The Sun.
London, England, 1867-09-20 00:00:00

ing, and in the interval this delusion flourishes. , .ternative at the bidding of their leaders.
Perhaps something may be done towards conviction `l.l2hus the rescuing party on Wednesday must have
in the Circular Despatch of Count BISMARCK, just ',been well aware that some of them were certain to
published, bearing date September the 17th. It 1-be captured in place of the prisoners, and also that
has been issued to the representatives of the Prus- their punishment in such a case must be much more
sian Government at foreign Courts. As may be ex-
pected, the Despatch bears. reference to the memor-
able interview at Salzburg, and although the Berlin
Minister commences by admitting that they
have received with satisfaction the communica—
tions from the Austrian and French Governments,
still he goes on to make so many comments upon
the thing itself, and so many reflections on the state
of European policy in general, that it is impossible
not to recognise the fact that be is anything but
pleased with the aspect of affairs, and very anxious
to make the best of his case to all concerned wi.:ll
him in the undertaking. It may be affirmed, witl-
out any charge of exaggeration, that the world at
large ought to understand the nature and
character of Prussian policy by this time, or if
it does not that the attempt is hopeless. The sub-
ject is never permitted to be quiescent, and times
out of mind can we recall the appearance of these
despatches, circulars, notes, and commentaries on
the state of affairs respecting Prussia in particular,
and the rest of Europe in general. Sober-minded
Englishmen may well inquire what next, as they
meet with these voluminous revelations, of the
meaning why all that is donein Berlin is the wisest,
fittest, and most proper that can be done under the
circumstances. The chief thing that strikes us, as
we remember all this, is the state of uncertainty
which must exist, for it is necessary to have all these
explanations taking place so constantly.

severe than would have been allotted to a mere
charge of vagrancy. ALLEN, who is believed to
have fired the fatal shot, was heard to say to one
of the prisoners whom he had succeeded in getting
.out of the van, " I will die for you, KELLY ;" and
;he and another man (LARKIN) were both captured
in consequence of their endeavouring to for-
-ward the escape of their handcuffed leaders.
The whole affair was evidently the work
of. a deliberate organisation, and the plans were well
laid. The attacking party seems to have numbered
about 50 men, most of whom had pistols, some' had
revolver; others hatchets and hammers. They had
selected the railway arch for the scene of action, a
favourable spot, as they were able to conceal them-
selves behind the abutments of the bridge until the
right moment. The van was preceded by confede-
rates in a cab, who gave notice that the time for
action was at hand. The prisoners had been re-
manded early in the day, but were kept in the
cells of the Court-house until the afternoon,
when about 80 prisoners were despatched together.
Men were noticed loitering about the Hyde Road
all day, and it seems extraordinary that information
should not have been given to the police, or that
they should not have discovered it for themselves.
After noticing suspected Fenians waiting outside
the police court, it would have been no more than
common prudence to have looked a little further.
The.cab with the confederates of the gang might have
afforded a clue to the whole mystery, if followed up.
It seems also to be strange that if the authorities
thought there was sufficient ground for uneasiness
to provide an extra escort of police—for it appears
that eleven constables were sent in charge of the
van, not seven, as at first reported—that they
should not have provided them with arms. Eleven
men without firearms were useless against a band
with pistols and revolvers. A couple of mounted
policemen in advance of the van would have saved
the catastrophe, and have prevented a success which,
however temporary, is certain to give encourage-
ment to a band of reckless desperadoes, and have
saved English law and justice from receiving so
wanton an affront. When once the attack was
made no doubt all was done that could be done.
The constables fought for their charge regardless of
who held the
keys
sr
olfivesth;e
n separate p
d Sergeant
compartments, Banrr,
tments, refused to
surrender them to ALLEN after the door was
and
broken open, though threatened with the fatal
shot. But what a pity it was that the lives of such
valuable public servants should have been needlessly
risked. The Liverpool authorities, we see, have
taken the precaution of arming the men in charge
of their police van, and we hope in other respects
that our civil authorities will be wise in time. It
is no proof of strength or courage to run unnecessary
risks, since it is always harder to recover lost
ground than to hold it against loss.

