The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-08 00:00:00

LOINDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 8, 1858.

EAST INDIA. HOUSE, 7Tu Aram, ISSS,
rp HE COURT OF DIRECTORS of the EAST
EL INDIA COMPANY do HEUEBY GIVE NOTICE, that a
SPECIAL GENE :GAL COURT of the said Company will be held at
their house in Leadenhall-street, on TUESDAY, the 13th instant,
at Eleven oel ck in the forenoon, for the purpose of submitting
for confirmation the resolution cf the General Court of this day, SP-
proving of the resolution of the Court of Directors of the 25th
u'tirno, granting an annuity of One Thousand 1 °rinds (1,0001.) to
the eldest son of the late Major-General Sir Henry Lawrence,
K.C.8., with reversion to his younger brother in the event of the
death of the elder brother without heirs male.
The Court of Directors do likewi=e Give Notice that the said
General Court is made further :special, for the purpose of continuing
the colstricration of the two Bills no 7.7 before Parliament, relating to
the Government of India, and of the Report thereon from the Court
of Directors, which were laid before the General Court this day.
J. D. DICKINSON, Secretary.

EAST INDIA-HOUSE, 'Tut APRIL, 1858.
THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the EAST
INDIA COMPANY do HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, That
the Report from the Court of Directors to the General Court of Pro-
prietors on the subject of the Bills now before Parliament relative
to the Government of India, which was laid before the Genera, Court
this day, and ordered to he printed for the use of the Proprietors,
will be ready for delivery at this home, to-morrow, the Bth inst.,
after 12 o'clock.
J. D. DICKINSONr, Secretary.

G REAT WESTERN RAILWAY.-
w CHANNEL ISLANDS.--Tickets to Jersey and Guernsey,
via Weymouth, are now issued at the Paddington Station, enabling
passengers to break the journey at Chippenham, Dorchester, or
Weymouth.
Fares, Rail and Boat : —315. and 21s.
Further particulars can be obtained on application at the Com-
pany's Offices.

SOUT H WALES R ILWAY.—The Directors
of this Company are now prepared to issue Debenture Bonds,
bearing interest at the rate of 4/. per centum per annum, for
periods of not less than three years, to meet debentures falling due.
The Directors are also prepared tl issue Debenture Stock, bearing
interest in perdetuity et the rate of 41. per cent. per annum, which
Stock will cancel and take the place of Debenture Bonds of the Com-
pany to the extent issued.—Applications to be addressed to the
undersigned.—By order. FRED. G. S &TINDERS, Secretary.
Offices, South Wales Railway, 10, Eastbourne-terrace,
• Paddington (IV ), March 29, 1858.

