The Sun.
London, England, 1867-09-18 00:00:00

produces a widely different effect on these various
;parties, and
.hence the conflicting opinions which
nbaund as to the true state of feeling in South
Germany.

South Germany is weak by its internal divi-
sions, and by the vacillations, if not corrupt
policy, of the Governments. But its greatest
danger springs from the Liberal party, which sees
in the triumph of Prussia a means of establishing,
on the ruins of existing kingdoms, a united and
revolutionary Germany. But a wholesome popular
feeling is being aroused, and it remains to be seen
whether the sound and Conservative and national
opposition to Prussia is strong enough in Wiir-
temburg and Bavaria to resist, with success, pro-
Prussian Chambers and temporizing Govern-
ments. It remains also to be seen what effect on
the political action of the Southern States the
alliance of Austria and Napoleon will produce.
Care is requisite on the part of Austria not
to awaken the national susceptibilities of Ger-
many by this alliance, which only otherwise irre-
trievable mischances have forced upon her. It
must not be by her fault that German land should
be lost to Germany, or that victorious France
should again be master on the Rhine or in the
Bavarian Palatinate. Her most difficult task will
be not to allow herself to be made a tool of to
work out the designs of Napoleon for vindicating
the military superiority of France over Prussia.
She must act with France simply on the defen-
sive against -the aggressive policy of Prussia, and
cause her affiance with France to be regarded simply
as a protest against the understanding entered into
between Prussia and Russia, and as a protection
against such a hostile combination. The war—if
war is to come in Germany—must not be the
result of Austria's alliance with the foreigner, but
be rightly traced to the ungovernable ambition of
Prussia. Thus only can Austria escape the obloquy
of bringing French soldiers on German soil. Thus
only can she hope to regain influence in Germany,
and be able to play the great part which we hope
she is still destined to fulfil in Europe.

The Turkish Minister's Address to the
President.

BLACQUE BEY, the Turkish Minister, when for-
mally presented to the PRESIDENT August 23,
delivered an address which has caused some amuse-
ment and no little astonishment in tha United
States. He said—" Our two nations have more
than one cause for mutual esteem. Both conquerors,
each has followed in its conquests the path traced
for it by the manners and instances of its epoch—
ochn
chine
cyo nbqyu e
ther in
artsg b by
of tpheea feo. rc e
rr
Thereof e arms, her
utlhoe
noet
re-
markable circumstance, perhaps not yet sufficiently
understood in this quarter of the world—namely,
that these two nations differ slightly in the prin-
ciples on which their social organisation is based,
and while on the one hand the extent of ocean which
■ethpe amr asttersa
nagnd er s dtiov ide
each
es
h themo th
esre, e mo
ns dt
he set i
on
tehde tor
hand
the Democratic affinities of their institutions tend
to draw them to one another."
On the principle that extremes meet, the Turkish
Ambassador may not be so far wrong as people at
first sight might suppose. If an American were asked
to give an instance of a pure despotism, he would
for,
he
en
wouldexample o f
pthreobharbolaydseesltect
spiritTu Turkey. If
Republicanism, edblasicaknism
un-
doubtedly say the United States. Yet BLACQUE
BEY, a travelled Frenchmen, finds in these two
alien countries with which he is officially connected,
"an affinity which tends to draw them to one an-
other." We would much like to know the points,
where, in the BEY'S opinion, the affinity lies.
Although an absolute despotism, the rule of the
successive Sultans has so degenerated throughout
Turkey that the law has little force, even the law of
the SULTAN'S will. As the hand of authority is re-
moved, either the liberty of the subject is increased,
or, more generally, the control is grasped by those
strong enough to usurp it. In the former state of
society "every man does as he damn pleases." In
the latter this privilege is confined to the few.
Where the first prevails every man is tyrannised
over by his neighbour ; where the latter, if the
number of tyrants be fewer, the unjust rule to
which he is subjected (if less frequent in its instances
of oppression) is even more complete. Where the
liberty of the citizen attains its greatest proportion,
society may have a tendency to approximate to a
condition where laws are set aside ; and there are
Territories and States of the Union to which the
remark of the Turkish Ambassador may have some
application. Where an unbounded freedom is
given, license will surely follow, for this is the price
men pay for being freed from the restraints of law.
An Eastern despotism, tempered by an occasional
revolt, which finishes by the bowstring or the scimi-
tar the career of the ruler, has many striking points
of similarity to a country boasting of the greatest
freedom. Mexico and Persia are not so dissimilar
as the nature of their institutions would lead oue to
suppose. Where all may aspire to any post, the
great principle of equality is conceded. If the
barber who shaves the SULTAN may become his
Prime Minister, and eventually his successor, this
principle is acted upon. When Secretary SEWARD
asked HEPWORTH DIXON " what he thought of our
country," he replied partly in jest, " I find your
country so free that no one seems to have any
rights." It was the exaggeration of this idea which
must have possessed the Turkish Minister when he
claimed au affinity between the United States and
the nation he represented. In both he regarded the
citizens as born equal, acknowledging only the
authority of those in office. Travellers in America
are astonished at the unquestioning deference shown
by the people to those having the semblance of law-
ful authority. " Every dog in office," HEPwonm
DIXON says, "is obeyed with such unquestioning
meekness that every dog in office is tempted to be-
come a cur."