In this Circular in question Count BISMARCK
seems driving at something, for there is no actual
need for bis sending out the Despatch at all. It has
been pretty generally believed by this time that the
Salzburg interview meant nothing, or, at least, was
to be intended to mean nothing ; and why, in the
name of common sense, we may well ask, has this
document made its appearance ? Those who at-
tentively peruse it will perhaps find out the reason
for themselves, and it will not be a satisfactory one.
Count BISMARCK sets out by declaring that the in-
ternal affairs of Germany did not form the object
of discussion at Salzburg, and forthwith plunges in
medias re.q concerning the position of affairs in Prussia,
thus bringing before his readers all the vexed ques-
tions of the past year.
The tone which ho adopts is one not at ill calcu-
fated to be welcome in France, and the allusion he
makes about foreign interference is almost imper-
tinent. After mentioning that the affairs cf Ger-
many did not form the theme of conversation at
Goblenz, he adds that this is the more encouraging,
because the "statements and assumptions" concerning
it showed plainly how "little the German national
feeling can endure the idea that the development
of the affairs of the German nation should be
placed under the guardianship of foreign inter-
vention, or of being guided by other considera-
tions than those the national interests of Germany
demanded." This is a perfectly uncalled-for re-
mark, and its significance is such that it has
already been resented in France. The quick-
witted commentators of the French press have
recognised its meaning ; and to take one illus.
tration of the effect produced we may
refer to the remarks in the Temps, which
declares that the Circular in reality is cqui-
valent to a denunciation of the Treaty of
Prague. This journal adds, " Why should Count
BISMARCK speak with such provoking hauteur ?"
and adds very truly that he must have known this
Circular would create in France a painful and
irritating impression, and he evidently desired to
produce such an impression. Why ? The
Presse observes that there is but one answer
to Count BISMARCK'S fanfaronade, and that
is "sure to cross the Maine, as we shall
Now the wily Minister of Prussia
is quite sufficiently acquainted with the opinions
of French politicians not to know that his language
could not be palatable to them, and why, therefore,
we may well ask, should he employ such terms ?
Why does he seek to imitate those whom he pro-
fesses to honour, and whose alliance he declares to
be a gain to Prussian interests. These are questions
which may well be asked, and, perhaps, the answer
is not so far off as some may imagine. It is, at any
rate, rather strange that BISMARCK should go out
of his way at this critical juncture to talk about
our own concerns," and the necessity for foreign
changes to avoid everything that might give rise to
jealousy and cause disquietude concerning national
independence. Ile must have some motive in the
back ground, and that not of a very pacificatory
character or complimentary meaning.

It must have been a relief to Mr. DISRAELI to be
able for once to appear in public without discussing
any topic of a political kind. The celebration of
harvest home in the parish of Hughenden allowed a
favourable opportunity for the discussion of domes-
tic subjects, which are in themselves of interest and
importance to all who rightly appreciate the well-
being of the country. The Chancellor of the
Exchequer has always been distinguished for the
interest he has taken in those matters which
relate to agricultural concerns, and ho has
shown a just discernment in appreciating the
importance of protecting the comfort and happiness
of the labourers. It is satisfactory to learn that of
late there has been improvement in the residences
of the peasantry of that parish. Mr. DISRAELI said
that he was himself in favour of building new
cottages for the labouring population, but that pro-
cess could only be gradually carried on. Without
entering into the controversial point of this
matter, the right honourable gentleman said very
truly that those took too narrow a view of
the question who "in building cottages for the
labouring population look only to the immediate
return of rent; there is an immediate return far
more valuable than rent, which is to be acquired
by giving the labouring population dwellings which
conduce to their strength, happiness, and health."
It would be well if this sentiment were more gener-
ally entertained among those who have the oppor-
tunity of effecting improvements in the dwellings of
labourers, for too much stress is laid on the mate-
rial character of the affair without reference to its
higher end.

see."

It was hardly to be expected that the Manchester
authorities would be fortunate enough to recapture
their liberated prisoners within so brief a period,
though we may be sure there is no lack of vigilance
or energy in the search. The event itself is suffi-
ciently remarkable to give us ground for considera•
tion, and the manner in which the attack was
carried oat is still more startling. The fact that
an organised body of armed men should be able
within the suburbs of a large populous city to
overpower the ordinary precautions of
the law, and set at nought the resist-
ance of the civil force, shows us that there is
something more in Fenianism than many were dis-
posed to believe. We need not certainly fear any
really dangerous or disastrous consequences from
its manifestations, however violent or unexpected.
It is not very likely that under their most skilful
leaders these mischievous political fanatics will be
able to accomplish their cherished scheme of taking
possession of a stronghold like Chester Castle, and of
shipping from thence arms and ammunition enough
to enable them to effect a rising in Ireland. Even
in Ireland itself, where many circumstances
strongly favoured their cause, and where the body
of the people in the wilder parts are easily in-
fluenced by any excitement and active demon-
stration, the whole Fenian movement collapsed in
a very short space of time before the vigorous
efforts—not of the Imperial troops or of thou•
sands of volunteers—but simply of the Irish con.
stabulary. In England, where, whatever our grieve
ances, we certainly do not look to Fenianism for a
remedy, it is in the highest degree improbable its
heroes should ever give so much trouble. Still it is
very undesirable that they should be able even to
effect so much as they have done ; to startle the
peaceable population, to encourage the dangerous
speaking y generall
classes, and to unsettleoserva
ntel
os those
social relations on the due order and b
which we are in the habit of priding ourselves.
The mischief of Fenianism lies in its very absurdity
and extravagance. We may
smile, indeed,
at the notion of establishing a Fenian republic, of
putting Head Centre STEPHENs or ROBERTS in
the place of Queen VICTORIA; but there are
American Irishmen among us crazy enough to
think such events not only possible, but desirable.
In pursuance of these visions they are ready to
make any attempt, however desperate, to form
any design, however impracticable. Their natural
and national bravery, and also, we must add,
the love of excitement and recklessncsa of conse-
sequences characteristic of their nation, make
them ready to run any risks aid dare any