The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 9, 1858.

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NEW WORK BY MISS FREER.
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•
HENRY 111 KING of FRANC.E, his COURT
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A SUMMER AND WINTER IN
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ON TRUE and FALSE SPERMATORRHCEA;
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in relation to the Treatment and Cure of Sufferers from De-
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DECAYED TEETH and TOOTHACHE.—
HOWARD'S ENAMEL for stopping Decayed Teeth,
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HARDENS INTO ENAMEL ; it will remain in the tooth
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DIRECTORS.
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James Denis de Vitre, Esq., Oriental Club, Hanover-sqqare,
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park, London.

DEATH OF _DOCTOR GIFFARD.

(From the Morning Herald.)
It is with a sorrow that is not often expressed so sincerely
in the columns of a newspaper that we have to announce
to-day the death, at Folkestone, in Kent, of- Stanley Lees
Giffard, Esq., LL.D., of Trinity College, Dublin, and of
the Middle Temple, barrister-at-law, but who was much
bitter known to statesmen, men of letters, and the public,
as having exercised for considerably more than a quarter of
a century the office of editor of the Standard, and having
discharged that office with an amount of ability, learning,
power, and fearlessness which gave his daily writings an
important influence on the public opinion of the country,
and rendered them a great support to Evangelical religion
in the Church of England, the general sAvancement of
Protestant truth, and the dissemination of Conservative
opinions.
Dr. Giffard was born in Dublin on the 4th of Aug., 1788,
and died at Folkestone on the 6th of the present month, having
just entered his 71st year. His father, John Giffard, of Dro-
martin in the county of Dublin Esq., a man who occupied a
large space in the politics of Ireland in most troublous times.
was the son of a gentleman of the house of Giffard of
Brightley, in Devon, who, going over to Ireland early
in the last century as a partisan of the de facto Lord An-
nesley, in the famous case of the Aunesley peerage, married
and settled there. Mr. John. Giffard, in the period of the
Irish rebellion, and while the state trials which preceded it
took place, was selected by the Government of the day for
the perilous office of Sheriff of Dublin, an office which he
exercised with a determination-and effect that ensured for
him and his family an amount of hatred from the defeated
party, and from a certain section of the Irish, which has
not been unfrequently displayed. Mr. Giffard's hostility
to the insurgents was not abated by the brutal murder of
his second son, Lieutenant William Giffard, by a mob lying
in ambush, becir as hi was found in the -King's uniform.
His youngest EOl, whose death we -have the truly
melancholy duty to-day to record, was at a very early age
sent to the grammar school of' Mr. Samuel White, cele-
brated as having had the honour to have under his care
Sheridan and Tom Moore. At an equally unusually early
age Dr. Giffard entered Trinity College, Dublin, where he
achieved all the honours of his time, and laid the foundation
of that classical learning which he did not possess merely
as an acquirement, but wielded with a power of application
both severe and witty, which those . only familiar
with his style• could properly appreciate.. In May, 1811,
having gone through the usual exercises, Dr. Giffard was
called to the ' bar by the Middle Temple, and made that
feint of practising which scholars and men of letters are apt
for some time to attempt. He neither had the tempera-
ment, however, -nor the disposition to make a successful
barrister, and his logic was too close and his language, too
elegant for that pursuit. He gradually, therefore, neglected
legal duties, and devoted himself to literature, editing at
this time anonymously some editions both of the Classics
and of Hebrew, with which latter language he all his life
kept up his familiarity, and from which he translated some
episodes of the Talmud that we have seen attributed to
other pens. His first engagement as a journalist
he made with the St. James's Chronicle, where,
as to learning and readiness he was not an un-
worthy successor of two of his illustrious countrymen
who had contributed to the mune columns, Edmund Burke
and Oliver Goldsmith. His hereditary family politics and
his own ability had directed to him the attention of the Irish
Tory party, and he was asked by the then Primate of Ire-
land to come into Parliament for the city of Armagh, but
declined the proposal, being always unsuited by his habits
for public display, and having that shyness before an
audience which arises from indulging a studious disposition.
In the St. James's Chronicle he continued to be a writer
during the exciting period of the trial of the Queen and the
Ministry of Lori Sidmouth, at all times showing the same•
character of unswerving loyalty to a principle, and strongly
supporting-Lord Castlereagh. At length it became obvious
that it was determined to carry the measure of 1829, now
called Roman Catholic Emancipation ; and the Standard
appeared as the uncompromising opponent of the policy or
honesty of the act, opinions which Dr. Giffard never aban-
doned, • refusing even the solution offered by one of his most
distinguished friends, fieri non debuit, factum valet. He
looked upon the Roman Church as simply a political con-
spiracy carried on under the name of Religion, and although
he bore sincere friendship, and did innumerable kindly ser-
vices to Roman Catholics, he gave thein credit as far as
-their religion went for little more discrimination •or inde-
pendence of thought in that particular matter, than if they
had belonged to some of the philosophical sects of the
middle ages. The Standard expressing as it did the opinions
of so niany in the Church and in the country, and being
condueted with unexpected vigour, soon rose under Dr.
Giffard's direction into an importance which made its oppo-
sition very serious. In fact, it expressed at the time, and
that in-language far above the phraseology of journals, and
with illustrations drawn from a rare and general fund of
learning, the indignation of the Churchmen of England
at the Sordid race for votes which had just then begun in
relation to Roman Catholic Emancipation. The writings
