The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-04 00:00:00

/

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 4, 18578.

To the ELECTORS of the COUNTY of BUCKINGIIA.M.
Gentlomen,
THEQueen having confided to the Earl of
Derby the duty of forming an Administration, her Majesty
has been graciously pleased to confer upon me the office of Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer.
I resign, therefore, into your hands the trust, which for 10 years,
yon have extended to me, as your member in the Hou,e of Com-
mons ; but as you have thought fit on several occasions to renew
that mark of approbation, I beg leave to announce that on the day
of election I shall solicit the honour of being, for the fifth time, your
representative in Parliament.

The circumstinces of the country are, in many respects, critical;
and in none more so than in its external relations. Painful miscon-
ceptions have arisen with the Government of that faithful sad
powerful ally, who, in so many instances, has proved his good feel-
ing and fidelity to this country. Believing that a cordial alliance
between England and France is equally conducive to the interests of
both countries, I shall express my hope and conviction that by mea-
sures, at once firm and conciliatory, these causes of misunderstand-
ing may be speedily and entirely rim-ved.
It the country wig heartily support the Queen's Government at
this conjuncture, a result s) desireable for'the peace and progress of
Europe will be greatly facilitated. Believe me, yours sincerely,
Grosvenor gate, Feb. 2d, 1858. B. DISRAELI.

BUCKS COUNTY ELECTION.—The follow-
ing gentlemen have signified their determlnation to promote
by all constitutional means the RE-ELECTION of the Right Hon.
BENJAMIN DISRAELI as member for the county of Buckingham,
and trust the electors generally will give him their hearty and
earnest support :
Barrington, the Hon. Percy, Westbury Manor
Bent, John, Esq., Wexham Lodge
Bernard, Thomas T 3 rhigham, Esq:, M.P., Winchedon
Broadhead, Rev. George, West Wycome
Box, Philip, Esq., Sadclive
Chandos, Marquis of, Wotton
Cooper, Sir Astley Poston, Bart., Gadebridge
Clayton, Rice Richard, Esq„ Hedgerley-park
Cameron, Donald, Esq., Hampden House
Chetwode, Rev. Geo., Crofton House
Cartwright, Colonel Henry, M.P., Oving House
Chester, Rev. Anthony, Chicheley Hall
Du Pre, C G., Esq., M.P , Wilton-park
Drake, Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., Shardelocs
Duncombe, P. D. Pruncefort, Esq., Briokhill Manor
Dauncey Philip, Esq., Little Norwood
Evett, Rev. Themes, Prestwood
Fuller, Benjamin, F sq., Chesliam
Francklin, John, Esq., Dintm
Greaves, Edman Esq.. Havereham
Higginson, Lieutenant-General G. P., Great Marlow
Hamner, Colonel, Stockgrove
Harvey, Robert, Esq., Langley-park
Harvey, Robert Bateson, Esq., I angley-park
Hall, General, M.P., Weston Colville
Hamilton, Captain, Thame-park
Hale, John, Esq., Chesham
Ilibbert. John Nembhard, Esq., Chalfont-park
Hoare, Joseph, Esq., Wendover
Rnox, Colonel Brownlow, M.P., London
Lowndes, William, Esq, the Bury, Chesham
Lowndes, W. Selby, Esq, Whaddon Hall
Lowndes. E. Selby, Esq, Winslow
Lovett. Philips Cosby, Esq., Liscombe
Lowndes, William, Esq, jun , The Bury, Chesham
Lowndes, R. W. Selby, Esq, Bletchley
Lucas, Major, Newport Pagnel
Lovett, Moses, Esq, Aylesbury
Mansell, John Christopher, Esq, Cosgrove Hall
Morgan, George, Esq, Biddlcsden
Newman, John, Esq., Brands House
Nugent, Sir George. Bart, Hill-street
Praed, W. Backwell, Esq, Tyringham
Pennington, William, Fern Acres, Fulmer
Stretton, J. Locke, Esq, Turweston
Stone, IV. P. Lowndes, Esq, Brightwell
Stone, John, Esq, IVestlyairne-terrace
Stone, Edward, Esq, iVotton, Underwood
Turner, Samuel, Esq, cray's-inn, London
ITyse, Colonel Howard, Stoke-place
Wykeham, Herbert, Esq, Tytt erhg
Williams, Rev James, Tring-park,
Committee-room, George Hotel, Aylesbury, March 2, 1159.