Inothing but yield to it. The friendly tendencies arose
gradually from a natural re-notion against the long deadly
historical feud which found its acme under the first Em-
pire, from a feeling of the evil results of the contest to
both the nations, and from the spirit which stirs, provi-
dentially, within the heart if mankind, urging it to ge-
neral brotherhood. You needed yourself of them for
your individual ambitious purposes, and perverted them
for a while. Witl:in your heart, Sir, you hate England.
Antagonism to its greatness is a family tradition with
you. The Corsican vendetta-feeling rise deep in the
narrowness of your soul, and your having lived a poor
neglected exile in England has only embittered that
feeling ; we can learn to love the shelter of our prescribed
days ; sensuous aslGsh netures are only opsn to the feel-
ing which makes the benefit heavy and distasteful. Be-
fore the Peers, in 1836, you declared that you represented
a principle, a cause, a defeat—that the defeat was
Waterloo, and that you were bent on avenging it.
Hatred to Albion has been your watchword to the bee-
racks immediately after the coup d'etat : the recent inso-
loree of your colonels is but an echo of it. War to Eng-
land was then, as it is now, your impotent dream ; and
the dotted maps in your Cabinet de travail could bear
witnesses for it. But you felt weak, isolated, frowned
at. You yielded to necessity, and embraced the grow-
ing popular tendencies. You did not create the alliance;
you countersigned it, with a mental reservation.
The French-Anglo alliance, I do repeat it, is the
thought of the two nations. Englishmen, too frequ-ntly
unju-t now to the Republic of 1848. might not forget it.
The February movement hal been welcomed—not, cer-
tainly, by the English official world—but by the majority
of the British people. And never was the welcome so
joyfully and 'gratefully received as by the R,-
publicans of 1848. The 'diplomatic tradition was
not for one instant broken .between the two na-
tions. Lord Normanby--kept officiously in his place
during the first period—was officially accredited
by England as soon as the Assembly gave its sanction
to the change. The Russian ambassador, Kisseleff,
proffered, from the beginning, a close alliance with the
Czar against what he was calling the common enemy,
England, and was refused by the young Republic. -A
known general, now an exile, proposed soon after an
invading filibustering schesne against England, threat-
ening the destruction of London and its sources of
wea'th, and wanting nothing for its realisation but a
certain number of soldiers, ships, and steamers, given up
to his orders. The scheme was indignantly rejected,
and the general sent back to his military commandment,
which, for the sake of the proposal, he had suddenly
abandoned. W;th such feelings at work, the least op-
portunity, the least advance front the English Govern-
ment, would have, doubtless, given ripe to an alliance,
andwhyi
cothou
yon,
u ep, morepseird, sincere,hianv,e au nr moral,
eoder anEngland to.
engrafted
, and fruitful one than that
reconciliation, which, under the banner of Freedom,
afd o n
aim.the
Osafcr a sacred thng
thing
your selfish schemes, your ambitious solemn
would have been like a blessing from on high on mans
kind, you made a sad withering compact between liberty
and tyranny, between life and death. England has been
to you a mere stepping-stone for a dynastic interest ; the
alliance, a ()ridge between the distrusting European
Powers and yourself.
Your first advances had been to Russia. Your natural
tendencies, the logics of despotism, and some vague re-
miniscences of the Kremlin Conferences, spurred you
there. Russia spurn.) 1 the advances : the Czar could
not trust your word. Your agents had tried all the
legitimation by marriage,
:atos h
raiseu t: nt
os n
yeaci
tc eas.
against
fail i
ahl l
German °Ants in search of a Royal bride, of a quasi.
reeraenr d ywnaass t ifcwwboi
dr ldde
nw
would have been a suicide. You thought of England
esy .t
re
tyl
IToekl uet i EoPowersnuarroy-
svliichthwe oluel9ditiantzeorncoewreercso, r
ad
then.
You wanted somet'ding
your being accepted amongst
Diplomatic Conference in Paris, your signature on a
Treaty of Peace. The way to peace was war. You
provoked it. England entered it by your side, re-
luctantly but in absolute good faith, and once the first
steps taken with a stern determination to win from it
some practical permanent result. You wanted, how-
ever, both to avoid any awakening of the national insur-
rectionary element and to play a primary part in the
war. Yen sacrificed, therefore the strategic problem to
the political one. 'To Riga and Odessa, von preferred
the Crimea. There was the re no fear of a:Polish rising;
and in a long protracted siege, your naturally superior
land military force was to shine prominently over your
ally. Besides, the war concentrated in the siege of an
eo
nultppior se
,t awaads kl
leaving
ap far fro
vt i angtofymoutheit
thevpaolBlt
,3iabriis of
ityot Russian
fh:
friendly
l lin h i tmn
,e a !lust udraey,
:w iEt ha
gtl ha ea
de. zo% iat
r owuasse de ,n aw6ol II" : dg
to you and to the culpable yielding weakness of the
yopouentiengte
have struck you to the heart—l spared you. Thus, owing
British Government, the war, diverted from its natural
lines of operation, became a brill'ant duel au premier
sang with no possible result—the one excepted which
you were pursuing, At thl,eunclusion of the first -cage,
when Eogl ,nd was beginning to feel betheke steee-cities
of the contest and its true Eurupriffbeaelni, the Cz.r
consented to delay fora while the fulfiltesm of his 1 na
cherished Eastern scheme. Oo :say tee me, without any
re.l tuarant-e for the ham..., you ha.4.ns.d to grant his
wish. As you Lad dragged reluctant England into the war,
a • you compelled her to accept, however re us:tautly, an
unsatisfactory peace. The Congress of Paris was sum-
moned. Your aim was reached. The Eastern question
has been merely
through adjourned, not solved. Poland is still
linin
cis huirC)ourj,i andTil The Turkish
consciousnesse mpireis
of it
s
own sink
g gthdw gnhi n
civil
her
lai yournsd
whisper
e dyn oasumo
tomve e
the
hegheahei sgt
might,
Czar,
:ha
own powerlessness. No barrier has been raised
against future Russian encroachments. Tne Czar is
rapidly and silently restoring the military resource
of the empire. War is looming in the distance. But
roa,should
l appeared,d,tlhf
a.
,saiv:oae
urnoerdndagboll amongst nuac,atn,i.pie
aeuesnmdcosaftfiagl
rpohent.tegasb-t long-estab-
lished bies,-;
side against the old ally.
Tne advantages of the alliance have all been reaped by
olift r
hat
rwli
freeile yn ea ut
iro
nu
as
lu rbpaendn de
re: psoot
anion
up od
iws
terr
aunderd t h
rancour
you. England has had none. You have, by your shielding
fol
d s
against her in the heart of the oppressed! nations. Yee
have alienated from her the sympathies of the forsaken
Slavonic, Hellenic, and Roumain populations of the
Turkish Empire. You have succeeded in deviating her
statesmen from what ought to be her national policy—
civil, religious, and political liberty for all Europe.
Ought you not to be satisfied ! Ought you riot prudently
to forbear from uttering claims to her gratefulness and
sympathies !

