this or
that particular nostrum. But the men who do these
things do them without responsibility, and are not like
a government on whom rests the onus of dealing pru-
dently with the great interests of the State. We have to
uphold the monarchy, to uphold the freedom to which we
are ad so much attached ; and depend upon it an undue
amount of the democratic element in our institutions
would be most dangerous to liberty. Cress the Atlantic
and see the state of things which exists in the United
States. I speak with respect of that great people who are
rapidly rising to a pitch of eminence which the worldhas
seldom if ever witnessed. But I believe there is lass real
liberty there than in England. (Cheers.) Taking our in.
s; itotions as a whole, you may hit a blot here and detect
a faelt there; but among the civilised nations of the earth
there is no country where greater freedom, happiness,
or contentment reigns than in our owls highly-favoured
land. (Cheers.) It would be unreasonable to ask us,
then, to legislate this session on the question of reform;
but I miejudge the men with whom I have the' honour
of acting if I cannot say ler them that no bygone
opinions —no past prejudices, if I may use that word,
shall prevent our examining this great subject with an
anxious determination to do what is best for the inte-
rests of England. (Hear, hear.) We are told that we
can't govern the country because we are not agreed upon
social questions. It is said, for example, that on the
matter of education, in which'l take a deep interest, I
aria not in accord with my colleagues, and was told the
other day by a newspaper of great authority that I must
either give up my individual views on that subject or
decline to take office. (A laugh.) My convictions on
the educational question are deep, abiding, and sincere ;
and when I cannot retain a place in the counsels of the
Ministry without sacrificing those convictions in their
main and essential features, I shall cease to occupy that
position. That question is one which I did not lightly
take up, and one, therefore, which I am not at liberty
lightly to discard. But after the most serious reflection
I arrived at the conclusion that there was nothing in the
subject of national education to prevent me from giving
my humble assistance to her Majesty's Government.
Previous attempts at legislation upon that subject have
failed ; and honest differences of opinion as to the best
mode of carrying out the desired object have existed
among not only my colleagues, but my personal friends,
Who is right and who is wrong it is not for me to pre-
tend to say. But, finding legislation in the present state
of public feeling to be impracticable, I moved for, and I
am thankful to say I carried a motion for a commission
to institute a calm, impartial, and extensive inquiry.
Those friends from whom I differed avowed 'rankly that
I had taken the most conciliatory, the most moderate,
and the most practical course open to me. When Lord
Derby was called upon to form an Administration the
matter was still pending, and her Majesty having, in
answer to the address from the House of Commons,
graciously signified her intention that the Royal Com-
mission should issue, the commissioners will be fairly
chosen. and their investigation duly proceeded with.
On that point there has been no difference of opinion
among us ; indeed, I can hardly see how, under the
circumstances, such a difference was really possible.
Another argument strongly urged by the newspapers
opposed to the Government is that we cannot conduct
public affairs because we are in a minority in the House
of Commons. If that reasoning is to prevail a
change of Government is impossible. I felt con-
vinced that the large apparent majority returned at the
last general election in favour of the late Ministry was,
in fact, a majority on the China question, and one on
which Lord Palmerston could not depend. Events have
since justified that conjecture. No House of Commons
in my memory has ever contained so large a proportion
of independent members attached to no particular party.
Those to whom I refer are men entertaining liberal
priuciples, but they are not supporters of Lord Palmer-
ston or anybody else, except on such grounds as they
think the interests of the country warrant. They almost
to a man joined in the vet t that censured the late Minis-
try, and those gentlemen will, I believe, ae we have a
right to expect, give the new Government a fair trial.
(Cheers.) We trust to the support of an unusually in-
dependent House of Commons, and alto to the support
of the public. We shall address ourselves to our arduous
task with an anxious desire to consult, not the narrow
interest or party, but the welfare of the country, and
our interest hope is that we may he enabled so to con-
duct public affairs, as to conciliate and deserve the good
opinion of the
lorioossorvi cooeontntry. which (Cheers.)hav
have
now
weeTtiht'u
oregardhonour
to the
nurtobe
g
at the head, it is the first duty of every Administration
to see that the navy, our proudest boast and best de-
fence, is maintained in efficiency. Never was there a
moment when that efficiency was more necessary than
now. A considerable portion of our naval strength is
now required in China ; a further strain upon its re-
sources is also caused by the state of affairs in India ;
and we must all feel that this is not a time when sue
navy should be powerless at home. The maxim is trite
but true, that the beet security for peace is to be pre-
pared for war. The naval review at Spithead, st the
close of the Russian war, when a double lice of. ships
of war and gunboats, ex‘-anding no less than five
miles, was presented to view, did honour to the
naval administration of that day. But don't imagine
that that was a mere display without any political
object or any political results. I believe we
.are much
indebted to that spectacle for the peace that has
prevailei in Europe since that day. I have become ac-
quainted with the state of the army, which, as Lord
Derby acknowledged the other night, is highly eatisfac- •
tory. I must frankly own, however, that Ido not yet
know what our present naval resources are ; for, owing
to certain forms connected with the making out of the
patent for the Admiralty, I have not entered upon my
new duties, nor shall I be able to do so till next week.
Therefore, I can only say, generally, that it will be my
anxious endeavour in discharging the great trust reposed
ynafveyertnhger.e
in me to study the honour and safety of England. Ann.
ther rule to which I hope I may have the honesty as
well as the firmness to adhere is that in tphaert
should be no party preferences. No doubt, under our
Parliamentary system of Goveyrvinohmpeienuniiot,tn,pinasritnieusatweseimicsueslitsf
gpniilnsatcruleation of our great public
But,
brave men are candidates for
tdimciitpnsoact
honour
tsst.oheafrannvdAase
hi. outnedda ddwoim Shedding
their blood and serving their
Queen in a gallant profession it would be a gross perver-
sion and a heavy dereliction of duty on the part of a
Minister if he looked to anything but merit and past
services in the distribution .of promotions and appoint-
ments. (Loud eheers.) The right hon. baronet then
concluded a speech which lasted an hoar and a half by
aemin thanking them for the honour theyconferrederpon
him.