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By Order.

TIJE BE-ELECTIONS.

THE FIRST LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY.

Sir J. Pakingtcn, having accepted the office of
First Lord of the Admiralty in the new Adminis-
tration, presented himself according to constitu-
tional usage, to the constituency of Droitwich yes-
terday, and was re-elected without opposition. The
nomination took place in the Town-hall, whither
Sir John was accompanied by a procession of his
supporters, who met hini shortly be ore 11 o'clock
at the George Inn. The Town-hall was crowded
on the occasion, and the proceedings were presided
over by Mr. J. H. Bradley, mayor.
The writ having been read by Mr. Tombs, the
Town-clerk, and the other formalities completed,
Mr. W. H. RICKETTS proposed, and Mr. E.
BEARCEOFT seconded, the nomination of Sir J. S.
Pakington, Bart., as a fit and proper person to re-
prek eat the borough in Parliament.
No elector appearing to propose any other can-
didate, the right hoe, baronet was declared duly
elected amid the acclamations of the assemblage.
Sir JOHN PAKINOTON then presented himself
to the meeting, and was received with loud and
prolonged cheering. Having thanked the consti-
tuency°for electing him on that occasion for the
7th time without a contest, and also expressed his
deep sense of honour attached to a political con-
nection resting alone on their good opinion, the right
hon. baronet proceeded to say--Gentlemen, not a
year has elapsed since I last stood before you as a
candidata for your suffrages, and I POW offer my-
self to you again, because I have thought it my
duty not to decline the acceptance of
,one -of the
most important and responsible posts in the new,
Administration which it haa become necessary V)
form for the government of the country. The 11
months which have passed since you last elected
me have been characterised by some of the most
remarkable events that have occurred for many
years. They will, I believe, form a period that
will hereafter stand out as one of the most marked
epochs in our history. When we assembled in this
room last, it was because Lord Palmerston's Go-
vernment had then, as it has now, been out-voted
on a great question of national policy. A majority
of the House of Commons had condemned the line
taken by the Administration in respect to the
quarrel with China, and Lord Palmerston accord-
ingly appealed, as ho had a perfect and legitimate
rght to do, to the country by a dissolution of Par-
liament. I explained to you with the utmost can-
dour the groin-els of the eonseieutious vote which .1
gave on that question. But the result of the gene-
ral election tended to show that the majority of the
electors of England didnot approve the views which
I, and those who voted wien me, entertaie.ecl on
the dispute in
pth,
jaitinserulleleit,s, bGutorwererriemdenistposiV to support Lord
,
apparently
which it had engaged with China, upon what
I ventured to think an unjust and an no-
righteous cause. The policy of the Government
pthha
ev
se ter
yn
at thusetshu sanctioned
f functions
in May last,
by the constituencies
as
arty
powerful a
as ever supported a Cabinet in the House of Com-
mons. Parliament had, however, sesanny re,sseni_
d before events occurred which at (nee extin
guished all the interest felt iu the affairs of China.
