The Sun.
London, England, 1858-01-14 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, 1858.

PARLIAM.ENTA.RY REFORM..

MEETING IN LONDON.
Last night a meeting was held in the large room of
the Freemasons' Tavern, for the purpose of promoting
the reform of Parliament. The meeting was numerously
attended. Mr. Ingram, M.P., was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN, amongst other introduotory remarks,
said the last 15 years must have convinced all men that
the working classes could do nothing without the co-
operation of the middle classes, and it was equally appa-
rent that the middle classes were powerless without the
co-operation of the working classes, A reform manifesto
had lately been issued, and they all knew what it con-
tained. The 101. county franchise was abandoned, but
a 51. franchise was proposed in its place. That would
make matters only worse, for sheep might as well possess
the franchise as the tenantry in the country under the
present system. He had himself seen the tenantry
driven like sheep to the hustings. Another kind of re-
form had been proposed, namely an educational franchise.
Well, he thought there were quite enough, and perhaps
too runny lawyers in the House of Commons. And the
clergy were surely ample represented in the House of
Lords. (Hear, hear.) It was also proposed that the
country should be divided into electoral districts. He
hoped be people would not listen to any such proposal,
the effect of which would be to give a preponderance to
the metropolis and other large towns. He did not think
the other parts of the country would be satisfied to sec
Loadon with 70 representatives in the House of-Com-
mons.

Mr,- PASSMORE EDWARDS said that what all real re-
form?re should combine upon, war a manhood suffrage,
coupled with the conditions of residence and freedom
from crime. He did not think that a pauper, who must
of course be exposed to the influence of others, ought to
possess a vote. It Lord Palmerston gave them a real
Reform Bill they would accept it, but if be presented
them with a sham they would reject it. (Cheers.) He
could not forget the antecedents of Lord Palmerston, or
that he was always opposed to reform. (Hear.) It was
on record that Lord Palmerston said to Sir J. Walmsley,
who was an honest reformer—(cheers)—that if the work-
ing classes got the franchise it would degrade the fran-
chise. (Groans.) They were aware that an India Reform
Bill was to be proposed by the government. He warned
them that if the India Bill was passed before a reform of
parliament it would be much more difficult to get that
reform afterwards. (Cheers.) He moved the first re-
solution :—" That this meeting, finding that several
reform proposals have been from time to time issued,
embodying vote by ballot, greater equalisation of co^-
stituencies, triennial parliaments, and abolition of the
property qualification, hereby records its solemn con-
viction, while fully endorsing those points, that no
Reform Bill will be complete or satisfactory which does
not include as its leading feature the principle of man-
hood suffrage."...

Mr. ERN-EST JONES seconded the resolution. He said
that heretofore the middle classes had been pulling one
way and the working classes pulling another way. He
hoped the hour had arrived when both classes were to
pull together. If there was to be a union it must be on
the ground of manhood suffrage and on nothing less.
The programme of the gentlemen who met at the Guild-
hall Coffeehouse did not approach near enough to that
principle. He meant the suffrage for every adult
unstained by crime and accompanied with a residential
clanBe, and he saw no reason why a pauper should not
have a vote. (Hear.)
Mr. CONINGHAM, M.P., said that, whilst he agreed to
the general principle of the resolution, he would not pre-
clude himself from accepting a large and liberal measure
of reform for the sake of some distant good. (Hear.)
He could point to many measures of home and colonial
policy to show that the government did not represent
the principles of the people ; and a most remarkable cir-
cumstance had recently occurred which showed to what
straits Lord Palmerston wa■ reduced in recruiting for
followers. Towards the fag end of last session a liberal
member of parliament declared that what had occurred
in the previous session of Parliament would not be per-
mitted again—viz., that a cabinet minister should be
allowed to leave the House of Lords when the vote on