of any 'Man, however able or learned, which have for their
subject the passing questions of the day, necessarily are
of an ephemeral nature, but it may be fairly said that
as regards learning, eloquence, and argument, the
articles of Dr. Giffard against the bill of 1829, continued as
they were throughout at¢o-or three years, have not been
surpassed in the history of journalism. The bill of 1829
was passed, and the -Whigs having found the Irish contin-
gent ready to their hands, started the Reform agitation.
The Standard had now another field, and the editor entered
upon it with characteristic vigour, and to his suggestions
and arguments it is not difficult to trace some of the modi-
fications which the bill received. In this period of transi-
tion the peculiar powers of Dr. Giffard were called forth by
subjects which he treated con amore. The Irish Church, of
which he was for years the sole champion at the metropo-
litan press of England, was labouring in the distress of a
tithe war, an agrarian system of massacring the clergy, and
the appropriation motions of Mr. Ward. The case of that
Church was stated by Dr. Giffard in the Standard, and by
his friend, Sir Robert Harry Inglis, in the house, with a
power which not a little contributed to its being saved at a
time when a powerful party in Parliament were urging its
destruction on a weak Administration, and when the
Government depended for its own existence on the votes of
certain Irish members bound to obey the late Mr. O'Con-
nell. At this period the conduct of foreign affairs became
an engrossing subject, and the peaceable Government of
Louis Philippe seemed disposed to alter its character.
The Standard, generally admiring the policy of that King,
endeavoured to allay the cry for hostilities got up in certain
quarters in England, and continued to advocate with de-
voted ability the Throne of July, to the last prophesying
that end of the republic which followed rapidly. In the
controversy with the Anti-Corn Law League, and in that
on the Navigation Laws, Dr. Giffard had more scope for
powers which transcend mere vulgar debate. The depth of
the principles involved and the extent of the interests at
stake, made both these questions more the subject of specu-
lation than of certainty ; and the attack of Mr. Bright from
the stage of Covent Garden Theatre, upon Dr. Giffard by
name was sufficient proof how far the weapons of the
Standard had reached the political enemy. During this
period Dr. Giffard undertook for a short time the manage-
ment of the political department of the Morning Herald. After
the sudden, and at all events unexpected, repeal of the corn
laws by Sir R. Peel, he adopted that section which looked
on Sir Robert's conduct as wanting in honesty towards his
own previous followers, and dealt with the event as mem-
bers of a deserted party will. In the general election which
followed Dr. Giffard offered himself as a candidate for the
representation of the University of Dublin in Parliament,
more, however, to meet a challenge than with any serious
intention of sitting for the college. In the violent contests
which arose on the Irish "Municipal Corporations Bill he
had strongly defended those corporations—more aristocra-
tic than commercial—which had been so long existing in
Ireland. That of Dublin in particular, with which his
father had been identified as its principal executive officer in
times of great danger, he particularly defended, when Mr.
Shaw, its recorder, had declared his intention of assenting
to the bill. In this controversy Mr. Shaw had challenged
the editor of the Standard to "come from behind his lair of
anonymous types," and Dr. Giffard accordingly offered
himself on the hustin a of his own university, sad was re-
ceived by a great body of the electors with much enthusiasm.
Ho contented himself, however, with stating his opinions
to the college, justifying his conduct on the Dublin Corpo-
ration Bill, offering Mr. Shaw what explanation he pleased,
and then retiring from the contest. From that period public
questions were not of that importance that demands any
very brilliant effort from a journalist, and Dr. Giffard's
failing health and want of interest in questions that were
not of the spirit of his time, induced him to retire from the
press, especially as the journal with which his name had
been as long identified was about to assume a form and sys-
tem more suited to the commercial spirit of the present
time.
Duriiig his long and onerous newspaper labours Dr.
Giffard found time to contribute to the Quarterly and
Blackwood, and had projected and begun some historical
works, with which we do not know far he had proceeded.
One was a " Life of the Great Duke of Ormond," and one
a work which he was the only man of his time fitted to
accomplish, a " Vindiciai. Anglicanai," intended to give
for the first time a true account of the government of
Ireland by the English. We have heard, also, that he had
adventured some of that kind of historical fiction of which
his friend Sir Walter Scott was the founder. These works,
with his political essays, and,especially those biographies of
great men, at whose death he did so nobly and so imparti-
ally tin sad task which we grieve to have to endeavour to
do for him to-day, it is the duty of his representatives to
give the world, for we doubt if so much true scholarship
and so much matured thought will soon again be expended
on the pursuit of journalism.
To estimate the character of Dr. Giffard would require
some of the power which he himself devoted to such sub-
jects as Canning, or Cobbett, in the pages of the Standard.
With all his sincere devotion to the Church of England he
joined a Presbyterian plainness in reference to ceremonial,
and though a true Tory in politics he was always
careful to distinguish between an ancient and a
plebian aristocracy, and not slow to point out
the faults, either of the Peerage or the Church. Half
a century of daily reading, added to a memory unusu-
ally accurate and retentive, had made his accumulation of
ger eral learning siem almost incredible in amount, and the
readiness with which he availed himself of it in composi-
tion was one of the greatest charms of his writings. In the
obduracy of his sympathies and antipathies in politics he
was a man after Dr. Johnson's own heart, and with him
departed, perhaps, the last of the school of the Geprgian
political writers, who brought so great a fund of learning to
the pursuit of the press.
Dr. Giffard died of an excruciatingly painful disease—
cancer, which he had borne with a courage that prevented
those around him from perceiving the amount of his suf-
ferings.