It is not mine to discuss with you what you urge E-g-
-land to do concerning the exiles. I am an exile and your
enemy. I cannot stoop to argue with a tyrannical power
about what I conceive to be my right and my duty. I
overthrow it if I can. My words might be misinterpreted
as a pleading for ourselves, and I shrink from that pos-
sibility. Any law that may be enacted affecting our po-
sition is perfectly indifferent to me ; just, I accept it ;
unjust, I pledge myself to violate it, whatever the results
may be. Ours is a state of war. We have not chosen
it ; it has been, it still is, forced upon us. Tyranny has
robbed us of our country ; we have none ; we have no
power protecting es, no passport, no law to which we
can appeal, no justice on earth except when we ourselves
can enforce it. Throughout all the Continent we are,
merely because we are republicans or upholders of our
national flags, declared suspects, and as such itni,erisoned,
internes, deprives of any possibility of secure settlement,
persecuted, treated as pariahs, hunted as helots. I ac-
cept, for my part, the consequences of my position, and
I have, I, an exile, no account to give of my opinions or
of my doings to a man, now a perseesting Emperor,
once an exile, Bat, d .uhtliss, any British born sahject
has a right to answer your complaints and claims in
something like the following terms :
"You have been, sir, an exile io England ; from this
land you incessantly plotted against a constitutional
king, to whom you had pledged your honour to conspire
no more ; and you finally organised an armed descent on
the shores of France. We took no notice of it; why
inoguni patio power ? Why should we,
r :en:
should we alter now our laws for the sake of watching
over o who are in their turn attempt-
ingyour sake, desert the old traditions of an inoilidual
liberty, which has proved a blessing to our land, by
enacting measures implying, if they are to be enforced at
fr
to and
overthrow persec u t
y
secret police doings,
our honest, dear, prec;se method of legal definitions, and
,
resortaalnl,da
a w
r bth's) rlaethosesr.;le interpretationsBvbg tueem f
formulasesp iolnoWagnfeeY: should we aba don
citation and inetiga-
tioo, which gave rise, in your Own country to preces de
tenac
la)
Y you when you were still
a
pirates ? Why should we, in fact,
undertake to protect you at all? And how is it that you
uncrowned ice,so often branded s,
eeon
want protection ? Does our glean ask you for help
against plotters and mur.!erere ? You chose to put your-
self above the law, out of the law ; is that a reason for
t
England to legi,late for you ? You rose to power on
corpses ; can we prevent the livinz rccollec ion of the
Victims to summon forth avengers 7 You gent, you still
send thou,ands of untried men to lin,ler and die in the
swamps of Cayenne : can we eradicate hatred and its
consequences from tho hearts of their friends and rela-
tions ? You have chosen to suppress liberty in all its
forms—press, meetings, associations, speaking ; you
have hermetically closed all safety-valves to the power-
ful breath of a nation peculiarly fond of external life :
a through some unforeseen, irregular outlet ? You a Re-
publican sent an army to bombard, enslave, kill,
crush Republican Rome : that army of unlawful in
vaders is still there : can we suppress Roman revenge
re we to
still bid, the compressed power not to burst “ut
Are we to turn our free island into a police-office for
the sake of insuring the days of all men who choose
to make themselves tyrants—for the King of Naples,
for
Czar, h
tyoeu • or Soulouque ? The
dagger g e; 9
neverFope gle them s when vote can speak out the
thought of the man ; grenades are never thrown at royal
or presidential carriages in England, in Belgium, in
Switzerland, in Piedmont, in America. We have no
demands for anti-conspiracy bills from these countries :
the
we have from you. Does it not clearly show that 'some-
thing is rotten in the state' of France ? And are we to
legislate, at your bidding, for the sake of keeping up
'rottenness I' The plotters, you say, are living in Eng-
land ; the avengers come to you from England; you
send them here; where else can they live ! whence else
can they start Every year, every six months, your gen-
darmes convey to us, par Mapes, all the disaffected, or
those believed to be so : can we undertake to organise a