In Turkey the office holder asserts precisely the
same control, and the Minister may have been
struck by the similarity presented between the popu-
lations bowing to the mandates of those clothed
with office. The Turk in this acts from fear of
of
each
hi nanraet e
totallyrev e-
rcoonnoseeqfuoerntchee aw.
s l;th.e ATmheormicaonti,vforsom
dissimilar, yet the action is alike. In Turkey all
Turks may aspire to any office, and, when attained,
the incumbent rides the high horse and enforces the
obedience of his fellows. In the United States the
case is similar, and herein is the democratic affinity
to which BLACQUE BEY alludes.
In England, on the contrary, and even in her
colonies, the landed gentry patronise and look down
on office-holders from an elevation which makes the
incumbents appear quite small. When the English
magnate accepts office he dignifies it—not it him—
that is, he enjoys a social rank which no office in
the country can confer, and to which no man in
America or in Turkey can aspire, unless he' earns it
by personal qualities. Wherever the feudal system
prevailed it has left in a greater or lesser degree this
trace, and the broad lines drawn between classes
present such a contrast to a society where such lines
can scarcely be seen, as the stripes do to the stars
in the national flag.
" Society is made and held together," HEPWORTH
DixoN remarks, " by the poise and balance of two
radical powers in man—the separating spirit of
freedom and the combining spirit of union. Always
acting, and in opposite ways, these forces hold each
other in check; that, shaking masses into units;
this, drawing units into masses ; and it is only in
their nice adjustment to each other that a nation
can enjoy political life in the midst of social peace."
Before the civil war, the action of all political bodies in
America, of all colleges and corporations, of all private
teachers, agitators, and philosophers, was directed
towards making the popular voice in favour of indi-
vidual rights. Society rights, class rights, property
rights, State rights, land rights, church rights, per-
sonal rights, rights of labour, negro rights, Indian
rights, woman's rights, babies' rights, were samples
of the names under which a common sentiment of
division had taken shape. Every man was to be a
law unto himself, and after contemplating the pic-
ture he drew HEPWORTH DIXON exclaims, " What
a glorious strength of constitution this young
society must have had to endure with so little waste
the shock of so many forces. What energy, what
solidity, what stamina, in the young Saxon
Republic !" . .

The civil War—the great fire that ran over the

land, leaving behind it such wide tracks of ruin—
has had a cleansing influence, and in turning the
tide of such general disunion, the undue separation
of the masses in their search after individual liberty,
it may have saved the nation from a great though
unforeseen danger. Perhaps, then, the Minister may
consider that the Turk in the absence of law, exercises
an individual liberty which is akin to the liberty the
law not only gives, but on which the American
citizen has hitherto so freely acted : or, perhaps,
he was laughing at the beard of the PRESIDENT ;
or, were he a true Turk, at a great Ruler
being without one. That BLACQUE BEY cannot
only see, but openly announce, the affinities he de-
clares to exist between Turkey and the United
States may well surprise the citizens of the Great
Republic, although in the effort to attain individual
liberty the extremes may approach so near as to give
some colouring of truth to the Ambassador's asser-
tion. But if there be the amount of affinity we
have endeavoured to discover, it is difficult to
conceive two peoples whose characters and customs
are more widely different. What will the Turks
say to this comparison with these infidel dogs who
wash down hog's flesh with the forbidden fire-water,
whose women walk with brazen and uncovered face
in the public streets, aye, and even declaim from
platforms on the rights of the Heaven-denied sex ?
Sunk in sloth and apathy, accepting events as the
written law of destiny, bound in the shackles of un-
changing usage, greedy, fanatical, sensual, and
merciless, the Turk presents a strange contrast to
the enlightened, intelligent, active, energetic, self-
reliant, and progressive American, who in the
knowledge of his superiority listened with the open
eyes of astonishment to BLACQUE BEY'S address.—
Anglo-American Times.

