The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-04 00:00:00

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• 1.
fluenced by a fact to which I ca4fittach go.
at
hwaesigrheet7thvinize„ndtheadttthhies Suobvieeerteitgonthfrearacoriths
• ,
of her parliament. No doubt, constitutionitelthlrya,l'°tie
language used by the Sovereign is dictated by her
responsible Ministers ; nevertheless, when the
Sovereign has been committed to declara-
tions of opinions on most serious matters con-
nected with our institutions, I think those
declarations aro entitled to most respectful and
deferential attention. Besides, we all know the circum-
stances under which the great Reform Act was passed,
and no reflecting man will deny that great anomalies
exist. Without meazing disrespect to any class, I may
say one can hardly walk through the streets of this or
any other Ecglish town without meeting with men to
whose judgment and studies even the most ardent re-
former would scarcely think it safe to entrust the desti-
nies of this country. (A. laugh) Oa the other hand,
yon will Ind men ,Alrs, under the present law, are with-
out the franchise, but who in common justice ought to
possess it. I see an hon, gentleman below—a man of
high scientific acquirements and great respectability,
and holding an important position in this town, but who,
not happening to be a 10/. householder, has no vote.
There is an anomaly which doubtless ought to be cor-
rected. And, after all, what are the charm and sacred.
ness of the 101. vote itself? A 101. rating in Droitwich
is a guarantee of respectability. In the large cities of the
kingdom it will virtually give yon household suffrage.
St profeezes to secure uniformite, but fails to secure it.
Whether uniformity be desirable is another question.
`But one thing upon which I have been particularly
careful is not to commit myself to the doctrine of finality
in respect to any franchise or any representative system.
The limit of the franchise must in the nature of things
be a matter of degree. At one time it may be unwise
to go beyond a certain amount. Spread educatiOn and
intelligence, make a man fit fot the duty, and in God's
name why should he not enjoy the privilege I (Cheers.)
On these grounds, then, I am not prepared, as a Minis-
ter who has been but a week in office, to pledge the
Government to the introduction of a Reform Bill. The
subject requires mature deliberation. Moreover, gentle-
men, we are candidates for public confidence, and that
confidence we seek on the only grounds on which we
can ever gain it. We ask you to judge of us partly by
our words, but much more by our acts. (Cheers.) And
if we wanted to forfeit public confidence, and to pro-
c'ai n that we had no right to it, we could hardly
take a surer mode of doing so than before we have
been 10 days in office to come down and say we are
prepared to deal with this most important question. A.
year ago Lord Palmerston's Government promised, and
I believe intended, to deal with reform. I hope Ido theta
no injustice, but I think, from certain signs I have wit-
nessed, that, although they have had 12 months for con-
eideration on that subject, their views upon it are not
quite decided now. (Laughter.) And I am not sure that
this is very much a matter of blame. So great a subject
ought to be discussed with calmness and deliberation.
It is easy to write a letter to the newspapers, saying that
no reform ought to be acceptable to the people which is
not based on this principle or on that. It is easy, too,
to go to public meetings and there recommend this or
that particular nostrum. But the men who do these
things do them without responsibility, and are not like
a gemernrnent on whom rests the onus of dealing pru-
dently with the great intereste of the State. We have to
uphold the monarchy, to uphold the freedom to which we
are all so much attached ; and depend upon it an undue
amount cf the dewdcratic element in our institutions
would be most dangerous to liberty. Cress the Atlantic
and see the state of things which exists in the United
States. I speak with respect of that great people who are
r tpidly rising to a pitch of ensiuence which the world hes
seldom if es-er witnessed. But I believe there is less real
liberty tl;ere than in England. (Cheers.) Taking our in-
s' itetlens as a whole, you may hit a blot here and detect
a fault there; but among the civilised nations of the earth
thus is no country where greater freedom, happiness,
or contentment reigns than in our own highly-favoured
land. (Cheers) It would be unreasonable to ask us,
then, to legislate this session on the question of reform;
but I rni,judee the men with whom I have the honour
of acting if I cannot say for them that no bygone
opinions—no past prejudices, if I may use that word,
shall prevent our examining this great subject with an
anxious determination to do what is best for the inte-
rests of England. (Hear, hear.) We are told that we
can't govern the country because we are not agreed upon
social questions. It is said, for example, that on the
matter of education, in which I take a deep interest, I
am not in accord with my colleagues, and was told the
other day by a newspaper of great authority that I must
either give up my individual views on that subject or
decline to take office. (A. laugh.) My convictions oa
the educational question are deep, abiding, and sincere ;
and when I cannot retain a place in the counsels of the
Ministry without sacrificing those convictions in their
main and essential features, I shall cease to occupy that
position. That question is one which I did not lightly
take up, and one, therefore, which I am not at liberty
lightly to discard. But after the most serious reflection
I arrived at the conclusion that there eras nothing in the
sutject of national education to prevent me from giving
my humble assistance to her Majetly's Government.
Previous attempts at legislation upon that subject have
failed ; and honest differences of opinion as to the best