close, secret watching, an espionnage, around each of
them ? Can we prevent some from retracting, uith what-
ever intentions, their steps-to Francs ? Are we to he
answerable if Keloh or Deron—supposing all that you
state in your pamphlet to bs true—find their way to
Parimolesnow ;entd?hn t
answerable
ayoe
na y - Mazzini chooses to cross,
underou haver gnueawr d e
threed ,
millionscam p sle
fi organisedkferanea,
tyro
Louis Philippe, openly allotted to
espionnage—we have none. Cannot you guard yourself
without harassing, calumniating, and threatening your
peaceful, unconcerned neighbours ? You quote apolnies
of tyrannicide printed in England : what of that ? Are
we to eliminate from our schools the old history of Rome
and Greece ? to suppress the translations of Schiller'e
Wilhelm Tell f to issue a warrant against any re-edition
of Milton ? The press is free in our country. It is not
in France. You keep under your thraldom all manifes-
tations of the mind of your nation. But we do not ask
you to suppress the apology of the murder of the Hague-
note, or the reprinting of your uncle's legacy to CAR-
tillon. Depend upon it, Sir, tyrannicide is the off pring
not of a few theoretic pages, but of the hateful fact of
tyranny. Suppress that ; you will have suppressed the
dangsragainat which you seek in vain for a help al‘road.
You cannot exact from that we, allowing the fact t
exist, undertake to forbid the fatal consequences which
may eventually flow from it."
Such, sir, is the answer which England has virtually
given, and will always give, I trust, by the voice of her
people, to your illiberal, unwarrantable demands.
Through these demands, meanwhile, and through the
indirect threateniugs with which you coupled them, you
have descended one step more on your downfalling
career. You have aroused the old independent Sax m
blood within the hearts of millions. You have unveiled
the shameful price which you would fain set on a barren,
when not fatal alliance. You have tithisiiked 'to the
world the terrors which, Hie the shadow of crime, are
ever walking by your side. You have once mere
awakened the hitherto dormant sense of self dignity in
the conscience of men, and given rise to a resistance
which will soon become a European one. You have
caused the only prestige which still hovered around you
—the approval and friendship of a free people—to
vanish. You stand new, Sir, whatever soft-mouthed,
self-disguising diplomacy may talk, alone in Europe.

THE CASE OF THE CAGLIARI.

MR. PARK'S NARRATIVE.