The whole feeling of England was soon absorbed by
those lamentable occurrences iu India which hews
occupied so large a share of our attention from that
day to this. Throughout the Bengal Presidency,
throughout Central India, in the great and recently
annexed
otfh°atwiCo'untry peculia, 1-
a wide-spread. rebellion
mbriolketea3rodvui ptor.lorvivenirdnecre in circumstances which male our
y weak,
and in the mode by which for ninny years our
greatest statesmen had always predicted that our
Indian empire would bo shaken if it ever was seri-
ously- aesailed,---riz,, by a general mutiny among
the native army, to which we had mainly intrusted
Its defence. You all remember with what splendid
courage those little b inds of British soldiers who
still remained in India triumphantly and in every
instance maintained their ground. Y.( u all renaera-
her the horrors which befell our unhappy country-
men. You have not forgotten the si.2,nal proofs of
the vigour and energy of the British character given
not only by our troops, but by our eiviliaw, and,
last but not le rat, by ilioFe heroic won vol—(cheers)
—too many of whom, alas ! were exposed to atro-
ci les: lit Xn w!.i -h it is eainful f'r even one mo-
ment to reflect. If ever the British mind was roused
to action—if ever one unanimous determination
filled the heart of the nation that the Queen should
be supported and British power reasserted, it was
upon the receipt of the rec nt dreadful intelligence
from India. And, geretlerneo, I must frankly tell
you that I am not disposed to he severe upon the
late Government for the part which they took
under the most difficult and most unforeseen circum-
etances. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think, however,
that they were sufficiently alive to the magnitude of
the danger—they underrated that danger, and were
too slow in recognising the duty which devolved
upon thew. But I should be sorry to speak with
harshness of those wire, whatever their meri's or
demerits, have ceased to hell the reins of power;
and I will caudidly own that when at last the Go-
vernment were aroused t i a sense of the crisis, they
showed great energy in the measeres they adopted
to meet it. I cannot leave the subject of India with-
out thankfully acknowledging that I believe the
daeger has in a great degree passed away, and I
trust I am not too sanguine in entertaining the
hope that we shall soon see the
complete re-estab-
lishment of British. power in thatcountry. (Cheers.)
You will remember ih:it the moment wheit all Eng
land was so painfully excited about the even's oc-
curring on the other side of the glebe, we were also
suddenly overtaken by 'a great monetary crisis.
Almost, as it were, in an instant, and with a vio
fence certainly never before witnessed, we found
that magnificent edifice of commercial, manuractur-
ing, and banking prosperity of which we are se
justly proud shaken t a its very
foundations The
most solvent houses fell without the ability to re
taro their fall, and in all parts of the country firms
.
reckoned to be as stable as the Bank of England
itself were involved in irretrieva`.ls
ag-
gregate amount of the mercantile and banking
failuies was to ba counted by a vast number of
dap day no man
millions, and from 1 t - knew who
wide-spread was safe, or to what extent the ruin. Tire
de-spread com-
mercial paralthank God, ysis might reach. That storm, too,
has passed away. (Cheers.) It went as
suddenly as it came ;
the rate of diecount, which
rose as high as 10 per cent, has has in three short
months fallen again to 3 per 'cent, ; money is abun-
dant, and our commercial interests are once more
prosperous. A strong feeling was, however, left in
the public mind, vizabthat there must be someth;ng
unsound in the laws regulating the banking interests
and the currency of this country
to admit of the oc-
currence of these periodical convulsions,
filch of
which prows to be more alarming and violent
accordingly it was
than its predecessor and • g gener-
ally felt that it was the duty of Parliament and of
the Government of the day to address themselves
seriously to the question whether • it is possible by
any human wisdom to prevent the recurrence of
sueh disasters. These were the ci '
rcumstances under
which Parliament met 111 Deogmber last ; and,
moreoyer, the Government had announced their
intention to bring forward a measure touching that
immensely important subject, our system of Parlia-
Merit ry representation, I went 111) to the 'foils°
of Commons last December with a deep feelingthat
since I had had the honour of representing you I
never had been called upon as a politician, and, as
I hope, an honest member of the 14?gielature, to
consider sub efts of such anxiety and difilculty as
those which I then anticipated were to be brought
before us by the Government. And , -e if there was
one event whichl thotight lEiss probable than an-
other, it was that the administration of the af'f'airs
of this cotintry.rould change hands, and that the
Government of reond raltienaton, supported as it
apparently was, by an overwheheng
raajdrity,
would fall, But in the middle of January there
occurred the disgraceful and ricked attempt to
-0
murder the Emperor and
-.mpress of the
By Providential interference—it would
be a mockery to attribute it to any other cause—
tbitt blow did not strike where it was intended to
strike, Blood was shed, innocent lives were lost,
and numbers wore wounded ; but, thank God, the
great man wl o rules the French nation escaped.
