The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

THE BE-ELECTIONS.

BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
RETURN OF MR. DISRAELI.

times when the great theatre of human action was con- total absence of those qualities
awhich so great an me-
g. private conversation—instead of a frank
fined to Europe alone, have become obsolete. Under sion demanded, Instead of 'a public reply we
exposition to the Government of France of
_oarfeelifirm
lthose circumstances rivalry between France and EDand have
andtar aoeflthoe false position•to which -they were drifting, so
and, the two foremost nations in Europe, was natural,
and under some circumstances it was even necessary. ptihneioloflitshheGeourse which was
No doubt the general effect of the' rivalry was salutary pursued one theerpmaratuofo
pectntolpe, though a small
Eto
rthe progress of that civilisation which has made
the world—no
opuogret portion was vacillation, timidity, intrigue,g manoeuvre
en Government—there
but an open assertion of our right—(bear)—.anything iug
afirm though friendly demonstration to the French but
But of late years other imperial influences have Go.
anythingvernnaent ofb tthe error that they were committing—
arisen in
render Eur it necessary that if the pre-eminent power of requisite whenu
taherpeecaucuerosef two nations, onEs,naron indeedde
of
limited th
teo E n world,
r e e —l3 r ew. he rai
c ih.
chief
fpe is to be maintained the rivalry between the two the peace and the future happinessgea
depending. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen; undPer, twheesree
nations must no longer be encouraged, but a
.cordial alliance must be cherished, as the only means to circumstances, poser fell—suddeoly and as it were by
somewasd judicial act—from the hands of a ministry that
maintain the independence and importance of Europe in deemed omnipotent mthneipotetDt ; afnd it came to us, gentlemen,
the scale of the world. Now, gentlemen, that is the not byeeamn
had awe
roopupoinstis.tieonthneoftacbteieT,l not betas t
taken
support realreason why both Englishmen and Frenchmen should were the any of
a considerable part in the Pa' rliamentaryse we
ethatli
sfourppo
that
the alliance between England and France, and
was given—for it was not evethe opinion
f • n party o which I
great consideration,obtain
result, the petty jealousies of tradition .
traditionary times must by tion—l say power dieno t
Youus
faction.
hisplaceinp have been recently told
be obso ete—(h
-(hear, bear)—for 'our existence as great by Lord Derby,Parliament, ias
umme to, that
nhi
mw hteon her•
he
her
gracious Majesty was-pleased
.oivilised powers, and the maintenance of Europe itself
twai:Al, he entreated her Majesty to think well over
union
the political and Social scale, depend upon the cordial
her
; and while he told
on of feeling between the, populations of these two
and
foremost European countries. (Hear.) Well,gentlemen, vast as were the difficulties with Wats thePccasien'
which
th he must
withldthat conviction, and looking upon that alliance, as grapple, he would not shirienkwifhro
tore, and would serve her, if necessary, he beesouerhjtehee-
escribed it to be in the House of Commons, as the
Majesty to take one night to think over existing cipircumer-
very corner stone of civilisation, it is impossible for me
her
snaninid not to renew the offer unless hie presence in
to etpress the anxiety and apprehension with which I, in
owfaettienehoeuretMajeslty's opinion, necessary for
common with all who were elected by the people to guard the welfare of
ewasratioon the
th
adtayb a fte r—
over their interests, must have viewed the recent cir- subsequent to that maturreyeonsitd
je4y called up en Lord Derby to take the helm. eTrbMerae-
oumetances that have- occurred to didturb the 'good un-
t'ore, I say, without exaggeration, it is to serve her
derstanding between these two countries. If the prin- Majesty, at her instance, at a critical moment, that the
ciples I have laid down be just, the policy to be adopted
is totally irrespective of 'the forms of government
in
circumstances.
tetgaonveeerenimt
is
ent bass been formed, and under those
country. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, appealst mwiththe confidence fi do el
int
icee I o the
FRranbe. Whether France be Imperial, be Royal, or be
blew we have to solve is one of no common diffiatupltrye..
publican, I maintain that it is the essence of English
sameWe have to assert the dignity of this country, and at the
policy', and not only of English but of French policy,time twoimthainFtain—perhaps to revive—our cordial
that there should be an intimate alliance between Eags friendship Any
is man, or any minister,
land and France. That alliance is founded on principles could do either by himself.c
totally independent of forms of government —totally in- and insult with high-flying terms
s an
nyearlly easywko thoasblruosvtedr
his constancy and fidelity. On the other hand, has proved
note
dependent of dynasties—totally independent even of the
difficult to cringe to a great power, and be subservient
chaiacters of the rulers of France. It does inde d so to its ' wishes. (Hear, hear.) But to combine at the
happen that the present ruler of that country is ae ma
ef
eirnanin Imelisthimmeenthe
with
hndication of the rights and privileges of
eminently gifted, and who from a variety wo.
the
eamusaeinotfenanceof that alliance which
.
stances necessarily exercises a great influence over is essentialg
to, European
from
the
solution
ISO; events. The Emperor Napoleon is not only a prince, problem not easy to solve, but one
which we will not shrink. (Cheers.) So unhappily,
but i statesman—the Emperor of France is not only a gentlemen, have affairs been managed, that the result of
rnaniwho has a great knowledge of human nature, but rt otcreaen s Tog sisoonf s the
is
this—
administrationlbatthi. with respect to
he ill a man who has a great knowledge of English recfnp isatargeardeinottlartisonn
human nature. Therefore it is clear that while the Em- attempt to change the laws of England
peror of France is not only a statesman but a man inti. of a foreign power. lam convinced that the people of
matdy acquainted with the character, the laws, the
this country would never submit to a course like that.
