The Sun.
London, England, 1867-08-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 14, 1867.

The reputation of a famous General is in jeopardy
when in command of an expedition to subdue war-
like tribes of widely scattered savages. It matters
not how high his ability, how just his renown ; he
may outlive the detraction but as he is pretty sure
to fail, the first effect is to injure his prestige. The
reason is that those judge him who cannot un-
derstand the position. People smarting under
disappointment, and annoyed at the display of
their own impotence in the presence of a cruel and
contemptible enemy, feel angry at the heavy
drain on their purses. A nation likes to have
a result for a huge expenditure, and dislikes a
display of its own powerlessness to accomplish what
is regarded as an almost paltry end. Although the
United States is far more just than England to its
commanders, appreciating more truly and making
more general allowance for their difficulties, yet it
is almost impossible for a Democracy carrying on
such a war to be really fair. Easy as it may ap-
pear to the Britisher or Yankee to comprehend the
situation of civilised men in a waste without
an atom of civilisation, yet unless travel has
brought him into such localities, or that he is
gifted with a keen imagination, he will fail in
appreciating it. Therefore, with few excep-
tions, the critics are unqualified to discuss the
subject. After dwelling long in large cities, men
become so accustomed to all their conveniences as to
be unable to realise their helplessness if deprived of
these advantages. The facts are criticised as they
occur, but material items are omitted which neutralise
the General's advantages, and turn the very weakness
of the enemy into the most embarrassing strength.
The number of that enemy is accurately ascertained
and stated, the command of the General is fully
detailed ; the one is pitted against the other, and
the conclusion cannot but be favourable to their
own side. On the one hand there are 10,000 or 20,000
highly trained and well armed soldiers backed by
the power of a mighty nation ; on the other, per-
haps, a smaller body of untutored savages badly
armed and ill supplied with the munitions of
war. Comparing man with man their own soldiers
are superior. The country is as open to the one as
to the other. If the savages can move about and
exist, why not the soldiers ? but the scalp of every
Red Man costs a fortune and the lives of ten white
men. The argument deduced from such premises is
against the conduct of the war, yet the superior skill
of the commanding General defeated an enemy equal
to himself in all that makes campaigns formidable !
The nation frets and grieves over the accounts of
losses by ambuscade, by positive defeats of detached
partiel, by murders of travellers, by sickness, by
disasters in fording rivers, &c., and these are the only
apparent results of an enormous expenditure. The
General finds himself almost as helpless as would
be the commander of a formidable battery erected
to destroy a fleet, if, instead of the fleet,
nothing but a few mischievous row boats ap-
pear. It is in vain for him to discharge
his immense projectiles, which, hurled through
the air, skip and flash in the water as they tear
along harmlessly on a course that would be truly
formidable to anything interrupting their progress.
The powerful battery is impotent, and its force
wasted in the presence of so contemptible a foe. So
it is with organised brigades when operating in
wilds where there exist no points of attack. The
General's difficulty is that he has positively nothing
in his front, no object on which to concentrate his
efforts. Ile might as well be in pursuit of a set of
jackalls, and he would have a chance against beavers.