(Cheers.) The fact, however, became clearly do e-
loped that this detestable
plot was planned, and, I
may say, to a certain extent carried out, in Eng-
land.conspirators, One of the chief an Italian
named Pierri, resided in Birmingham as a teacher
of languages, and was a quiet and inoffensive man,
lived there. Another
I am informed, as long as he
man of higher social standing, who appears to have
been fitted by nature for better
things, and named
_
Orsini, was also residing in England. lam ashamed
to add there were Englishmen mixed up in that foul
and nefarious attempt. It
was most eloquently and
truly stated by Lord Derby, in the splendid speech
which he addressed the night before last to the House
of Lords, that to jird
of P1"11'1111"flit-1y and dispassionately of
tin' #eelliins ?
ou this subject veo ought
11
es their position, and
for a Illuiiiellt to put oorse
consider what would be our own feelings if we had
found allot of dioloyal EgoctilehMollool4lpg Ir/erica:l

Boulogne or Calais, bringing with them shells and
grenades, and trying to blow up our beloved Queen
Victoria at the door of the Opera-house in London.
We should have felt something like indignation,
especially if we were very ignorant of the state of
the law in France, and were not aware of how far
that law was really competent to; avert such out-
rages. Well, gentlemen, a strong feeling was
aroured in France. The French people saw that
they had been on the brink of a great catastrophe ;
for I really know of no misfortune which at this
moment would be greater to France and to Europe
than the death of the Emperor Napoleon. (Ch ers.)
Seeing that the French are by nature a brave and
noble, but at the same time a warm and excitable
people, I think generous Englishmen will not be
extremely ready to take offence at any language
made use of in a time of such alarm. The question '
is how we, the great and independent kingdom
of England, ought to deal with these critical cir-
cumstauces, and I must say I believe the
Government of Lord Palmerston did not deal
with them. (Cheers.) As soon as Parliament
reassembled in February the Government in-
tro lupd a Bill to amend our law of conspiracy.
But did they introduce it with the necessary cau-
tion and discretion 1 Never was a Government
placed in circurnetances demanding greater care
and circumspection. The law of England to begin
with, is by no means clear upon the subject. The
question is a complicated one, and it has a two-
fold aspect—first, how far is the offence of foreigners
conspiring in England to commit a murder abroad
within the English law of conspiracy ; and,
-secondly, how far the same offence does or does no;
come within the law of •England, when it is ta con-
spiracy by foreigners here to commit the murder
abroad not of any person whatever, but a person
who is a Sovereign in alliance with this coun-
try. The sultject is one on which the most eminent
lawyers differ. Therefore the Government would
have taken a wise course if, before presenting to
Parliament a bill to amend the law of England,
they had ascertained by careful inquiry what the
law of England is. Instead of that they pro-
ceeded at once to legislate. There, I think, they
acted very indiscreetly. But that is not all. In the
meantime. there arrived a despatch from Count
Wale wski, complaining, in the name of the French
people, of the state of things in this country, and of
the English law. That. despatch has, I believe, been
the cause of more offence than it ought to have
bean. In the first place, lam bound to say, it lass
not been conveyed to the English people very accu-
rately, not having been very well translated, and I
am quite convinced that the French Government
intended no offence by sending it. But what was
thetcouree taken by our Government ? They never
answered that despatch, but forthwith, on the re-
ceipt of it, came down to Parliament with their
bill ; and, whether intentionally or otherwise, they
held out to the British people and to the Fre:sell
people the appearance that they were legislating
underforeign dictation. No pelicy could have been
more unseemly or unwise. (Cheers.) And I think
the feeling of national pride and indignation
which has been aroused, and has pervaded all classes
and which influenced the division of the Hou e of
Commons a fortnigi,t ago, was directed not so much
against the Bill as an amendment of the law as
against the impolicy and infatuation which induced
the Government to bring in their measure under
circumstances which had at least the complexion of
forign dictation. But I may be asked in that case
why I voted for the introduction of the Bill, and
why there was a large majority in the House of
Commons in favour, as we are commonly told, of
its first reading. Allow me to explain that the
division did not take place on the first reading of
the Bill. By the forms of the House a Bill once
intro laced is read a first time as a tratter of course ;
but before any Bill can be brought in in our Home
leave must be given, and when leave is granted no
pledge is thereby given by the House that it will
support the details or even the principle of the mea-
sure. My own feeling was thatwhen a horrible out-•
rage of this kind had been committed, and bad
formed the subject of complaint from our friend and
ally the Emperor of the French, and when our own
G )vernment told Parliament on their own respon-
sibility that t' e law of England required correction,
it would have been an ungracious act, and one most
unwise as reTec's the interest of this country, to
say " You shall cot even introduce your bill, and
we will not c msider your proposal." The division
which overthrew the late Government was not a
division upon the merits of the bill, but whether
her Majesty's Ministers had duly regarded the
honour of England in sending no answer to a de-
spatch which gave great offence to the British peo-
ple. (Hear, hear.) There I had no hesitation.