(Cheers.) And therefore I deeply regret that by mis-
cus6ms, and ail the circumstances of England, we have understanding and misconception, such a situation should
a security and an advantage for the cultivation and the h
difficultyave been arrived at. I feel that it is impossible that the
maintenance of that alliance which, under circumstances should be solved by taking a course which . the
less favourable, we might not have enjoyed. And, gen. great majority of the people of England have already
entirely condemned.- But, gentlemen, I do not despair tlemeu, we have reaped the fruits of that alliance,' so
over and guided bthat this great difficulty may be overcome. Ido notdespair
guakled y a prince of the character that means and. methods may be found by which, consist-
' such as I have described—one who is not only a states- tent jci alike
nsiwith the honour of England and of France
man, but one who is intimately acquainted with the
countries, we
alike. with the interest of the two
customs of England. We have found in France and in —auatrerryvetoatbostohmneat%onnsclusniodni that shall
the ruler of France a faithful ally in be perfecly satisfyao
a great emergency
—mit the faithful ally of mere courtly phrases ex restedgency hope, no coldness or feeling of alienationabehinedase,Aand
I look forward at this moment with great confidence in
in a. Queen's speech or in a diplomatic document Phut in tetisstrespect to the Emperor of the French himself. The
the deeds of a nation sealed by blood and crowned'
b theu
gormeaotf
ttrhaantgaporitire, arising as it does necesearily from
victory. The French people have fought by the side ofy
the t nglish people. Now, es my honourable friend custom of that prinoceneiswt.o
lweelivicehthheeohonasdutnat dealt'
--the
the
for a considerable time to his Ministers and subordinate
who, did me the honour of proposing me
reminded us, the French people are at this properly agen s. That is the necessary consequence of his deal-
moment ing himself, more or less, with the entire administration
fighting by the side of the English people. (Hear.) of his empire, both foreign and domestic. But it has
The4fore, after all that has occurred, there did appear happened before, as I hope it will happen. in ths •
stance, ;that when by their mismanagement or miFcomn--
at this moment a prospect of that alliance leein
duct a critical state of affairs has arisen—when the peace
so c4efirmed in the convictions and the feelings of the duct
aonrdthehinndepdeiffindenlce of countries has been in '
two nations that-statesmen who knew itr paramountg im- ofueEstuiorenpe difficulties es
such
I aavne i
n presented
t .
bie tfh e m-
or tan ce, how necessary it was for the independence and selves which appearedwe
to take
err' oc inextricable
himself erm
liberty of Europe, might have reckoned upon it as that that no solution seemed at hand—the Emclp
cardinal point from which all political calculations might has then interfered ; and, bringing to the survey of the
be made, We must remember this also, gentlemen, that whole transaction that sagacious and unimpassionediwntleilligenceh7hich he possesses—viewing, as I believe he
in addressing ourselves to this subject—and I dwell upon iviewo,
ft
Fisrasntnaete of affairs solely with regard to the
it because it is of the deepest importance that the mind interests Emperor of France will,
.I feel
of the English people should be completely and fully assured, not permit those great principles of policy of
enlightened upon it—we must remember there is this which he has been the great supporter, if not originator
difference with regard to the question of the alliance be- —he will not allow them to be sacrificed by a want of
intelligence or a deficiency of jadgment on the part of
tween England and France. The great body of the people those individuals who have had the previous manage-
of &gland are, I think I may say without eri erat• - ion, went and conduct of these matters. Mel persuaded that
favolirable to the French alliance. They look upon the when the Emperor himself brings, as no doubt he is at
French people—With whom they hare investigation
reseibblance many
, ties of sympathy, with respect and supervision to bear on a the circumstances
eo thisfor,
he will not hesitate to even affection. They have so prejudices. They know ndiafficult Case'
errorinofhistnianisers—he will not hesitate to place
that 't the French, like themselves, are a high-spirited confidence!