PUGIN AND BARRY.

(From the Westininster Gazette.)

The controversy between the claims of Pugin and
Barry to the authorship of the Houses of Parliament
is likely to become one of the causes celebres of the
day. Nothing can be more creditable to Mr. E.
Welby Pugin than the desire to see his father's
name righted before the public; and the ability,
the perseverance, the discretion which he has dis-
played in bringing the mass of evidence together, in
suggesting the most probable explanation of any
seeming or actual discrepancy, and the clearness
with which he has stated his case are recognized
on all sides.

His statement in the Times of Saturday last was
very conclusive in establishing a prima facie case—
a case which cannot now be put aside by mere dis-
claimers on the part of those who are bound to
produce clear and positive evidence. That Mr.
E. Welby Pugin's evidence is chiefly constructive
evidence is no fault of his. his was not the hand
which waylaid and burned letters and documents,
and drawings, and designs, so that with their
ashes all traces of clear and positive testimony
might be dispersed. But enough of the volumi-
nous correspondence between Sir Charles Barry
and Augustus Welby Pugin, stretching over a long
period of years, still survives to indicate, if not
to prove, that the confidential relations between
these two men were those of fellow-labourers in
one great work to which Pugin contributed his
genius, and Barry his name. Let our readers re-
flect on the circumstances as related by Mr. E.
Welby Pugin, and which Mr. E. Barry cannot con-
tradict or explain, under which seventy-six of these
letters disappeared at a critical juncture, and they
will be forced to the conclusion that in the corres-
pondence and documents which were on any other
supposition so unaccountably destroyed, evidence
would have been found of such a nature as to
defy contradiction or cavil. On hearing, then,
that a biography of Pugin was about to be pub-
lished, Sir Charles Barry called upon Mr. E. Welby
Pugin, and was told by him that he intended to
substantiate his father's long-ignored right to be
considered the real architect of the Houses of Par-
liament, and that for the purpose of such a public
substantiation he should make use of Sir Charles
Barry's correspondence with his father, Sir Charles
Barry showed agitation and alarm, and asked to
be allowed to inspect these letters, under the pro-
mise of returning them the next day. From that
day to this the letters have never been seen. No
claim of right of ownership was set up ; they were
simply made away with. The evidence which
they contained, of whatever value, was destroyed
by the hand of the man who, at least according to
the prima facie case now established, would have
been fatally compromised by the production of that
evidence. Such an act unaccounted for, would
in a court of law brand the perpetrator with the
gravest suspicion.
Matters of this kind are slow in coming be-
fore the public. There is a natural reluctance to
bring disputed claims to a public arbitrament ;
more especially when the one party is backed up by
all the strength which long, though unrighteous,
possession gives—by the influence and prospect
of future reward, which the enjoyment of present
patronage, perhaps unconsciously confers—and the
other is almost single-handed, and has only his
own courage, his own ability, and the overmaster-
ing sense of justice and duty, which compel him,
in spite of risking his own professional advance-
ment, to vindicate his father's fair fame and unre-
quited services. No sooner is public interest
aroused in the disputed claim, than the old memo-
ries of the time come back, and the floating tradi-
tion that in reality, somehow or other, Pugin, the
great Gothic architect, who electrified the town
with his enthusiasm and his fierce and witty
attacks on the shams of the day, was the designer
of the Houses of Parliament. But since at the
time there was none to dispute Barry's publicly
acknowledged claim, and since Pugin himself,
when his name was in every one's mouth, came
forward, why men at the time knew not, and gave
Barry all the credit, the public thought there was
a mystery about the matter, shrugged its shoulders,
as is its wont under such circumstances, and went
its way. But now, when the seeming mystery is
explained why Pugin forewent his claims, and
when a claimant in the person of his son comes for-
ward and submits evidence that the vague tradition
which imputed the conception of the Houses of
Parliament to Pugin is founded on facts of various
descriptions, and though of unequal weight, yet
all tending in one direction the public, fond of jus-
tice and fair play, will not stand by and allow
those in possession of a disputed title, to waive
it good by positive proof.
the e
isn e cneosts i tenough
a kt ihnagt
they content themselves
with reiterated denials
uttered by several voices
speaking under one inspiration, if not at one
dictation. The public, if we are not mistaken,
will side with one
who in spite of arduous pro-
fessional occupations, finds time and has the
of
courage in face great disadvantages, with
evidence mutilated by his opponent, to come for-
ward and claim a hearing. By the evidence which
he has produced
in his statement in the Times, in
his letters to the Pall Mall Gazette, to the Globe,
Ph
ausg iwn
iht
na se
sfairly
le:let at
abnl h epde
rahpaprisn:abfuatcsietilcia
capables e.
and the Sun, and the Building News, Mr. E. Welby
lle
of giving unassailable testimony on behalf of his
father's claim. The seeming incredibility of a man's
acting as Pugin is
of
those
h allegedose familiar to have donewth in
pguigviion,g
Barry credit fors
the testimony a work which was his own is, by
character, converted into an antecedent probability
of his so acting.
produced, is strengthened
thhneevdi
barrbihlietyh,oradnedn evidence, ct
s therefore,
antecedent
Barry and those who haraeveaettoing
an opposite opinion,
lolliffproof now -clearly lies on Mr. E.
avourable judgments, based on
be
wr
tvhe r shei dm. .
There
can be no difficulty, if his father really was the
designer of the Houses of Parliament, to bring
forward proof positive. He only weakens his case
by relying on the memory of assistants and clerks
in his father's office, or on the reports of men
who, twenty years ago, were the friends of Pugin,
but who were also, and in a much more recent
period, the friends and supporters of Barry. How
should such men know the private arrangement as
to the designs for the Houses of Parliament which
may have subsisted between Barry and Pugin ?
Is it likely that Barry would have revealed to the
clerks of his office, or to his assistants and gossips,