Pray remember this fact—that the Opposition did
not seek the overthrow of the Government. The
amendment did not proceed from our benches, but
a proposition was put before us which a right hon.
friend of mine said " I can't resist, simply because
it affirms the truth," The Government, from what-
ever cause—from whatever motive, forgot the
honour and the interests of England in not sending
a reply to that despatch. That document was in-
serted in the columns of the illoniteur, the Govern-
ment organ of France. No blame attaches to the
French _Government for that.. But the despatch
w.is circulated alone. It should have gone forth
accompanied by the answer of England. That an-
swer ought to have been clear and decisive, concilia-
tory to France, deprecating these foul crimes, but
asserting with a dignity worthy of thin country that
we would never abandon that right of asylum which
all the world has found in this free hied. (Cheers.)
The late Government, however, lacked the decision,
the inoralcourage, and the wisdom to give that re-
ply, and hence the difficult and delicate circum-
stances with which the Administration of this
country has now to deal. I must touch
but lightly oa the subject of the present state
of the law, because \ the trial of one of these
foul conspirators is now going on, or likely soon
to commence, in this country. We then shall see, in
the solemn and dispassionate arena of one of our
highest courts of justice, what is renoanced to be
the law of .England on this vexed question ; and
then will be the time to determine whether legis-
lation is wanted. In the mean time I live and
trust her Majesty's present Ministers will so
answer Count Walewski's despatch as will main-
tain the honour and dignity of this country, and at
the same time give no just cause of offence to the
French Government. That seems to me to be our
present duty. It may not be easy, but it is at
least clear, That duty is twofold. We have first
of all to proclaim and make it patent to Europe
that we cannot and wo will not surrender the right
of asylum to all the world in England ; and side
by side with that declaration we must make it
equally patent that we will not sanction the cons
coctiug of these foul crimes in our land—that we
will not allow our hospitality to be abused, but
that those who seek our protection must submit to
the condition that they shall abstain from crime
mad render obedience to our laws. (Cheers.) The
second part of our duty is to maintain as long as
we can maintain with honour that alliance with
France which is so conducive to the peace of the
world, and which I hope may ever flourish in close
and increasing friendship for the mutual benefit of
both nations. (Cheers.) Having explained the im-
mediate cause of the downfall of the late Govern-
ment, I must in frankness own that rt think other
causes have contributed to the same result. There
have been many occasions of late on which the
conduct of the Ministry has not met with public
approbation. Among other things, they have
shawl' since Parliament met a want of decision—a
want either of opinions of their own or of the
courage to assert those opinions on important
domestic questions, and this has shaken their
moral influence in Parliament and weakened their
popularity with the country. I can give you two
very recent instances of this. A short time ago a
bill was introduced into Parliament for the total
abolition of church-rates. Now, without discussing
the merits of that question at present, all must see
that it is ono of great importance, this impost hay-
in.- from time immemorial been part of the posses-
sions of the established church. Without saying
whether the view that I entertain is the correct one,
viz , that we must deal with the case as it stands, and
that our wisest course is to effect a compromise on
liberal principles towards Dissenters, at all events
a Government ought to be prepared to declare its
opinions and to act consistently up to them. Almost
all administrations in this country have had what
are called " open questions." I dare say
vie shall
be like our predecessors in this respect, and lam
not prepared to say whetheorfcthhuorsech,;praetnesq
by possibility, become.ohne itnieasYtionnoet.
individually or collet
a Government eit
tively ought to be ready toer declare its views and to
act upon them. Well, what was the conduct of the
late Government on this question the other day '?i
Two years ago a bill was introduced abolish
church-rates, and the Government said, W 0 want
tamend the law, and therefore we shall ail pport
he second reading of this bill ;" and they did so.