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feed,

MR. wILLrAms, M.P., AND THE
ELECTORS OF LAMBETH.

In accordance with the annual custom followed
of late years by several of the liberal members of
Parliament, the hon. member for Lambeth met his
constituents last evening, at the Horns Tavern, to
render an account of his services in Parliament dur-
ing the past session, and to confer with them upon
the present aspect of political affairs. The attend-
ance was very numerous,, and the majority of the
persons present appeared to belong to the poorer
'class of voters.
Mr. WEBSTER presided, and having briefly ex-
plained the purpose of the meeting, remarked that
many had supposed Mr. Williams's conduct in refe-
rence to Lord Palmerston was objectionable. (No.)
They had now lived long enough to change that
opinion. He hoped, howorer, as they were living on
the eve ofstirring times they would tell their member
plainly what they wished him to do. A Reform Bill
could not be long delayed, and it was their duty
to confer with their member, let him know -what he
was to insist upon on their behalf, and through him
to infirm the governing powers what they were de-
termined to have. They must look to measures
henceforward, not men. If he were disposed to fol-
low any statesman of the present day, it would be
Lord J. Russell. (Hear.) But the time was come
when the people must help themselves, and not de-
pend upon Lord this or Lord that. The Times said
that John Bright could not concoct a Reform Bill :
but why not John Bright as well as anybody else ?
—he was one of the people and knew what they
wanted.
Mr. WILLIAMS, who was warmly welcomed, said
he had invited his constituents to meet him that he
might give them an account of his conduct in the
last session, aad to afford them an opportunity of
demanding any explanation they might desire. He
could not suppose he had succeeded in satisfying all,
and in every particular, but he was ready to give his
reasons for every vote he had given. He had not
been absent a single day or a single night during
the whole session. (Hear.) They could hardly form
an idea of the arduous duties of a member of Par-
liament who conscientiously' carried out the trust
reposed in him by his constituents. He had during
great part of the session to be on a committee at
eleven o'clock in the morning, and to remain in the
house until two or three on the following morning.
When the Reform Bill was carried, Lord J. Russell
said that among other advantages that would fol-
low was the putting an end to past-midnight legis-
lation. But that had not been the case, and he
believed that the session of 1858 was more remark.
able for late hours than almost any of its predeces-
sors of late years. He had always been strongly,
opposed to the transaction of the legislative busi-
ness of the country at unreasonably late hours,
for the consequence was that important mea-
sures were hurried through without discussion
and almost without the knowledge of members.
If a few members would unite with him he
hoped to put a stop to this system. The last
session commenced on the 3d December, having
been called together for the special purpose of
passing an act to enable the Bank to set aside tem-
porarily the provisions of the Bank Charter Act, in
order to ease the pressure upon the money market
which then existed. It was somewhat curious,
however, that the mere passing of that act had been
quite sufficient to meet the object in view—the
powers it conferred never having been resorted to.
When Parliament reassembled in February they
would recollect that the Government brought for-
ward the Conspiracy Act, at tile instigation of the
French Government, in consequence of the attack
which had been made upon the life of the Emperor
of the French. They would recollect that a long
debate took place upon the first stage of that bill,
and that upon a division 99 members, himself being
one of them, voted against its introduction. (Hear,
hear.) They would remember the bullying tone
assumed by certain French colonels and officials,
and that although the Lord Chief Justice of Eng-
land stated that the existing laws of the sauntry
were sufficient to meet the case, the Government
still proceeded with the bill. Upon the second
reading, however, a resolution was moved -toy Mr.
Gibson as an amendment, which was carried by a
majority of 19, and that led to the resignation of
Lord Palmerston's Government. When the new
Government came in their first act was to bring in
a bill of the most incongruous and unaccountable
character to transfer the government of India from
the East India Company, to th: Queen. The dis-
cussions upon that subject occupied the greater
part of the session, and upon every division which
took place he was present doing his duty, as lie
best could, with the view of improving the measure
and making it suited for its purpose. Ultimately
the Government bill was withdrawn, and another,
founded upon the resolutions suggested by Lord J.
Russell, was carried. And he believed that that
bill, which effectually, removed the powers of the
Government from the jobbing East India Company
and; placed it in the hands of the Crown, would be
attended with beneficial results, and afford satisfac-
tion to the people of India. He (Mr. Williams) did
not care what party was in power, if they intro-
duced measures for the public good they should
have his cordial support, but if they brought in
measures which he thought injurious to the country,
they should have, be they Whig or Tory, his most
earnest opposition. (Cheers.) Lord Derby's Govern-
ment during the. past session had lent their aid to
the passing of a bill for enabling Jews to sit in
Parliament. It' was a queer, crotchety sort of bill,
but it effected the object in view, and placed the
country in the high and proud position that no man
could be excluded from his political rights on
account of his religious opinions. He was happy
to say that under it Baron Rothschild had taken
his seat as member for London by virtue of that
bill. (Hear.) This Tory government had also given
their aid to the passing of another useful measure
—a bill to abolish' the property qualification of
members. (Loud cheers.) The immediate effect of
this bill was not, perhaps, so important as the prin-
ciple it introduced. Henceforward any man who
had a majority of the- electors in his favour in any
borough or county might take his seat in the
House of Commons without any question as
to what property he was possessed of. (Hear,
hear.) He would refer to a few of the principal
questions upon which he had voted during the ses-
sion. The first question of importance was the
motion to support a commission to inquire into the
state of education. Nothing was more wanted in
this country than education ; but the great differ-
ence of opinion that existed on the subject had
hitherto prevented any satisfactory settlement of
that long debated question. He hoped, however,
that the labours of that commission would ere long
enable them to frame a measure which should satisfy
all parties—by each conceding something to the
other. He supported that motion ; and he voted
for the total abolition of church-rates. (Cheers.)
He voted against the motion that was brought for-
ward to make the landowners of the country bear
the burden, because he was for the total and un-