mode of carrying out the desired object have existed
among not only my colleagues, but my personal friends.
Who is right and who is wrong it is not fir me to pre-
tend to say. But, finding legislation in the present state
of public feeling to be impracticable, I moved for, and I
am thankful to say I carried a motion for a commission
to institute a calm, impartial, and extensive inquiry.
Those friends from whom I differed avowed rankly that
I had taken the most conciliatory, the moat moderate,
and the most practical course open t) me. When Lord
Derby was called upon to form an Administration the
matter was still prnding, and her Majesty having, in
answer to the address from the House of Commons,
graciously signified her intention that the Royal Com-
mission should issue, the commissioners will be fairly
chosen, and their investigation duly proceeded with.
On that point there has been no difference of opinion
among us ; indeed, I Cal hardly see how, under the
ercumstances, such a difference was really possible.
Another argueneett strongly urged by the newspapers
opposed to the Government is that we cannot conduct
public affairs because we are in a minority in the House
of Comtnors. If that reasoning is to prevail a
change of Government is impossible. I felt con-
vinced that the large apparent majority returned at the
last general election in favour of the late Ministry was,
let feet, a majority on the China question, and one on
which Lord Palmerston could not depend. Events have
siecs justified that conjecture. No House of Commons
in my memory has ever contained so large a proportion
of independent members attached to no particular party.
Those to whom I refer are men entertaining liberal
principles, but they are not supporters of Lord Palmer-
ston or anybody else, except on such grounds as they
think the interests of the country warrant. They almost
to a man joined in the vote that censured the late Minis-
try, and those geritlemen will, I believe, ae we have a
right to expect, give the new Government a fair trial.
(Cheers.) We trust to the support of an unusually in-
dependent House of Commons, and also to the support
of the public. We shall address ourselves to our arduous
task with an anxious desire to consult, not the narrow
linterest of party, but the welfare of the country, and
our interest hope is that we may be enabled so to con-
duct public affairs as to conciliate and deserve the good
opinion of
the country. (Cheers.) With regard to the
glorious service at which I have now the honour to be
at the head, it is the first duty of every Administration
to see that the navy, our proudest boast and best de-
fence, is maintained in efficiency. Never was there A
moment when that efficiency was more necessary than
now. A considerable portion of our naval strength is
now required in China ; a further strain upon its re-
sources is also caused by the state of affairs in India;
and we must all feel that this is not a time when our
navy should be powerless at home. The maxim is trite
but true, that the best security for peace is to be pre-
pared for war. The naval review at Spitbead, at the'
close of the Russian war, when a double line of ships
of war and gun-boats, ex,:ending no less than five
miles, was presented to view, did honour to the
naval administration of that day. But don't imagine
that that was a mere display without any political
y uhacest
ionboj
oe
be tt
oodr an
to
pthoalitticsapl ercetsauclltes. folr btehleievpeeawcee atrhea mt
prevailed in Europe since that day. I have become ac-
quainted with the state of the army, which, as Lord
Darby acknowledged the other night, is highly satisfac-
tory. I must frankly own, however, that Ido not yet
know what our present naval resources are ; for, owing
to certain forms connected with the making out of the
patent for the Admiralty, I have not entered upon my
new duties, nor shall I be able to do so till next week.
Therefore, I can only say, generally, that it will be my
anxious endeavour in discharging the great trust reposed
in me to study the honour and safety of England. Ano-
olee sr
7n
i tany Nohave the honesty as
doubt,e n
p art
es u nw d
ee rr oarut
well as the firmness to adhere is that in the navy there
i
rsthhaoerulrilardnaa i
beee
ti to
tar oan
rowy lip cyr htsyt Ie
prnr hopeeofef
ticvr
Ge
continue to have. But, in my opinion, party feeling is
mischievous and out of place when it insinuates itself
into the internal administration of our great public
departments. And when brave men are candidates for
the honour of shedding their blood and serving their
Queen in a gallant profession it would be a gross perver-
sion and a heavy dereliction of duty on the part of a
Minister if he looked to anything but merit and past
services in the distribution of promotions and appoint-
ments. (Loud cheers.) Tho right hon. baronet then
concluded a speech which lasted an hour and a half by
again thanking them for the honour they conferred upon
him.

[PRIOZ 4D. STAMPED 59 •]

The usual compliment to the returning officer closed
,he proceedings.

STA.MFORD, WEDEESDAY.
This election took place to-day, at the Town Hall
the only candidate being the Lord Advocate, Dean
Inglis, of Edinburgh.
Having bean nominated by Mr. Phillips, and se-
conded by Mr. Alderman Hanthon, Mr. Inglis
was declared duly elected.
Mr. INGLIS then returned thanks. He said
underha
took office under the present Governmentni
circumstances which appeared to hirntotog
not only incumbent upon every
one
his cel-
l' support as he could to Lord Dersive _
, dto support
1 leagues, but he took office,
there w o ul
were b e
glancing at
I them, because he firmly
but to command very
such as not only to desoruvii,,
country.
general support in thlcco z
I, h led to the downfall of the
sures, when 'they shohuoldi:hmeedmebveeAl:f:taeirdl
g
the circumstances which
late Government, the
.
matters which unquestionably demanded
certain
• rtant and most serious consideration from
very in3.l3_,°
the new u-overnment. First obviously, in point of
believedandt t b a t
their
eiivreaniskueeeah: