The Sun.
London, England, 1858-08-31 00:00:00

that whether a man was mad against the Govern-
ment, or cherished some monstrous but absurd social
project, all and everything was sure to find work for
the printers, and that Government could know liter-
ally everything that is going on, without reliance on
secret service money; and secret and commonly men-
dacious agents.

DE PERSIGNY confesses, therefore, by his apology
for the present French system, the superiority of
ours ; and not only that, he plainly, we think, blushes
for his silenced country before all Europe ; and well
he may. Time was when the newspaper press of
Paris was unrivalled in point of talent all over
Europe ; when not even England was its superior in
that respect. Her first statesmen preferred debating
in the daily papers to making speeches from the
tribune. Each selected his journal and avowedly
contributed to it. The interest of the papers was, to
Parisians, equal to what that of London papers would
be were Lords PALI&ERSTON and RUSSELL, Lord
DERBY and Mr. DISRAELI, to write openly the poli-
tical leaders of several of them just now, and were
several of the other ministers and ex-ministers to
choose each of them their organ. The:press of Paris
was, whatever its defects, at least a splendid French
political press, and the discussions were worthy
of the contributor'. But what is it now ? It
is political darkness--at least its only light is that
furnished by one inspiration. Formerly the press,
as here, was a prism by which all tints of political
opinion were separated and distinctly exhibited, and
might be converged again by the common sense of
the readers, if they pleased, into white light. Each
shade of colour could, at least, be examined by itself,
and better appreciated. Now, the press of Paris is
but a piece of coloured glass, communicating the
same monotonous hue to the most diverse objects.
All is the Empire and Imperialism—the blessings of
the coup d'etat, of Cayenne, and order, of parliamentary
silence, and military noise. At the present moment,
a Sardinian or a Belgian journal is, politically, of
more interest than a journal published in the capital
of the first of continental nations ! Count DE PER..
SIONY feels the degradation of all this.
And what is the'argument by which he defends the
extinction of the intellectual light of Paris ? France,
he says, is divided, not into parties,, but into factions,
each struggling for supreme power. Legitimists,
Orleanists, Republicans, Napoleonists, are all de-
sirous, not of the Government and Administration
only, but of the throne. We in England have ceased,
since the extinction of the STUARTS, to dis-
cuss who shall fill the highest place. When
the same happy period comes for France
the press may be free. He thinks this poli-
tical millennium may be near at hand, that France
will, ere long, be a Napoleonist France, and that
then, when the Crown is no longer a subject of de-
bate, free discussion, so desirable in itself, may be
again permitted. Till then he believes that France
deems these fetters on its mind a simple act of pru-
dence. The country knows that it is half mad, and is
thankful to wear the NAPOLEON strait-jacket.
With what France deems mere prudence we have,
of course, nothing to do. We have, however, only
M. DE PERSIGNY'S word for it. It may be so. It
may be that the majority of the superstitious pea-
santry and of the army think it best to put out the
light, lest some should attempt to light the scene
with firebrands. Still the question will occur—what
harm the firebrands can do if there be no inflam-
mable matter ? M. DE PERSIGNY had been
at pains to show in the former part of his speech
that the name of Louis NAPOLEON was the
" loved name and symbol" in which the
masses, both from " the fields and the manufac-
tories," confided. The army, we know, is faithful,
and has probably good reason to be so. What other
classes can be, or ever have been, dangerous in
France? If Louis NAPOLEON'S claim to the Empire
be what M. PERSIGNY has asserted, that of his being
a necessity for revolutionised France, a necessity
really and lovingly recognised by the army and by
the men of the field and the raanufactories, how can
it be necessary also to fear the light, or the blaze
even of a factious press? There is nothing of con-
sequence for it to kindle. It had better be allowed to
burn itself out amid the derision of bystanders. The
side of the nation and of the army could not, of
course, want numerous and able defenders, and the

result ought to be that, amidst perfectly free dis-
cussion, the superlative excellence of Imperialism,
and Napoleonic Imperialism, would be exclusively
established.