people. They know that the French, like themselves, are which has not even yete wloees onf tErinefllatondolottahien ;offir ciiiretYhof
that m
when at
jest remedy he solicited ; and I am confident
ah brave people, and they know that the French, like
the Emperor
tof this
tinvestigated in this spirit all the cir-
t themselves, are eminently illustrious for the pursuit of
Ministers—when he
he recognises the first
science. They know that the French, like themselves, ceurrmora of hie recognises
efficiency
t 0 which
o ur
arefin a people who are in the enjoyment of a degree of re- has too late been acknowledged, the
existing laws—he will feel confident that if his hopes are
nationement and civilisation in which probably no other
frustrated—if it be proved that the law as it now exists
enlightened can rival them. But in France, though the more
i 4 not sufficient,
th which I, at present, am not inclined to
historical and superior classes have discarded ancient believe—if that monstrous doctrine can be demonstrated
. prejudices and learnt to respect England— to be the law of . England, that an alien in this country
there is no doubt that in the great body of the French may commit a clime with impunity, which her Majesty's
people—thou hmeeting the peng it has greatly diminished of late years, own subjects cannot commit without al-
and though a better
feeling is beginning to spread ties of the law—then, lam sure, the Emperor of the
amongst them,French will not send dictatorial menaces and messages,
much of that prejudice which past events
—I ill not but leaving them to counts and colonels, will appeal to
w say justified—but occasioned, on the part of the justice. of the English nation, and ask them, "Do
the people of France against the people of this country
n you
commitevisha it to be the
.th impunitylaw of England that an alien may
still prevails. Therefore, the ruler of France in cothhee sathbja.etets. I
your own Sovereignew
mayno commitwhich
solidating that alliance has a much more difficult task
is directed against the person of your faithful aclrlymt .
Here,to perform than has the Government of England.
(Hear.) With respect to his situation, I watch with
whatever prejudices exist are confined rather
edoeneptinterest the trials that will soon tak place in this
to some of the superior classes, and do not extend
imagine there
ti(lllereeara,
are great
Ia kdnow thatd abroaddi they
toG the masses
tof the people. (Hear.) Here the ninvestigations that are taking place before the magistrate
in the
Government
then can with Confidence appeal to the great
body people, while the Emperor of France, preliminary to the more formal judicial proceedings ;
even when he buhtiethhait arises from the ignorance of our forms of law
feels confident in the wisdom of his views
and the
thew delasytsoion common
nmriomnionnalthe Continent. The forms and
correctness of
his policy, has to deal with a
proud, an irritable, lawe proceduresubject,
an
and we
I: fished
and a jealous people on this subject, to protect the liberty of the not
and therefore ale'
allow them to be diminished. But, so far as I eau:for
his position, with respect to this great
political e • anillobpinion as to what is taking place, I believe therem
own.
Now,gn question, is infinitely more difficult than our
suchtr gravity and magnitude soon
gentlemensketched
o f
I have the true reason why the alliance be., pletely test the efficiency eieinbunale that it must fairly and coin.
tween the two countries should be cherished at any sacri- the subject. Until decisionthceyorn-efficiency cf our laws on
fire short of pronounced I think it would be purpeomnatthuarte ciann • has
to
been
if I am correct in the view which
I have given of
ointore on this point. I myself have confidence inmteheelasways
the relative positions of the govern.
means of the two England. I cannot believe but that the laws of this
countries, let me now recall to your country are sufficient to touch miscreants of the class in
recollection the great event which has recently occurred, Question and which has end though I would on no account, under no
occasioned such prodigious political cgircumiesuta;nces, with no conditions, and with no limits.
changes. lam sure, gentlemen, that when that horrible tions, ever consent to any tampering with the right of
made upon the life of the Emperor of
attempt was the asylum which has made this country the consecrated
French, the first feeling in this country was one of as land of liberty, Ido not hesitate to express the great
great teratification I should feel if the law should be proved to
indignation and disgust as could have prevailed in
France •powerful
the
feelingseno ng enough
ot o
thisdeal with those
n who
ha have
.so
Prince elf.
(Cheers.) The attempt to assassinate a outraged
wihich,
ecznntwThasudch
exveeepstoiovnios:
whatever difference of opinion may exist lated the sacred right
amongst who,o we are still bound to maintain. (Hear, hear.) Now,
has raised hniste classes
of
his subjects, is a Prince who
gentlemen, eann,j haveei touched
tet upon what has been called a
country to the highest pitch of political
influence—the importancewi th franktnheasts,t
there
enlicti
tempt, moreover, not merely to destroy appears to me of thea
utmostte
his existence, but that of the lady whom he has raised at this moment prevail in e country an intelligent
ent
to a throne which spirit on the subject of our relations with France.g It
she really adorns by every charm and
virtue—was something ee horrible in its conception and is undoubtedly the interest of many influential persons
in its execution, —classes
lf and
England
poison the mind of the
eo alien from every manly feeling,that ribaant
is, against
b the government and people
I hardly know any event which on its first occurrencepeople of
judgment, a most
dangerouso scorns;anclowwehvileer'tihn my
was more calculated to create symPathy and to people
stn eof this
t country
the amicable feeling which obtained in this preserve
country
should be prompt under all circumstances
towards the ruler of France. ($
ear.) ter f
n ortunateiy,
, its laws and customs, while they oughtac
to any and every sacrifice rather than s
too maintainconsent
change those
gentlemen—for it is necessary on
these occasions to laws and customs, even indirectly, at the instiga.