If the United States determined on the destruction of
the prairie buffalo these noble beasts might easily
be exterminated. But to destroy the Red Men or
the wolves is a task of enormous difficulty. It is
not that the wolves or Red Men are individually
formidable, but they are next to impossible to get
at. The whole system of war is based on the sup-
position that man is a civilised being, who accumu-
lates property, dwells in houses, which, when
grouped into cities, are points that must be de-
fended. There are the women and children, the
machinery of his government; the fixed positions
which cannot be moved and must be defended. If
man reverts to the state of jackalls his civilised
brethren are positively helpless in presenceof the des-
picable savage. The very strength of the savage lies
in what to a civilised army would be •a most dan-
gerous weakness—he is operating in the air with-
out-any base. A General is compelled to build up
an advance as an architect builds up a house,
securing storey by storey till he reaches the height
aimed at. If the base be insecure the whole is
liable to tumble down in ruin, and the higher he
gets the weiker becomes the structure. If the
General erects this costly edifice, and secures no re-
sult, the people who pay for the building naturally
object. But he is compellel thus to operate, for
he cannot isolate himself in th 3 wilds of nature,
where there are absolutely no means of living with-
out keeping open his conitimnication.s. If li:s opera-
tions he condneted in a ealtivatod lan 1 the c >tint ry
supplies him with fool, hat his difii •nitits in the
Territory of the Itl,l Indians is immeasurably in-
creased by the fact that not only is he unable to
place his hand on the foe, but lie is unable to feed
his cumbrous force unless sustained by an enormous
effort of his Government. It is in vain for General
SHERMAN to rub noses with General 11. NcocK •, they
cannot alter the circumstancs. llowever formid-
able they might be in Canada or Mexico, they
arc
helpless in Western Kansas, in Arizona, in Colorado
—and experience will teach them what it has taught
the colonists of New Zealand that they will have to
bid for the scalps of their enemies, employing the
hunters and trappers and other wild spirits of the
Far West who detest Indians with a deadly hatred,
if they could
and who would freely risk their scalps

make the pursuit of such an enemy a profitable
business. The humanity of the Eastern States is
radically opposed to such a system of warfare, and
will never adopt it unless driven by the sternest
necessity. Congress before adjourning passed an Act
appointing a mixed commission of soldiers and
civilians to make another great effort to secure
peace by concession. The Commissioners are in-
structed to set aside a district sufficiently large to
receive the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains.
From this territory the Act excludes all others,
except officers commissioned by the United States
Government to reside there. If the Indians can
be induced to accept the asylum, a liberal provision
will be made to supply them with necessaries. If,
however, they refuse, and all efforts to induce them
to enter such a district fail, then 4,000 of the
volunteers we have described are to be called out
to exterminate the savages. The difficulty of deal-
ing with them lies in the contempt with which they
learn to regard the efforts made to suppress them.
They see the formidable machinery put in mo-
tion by UNCnE SAM, but they count scalps against
their white foes, and dance in triumph on find-
ing the gain all on their side ; when experience
shows them that the formidable monster is in
reality unable to inflict any material injury. It
may be very disagreeable to the strong to find
their strength is often vain, but it is a wise provi-
sion that so constantly makes the very weakness of
a foe his best defence.—Anglo,American limes.

THE PARKS REGULATION BILL.

Last night a meeting of the secretaries and dele
gates from the whole of the metropolitan branches
of the Reform League and other Reform associations,
and delegates from trades, friendly, temperance, and
other societies, was held in the Sussex Hotel, Bou-
verie-street, to consider the action of the Govern-
ment with respect to the Parks Regulation Bill, and
the proper course to be adopted for expressing under
the circumstances the feelings of the inhabitants of
the metropolitan districts.
Mr. BEALES, the chairman of the League, was
loudly cheered on taking the chair, in which he was
supported by Col. Dickson and Mr. Baxter Lang-
ley. He said he had a mingled report to make to
them. The Parks Regulation Bill was not aban-
doned, but as yet no division had taken place on it.
Their friends in the House of Commons bad that
day spoken from two o'clock to seven in the most
admirable and argmentative manner. (Cheers.)
The only speaker on the Ministerial benches was
Mr. G. Hardy. The other demonstrations on that
side were cries of " Question" and " Divide." Two
members on the Liberal side spoke in a manner
which was most disgraceful to them—Lord Elcho
and " The Poor Man's
arnrdienAdl.;NeTahtee.re
(hOadh,boeheli on the part of the Go-
vernment nothing shown but a determined obsti-
nacy to pass a bill which they themselves knew to
be wrong. If the Government really believed that
the meetings in the park were illegal, would they
not long ago have arrested him and tried the ques-
tion at law ? Ile had again and again asserted the
right of the people to meet in the park, and was it
not common sense to say that if the Government
believed they were in the right, they would not
have asked Parliament to pass an act to make that
legal which was now according to them illegal ?