The usual compliment to the returning officer closed
,ho proceedings.

STAMFORD, WEDEESDAY.
This election took place to-day, at the Town Hall
the only candidate being the Lord Advocate, Dean
Inglis, of Edinburgh.
Having been nominated by Mr. Phillips, and se-
conded by Mr. Alderman Handson, Mr. Inglis
was declared duly elected.
Mr. INGLIS then returned thanks. He said he
took office under the present Government under.
circumstances which appeared to him to make
not only incumbent upon every one to give. such.
support as he could to Lord Derby and his c.orl,
:eagues, but he took office, and trusted to supper!
them, because he firmly believed that h
sure; when they should be developoed
be
such as not only to deserve, but to oter
f glancing at
ery
general support in the country. A
the downfall of the
the circumstances which led teowbe
r said there were
, fix 1 cli;
late Government, the houni;grauestiona. y
bi demanded
terrain matters which
very
t First obviously, in point of
the new Goo:Amen •
important and moat serious consideration from

time, was that measure upon the second reading of
which the Government of Lord Palmerston was
defeated. He (Mr. Inglis) thought no man could
read. the amendment of Mr. M. Gibson without at
once seeing that the carrying of that amendment
did not in the least degree affect the merits of the
bill or the cr uestion it involved. He was not pre-
pared to say that the bill was by any means the
measure demanded by the present circumstances.
But he would say that if there was a defect in the
law of England such as was represented, or if any
serious doubt existed as to what the law was in re-
gard to so important a matter as conspiracy to
murder, he should be prepared to support any rea-
sonable amendment of that law. But he would
not consent to consider that measure, or any other
measure upon the same subject, until there should
have been given an answer, on the part of this coun-
try, to that despatch of the French Minister, the
want of an answer to which sealed the fate of the last
Government. (Cheers.) With regard to the bill re-
lating to the Government of India, it appeared to
him that, had he been in Parliament, he should
have sympathised with those who thought that this
was not the most expedient time to make a a radi-
cal and fundamental change in the government of
that country. But the House of Commons came to
an opposite resolution, and he did not think there
was 9,./utbing wrong in the present Government
bowing to
that resolution. Of all men in this coun-
try, there was none in whose hands a measure on
30 important a subject could be placed with greater
propriety or greater safety than in these of the noble
lord the President of the Beard of Control, and he
felt persuaded that the billvrhich would be produced
under that noble lord's superintendence would be
such as would give satisfaction to Parliament and
the country. At any rate he thought it would not
be subject to those objections which were so forcibly
stated against the bill of the late Government—he
meant the objection that by the operation of the
measure the whole patronage and power connected
with the government of India would have passed
without qualification or control into
last to the hands of
the Minister of the day. Thetopic noticed by
the hon. member was the question of Parliamentary
reform. For a number of years back the House of
Commons had repeatedly recorded their conviction
that the law regarding the representation of the
people required revision and amendment. Succes-
sive Governments had announced the same opinion;
and although there was no loud or clamorous de-
mand in the country for a change in the law in this
respect, he thought it could not be doubted tnat
there was a vcsy serious—and not the less serious
because a calm and deliberate—expression of opinion
among the educated classes generally, that a recon-
sideration of this subject at all events was at the
present time highly expedient. (Hear.) He con-
fessed that he also entertained that opinion. It ap-
peared to him that the time was come—not for a new
Reform Bill—no one knew what that meant; but for
a reconsideration and revision of the laws regulating
the representatfon of the people, with a view to
consider whether they could not be improved.
That the present Government would address their
minds to this subject earnestly and honestly he had
no doubt, and he trusted the result would be, that
in the session of 1859 it would be considered in a
fair, dispassionate, and unprejudiced spirit, both
by the Government and by the two Houses of
Parliament. (Cheers.) After again expressing his
thanks for the honour conferred upon him, the hon.
member concluded amid applause.
The proceedings then terminated with a vote of
thanks to the Mayor.