the question of Jewish disabilities was about to be taken.
The treasury bench appeared as usual to be asleep with
its legs on the table when that declaration was made.
But it was afterwards announced that the Lord Privy
Seal was about to retire, and that a substitute was to be
found for him. He thought it an insult to the country to
appoint to that office one against whom a grave and
serious accusation had been brought, who never con-
descended to give a public explanation of his conduct,
and who was told in the columns of the Times newspaper
that till he gave such an explanation he had better not
tpgMj eeatin,_thu--logsp_ of __Peers. That appoint-
the Prime Minister of the country. But it was presuming
upon the apathy of the public that made him venture to
perpetrate such an act without the risk of being called to
an accoun t. He (Mr. Coninghain), as a member of the
House of Commons, looked upon that appointment as a
downright insult; and in saying so, he firmly believed
he represented and expressed the opinions of all that was
honest and truthful in the United Kingdom. (Cheers.)
Mr. DICKEY then moved, and Mr. RADFORD seconded,
the following amendment:—" That no measure short of
equal political and social rights will content us, to ob-
tain which we suggest manhood suffrage, to include the
annual election of members of Parliament, magistrates,
and public servants, who are to be paid for their services
—a majority to be the only requirement for election, and
the number of electors in each district to be equalised
nearly as possible, and qualified after one month's resi-
dence for registration. That without manhood suffrage
we reject the ballot as a dangerous (because secret) in-
strument in the hands of the prosperous governing
classes; and, we demand that any person trying to control
an elector be punished by heavy fine aid imprisonment
with bard labour. While in order to test the trading
and middling classes, with whom we wish to co-ope-
rate, we demand that in the City of London and its
boroughs the unrepresented people shall be permitted to
elect, by show of hands, one-half of the members of the
first election."
Mr. TOWNSEND, M.P., said though be had the highest
confidence in the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment—(oh, ob)—he had no confidence that the noble
lord would give them a real reform without a pressure
from without. (Hear.) He had signed the manifesto
referred to, but he himself went somewhat further. He
thought the people were entitled to have—if not a man-
hood suffrage—at least something very near it, the
protection of the ballot, equal electoral districts,with and
biennial Parliaments.
The CHAIRMAN having read the amendment for the
purpose of putting it to the meeting,
Mr. B. O'Brien presented himself to the meeting
amidst loud cheers from one part of the meeting, and
loud cries of " Down, down," " He's a traitor," from
others. After much uproar and confusion,
The CHAIRMAN put it to the meeting whether they
would hear Mr. O'Brien
The meeting decided by a show of bands that they
were not disposed to listen to him.
This decision gave rise to renewed uproar, in the
midst of which,
The CHAIRMAN put the amendment,lwhich he declared
to be lost. He then put the original resolution, which
he declared to be carried, but the confusion was so great
in all parts of the meeting, and particularly on the plat-
form, that a second resolution, which formed part of the
evening's programme, was not put, and the meeting
came to rather an abrupt termination.

MEETING AT WOOLWICH.
Last evening a crowded public meeting of the inhab
taut. of Woolwich, Plumstead, and Charlton, was held
at the Town-hall, Woolwich, in accordance with hand-
bills convening a meeting to adopt measures for obtaining
the enfranchisement of Woolwich as a separate Parlia-
mentary borough. The chair was taken by J. R. Jolly,
Esq., a gentleman of great local influence, who strongly
advocated the separation of Woolwich from Greenwich,
on account of its importance in point of population, &c.
Mr. W. NOKES, solicitor, moved a resolution for the
adoption of a memorial to the premier, requesting him
to carry out such a plan, in the details of the expected
Reform Bill.
Mr. E. MURRAY, an extensive contractor, seconded
the motion.
The Rev. T. TIIPFIELD, in a long address, pointed out
that it was not for the interests of the people to divide
existing constituencies, but to add to the number of
electors. If four members were given to Greenwich
and Woolwich, as proposed, how many members ought
to be given to Marylebone or the Tower Hamlets / They
must not look at the question locally but nationally. He
moved as an amendment, that a memorial be presented
in favour of the introduction, as a part of the new Re-
form Bili, of a large extension of the franchise, the vote
by ballot, an adjustment of electoral districts, so as to
give a majority of members to a majority of electors,
triennial parliaments, and the abolition of the property
qualification for members of Parliament. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. FORDHAM seconded the motion, and expressed an
opinion, which was warmly received, that to create a
parliamentary borough from the district of Woolwich
would be simply handing over such a borough to the will
and pleasure of the existing Government.
The CHAIRMAN declined to put the amendment except
as a substantive motion, and the resolution for sending a
memorial to the premier for the enfranchisement of
Woolwich as a borough was then put, when ten hands
were held up in its favour, and many hundreds against,
amidst loud cheers.
The amendment was then carried unanimously as a
substantive motion ; and, after three cheers for the
chairman, and the ballot, &c., the meeting separated.