(Hear, hear.) Mr. Taylor had spoken admirably
on the question that the Speaker leave the chair, and
he was followed by Lord Elcho, who said that the
bill was no infringement of the right of public meet-
ing. (Oh, and laughter.) Why, Hyde Park was the
only place fit for a public meeting in London, and
yet Lord Elcho said the bill was no interference
with the right of public meeting. (Oh, oh.) Fur-
ther, Lord Flcho said that when he (Mr. Beales)
first went to the park and endeavoured to enter it,
but retired when refused admission, that he had
given up the right. Why, he went there to assert
the right, and he had done so often, having repeat-
edly held the most numerous and orderly public
meetings in that very park, and had thereby no
doubt mainly contributed to the passing of the Re-
form Bill. Lord Elcho went further, and said notonly
that the League did not care about the bill, but that
he had been informed by a member of the League
that he Beales) did not represent the feelings
of the working men of London on this subject. (Oh,
oh.) If that was the case he would at once retire
from the position he occupied. (No, no, cheers, and
"Ile's a liar.") If that member of the League were
present he challenged him to come forward and
make that assertion in public. Lord Elcho ought to
be asked to give up his name, in order that he
might be dealt with accordingly. (Cheers.) Mr.
Beales went on to enumerate the speakers against
the bill, all of whom he highly eulogised, including
Mr. Whalley, who, he said, spoke admirably. It
was brought out clearly that the middle and trad-
ing classes were not opposed to these meetings,
because they said if the people were deprived of the
vt
el era rng,
euthe
uponwholeLo rd his
Ed
character
eichamors
asrci
cot
aendr
parks they must be driven into the streets. In fact,
h
iann
passagetdh etheaefltei
theoadwhousea
passagerrtahc at terd day
from his speeches and those of Colonel Dickson, and
other members of the League. Now, the people
had their character and reputation to uphold, as
well as the Government and the House of Commons,
and he pledged himself to maintain their character
and honour against both to the uttermost. Mr.
Gathorne Hardy, in his speech, quoted from a letter
which he had sent to him, embodying the opinion of
a special pleader on the subject, and while admitting
that
a mating
that he had been perfectly frank throughout in the
matter,'said that he could not be looked upon as a
lawyer, but as the President of the League, with a
strong one-sided opinion, and that therefore
he was
misleading the people on the subject. In that letter
he had asserted their right in as distinct terms as he
did at the meeting at Radley's Hotel early in the
year. Mr. Mill said that the Home Secretary had
done himself no good by using that letter. The result
was their friends in Parliament strongly urged the
impolicy of forcing the bill this year at the end of
the session, when members were out of town, and
whether it would :not be the best course to suspend
further proceedings, and appoint a committee to in-
quire into the matter. In coming away from the
house after thanking as many of their friends as he
could, he was advised by them not to counsel any
decided or hostile proceedings at that meeting, but
to call upon the Government to accept the proposal
of a committee. By taking that course they would
place themselves in a stronger position ultimately to
carry their views, and that was the course he advised
them to take. (Cheers.)
Mr. WHALLEY, M.P., said the question at issue
appeared to him to be of even more importance than
the Reform Bill itself. (Cheers.) The use of the
park had largely contributed to the passing of that
bill, and now that the people of the metropolis were
about to have a larger amount of political power
placed in their hands, it was more essential than
ever that they should have every facility for consult-
ing each other, and of demonstrating their opinions
on public questions. Mr. Beales' character and dis-
cretion in times of great emergency had been amply
vindicated in Parliament that day, and though lie
(Nlr. Whalley) had not hitherto been much asso-
ciated with the League, he now wished to be allowed
to throw in his energies into the cause, satisfied that
his honour and character would be safe in the keep-
ing of their president. (Cheers.)