speak with great frankness—unfortunately French
French
the
l.n tbieonwiosef,
and
anrfoeroenignset sovereign,
t still I think it would
Government, and indeed I believe thewaint
unimpassioned
sapssirioitnadad thdat deter.
a spirit of what I may call indignant consternation visitedPe
mination, to maintain
that atrocity upon the land and the laws of England, judiced feeling towards the governmenteandauthe upueoPprlee.
of France. At this moment calumnies are uttered in
Gentlemen, I know there were many extenuatin cir- every
ot quarter
th which would convey to the people of this
cumatances in the position of France at that momentg
frayithfautlthaellEmperor of the French, instead of being
which should not be forgotten when
we recollect the cthaubu
upon whoolsve counted, hasrather
commission of this great error—for a sought an opportunityy
of picking a quarrel with the
great error the
on
eo 1 f E i ought that in conse-
part of the French government and the pe o ng and, because he th
French people P
it undoubtedl wa Gentleme
y s. n, I cannot but feel that Twine of the Indian occurrences he had England at tome
disadvantage. Now nothing can be more unfounded than
when that took place—when the act e
0- accusation against
the laws and the people of England was wait were handed seoucwhelal informednotionris that.
0 all Therepolitical is nmutreirnsce inthEeurope
Em-
ir: by authority—l cannot but feel, though error of the French—thereu 11
is no prince inasEurope acl have no
wish on this occasion to comment with any severity well informed as to the means of defence of this country
as the Emperor of the French. I will be bound to say
on the conduct of my predecessors, that it was ot met that he knows much more about our ships and soldiers
in a manner or in a spirit adequate to the occasion.n
And than
le many
Majesty'sofl ministers.
e r M ajesty
aa
's s e(ibjeecrts,
haen d quite as mu oh
I regret that, gentlemen, not merely for the honour of as hr
our country, but for the interests of France herself, fore the Emperor of theFrencb, who is tahie And
we h -
nfotrined
(Hear, hear.) Ido believe that as English Minister at prince, knows as well as Ido that, notwithstanding our
having sent such a fine army to India, we have in these
that moment, by frankness and firmness—which are islands at the present time a larger effective force than
quite consistent with the most entire friendship and we have bad at any previous period during the last five
friendliness—might have taken a course •
which would• and twenty years. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor of the
have indicated in a manner that conld not be mistaken, Frenob, who is this well-informed prince, knows as well
as I do that in four-and-twenty hours we could man with
to the French Government the error of their way..-.which
able seamen the most powerful chanfreelarfleehteatrhir evere
would have prevented them from pursuing an error every
step of which rendered it more difficult for them to re- rEomde
euopoonf
the
ee English_waters.Frenchwhohe best informed prince
cede, and which, while it would have vindicated the in larropre on English politics, I dare say knows as well
honour of our country and the dignity of our Govern- as I do the last monthly return of our recruiting rota,
went, might at the same time have respected and gym- and knovea that in this country,
ewherewe have no
conscription, ato the pat notism
pathised with the feelings of France, and retained and and the public spirit of the people, there s now a larger
even cherished that cordial friendship which is I think recruiting for every arm of her Majesty's service than
so invaluable. But, gentlemen, I am bound to say--and there was during any month of the Crimean campaigns.
indeed the Parliament of this country has ratified that (Cheers.) Then what a calumny is it to pretend that
the Emperor of the French, who knows all this as well
opinion—that I perceive in the conduct of the late Go-
as I do, has sought to pick a quarrel with this
country
verument with respect to this important transaction, !I on account of its Indian •
disasters I Ivo, gentlemen,

we must clear our minds of thie prejudice. The Em-
peror of the French is as ready as he was before this
affair occurred at Paris, and before this blundering
misconception of the Engtisk minister—the Emperor
of the French is, I say, as ready as he was before
this recent event to cultivate the friendship of a people
whom he respects and regards, and to maintain the
English alliance, which, to use his own words, is the alli-
ance which can alone maintain old Europe against those
commanding influences that are rising in other parts
of the world ; he is as ready now as he was then to sup.
port that understanding between England and France
which be believes to be the best security fur order, for
civilisation, and for European power. (Cheers.) And,
gentlemen, it depends mainly upon his efforts and the
efforts of those who are responsible to this country, sup-
ported by the good feeling and good humour of the
English people and the good sense of the French people,
to being about a consummation to which I hope those
efforts will lead, namely, the restoration of a cordial
understanding between the two countries. (Hear, hear.)