In any case can M. PERSIGNY hope to persuade
France or Europe that the Empire does rest on
intelligence, so long as it is refused fair play ?

If Lours NAPOLEON'S Empire and system
of Government really has the suffrage of the
vast majority, and really has the relative excellence
which he affirms it to have, what possible injury
could it sustain from discussion? If all the intellect
of France be not against it, how could it lack de-
fenders who, with an applauding audience constitut-
ing the vast majority, would not more than turn the
tables on all opponents ? We will not venture to
discuss, with our English prepossessions, what Go-
vernment is best for France, but we cannot even un-
derstand how a Government can be the best which
appeals, indeed, to the ballot-box, but at the same
time keeps the taxes in its own hands, and prevents
' the least appeal to argument through the press.
Europe will in such a case think that the ballot-box
is a farce, and that the nation is by no means a con-
vert to the arguments of Napoleonists. To us it
seems, of course, impossible that any nation can be
free, or that it can occupy a high political position as
a nation, while its press is fettered. There may be a
few clever and cunning statesmen in it who scheme
well for the retention of absolute power by their
masters, but a politically enlightened, and therefore
energetic nation, without a free press, seems like a
contradiction in terms. This may be our English
blindness, but it can be only blindness on the other
hand which refuses to see that either Louis NAPO-
LEON has not the claims to the Imperial Throne on
which M. PERSIGNY insists, or that, if he has, he has
no pretext for interdicting to France all opinions but
his own. He may be the wisest man in France, but
he cannot embody all its wisdom ; and we should
like to see the thoughts of some who can hardly be
his inferiors.

Maria Marchioness of Ailesbury has left Hinching-
brooke, the seat of the Earl and Countess of Sandwich, on a
visit to the Earl and Countess of Chesterfield, at Bretby
Park. _ _

The Marquis of Salisbury arrived in town yester-
day from Hatfield.
The Earl of Jersey arrived in town yesterday
t", am Cowes, Isle of Wight.
The Earl of L'enbigh and Ladies Feilding have
returned to Nuneharn Pat,docks, near Lutterworth, from
visiting Viscount and Viscountess Feilding, at their seat in
Wales.

The Earl and Countess of Portarlington have
arrived at Emo Park, their seat in Ireland, from visiting
the' Duke and Duchess of Marlborough, at Blenheim
Palace, Oxon.

The Earl of Donoughmore returned to town
yesterday from Buxton.

Lady Pakington has left Farrance's Hotel, Bel-
gravia, for Droitwich, Worcestershire.
The Count and Countess Goyeneche have left the
Brunswick Hotel, St. James's, for Madrid; the Count and
Countess Lawbespin have arrived at the same establishment,
from Paris.

The Right Hon. J. W. Henley returned to town
yesterday from the Continent.
Mrs. Grant has arrived at Farrance's Hotel, Bel-
gravia, from Homberg.
HoWCIIIN'S HOTEL, ST. JAMES'S- STREET.—Arrivals :
Lady Grey, and Mr. and Mrs. George Middleton. from the
Continent. Departures : Capt. the Hon. W. J. Ward, R.N.,
for The Isle of Wight; and Major Tennant, for Aldershot.
It is rumoured that Gens. Sir Howard Douglas
and Lord Clyde are to be raised to the exalted rank of Field-
Marshal. Why should not her most gracious Majesty take
the same opportunity of gazetting Lieut.-Gen. Sir Joseph
Thackweli, G.C.8., a general, in requital of his long and
meritorious services in ail parts of the world ? Surely no
One would think this honour misplaced when it was consi-
dered that Sir Joseph served two campaigns in India—that
of Gwalior in 1843, and that of the Sutlej in 1845—as gene-
ral of division, without receiving any recompense for his
services, though he obtained such flattering mention in
Lord Gough's despatches, especially after Sobraen, where
he himself forced an opening in the Sikh intrenchments,
and led the 3d Dragoons in single file through it, who made
several gallant charges, cutting down the gunners at their
posts, within the fortification, a feat unprecedented iu the
.—Naval and
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