Mr. MANTLE moved—" That this meeting having
heard the statement made by the president of the
League, and others, of the discussigu and proceedings
to-day in the 'louse of Commons in the attempt to re-
commit tie Park.; It,'gulation Bill, reiolves to sus-
pen 1 further the earnest hope that the
Government will yet withdraw a bill so opposed to
the wishs of the great bulk of the people, and so in-
consistent with the spirit of the geneial legislation of
the SCS3iOII, and respectfully but earnestly urges the
suspension by Government of all further legislation as
to the right of public meeting in Hyde-park until, if
necessary, a committee has been appointed and re-
ported upon the subject." In supporting that reso-
lution, he said they were acting upon the advice of
their best friends in the House of Commons, and in
accordance with a sound principle of action. They
could have no desire to humiliate the Government,
but rather, on broad and permanent grounds, to
come to an amicable agreement with them upon a
question of great public importance. If the Govern-
meat at this late period 91 the seasieu accepted the

compromise, the question would be referred to a
committee of the house next year, when the passions
of the present moment would have passed away, and
when the point at issue could be calmly considered
and wisely settled. They would do right in offering
that compromise in any event. If it was accepted,
they would virtually triumph ; if rejected there must
be open warfare between them and the Government,
and they must never desist from their efforts until
they had placed upon a broad and indisputable
ground the right of public meeting in the parks.
He hoped they would act in a statesmanlike and
judicial spirit in dealing with this matter.
Mr. GUEDELLA seconded the resolution, and con-
curred in the eulogium passed by the chairman on
their friends in the house for the manner in which
they had acted that afternoon. He believed that,
looking to the short time that must elapse beforethe
prorogation, the bill could be thrown out by merely
parliamentary tactics. But at the same time he
thought it would be wise to yield to the advice of
Mr. Peter Taylor, and offer this compromise. They
had not a stauncher friend in the house, and he said

if they were to hold another meeting in the park a
present it wouli ruin the chance of the opposition
in the house. (Oh, oh.) It would be quite time
enough to declare open war against the Government
if they persisted in their course.
Colonel DICKSON supported the resolution, which
he hoped would be passed as soon as possible, in
order that he and Mr. Beaks might at once take it
down to the house of Commons, as a proof that the
League adopted the policy which their Parliamentary
friends recommended.
Mr. RICHARDSON said the Government had thrown
the gauntlet down to them, and they would be
cowards if they did not take it up. He therefore
proposed as an amendment that they hold a meeting
in Hyde-park on Sunday afternoon at five o'clock.
(Cries of " No, no," and " Monday.") 'Well, people
could not
to themselves, leave their work on Monday without ex-
pensewh whereas it would be easy to
hold one on Sunday.
Mr. CHARLES WARREN seconded the amendment
amidst considerable interruption, on the ground
that if the League proposed the appointment of a
committee, they would in fact surrender the right
they contended for. (No, no.)
Mr. BEALES said that pending the inquiry of that
committee the people would have a perfect right to
meet until the committee made its report, if they
ever did so. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. MERRIMAN deprecated a hasty decision on
this question, and though he intended to vote for
the resolution he regretted t o see the impatience shown
by the meeting while speakers who took an opposite
view of the matter were addressing it. It was of
more importance that their deliberations should be
mature and calm than that the chairman and Col.
Dickson should be at the House of Commons.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. PERFITT errnestly urged the immediate adop-
tion of the resolution, which did not in the slightest
degree abandon the right of meeting in Hyde- park.
The resolution had been drawn with no less blood
by the executive than that meeting had, but it had
been drawn with discretion, with a full view of all
the circumstances, and with a decided conviction
that its acceptance must in any case secure them a
victory. (Cheers.)
After some remarks from Mr. NIEASS,
Mr. BAXTER LANGLEY said that he was in favour
of the resolution, as suitable to present circum-
stances. But at the same time he could foresee that
circumstances might arise which would make a de-
monstration in Hyde-park absolutely necessary, and
if that necessity did arise not all the Guards nor all
the policemen in London would prevent that demon-
stration being made. (Loud cheers.)
There were loud cries for the withdrawal of the
amendment, with which Mr. Richardson at length
complied, and several speakers attempted to address
the meeting, amidst tremendous cries of " Vote,
vote," " Question, question," and " Order." Spe-
cial objection was made to Mr. Finlon addressing
the meeting on the ground that he was not in the
room when the resolution was moved. Mr. Finlon,
however, persisted amidst a scene of great confu-
sion, saying that he wanted to move an amendment.
The chairman repeatedly called him to order, and
there was a general rush of members of the League
to Mr. Pinion to counsel him to obey the chairman,
who put the question to the meeting whether they
would hear Mr. Pinion, which was met by a decided
negative, and the resolution was then put, and car-
ried with two dissentients.