Gez tlemen, I have thus at seine length touched upon the
subject which is at the present moment foremost in the
mind of every Englishman. I ought not, however, on
an occasion like the present, to avoid other topic,
though I shall endeavour to be as brief as possible. N()-77
we have assumed the reins of Government, as you will
no doubt admit, at a very critical period, and when we
Lave to encounter difficulties which are not of ordinary
magnitude ; but I do not myself despair of our being
able to steer the ship in a way which will be satisfactory
to the people of this country. We have at once, gentle-
men, to deal with a subject of magnitude and interest,
namely, the government of India ; and upon that ques
tion I must say a word, because I learn from the news-
papers in regard to what has passed in different parts of
the country that there is a considerable amount of mis-
con eist'on prevailing as to the intended conduct of her
Majesty's Government in reference to India, Now I
myself have ever been of opinion—at least ever since I
have been capable of forming an opinion that was worth
anything—(laughter)—that the Government of India is
of a very anomalous character; and in 1353, when the
charter was renewed, I thought it a very great mistake
that the inquiry of the committees of the two houses
of Parliament into the affairs of India was hurried
over, and that we were forced to legislate without
that due investigation which I think would have
led parliament to a very different conclusion from what
it mane to, and terminated that form of government
which is popularly called " the double government."
Upon that occasion a noble friend of mine, now my
celleague, Lord Stanley, at my instance and with my aid
in debate, brought forward ;n the House of Commons a
motion to the effect that the settlement of the Indian
government should be delayed until the inquiry had
been completed. Well, gentlemen, we were in fact out-
voted on that occasion. The policy which is no x ap-
proved by all statesmen is exactly that which we recom-
mended in 1853, and which was then by a majority
prevented from being pursued. This year, gentlemen,
a motion was brought before the House of Commons by
a gentleman who is quite independent of party, Mr.
Baring, when the government introduced their measure
for introducing a new form of administration in India,
and the motion was that it was not expedient to legislate
for India at present—this declaration, of course, having
special reference to the civil war which is now raging
in that emir:try. Now that was not a party question ;
it was brought forward by a gentleman who has no con-
nexion with party, end until he gave his notice of motion
in tte House of CAnmons no person was acquainted
with his intentions except himself. My own opinion
then was, I cmfues, that it was not expedient until tie
rail tary asttlemont of ladle had taken place to invent a
new form of government, and I voted with Mr. Baring
in the minority on that occasion. I believe ray f: ten i
and col'eaguo, Lord Stanley, voted the other way. Now
it is the intention of the government to proceed to
legislate for India. We are accused of inconsistency in
I voting that delay was expedient a month ago, and now
eroceeding to legislate on the subject. But, gei:tie-
men, I think that if you give a moment's calm and un
prejudiced consideration to the All hject, you will see that
there is inconsistency whatever in the case- It is
said that if we bow toadecision of the House of Commons,
pronoucced by a majority of 140 or 150, in a case in
which we do not approve of that decision, we ought to
bow to its decree upon all other queetions, even though
Vie may not approve of it. Now I say that I do not bow
to that vote ef the House of Commons in the course
which I and my colleagues intend to take with regard to
India ; but I look to the effect of that vote. The great
objection which I urged against legislating for the go-
vernment of India at that moment, while the revolt was
as yet not put down, was that we should thereby weaken
the government in the opinion of those who ought to be
led to look upon it as most powerful. Bat what is the
cond.tion of the government of India now that it has
been condemned by the vote of a majority of 140 or 150
in the House cf Commons I Who can suppose that the
government of India—the East India Company—can
exercise any influence in India when the House of Com-
mons has by a large majority condemned it as incom-
petent I Why the directors of the East India Company
themselves must feel like corpses--(laughter) —they
must feel like dead men—(renewed laughter)—and I
should suppose that they are most anxious that their
burial should take piece as soon as possible, and their
iobsequies be celebrated in the most decorous, and, if yon
will, splendid manner. (Laughter.) Well, then, it being
a positive fact that you must have a government
for India in England, that its construction cannot be
any longer delayed, and that all the moral influence of
the East India Company was destroyed by that vote, we
have felt it our duty to address ourselves to the staject.
But we are not going to take up the measure of our
predecessors—a measure which was, I think, one of the
most objectionable and one of the most inefficient mea-
sures ever introduced into Parliament. We are going to
deal with the question of the Indian government in a
very different manner and in a very different spirit. It
would, of course, be the height of impropriety in me to
enter on this occasion into details which should be re-
served for Parliament, and which must be very soon in-
troduced to the notice of the legislature ; but when our
measure for the government of India is brought forward,
I shall appeal with confidence to public opinion to de-
cide between the comparative merits of our scheme and
those of the scheme which was unquestionably condemned
even by many of those who voted for its introduction.
(Hear, hear.) I do not know that there is any other
subject of that importance which would justify me in
trespassing much upon your time. (A. Voice—" The
Ballot.") I will tell you about the ballot. That is
only a measure, not a principle—it is a part of that
great subject of Parliamentary reform on which it is my
intention to make a few observations. That is not a
subject upon which I can find any difficulty in speaking
to the electors of Buckinghamshire, It is not many
months ago since on these hustings I made some obser-
vations on that subject to which you listened with great
indulgence. Since then I have addressed my constituents
in the northern part of the county, where I laid down
some principles and expressed some convictions which I
have reason to believe were acceptable to the constituency
generally. I can assure the hon. and learned gentleman,
therefore, that I never intended to leave this table to-Jay
without making some remarks on that question, Now,
gentlemen, you know very well that in 1832 and 1803,
when the Reform Bill was passed— you know what was
the cry at that time. There were many persons who
disapproved of that bill, and thooeh my opinions was
not of much consequence then; I disapproved of it.