conditionalabolition of the rates. He was convinced
that if this impost were abolished, the members of
the established church would provide ample means
to maintain the fabric of the church and for

public worship.. Why should they not do so as
well as the dissenters, who paid their clergy, built
their chapels, and maintained them without any
aid ? (Hear.) He voted likewise for the abolition
of the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland. (Hear.) This
was a very costly concern, and after all was but a
ridiculous sham royalty, and which inflicted an in-
jury, as he believed, upon the people of Ireland
rather than confering any benefit upon them. Ile
voted for theabolition of the Septennial Act and the
substitution of triennial parliaments, and for Mr.
Locke King's motion to reduce the county fran-
chise from £5O to £lO. (Hear.) He voted likewise
for that most important of all questions, vote by
ballot--(hear)—without which a Reform Bill would
not only be incomplete but scarcely worth having. This was a question which did not affect the consti-
tuency of Lambeth personally, for the large manu-
facturing and commercial houses there did not
interfere with the votes of those they employed ;
but if they went to many parts of the country
they would find that a system of coercion exten-
sively prevailed, whereby the aristocratic land-
owners and the great squires compelled their
tenants to vote for them and their nominees, as
though tenants' votes were actually the property
of the landlord. He voted in the past session also
to abolish the protection which members of Parlia-
ment enjoyed from arrest for debt, for he could not
understand why a member of Parliament who
owed moneyshould be free from the ordinary course
of law any more than other people. (Hear, hear.)
He voted several times against the pernicious
measure Which enabled candidates to pay the ex-
penses of voters going to the poll, which he thought
was calculated to encourage bribery and corruption.
He made several motions against various items in
the estimates. He believed as many as twenty-
five divisions were taken against the extravagant
estimates of the past session, in all of which he
voted against the Government. (Hear, hear.)
This would ‘Pive..them an idea of the general
character of the estimates. But he brought forward
ono =OA imPort&tat 11201i011 with regexcl to §upply,