like Mr. T. Bury, the " secrets of the prison-
house."

Their negative testimony is not worth a button ;
its only use is to throw dust in the eyes of the un-
wary. Of the same character is the ostentatious
use which Mr. E. Barry makes of Augustus Welby
Pugin's letter of 1845, disclaiming all credit for
the designs of the Houses of Parliament. Had
Pugin sold, as is alleged and not yet disproved,
these designs for £4OO, could he have done less, in
common honesty, than disavow to obtrusive ques-
tioners, in public or private, his authorship ? Was
it not a part of the bargain ? Was it not "in the
bond ?" Does not Mr. Barry remember that, on
far less imperative grounds, Sir -Walter Scott dis-
avowed the authorship of " Waverley ?" Was
Sir Walter Scott therefore a liar?

There are three strong points in favour of Mr.
E. Welby Pugin's statement. First—the evidence
which has been collected bit by bit hangs well
together, and coming from various sources points
in one direction, and necessarily leads up to one
conclusion. Secondly—the counter evidence, if
contradiction can be called evidence, instead of
being, as from the nature of the case it ought
to have been, clear as daylight, and positive
as a post, has been contradictory and vacilla-
ting in the extreme. The only point which the
defendants in this cause have gained was to make
at least one of Pugin's reputed friends and ad-
mirers, on whose testimony the son had good
grounds to rely, depreciate to an extravagant and
ridiculous degree the share which Pugin had in
the building of the Houses of Parliament. And
thirdly—Pugin's character and the circumstances of
the time, his conversion to Catholicism, and many
other matters which need not be detailed, all con-
spired to make the alleged arrangement between
himself and Sir Charles Barry not only not in-
credible, but, on the contrary, highly probable.
Mr. E. Welby Pugin has had the courage to
bring the disputed claim to a public test ; .there
can now be no shrinking from a decision. His aim
is to let the public get at the truth, and to vin-
dicate for his father's memory the honour which
he never enjoyed in life. It is a noble and gener-
ous task, and we are sure the sympathy of the
public will be on his side.

THE CATHOLIC CONGRESS OF MALINES.

