The Sun.
London, England, 1867-09-02 00:00:00

THE FUTURE OF AUSTRIA.

The meeting of Napoleon and the Emperor of
Austria at Salzburg, and the defensive alliance,
which is said to be the result of this interview, is

of the gravest importance. It amounts to a
revolution in the ideas of Austria, considered as
a German Power. What a change for Austria to

become the ally of the stranger against the Father-
land, for the moment a war breaks out between
France and Prussia the whole of Germany will be
drawn closer to Prussia in defence of the common

country. It is hopeless to argue that Austria
is acting only in self-defence, that she stands in
mortal dread of the insatiable ambition of Prussia,

that she is driven, by sheer necessity, into an alli-
ance with the arch-enemy of Germany, with the
nation which lusts after German territory or the
possession of the German Rhine. The danger of
the Austrian Empire is great, but will she find a
permanent safety in a French alliance ? The first
effect of this alliance will be to estrange her more
and more from Germany, to drive the secondary
States—too many of them, as far as the governing
and ambitious classes are concerned—nothing loth,
into the arms of Prussia. The closer the alliance
of Austria with France the more impossible will it
be for her to recover influence in Germany. To
France the alliance will be of some use as throwing
a further obstacle in the path of Prussia's aggran-
dizement, a hindrance in the consolidation of a
mighty military power at the gates of France ; but

an alliance with an enfeebled and discredited
Austria is not of such value as not to be sacrificed,
when it has served a temporary purpose. And what

is to become of Austria. if it were to chance to

lose the protection of France. Of Austria we
mean not as a Sclavonie but as a German State.
The rejected of France could never hope to
recover again influence or leadership in Germany,
even though Prussia were hated for its arrogance
and intolerance, as it is sure to be hated sooner or
later. But the instinct of self-preservation is
strong—the desire to be a member of a strong State,
that has no fear of the 44 Welschen," who are han-
kering after German land, is keen in the breast of
every German. Add to these motives the military
ambition in the governing classes, which sees in
the warlike power of Prussia an outlet for its hopes
and the prospect of a wider commerce opened up
to the commercial classes, without taking into
consideration the wide-spread influence which ever
attends success, whatever its character, and we
shall see but small reason to doubt that all the
lower and the more immediate and palpable at-
tractions are in favour of the union of Germany
with Prussia. As to the permanetn character
of the new Prussian Kingdom—of its moral cohe-
sion—of its power over the Revolution, which like
a volcano lies heaving at its base—that is quite
another question. But in the meantime, what is to
become of Austria, threatened with internal dis-
ruption—with German ideas against her—with the
suspicion of treachery upon her name ? How
can she resist the progress of revolutionary ideas,
the theory of nationalities which is taking pos-
session of the European mind ? Austria, made up
of various nations and races welded into
a homogeneous and powerful nation—was a stand-
ing protest against the disintegrating action of the
principle of nationalities. But how long will she
be a standing protest ?—that is the question. Aus-
tria, by the very nature of her Empire, is the battle-
field of the two contending principles, the ancient
Conservative principle of sovereign rights, of ex-
isting treaties, and of the law of nations, and the
new revolutionary theory of nationalities. If this
latter theory triumph, if it more fully and univer-
sally take possession of the minds of men, Austria
will cease to exist. An alliance with France will
not save her ; trust in the liberalism of Count
Beust will not avert the catastrophe. She is
doomed beforehand. All Catholic nations are
falling. As nations they have deserted the public
principles of Catholicism, and they perish by the
Revolution. What is this but to say that revo-
lutionary principles are destructive of Catholicism.
Catholic nations changed their front in the face
of an enemy, and have been outflanked. They
abandoned the idea—the principle—which consti-
tuted their highest unity, which gave strength
and purpose to national life to play with the Re-
volution, to act the part of a go-between in the
conflict of antagonistic and mutually destructive
principles. But these nations have lost the strength
of Catholicism without identifying themselves with
the Revolution, without sharing its destructive
force. Between two stools, to use a common phrase,
they fell to the ground.
This is how we account for the present state of
the Catholic nations ; this is why we look with ap-
prehension at their future. There is a want of
thoroughness about them—about Austria in par-
ticular ; and therein lies her doom. They will
not break entirely with the Revolution, or entirely
join with it. This doing things by halves is their
rain ; however despicable, it is better to be ruined
as a half Revolutionist like Austria, than to suc-
ceed for a while as a whole Revolutionist like Prus-
-3i3. Yet this half-heartedness this disowning of
genuine, of thorongh-going Catholic principles is
an evil more di!llcult to rtainp out than a more
violent disease. The Josephisni of the last cen-
tury, the Febronianisrn which affected the Royal
Houses of Catholic Europe, is the cause of the
weakness and of the fall of Catholic nations to-
day.

In Austria Count Beust's Liberalism will not
mend matters. Already Cardinal Rauscher, Car-
dinal Schwartzenberg, Professor Arndt, the leaders
of the Catholic party, are in opposition to the Go-
vernment. The Hi4orisch-Politische Blltter, which
has long enjoyed the deserved reputation of pos-
sessing the soundest publicists in Europe, after
a somewhat prolonged hesitation, has declared
arr*'ainst the present policy of Austri
And now Austria seeks safety n an alliance
with Napoleon, and in the counsels of Count Beust !
Poor Au.stria!—WedinulaterGa;:ttt:.

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY E VENING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1867.