(Laughter.) I thought it was a great party manoeuvre
which, if succe'eful, would place the whip in power
pretty well for my life, and I thought the time would
come when the people of this country would not feel so
enthusiastic in its favour as they were at that moment.
But you know that no person could then open his
mouth in criticism upon the Reform Bill with safety even
to his lire. Thera were a great many motions mada *
Parliament which would have improved it and miti-
gated the objections that were made to it, had they been
adopted, The principles involved in some of those motions
are nowin favour. But nobody would then listen to them.
The cry was, "The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but
the bill ;" and I believe that no one bawled that cry
louder than the learned doctor. (Great laughter.) The
learned doctor, whe always criticises any change in my
opinions with such equable temper, is never charged by
me with those remarkable gyrations which ho has him-
self exhibited. I will not say that he himself is " a vile
antithesis," for the epithet is an odious one, and I have
whosTe dh heianwdhiga
then
too much respect for the hon. and learned gentleman tole
apply it to him, but he is certainly a very remarkable
antithesis, and I must remind him and those who likebnt
him bawled for "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but
the bill," that the ballot was not in it.
(Hear,
public
Well now, gentlemen, what was the next stage of
time the
opinion upon the Reform Bill I Aftehrea
subject,ce and the
nation began to be a little sober on t
conservative party—that
oi is thei2
re-
duced by that act numbersbee been
under the leadership of a very able
tories corning back to
thought there was a chance of
They said, "The tories
What did they do ?
power. ° t-lr:mne 120—increased
in the adhesion w
must not corns back to power,hichtheybgeiciaeutsoe sin-
ceretthheeyßaerfeornmotßill,
to
iatn.d,powerotthey wasilvl
ebreytmryninong
alarmedSir°Rr wPeel, s eakin on be-
halfpreiteratedg that,
I if
atmhey sore returnthe learned nedd °
though
haablofut that. (
the tories had opposed that bill, and thought it,
of the consLearvuagthitveer.p)arty, solemnly
nadn d
solemn
adhesion,unsatisfactory, yaentd they
inha
had
many
given
respects,
i t a injurious
sincerea
ac-
cepted the bads of their political conduct, and he
it as
declared in the face of the nation that they would act
the spirit of the Reform Bill, and would not seek to
tamper with it, or to alter its provisions. For ten years
however, they were kept out of power, beciuse it was
supposed that they were not sincere reformers, and that
if they were admitted into power the country would be
in danger of having the Reform Bill altered. Well, I
and every other person, I believe, who was a member
of that political connexion did consider that there was a
solemn compact that we shouldl
give to the law an adhe-
sion in spirit and in truth,
havensder
neverichanged my
Bill. Ico
opinions as to that Reformthat a sub-
ject of that magnitude was dealt with in a manner that
was entirely unworthy of it ; I did believe then, I be-
lieve now, and I think almost everybody now considers,
that there was in the concoction of that bill a greater
number of jobs than was ever perpetrated before; and,
though the nominal object of the bill was to improve the
representation of the people, the great substantial object
was the consolidation of whig power. Well, then, saran

c

or
tsretoiingdghuutei!hege rd:tnoageewuoibtche,
ner e ho:fa dthoef twilliQiNcgiletf?;l2-wretCquaire"l6Lll. let ,''l;:ef,
introduced the
asn 6:0:1130 Bill, ann unced Lie iatatifre'erair-
sidered myself,iw7aenedveirryomg,ntlt,
ia,,mreaourkwenittialoit ntn-
I act, not merely in tilt,Goverotrient. bat in eublic and
politteet lefe, .eonerdered himself, honourably eeeanci-
Patei from the engagemetit made by Sir R. Peel en
behalf of the conservative party. If the Reform Bill was
to be altered, and was not to he adhered to in spirit and
in truth—if there was to be another Reform Bill--we
were, in our opinion, free to exercise our faculties, OA „e.