But when the same measure was brought ,in the
was their leneuage ? Why We
want to make changes in the law on this subject,
and therefore we shall vote against the bill." (A
laugh.) The division took place, two Ministers

voted against the bill, one voted for it, and four
others stayed away and did not vote at all.
(Laughter.) The man who has a conseion Its
opinion either for or against church-rates, and votes
accordingly, is deserving of respect; but, depend
upon it, if a Goverment takes one course one year
and another another year, and at last half of its
members run away without doing anything its
moral influence must be weakened. (Hear, hear
Again, I recently made a motion for a royal com-
mission to inquire into the state of education in
England, and I was told, a few days before I made
it, that the Government would decidedly oppose
me. When I got to the house I was told that they
would decidedly support me. In the course of the
evening I was informed by a friend of mine that
they had changed their minds three times, and at
last the Minister, when he had heard everybody
else speak, got up and said that he would neither+
support nor oppose me, but he hoped I would
omit the latter half of my resolution, and
he would accept the first. (A laugh.) My
answer was, " I have a great question in hand and
an important public object to attain, and I
will be no party to emasculating my resolution and
making it worthless because you can't make up your
mind." And I added that rather than cut it in
two I would abandon it altogether. In the middle
of my motion, however, there were one or two
at orcle to which a meaning different from what I had
intended was attached, and when I bad consented
to alter these, both the first and the last half of the
resolution were agreed to. These, I say, are symp-
toms of weakness, timidity, and vacillation ; for
what Englishmen ike is, that whether a man be
right or wrong he .should- have an opinion, and
having an opinion should stick to it. (Cheers.)
These, 'centlemen, are the , circumstances under
which Lend Derby has fcirmed a Governinent, and
under which I have, however unworthy, been celled
upon to take a part in it. You have a right to hear
what sentiments are upon the great questions of the
day as far as I am able to convey them. I have
always spoken to you with frankness, and I will do
so now. But I leave it to you to say, as men of
sense and men of business, whether it is humanly
.possible for 12 or 13 gentlemen called upon sud-
denly to conduct the affairs of this empire, within 14
days from the event which displaced their prede-
cessors, to proclaim to England what their policy
will be. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible. But
there is one great question on which we are pre-
pared to act—the question, I mean, how, under
existing circumstances, we are to deal with our
Indian empire. You will recollect that the late
Government brought in a bill on this subject, and
the motion was resisted partly, I am bound to ad-
s snit, on the ground that the Government of India
ought not to be changed, and partly on the ground
that, if it ought to be changed, this is not the pro-
per time for doing so. The last was the sole
ground on which I individually voted against the
bill. It was theueht by a large party in the
House of Commons that pending the revolt and the
present difficulties which beset the alministration
of affairs in India the form of government for that
vast empire ought •not to be disturbed. But
how doss the question now stand as to the
time for legislating for India ? In the
first place, an overwhelming majority has negatived
the idea that this is not a suitable time for legis'a- I
Lion ; and, in the next place, look at the inevitable
effect which must be produced in India on the posi-
tion of the East India Company when it is known
there, as it must soon be, that an overwhelming
majority of the House of Commons has declared
this the fitting period for taking the government
of that country out of the hands of the Company.
Attacked by hostile critics on the score of consis-
tency, I appeil to you, as men of sense, wheler the
facts I have briefly narrated do not materially
change the aspect of the preliminary question of ,
time ? (Cheers.) Her Majesty's Government think I
they do. We are prepared, in obedience to that
majority of the House of Commons, in obedience to
the force of circumstances, to legislate for the future
government of India. (Cheers.) What is to be
the nature of that legislaeion ? Feelhig the enor-
mous difficulty an 1 impoltance of this question, I
would speak with diffidence ; but ever since this
unfortunate rebellion broke out I have closely and
anxious'y studied the great problem how India I
ought to be governed, and the more I investigated
the more deeply I became impressed with the con-
viction that the day was fast approaching when the
Eest India Company, ought to be superseded, and the authority of the Q,se2n as,.erteci is tint. distant i
dependency. (Cheers.) I would speak without dis-
respect to that Company, several of the leading
members of which are men of signal ability. In
the early days of our Indian history, when we
had only a few detached settlements scattered
over the coast, it was all very wel! for a trad-
ing corporation to be the organ of England fI.