We have been favoured (says the Manchester
Guardian) by a gentleman connected with this city
w.th the following narrative, taken down by him
from the recital of Mr. Park, the second engineer
of the Cagliari, two days after Mr. Park had beet
set at liberty by the Neapolitan authoriti' s :
" Shortly after leaving Genoa, on our voyage to
Cagliari and Tunis, between which ports our
steamer carried the mails, I observed to one of the
stokers, who happened to be standing near me on
the deck, that there seemed to be a large number of
passeugrs on board, to which he answered in the
affirmative, adding that the most part of them were
seamen going to join two merchantmen lying at
Cagliari, waiting for crews. I requested him to
ask one of the men what ship they were going to
join, which he did, and received for an answer that
we should soon sae what ship they were going to
join ; the man aiding in a very significant manner,
`Youhad better go below, and mind your work,
and you will not be hutted.' These words, added
to the men's apparance, struck me so forcibly that
I went below to the engine-room, and stated my
belief to my fellow-engineer (Mr. Watt) that we had
a gang of pirates en board, who were going to seize
the ship. This startling communication naturally
sent him on deck t 3 satisfy his curiosity, which,
however, was soon done, as he came below again in
a short time, with the best proof of the c u'reetnese
of my suspicion, having seen the captain seized by
armed men, and placed under restraint.
"In a few minutes after learning this momentous
fact, I went up to see what further was going on,
when I had scarcely reached the deck before I was
seized by four a,raned men, and taken into the pre-
sence of an individual, who held in one hand a
letter and in the other a drawn dagger, and who,
presenting the letter to me, demanded me to an-
swer its contents. I replied that, as it was dark
where we were, I would go to a light and read it,
and then give hint my answer. To this he as-
sented, and I went down into the engine-room with
it, and read it there to my fellow-engikerr. Its
contents were to the effect that. if wo continued to
do our duty, and work the engines as usual, no
harm should come to us ; but that the least resist-
ance or refractoriness upon our part would be fol-
lowed by instant death.
" We considered for a 'moment what was to be
done, and having eur helpless position in view, we
concluded that our only way was to obey the
orders of our new masters. Our con-ultation was,
however, cut short by the appearance of the men
who had dragged ma before the ringleader, and
who now, descending into the engine-room, and
pointing heir arms at us, asked us to state our in-
tentions. Upon learning them they desired us to
cry, Viva l'ltalia,' and, upon our complying, em-
braced us, and called us brothers, &c. By this
time the entire ship, with crew and passengers,
were in the hands of the pirates.
"It may hero be observed that the persox who
presented the letter to me was the Baron Nicotera,
who, as it is seen, thus took a most active part in
the affair front the commencement, and who, even
after nine months' weary imprisonment, shows still
an undaunted spirit, and boldly avows before the .1
judges all his acts and intentions.
"The letter itself, it must be borne in mind, was I
neither directed to anyone nor subscribed by any
one, but was simply a notification of their inten-
tions written in English, and intended for the en-
gineers of the boarAwhoever they might be ; the
rineleaders of the party knowing well thatm the en-
gineers of all the boats were Englishen, and sur-
mising that they might not understand their mean-
ing so well if they communicated it in Italian as if
it were written down for them in their native
tongue. However natural this may appear, still
th© Attorney-General of his Majesty of the Two
Sicilles saw in the existence of this letter, (which I
had even copied into my log-book, for fear it might
be lost, seeing therein the justification of ourselves)
a positive proof of our participation in the conspi-
racy, being, as ho stated, in correspondence with
the insurgents.
" But to follow the thread of my narrative. The
insurgents being now fully masters of the vessel,
began to make free with the good things on board,
and broached some champagne to the success of
their enterprise.

" If all things had gone right we were that night
(the first after our departure from Genoa, to have
fallen in with some boat or boats, with 60 men and
100 stand of arms, coining from the shores of Tuscany
to join our expedition ; but, whatever might have
been the cause of their absence, come they did not;
and thus the first part of the scheme failed. This
circumstance caused a visible depression of spirits
amongst the party.
" The captain of the Cagliari being confined in his
own cabin, a passenger who was a seafaring man was
compelled to take command of the ship, and received
orders to steer for the island of PODZA, a penal set-
tlement of the Neapolitan Government, lying off
the mainland, and perhaps 80 miles from Naples.
Oa this day, and whilst near the island of Eiba,
we passed the British squadron sailing to the
northward. To prevent any signal being made
of what was going on, the crew and ourselves were
sent below and watched by the insurgents until the
squadron had pa-sed ; so that it was impossible to
make known oar position to them. Baron Nico-
tera and Pisecane, who took the command, em-
ployed themselves during this day in examining the
captain and crew, and having ascertained from the
steward that there were some cases of tire-arms iu
the hold (part of the cargo),got them up and broke
them open. They turned out to be for the most
part blunderbusses and fowling-pieces, and they
were distributed amongst the insurgents.
" We also came in for our share of examination,
and having stated in answer to a question that we
had not much fuel on board, having left Genoa ten
tons short, we were told th tt we were to use great
economy, and that in the event of theship running
short of coal, our (the two Riglish engineers) heads
should be put under the boilers.
" At last we hove in sight of Ponzi, and a
signal was h dire(' for a pilot, and as soon as one
Came on board, a pistol was held to his head, and
he was told that if he did not answer all questions
truthfully, he would be shot instanter. The poor
fellow, in great fear, told all ho knew about the
number of prisoners (convicts) and soldiers on the
island, and tiro amount of arms and ammunition
they possesed. The governor of the island, who
had also come on board, was quietly locked up
with the captain.
_ .

" The insurgents (whose number was 25) then
got the boats manned by the ship's crew, and
leaving seven of their number well armed to guard
the passengers, engineers, and the rest who re-
mained on hoard, went on shore to liberate the
convicts of Ponza. We had flattered ourselves
that we should be able to escape with theslirheby,
y
slipping her cable when the piratos left us, but
foreseeing this, had given orders to ti
aces,
pi
guard ua to keep us locked u"
in separate lefti to
so that all possibility of escape was cut io
The 19 armed insurgents, having off.
mastered the
garrison of the place, lib
:rated the convicts, about
300 in number, and sringing them on Loud, we