MEETING AT NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE.
On Monday evening the Lecture-hall in Nelson-street,
Newcastle•on-Tyne, was densely crowded by a very large
audience, mostly composed of working men, met to adopt
measures for a radical reform in the parliamentary
representation. Mr. Gilmour, a master joiner,
occupied the chair. The speakers were Mr. Joseph
Cowen, jun., of Stella House, Messrs. T. Gregeon, T.
' Thompsor, R. B. Read, and R. Warden. The speakers
urged upon the meeting to avoid all bickering an 1 fault-
finding, and to concentrate their energies upon the one
question—mauhood suffrage, They argued that all classes

—the agricultural, the manufacturing, tae moneyed
classes—the law and the army were reprfented ; but
the working classes were not. They affirlted that the
taxes were unequally collec'ed, and as unqually distri-
buted—taxes which, if fairly distributed, would tho-
roughly advance and elevate the conditionof the people
and take comfort and education into every
inial's dwelling
ing classes
in the country. They maintained that the wakdisproportionatelywere disproportionately tax.ld to the mashers of the
privileged classes—the peer being taxed 4 ler cent. upon
his expenditure, the working man 25 pkr cent. Mr.
Cowen said that last year landed propert` paid 17 mil-
lions for taxes • trade and commerce 62 milking sterling.
'
He maintained that the quiet orderly peoile of England
paid 255. a year more than the Excitable population of
France, and 5 times more than the met of their own
race, the Anglo-Saxons in the West of the Atlantic.

The following resolution was adopted a-
" That in the opinion of this meeting, he present re-
stricted franchise deprives a large number of our fellow-
countrymen of their just electoral rights entails on the
nation bad legislation, financial extravgance, and an
irresponsible foreign policy ;and demands Iradical reform
in the representation of ti;• people in Paliament, bated
on manhood suffrage, protected and sustaned by vote by
ballot, and the abolition of the present report), qualifi-
cation for members of the House of Comuone."
A petition to Parliament founded on thisresolution was
unanimously agreed to. The petition to le presented by
Mr. Headlam. The proceedings were ordarly, and upon
the whole, the speakers were temperate ii: their observa-
tions. The chief speaker was Mr. J. Coven, a member
of a leading manufactering firm on the Tyne, who ap-
peared to carry with him the sympathies of-the audience.
He went through the national expenditure, and con-
trasted it with the cost of governing the American fede-
rat'on, to show that government was maintained for the
benefit of the privileged classes ; the correction to which
was a tull representation of the peUple.—Maneltester
Guardian.

BIRMINGHAM REFORMERS' UNION.
A meeting of the supporters of the new reform move-
ment was held at Birmingham, iu the Public-office, on
Tuesday evening. Mr. George Edmonds, the Clerk of
the Peace, presided.
The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, traced his
own career in connexion with parliamentary reform, and
said he did not repent one atom of the part he had borne
throughout. He observed that the Reform Bill of 1831

had inserted the thin end of the wedge, and if they
exerted themselves now they would most assuredly
succeed in driving the wedge home. Re bad always
been an advocate for the widest possible extension of the

suffrage, but at the same time he counselled them, if they
could not at once get a'l they were desirous of obtaining
to accept with thankfulness such concession as might be
made to them. He considered the present was a parti-

cularly favourable time for a reform agitation, and what
he advised was, that their efforts ehould be combined,

and that they should. be as unanimous as possible in the
demand they made, in order that the government might
be compelled to introduce as liberal a measure as they
could possibly expect from them. Whilst he thought the
dignity of a man entitled him to a vote, and much as he
should like to see it conferred upon every one of them,
he thought that an equitable distribution of the electoral
districts was far more important. (Hear.)

Mr. J. S. WRISHT thought the time had now come
when, if they were all united, they might obtain a very
wide extension of the suffrage. It all depended upon
the demand which the people were preparei to make,
and it only required earnestness and determination to
obtain all they desired. (Cheers.) There were 25,000
working men in Birmingham who were entitled to a
vote, but who were deprived of it under the existing
state of things. Many of those were as well able to exer•
oise the franchise as he was. After some remarks upon
the laxity of the present representative system, and the
evils that followed, not the least of them being the great
patronage improperly exercised by the Government, Mr.
Wright said they could not hope for improvement in
this respect until they obtained a wide extension of the
suffrage ; and if they succeeded as far as he trusted they
might, and as they might if they would only exert them
selves, they should some day wonder how such a state '
of corruption had been endured. (Hear.) Let them not
be led away by the Syren voico of Lord Palmerston. '(A
laugh.) Let them not depend upon an Educational
Franchise Bill, or any specious promise of the kind ;
but keep their eyes and ears open and be cautions.
Every man must enrol himself in the new Reformers'
Union. Each one of them must give time and money in
due proportion. Let them deny themselves a couple of
pints of ale a week in support of the cause ; and if they
did not choose to do this, they did not deserve an exten-
sion of the Ruff! age. He therefore moved, " That this
meeting, having heard the bags upon which the Refor-
mers' Union is established, pledge themselves to give it
their earnest support." (Cheers,)
111, WALKER seconded the proposition.
occasion to express his owlet Inas cud met,
basis of the union would extend the franchise as far as
any of-them could wish to see it.
The CHAIRMAN said he thought his friend Mr. Hoppe
was mistaken as to the meaning of the first clause of the
franchisehe n d explainede
vt
eh
rayt
ot
chceu rp
ea
rl
poor, whether the rate was paid directly, or, by means
objectpros eodf int° hweams et
ooefxrteefnodr nat
in part or whole of premises rated to the relief of the
of the compounding clauses, through the landlord.
Mr. RADFORD condemned the injustice of the rate-
paying clauses, and advocated the redistribution of
electoral districts. Though as warm and thorough a
chartist, he said, as ever, he was disposed to go heartily
with the present movement, and he hoped all his fellow
working men would take the same view. (Cheers.)
Councillor J. TAYLOR, in an able address, contended
that under the first clause of the scheme, any working
man who occupied as lodger any part of premises rated
to the relief of the poor—and what premises were not ?
—would be entitled to a vote. He bad been confirmed
in this interpretation of the clause by a member of the
executive in London. who had been visiting bim ;
and if
this definition were correct, was there any member of the
chartist body who would not support it. (Cheers.)
Mr. Taylor maintained, with much spirit, that if this
proposition would enfranchise from 23,000 to 25,000 of
their fellow-townsmen, they shoutd throw aside all old
differences, and give a " long pull, and a strong pull, and
a pull altogether," to convert it into law. (Cheers.)
He ridiculed the idea that the Premier would introduce
any bill that could commend itself to their acceptance.
Mr. Taylor closed his remarks by appealing to the
working men of all shades of opinion to unite in a
common effort to obtain an object which would promote
the benefit, liberty, and happiness of all. (Cheers.)
Mr. BEDD"rs, who followed, hoped that every one
present would give a tangible proof of its adherence to
the principles on which they appeared to be so unani-
mous, by taking tickets of membership, which had been
provided for the purpose.
The resolution was then put from the chair, and was
carried by a loud shout of " Aye." There were only 3
or 4 dissentients.
Mr. WRIGHT afterwards intimated that another meet
ing would be held next week, and that steps would be
taken to call an aggregate meeting at the Town-hall
prior to the meeting of parliament, at which both the
borough members would be invited to attend.

CHINA.

(Front et Correspondent of the nnes.)
HONG KONG, Nov. 28, 1857.
On the 18th the Calcutta flagship moved from
her moorings in this harbour and proceeded towards
Canton. She is now anchored off Tiger Island, and
is occupied in throwing shells with marvellous pre-
cision into three large targets.

Next day the Ava, Peninsular and Oriental
steamer, departed for Calcutta, taking from us Gen.
Ashburnham, Colonels Pakenharn and Wetherall,
Major Macdonald, and. Dr. Dempster. Major
Crealoch was left here (as deputy-assistant quarter-
master) at the request of Gen. Stranbenzee.
We have now, therefore, reduced our staff to the
measure of our straitened means, and can marshal
our little force with some hope of permanency in
our arrangements.
I subjoin to this letter a list of the vessels of war,
classed according to their position in those waters.
Perhaps there may be persons in England who may
still feel some slight interest in a British fleet and a
small English army engaged in the siege of a vast
city.
Incalculable as are the consequences which will
foliow from the operations about to commence here,
I have little heart for the task of detailing the pre-
parations. I feel that I should be listened to like
a child prattling its nonsense out of season. You
are absorbed in the contemplation of the fall of
Delhi. Upon the morrow of the acc mnplishmeut
of a righteous national revenge, and in the presence
of those. bitter memories of butcheries and foul
defilements which sear so many English hearts to
speak of, China will seem to many almost an imper-
tinence.
The tone of the letters received by the mail which
arrived here four days ago gives little hope that you
will give one thought to us, and offers little en•
couragement to the men who are engaged in the
service of their country in this deadly climate. We
are not jealous of the absorbing sympathy which
follows our army in India—no honours can be too
high for them, no gratitude too warm—nor do we
fall one line below you in the rage excited by the
horrors enacted there. Unquestionably, most un-
questionably, the operations in China are of
infinitely inferior interest and importance to those
in the Bengal Presidency ; but that is no good
reason why these operationsshould be ostentation ly
ignored or' needlessly interrupted. Yet some of
our public men seam anxious to show the sincerity
of their terror by a gratuitous sacrifice of our
prestige and interest in this neighbourhood. Sir
Charle's Napier's voice is only a little louder than
that of others when he raises the cry of " Sauve qui
pent," gallantly leading a Bacchanalian party at
Bury in a career of tumultuous panic, and shouting
" We must give up China altogether."
Why must we give up China altogether, Sir
Charles ? Having heard of what happened in
Borneo, do you think there are no Nana Sahibs in
China, and that no Delhis, or Cawnpores, or Luck-
news are possible there ? Or do you imagine that
the fleet which you regret cannot get up to Delhi
is so useless that it cannot make impression upon
Canton? Fortunately our fleet has other leaders
and our councils other heads. Ido deprecate this
fluttering, noisy, witless fright. Wherever the sol-
diers and sailors of England are serving they have
a claim to some share of the attention of their