Col. DICKSON then moved a vote of thanks to
P. A. Taylor, Esq., and other members of Parlia-
ment who have perseveringly resisted the progress
of the Parks Bill.
Mr. CUNNINGTON seconded the resolution, which
was unanimously agreed to, and the proceedings
terminated with a vote of thanks to the chair man.

laying down the law, ably, as it would appear to any
one who had not seen the Times. It is said we all
get our opinions from what we read, and it is very
natural that the average Englishman should take
his opinion frcm the Times, but the objection is
that society is barred from discussing great public
topics unless a few be present who get their
opinions from some other source. The Horse
Guards knew that before Thursday closed the judg-
ment of England was that Captain JERVIS should.
be re-instated, and Sir WILLIAM MANSFIELD re-
moved from his command. Whether it be of advan-
tage or not to the average Englishman that his
ideas on public affairs should be borrowed from the
7 imes, it is of great advantage to a Government or
any department, for they know exactly from the
tone of the newspaper how they ought to act on
difficult points, or what they must expect if they do
not thus act. Many say that the 7 fines derives
its opinions from the general tone of sentiment,
merely expressing what the majority had before
felt. But although this is partly true, it is in a
still greater degree false. The Times cannot resist
the general tendency of society.. For instance, we
are rushing along to Democracy—a career that
would be quickly checked if the 7 Imes could check

it. The 2 imes is the sovereign of the present
ruling class of England ; but the Times is not the
sovereign of the ruling class that is to be.

Whether it may become so or not we canno
predict. We think it would if it reduced
its price to a penny. It is the three-penny
class that now rule—it will be the penny class a
short time hence. The movement that has given
so great an impetus to Democracy is the work of a
class not reached by the Times, but though the
great journal may have feelers which render it
peculiarly sensitive to the tone of the body politic,
beyond this—we are convinced it makes opinion in
England. And we are bound to say that it makes
this opinion because its arguments are most forcible ;
and its decisions most just. Look at the case of
the Fenian convicts. Scarcelyhad the GoVernment
committed itself to the decisive statement that they
must be hanged, when the whole fabric on which
they stood Was demolished, and they were flashing
messages to Dublin of reprieve to the condemned.
The Lord Lieutenant had just been informed of the
firm determination of the Government, who re-
mained unmoved in the presence of powerful depu-
tations, and must have been amazed at LordDEneY's
sudden conversion. Last night the judgment had
gone forth that the culprits must die—this morning
messengers were hurrying to reverse the decree ; but
it was not till the next morning, when the Viceroy
arose, and his Times was unfolded before him that
the reason was given. if he was a shrewd governor
be might have guessed. Printing-House-square is
a poor place, in a back alley, somewhere off Lud-
gate-hill, but what is printed there, is often the fiat
of the present ruling class of England, and
it is marvellous in our eyes that it should be
so. An unknown writer through the columns
of a common newspaper issues a decree to
which nations bow. He may be some literary
scamp--for a great many scamps are literary
(possessing no vote himself that could procure for
him a pot of beer)—who directs that mass of wealth
and respectability in the House of Commons how
they are to act on certain questions, and the rea-
sons why they are thus to act. Self-constituted,
unknown, and irresponsible, and yet the judgment
has an awful weight. It shows haw strong is ab-
stract truth when clearly put. For the Times, after
all, has nothing more than the prestige of truth for
giving weight to its decisions. That prestige, how-
ever, is a great strength. Its force is derived from
measures, not men ; from argument, not names;
from a strong belief in the incorruptibility of a
journal whose revenue exceeds that of many prin-
cipalities. Its influence is akin to that of a judge
charging a jury, who being supposed to have
weighed patiently all the facts disclosed in a case,
lays down the law for the guidance of his country-
men from a mind stored with learning. If the 7 imes
were not national in its weight, and was supposed
to be influenced by the Government, any party or
clique, its influence would be immeasurably de-
creased; but the general body, either right or wrong,
hold that it decides questions absolutely on their
merit, and that it is the most impartial tribunal in
the country. As a general rule we believe it to be
true, and to this the Times owes its influence, and
not, as the Broadway states,•on the reliability of its
general news, a mere adjunct which it shares in
common with a dozen other papers.—Anglo-Ameri-
can Times..'