The opening of the Catholic Congress at Malines
took place on Monday, the 2nd of September, all
the members attending High Mass in the Cathedral,
which was celebrated by the Cardinal Archbishop.
About twelve o'clock the Archbishop of Malines,
the Bishops of Tournai, Namur and Liege, accom-
panied by M. de Merode, the former Minister of
War at Rome, by the Bishop of Bosra, the Patriarch
of Antioch, M. Laforot, the Rector of the Univer-
sity of Liege, and several priests went in procession
to the great hall of the seminary, where the other
members of the Congress and the audience, num-
bering altogether about 5,000 persons, had taken
their places. The Cardinal Archbishop opened
the Congress. In his speech he said that at his first
audience with the Pope, on the occasion of his
recent visit, he obtained from his Holiness his con-
sent for the third assembly of this Congress ; and
the best counsels he could give them were counsels
from the highest and most venerable authority
upon earth ; not that he was specially commissioned
to give them counsels, for his Holiness relied on
the wisdom and prudence of which this assembly
had given so many striking proofs. The counsels
to which his Eminence wished to direct the atten-
tion of the assembly were contained in the splendid
Allocution which the Pope delivered on the 29th of
June to the five hundred bishops assembled round
his throne, and he concluded by saying :—" As
this Congress had always shown itself to be of
one heart and of one mind, he admonished it also
in the present session to complete that union by a
most intimate union with the glorious Pontiff Pius
IX."

An address was then drawn up to His Holiness
Pope Pius IX., and M. de M6rode was commis-
sioned to communicate by telegraph to His Holi-
ness the unanimous adoption of the address by
the Congress.

The second session of the Congress was opened
by the presentation to the Congress of the Bishop
of Orleans. The Rev. P. Hyacinthe and M. de
Falloux accompanied their distinguished country-
men. He was received with loud acclamations
from all parts of the vast hall. After a few words
from the President of welcome to the Congress,
the worthy representative of Catholic France,
Mgr. Dupanloup, acended the tribune. We are
sorry to be obliged to hold over our report of the
Bishop of Orleans speech till next week.
The honorary presidents of the committee are
his Eminence the Cardinal Archbishop of Malines
and the Baron de Gerlache ; honorary vice-presi-
dent, Count de Theux ; vice-president, Dellafaille
Vicomte de Kerckhove.
Besides the general meetings there are special
sessions of the various sections which take up the
attention of the members nearly the whole day.
These sessions also attract so large an audience
that the large hall in which the general meeting
assembles scarcely suffices to contain the immense
multitudes that attend. But in the evening the
members meet, however, for social intercourse at
the Catholic club, the " Loyaute." In the next
meeting, held on Wednesday, M. Dechamps made
an excellent speech on the unity of the Church,
which he represented as a proof of the truth of the
Catholic faith, as a condition of the liberty of con-
science, as a guarantee of the faith, and, lastly, as
the source of the fertile power of Catholicism. A
Barnabite monk, Father Tondini, spoke on the
means of the restoration of Russia to the Catholic
faith. Mgr. Lynch, the well known Bishop of
Charleston, spoke on the progress of Catholicism in
the United States, and on the Catholic mission on
behalf of the negroes. General de Lannoy called the
attention of the assembly to the merits of the Papal
Zouaves, and as two Papal Zouaves happened to
be present, they were invited to come on the
platform. No sooner had they taken their places
than the whole assembly gave them a warm tribute
of recognition. It was resolved that the committee
of the Congress should send a letter to the Pope's
Minister of War, expressing the satisfaction of the
Congress at the report which they had received
of the good conduct of their countrymen among
the Papal Zouaves. The appearance of M.
Dumortier, who took his place between -M. de
Falloux and P. Hyacinthe, was the signal of another
outburst 01 enthusiasm. This meeting was also
attended by the Bishop of Ghent. Among other
notable personages present were Mgr. Woodlock,
rector of the Catholic University of Dublin; Mgr.
Sacre", Rector of the Belgian College in Rome ;
La Feunti, Professor of Canon Law in Madrid ;
Father Hecker, Superior of the Paulists in New
York ; and several members of the Belgian
Chambers and other distinguished persons.
At the fifth general meeting, P. Hyacinthe
spoke " On the condition of the working classes."
M. de Falloux also spoke with his accustomed
power, but our space prevents us giving these
able speeches. M. de Falloux read to the Congress
a letter from Count Montalembert, expressing his
regret that illness prevented his attending the
Congress of Malines. At the close of the day's
meeting, M. Dumortier seconded a proposition of
M. Dechamps to convey to Count Montalembert,
on the part of the Catholics of Belgium, expression
of deep sympathy, and the hope of the speedy
restoration of his health and activity, so advanta-
geous to the Church and society, This proposal,
which was unanimunsly carried, brought the fifth
day of the Congress of Malines to a close,—West-
minster Gazette.

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