`,
give our opinions as to the principles upon which
wen-„_;
new Reform Bill should be founded. Prom that time *---7i
have never concealed our opinions, but, on the contrary,
we have rather sought opportunities for making frank
expositions of our views on the subject, (Hear.) Well,
the second Reform Bill of the Whigs waa promised tas, I
think, in 1850 or 1851 -we are now in 185 S. The delay
has certainly not been occasioned by the ccueervative
party. It is not the
thus.heto Thererieswhobashave
been
not
beentbe hithertoo r u o.
tives reform this
any cry for " the bill, the whole bill, and nothing
but the bill ; " on the contrary, nobody even
among the whips thernsflves would listen to the question
when it was brought ferwaril, and on two occasioes the
bill has been 'withdrawn, not through opposition on our
ride, but either through a sense, on the part of those
who brceight it forward of its inadtquacy or irnperfec•
tione, or in consequence of a tidal disrelieh for the
article by the great beery of the Literal party. Well,
so we have gone on
year after year. We have bad
inefficient Governments, we have had coalition Govern.
merits, we have had Governments of pure elements and
inat:triali—we have never had any Government that
really had a hold upon the confidence of the people ;
and whenever the Government have been disturbed or
distressed they have always said, "oily let us, stay in
a little longer and you shall have a Reform B 11." L: rd
John Russell brought forward, not one Reform Bill, bat
two Reform Bills. When Lord Aberdeen formed his
Government the condition of his being supported by the
Liberal party was that be should bring forward a Reform
Bill. We b rye not got Lord John Russell's Reform
Bill, and we did not have Lord Aberdeen's. When
Lord Palmerston became Prima Minister he was to
carry on the war with energy; hut he was also to do
something not second to that; the moment peace was
proclaimed he was to give rt Reform Bill. Year after
year the Reform Bill has been promised, year after year
the Reform Bill has nut appeared. First it was to be
next year; at last they got the year that it was to come ;
and then—and then—it was to be brought in after
Easter. (Laughter.) At last I thought I should have
it. I looked at the almanac at the beginning of the
year ; it happened to be an early Easter, and. as Easter
was early and the Reform 13;I1 certaio, the Government
was changed, (Laughter.) Well now, gentlemen, I
Rill ask you a common sense question ins purely serious
spirit. Is it decent—is it politic—is it honest and
honourable—that a question of such a nature as this—
a question which concerns the representation of what we
believe to be a free and enlightened people, eminent
for their love of liberty and their progress in know-
ledge, 'should be made the stalking horse of faction--
(ebeeee)—that it should be hung up and takeo down
according to the exigencies of a distressed
minister, and that the highest principles of policy should
be part of the stock in trade by which a government are
to ehuflie through a disgraceful and discreditable exist-
ence 1 Now, gentlemen, lam convinced that it is the
opheime of the people of this country that this question
should be settled "aye" or "no ;" and if a Reform Bill
is necessary, it should be produced and carried ; and if it
is not necessary, the Minister who is not prepared to
grapple with the question ought frankly to state his con-
victions. Remember, gentlemen, that a Reform Bill has
been twice brought in by her Majesty's Ministers; re-
member that only two months ago, or less, the attention
of Parliament and the country was called to the subject
in the Speech from the Throne. In my opinion, and in
the opinion of those with whom I act, It is totally hopes.
sible that a question which has been so introduced to
tlie notice of the country by the propositions of Minis-
e.s and by recommendations for its consideration from
tier nijnety herself—it is, I say, totally impossible such
a question can any longer to trifled with ; and to that
subjeeit we shall give our earnest and anxious considere-
tion. (A voice, "On, you'll do, then.") (Laughter )
Well, ;then, it is said, " When are you going to bring the
bill forward ? After Easter ? These gentlemen who have
been deven years playing with the question—these gen-
tlemen who have been postponing, procrastinating, de-
laying, year after year, as many years as the number of
the learned doctor's questions, now say to us, " You
are mit sincere reformers. Where is your bill ! Have
you not got it ready ! Are an impatient people to be
baulked of an object for which they have such a raven-
ous thisire ?' Gentlemen, we have to effect a reconcilia-
tion with our great ally; we havetoconduct negotiations
upon which the peace of Europe may deperd ; we have
before us a task most difficult to perform—we have to
put dawn the revolt in India, which, allow me to say, will
yet demand from this country no commoneffoit; we have
to carry through Parliament a bill for the government of
India, based upon principles which I hope and believe
will recommend it to national approbation ; we have to
introduce financial measures of no ordinary gravity; and
then we are told we are not sincere reformers became
our Reform Bill is not immediately brought forward.
(Hear,) ,Gentlemen, the course that we shall take will
be this. We shall give to the subject our most earnest
and serious consideration with the view of bringing for-
ward, if possible, a measure which shall not be a mere
party measure--(cheers)—which shall not be constructed
or devised merely to prop up a faction, which shall not
be invented merely to increase the political influence of
a political section, but which, dealing largely and com-
pletely with all those questions connected with the sub-
, ject that are entitled to consideration, will, I trust,
recomfnend itself to all temperate, rational, and sober-
spirited men rag a measure adequate to the occasion.