conducting her concerns. For a length of time,
during which our effsirs extended, and our rela-
tions, political and commercial, grew more impor-
tant, no doubt the East India Company exercised
their functions well. But, owing chiefly to the
defects of so ecceetric and anomalous a system
of government, I am free to express my decided
opinion that India for the last half century, if not
more, has not been well gsverned. .1 believe the
intentions of our Indian administrators have
been good, but that the system has not worked
in the manner either most conducive to the benefit
of the people of India, or most calculated to up-
hold the interests or the honour of England. I
think the Government of the day committed a
great error in not availing themselves of the oppor-
tunity afforded on the last renewal of the Com-
pany's charter, in 1853, then to transfer the go-
vernment of India from the Company to the
Crown ; but late events have forced this question
forward, and have brought home to us the irresis-
tible conviction that if we are to retain this noble
dominion—if it is the destiny of this wonderful
little island to diffuse civilisation over the East, we
must address ourselves with energy to the task,
and must give to India the form of government
most adapted to advance that end. And I believe

at as ;he Queen has the supreme authority in all
other parts of the BLit's!' empire, so the Queen
should have supreme authority over the territories
of India. (Cheers.) Whenever this proposal has
been made it has been met with the bugbear—the
"practical difficulty" would, perhaps, be a more
polite phrase—drawn from the enormous amount
of patronage connected with the government c.f
India. There has always been a jealousy in this
country of anything that might unduly increase
the influence of the Government of the day; and
but for this fear India would no doubt have long
ago been placed under the direct authority of the
Crown. I am, however, sanguine in the hope that
if we shape our measure with a view not to increase
the patronage of the Government, but for the wel-
fare and happiness of India alone, we may be able
to overcome this difficulty, and to pass during the
present scssiou a bill which shall proclaim the
authority of Queen Victoria throughout our Indian
dominions, without in any way swelling unduly the
influence of the Ministry. (Cheers.) Another
important topic on which you would not hold me
excusable if I did not address you in a spirit of
equal frankness relates to the representation of the
people. Gentlemen, the word reform has two
meanings. It is the word which for the last
20 or 30 years has perhaps been most fre-
quent on the lips of politicians. It has a
conventional and a party sense. It has a sense
in which those who use it are thinking of great
democratic innovations in our constitution. I Taken
in that acceptation, the party with whom have
the honour to act in public life never have pro-
claimed themselves ardent reformers. But the
word reform has another, a better, and a more
legitimate signification—thesignification in which
it is taken to mean careful revision and cautious
im-
provemeut of all our institutions, whether repre-
sentative or otherwise. In that urger and better
sense i
I think I am justified in saying the present
Administration are ardent reformers.
.(Cheers.)
In that spirit we are resolved under the circum-
stances of the case to give our belt attention to the
question of what changes in the representation of
the people have really become necessary. If any
idea couldbe more untenable than another, it would
be to say, because 25 years ago the Conservative
party were alarmed at the changes then proposed,
and afraid that they might result in mischief to our
institutions, that therefore we are disqualified from
turning our attention to this subject now. I, for
one, repudiate such a doctrine. I will b not
fettered in my political action. (Cl A. e so
quarter
leers.
of a century has since elap,ed. The Conservative
party no doubt remains, but alas a llrge propor-
tion of those who were then conspicuous in its
ranks have passed away. Other men have sprung
up ; great changes have taken place in our institu-
tions ; and, while I honour consistency in public
men, there is nothing I dishonour more than for a
man to say, " Because 25 years ago I was in-
fluenced by this feeling cr by that, I am not to act
in such a manner as the interests of my country de-
mand." (Cheers.) I hold, then, that it is our duty
to consider fully fairly this question of a change
in the national representation. It has been forced
upon us by the repeated declarations of successive
vuQverigneuts. 10.)ooro all, we ought to b© in-