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—An able report has just been printed
for the House of Commons upon the supply of gas
to the metropolis. The Session ends as it began so
far as concerns legislation on the subject; but the
long and careful inquiry of the select committee on
the Metropolis Gas Bill will not have been in vain.
The difference between the gas companies and the
consumer has been narrowed ; the rights of the
companies are more fully recognised, while ample
justice is done to the consumer's wrongs ; the good
faith of Parliament is upheld ; and the basis of a
future compromise is, we hope, established. The
select committee, of which Mr. Cardwell was the
chairman, explain at length in their special report
the provisions of the Metropolitan Gas Act of 1860,
which was passed after long inquiry and protracted
discussion, and now regulates, as far as it extends,
the action of the 13 gas companies which, in the
words of the act, have " districted" the metropolis
between them. The act sanctions the " districting"
but does not ii any manner guarantee to the several
companies the monopoly of their districts. It fixes,
as 5s well known, a maximum price to be charged
for gas, a minimum intensity of illuminating power,
and a maximum profit to be divided among the
shareholders, but contains no provision for regulat-
ing the working expenses of the companies, or for
a periodical revision of the standards of price and
illuminating power at the instance either of the
producer or the consumer. The profits, after
dividing not more than £lO per cent. among the
shareholders, are, by the Act, to be applied first
in providing a reserve fund equal to one-tenth
of the nominal capital of the companies, and
then to the general purposes of the undertaking.
Parliament may have been in a generous and con-
fiding mood, and have trusted the companies too
much ; but it is'undeniable that on the strength of
these provisions a large portion of the capital cf
the companies has been subscribed, and it would be
a gross breach of faith for Parliament now to in-
terfere and say to the companies, as the Board of
Trade this year proposed, " We gave you too much
in 1860 ; we will reduce your dividend now from
£lO to £7 per cent." The grievance of the con-
sumer is that the arrangements intended for his
benefit by the act of 1860 arc slow in bearing fruit.
the finds that while the companies generally, under
the system of competition which prevailed for some
years before 1860, paid moderate dividends, every
Company under the new arrangements has paid,
with rare exceptions, the maximum allowed, and in
many cases large sums have been paid besides, in
the name of back dividends, to make up for divi-
dends which, under the former system, had fallen
short of the maximum. He finds that the sale of
gas has increased very largely from year to year,
and with that increase there ought to have been a
comparative diminution in the charge for working
expenses; but he still pays nearly the maximum
price allowed by the Act, and a comparison with
the price of gas in other towns shows him that
he pays too much. The total capital of the Com-
panies is at present £6,853,539, and the annual
amount required to pay interest on loans and the
maximum dividend on shares is £605,156, while
the gross receipts for gas sold cannot fall far
short of £1,730,705. Surely, the consumer argues;
this annual surplus of £1,125,000 ought before this,
after paying all the yearly outgoings, to have pro-
vided the full reserve fund, and to be now appli-
cable in reduction of the cost of gas ? lie is con-
firmed, too, in his repugnance to the settlement of
1860 when he ftud that the Corporation of the
City of London are anxious to compete 'with the
existing companies, and supply him with gas at
nearly half the Twice he is now paying. The
committee point out very clearly that the removal
front the companies of the motives of self-interest,
without the substitution of external control, has had
an ill effect upon the general expenditure. One
cpmpany pays 50 per cent. more for fuel than
another ; one company pays its directors four
times as much as another—wages and salaries vary
in like proportion ; and in an elaborate table it is
shown that the expenditure on general charges, ex-
clusive of fuel, for every 1,000 feet of gas sold
varies in the different companies from 17 pence to
27 pence out of the four shillings which the con-
sumer is compelled to pay. Under these circum-,
stances, we agree with the committee that " it cer-
tainly cannot be expected that the consumer will be
satisfied with a system under which no one appears
to have an oyerruling interest in reducing the ag-