country.
But to my chronicle.
Three days ago there was an impressiOn through 7
out the colony that a decisive advance was to be
made on the morrow and a lodgment effected upon
the large island of Houam, immediately opposite
the factories. Either this intention was never en-
tertained. or it was reconsidered, for the day passed
over, and every one .is again asking, " What are
we waiting for ?" All things are in a state of pre-
paration. The four mortars destined for the spe-
cial benefit of Gough's Fort are gone up, the ships
are all clustered up and down within three hours'
steaming of the city walls, the Marines are all
housed in their barracks at Wantung; ready to be
embarked at a moment's notice, the storeship is
close to the scene of operations, the Furious has
been denuded of her useless maindeck guns, and,
powerful still in her upper deck armament, has
1..„..... .e4.i....1 4-rs niwiTicket Lnra F]oin and his suite
tions ;" the French are ready, for 1. am m toLthll4
the co-operation of the Capricieuse is not made a
sine qua non ; our 600 engineers, artillerymen,
and men of the 59th can be embarked and carried
up in 24 hours. Moreover it is whispered that the
proclamations to the citizens, are all printed off,
and it is loudly asserted by gentlemen whose means
of correct information upon such a subject are, I
confess, not obvious that Lord Elgin has his ulti-
matum in his pocket, carefully translated iuto
choice Mandarin Chinese. Why, then, does he not
go up and send in his summons, and open the ball ?
To people who are not intolerant of plain reasons
for plain facts the answer seems easy. We are
waiting for the Adelaide and the Assistance. The
first vessel started with the Imperador and Impe-
ratrix (arrived three weeks since), the second was
despatched, or was promised to be despatched,
from Calcutta in time to be clue at this moment.
these two ships have nearly 1,000 marines and
infantry troops on board, they are expected from
hour to hour, and such *an increase to our little force
is not to be lightly esteemed. The Adelaide has
not been reported here since she left England. Her
antecedents are not encouraging ; but surely she
cannot now delay many days. I was glad of an
opportunity to congratulate our Admiralty upon
the splendid voyages of the Imperad.or and Im-
peratrix, for there is something better and more
grateful to one's mind in this world than to be
always carping. Moreover, the magnificent achieve-
ment of sending those 16 little gunboats across the
globe without a single accident and with the oc-
curence of only a single death on board is a triumph
of which any governing department may be proud.
Let me add that the power of impromptu choice
of 16 young men whose zeal would send them into 1
those uncomfortable crafts, and whose seamanship
would carry them through so perilous a voyage, is
a shining fact, most honourable to the whole
service. But still, when we find this lagging log,
this Adelaide, married to those swift ships that have
been so long in port, the exclamation will force
itself, " How on earth could there be so little
discretion ?"
However, we are waiting for the Adelaide and
the Assistance. Meanwhile, Lord Elgin has taken
possession of General Ashburnham's vacated quar-
ters—Headquarters'-house ; the French Plenipo-
tentiary is at Macao, and so is the Russian Pleni-
potentiary, Count Putiatin ; and Lord Elgin has
just gone in a gunboat to hod sweet converse with
his diplomatic compeers. Meanwhile, Mr. Com-
missioner Reed, careful not to involve himself
in entangling alliances, remains in sulky soli-
tude on board his monster frigate the Minne-
sota, doing penance probably for his countrymen's
wickedness in knocking down that Chinese fort.
It is rather fortunate, perhaps, that the in-
tentions of the Minnesota, are so placable, and that,
though she has such large teeth, she has made a
compact with herself not to bite ; for the only place
in the China seas that she could possibly bombard
would be this city of Victoria. Great power which
the possessor wills not to exercise is imposing, but
great power which the possessor cannot exercise
savours rather of the ridiculous, and I am afraid
the Minnesota in the China seas is suggestive of the
latter sentiment. It is a pity that Mr. Reed has
not more appropriate vessels and a more chivalrous
part to play ; for the few who have been brought
into contact with him here speak of him as an able
and a courteous gentleman.
°mint Putiatin's appearance has, I apprehend,
no purport beyond that of paying his respects to
Lord Elgin. His account of his treatment at the
Peiho differs entirelyfrom that given by the Chinese.
He makes no secret of saying that he is dissatis6e d
with the reception accorded to him by the
autho-
rities at the port of Pekin. Probably the _fact is,
as I conjectured at the time, that the
it
may(b
e
report was dictated by Chinese policy; but
nr expreass-
just possible that the Count's unreserved
rank
sions of discontent may not be quite so .
they may appear. However,
he is here only in
part
his little steamer, and can have no immediate
in the measures about to be taken.
It happens quite naturally that all menwhaarte
tex-
hausting themselves in speculatio ys to
h will
be.
terms of Lord Elgin' ns a s
demand up
You will probably become acquainted with
very
vtyhilsitdtole-
cument long before we shall, but feel
interest about the matter. We all know what the
general character of the paper must be just as well
as Lord Elgin can. It must demand compensation
for all damage done. It must demand a revision of
the broken treaties. It must demand immediate
entrance into the city, and it must demand either
the surrender of the city or of the forts that com-
mand it, as a material guarantee, until the com-
pensation is paid and the treaty settled. Less
than this would be ridiculous.
Whatever this demand may be, it has necessarily
been communicated to, and concerted with, the
French Plenipotentiary. He also has this demand