(Loudicheers.) ' Ready as we are to act in this spirit, I
think do not ask too much for her Majesty's Govern-
ment in asking that we may be permitted to give to the
consi(lbration of that subject, and the construction of
that measure the time, the thought, and the labour
which the responsibility of so vast a theme should com-
mand at our hands. (Hear.) And, gentlemen, the
hypocrisy which would be involved in such conduct is so
great that I cannot believe that any prejudice
Rill be
raised against us because in dealing with this subject we
wish to deal with it like sincere and responsible men,
because in anything that we may do we wish to do that
which will be adequate to the occasion, and which will
meet with the approbation of all sound-thinking people
in this country. I feel, therefore, gentlemen, that it is
unnecessary for me to enter into any of the details of
that theme which must soon—in due time at least—be
brought under the consideration of the country ; and
under these circumstances I shall not offer my opinions
which I might otherwise have offered, and which I have
intimated before upon this table, as to the different
franchises or model of voting, and other (pastime of
that character. When the question is introduced by
her Majesty's Government iu Parliament, their epi-
nitens will be expressed iu a formal and matured
manner, and then :lso will be the time for the country
generally to express its opinion on the propositions laid
before the Legislature. (liear, hear.) And now,
.gen•
tl en l
I now n
eh , I have
llwith
only on 34- word
colleagues
a bar Majesty's
asi to th e position
which
councils, and which you by your free and unanimous
thereby, I need
information—thattnoloeltdc--esaoyln'hmeaaysdihntehatihrs todlyrseaCt'nager:ewr ateiatfipi teaoudpde-o-ei;earwni(nmhili neeengnacrte,
on
hear.)
a gr.e)t all ea ti!
sufferance-ne
(An Elector—" That is true.") An hon. gentleman says
that is true ; now I shall flatly contradict him—(hear,
and a laugb)—and, gentlemen, I think the last charge
that should or could be made against a Government of
which Lord Derby is at the head is that it is or can be a
Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) Because in
1152 we might have remained in power—and we were
solicii,ed by our opponents to remain in power—if we had
cheeen to be a Government on sufferance. (Hear, hear.)
But as the organ of the Government of that day, I said
in the House of Commons that we never would consent
to be a Government on sufferance, and we quitted office
because we would not be a Government on sufferance.
(Hear, hear.) If a Government that is in a minority
bririg forward a measure of importance, and that-mes-
Ht the
se
of Commons is
intro be not carried—if they have arnajority of thellour•
callot t
hthat Commons
a a
Governmenta nstthem
oand s
sufferance—(hear)--but
stilla retainuce o e
a theirr)
-s-ebautst,
ifl
that should happen to the Government of which I am a
member, I assure you we shall not remain a Govern-
mtbebdsieatecliyrotaukmesttahbactecsonit-
siTiet7itt ioona astu coursesufferance,
will be our duty ran
to pursue. ,wp
batuhri cs undereh,a l i(
immediately
ea r , hehaerl.
helm
summoned
bly Well,affairs,
heraaitrhsFai
jag.
emesntytnl
oeatmt
geaonic,orgii ntitchoaalaysmignuogmmbeeentethntaott
takeush e
hostile to our Government. (Hear, hear.) We have
succeeded to power without intrigue—we. have been
summoned to power by the voice—the spontaneous
voice—of the sovereign. And am Ito suppose that the
House of Commons under these circumstances—and
above all Houses of Commons the present House of
Commons—is to array itself in factious organisation
against us I On the contrary, I believe that so far from
being a Government on sufferance a constitutional confi-
dence will be reposed in us by the House of Commons. If I
know anything at all, I think I know something of the
House of Commons, and I am sure that upon the whole
it is a generous and a gentlemanlike assembly, and is
certainly not likely under the circumstances in which we
arrive at power to make itself the ready tool of any set
of scheming political intriguers. (Hear.) But I know
that the House of Commons, like all human institutions,
is not entirely exempt from faults and errors—l know
that the House of Commons in the year 1852 did act in
a very different manner. There was against the Govern.
merit of 1852 a coalition of all sorts of discordant pat
ties' who by their united influence threw the Ministry of
havtbeet peoplehe circumstancesoi of those days
Lord Derby into a small minority, upon which we
caughtquitted
lesion But
to
England Has the
experience of those events brought no wisdom to the
House of Commonsl The destruction of the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby brought on the war with Russia.
(A. langh,) I beg to state what I know to be the fact.
(Hear.) The war with Russia brought on the Persian
','tar, the Eastern disturbance, and the Indian mutiny.
Dr o
en
rgbso opponentyv ears
(A. laugh.) There is a gentleman in the crowd who
laughs at this. I think I remember that gentlernanael
one of those who in this hall cheered Mr. Cobdn), "_".
stya.id
\tvhahtathewieell
dhoeu nwt one of the
favourite politician I Mr. Cobden no doubt
the House of Cone-
asththaet gpernoptleertarnanansaty°troePtreBeetortdhsiso.f"hnis
most eminent men that ever oat in
the
Lord Derby in 1852, and
'heGwoavernment was expelled.
onfa
of
ttovmera
jnomrietnytboyf
afterwards in the
said " that of all the votes he
na I He. • • • House of Commons
his political life, the vote
had ever given in
d Lord Derby out of office in 1852 was the
which turned mono. He
didßv oetMewrLa. Cobden say
vote ho most regrardetbtteed7r(slie ofar , hear.) That' vote, he