The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-01 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, APRIL 1, 1858.

The Revenue Returns for the year and quarter
are, as we yesterday intimated, more favourable
than bad been anticipated. The terrible financial
crisis occasioned, or at all events materially ag-
gravated by the Bank Charter Act, had deprived
the working-classes of many comforts which had
almost become necei,saries. It was therefore
apprehended that the Revenue would stiffer con-
siderably from the reduction of consumption.
The argument was not altogether wrong, although
as yet it has not been verified. The consequences
of dear money and reduced credit will still be
felt at the National Exchequer. But Sir G. C.
LEWIS has escaped from the censure that would
otherwise fall on him, and Mr. DISRAELI, who
earnestly protested against the mistikes of his
predecessor, will have to provide the ways and
means by which they may be remedied. Twelve
months since we pointed out that there must
inevitably be a heavy deficit ; but not until next
year. The, balances of the war income tax, many
of which were collected- during the last quarter,
would enable the former Minister to tide over the
financial year. But no sucli rebouroe is available
for the present, from which there will be a farther
withdrawal of assets to the extent of 2,000,0001.,
by the further reduction of the 2d. in the pound
en the income tax, or from 7d. to 5d., on th•
sth instant.

The receipts are a million and a half better than
was anticipated last year, and would have been
still more, but for the monetary embarrassment.
This is claimed as a triumph by the partisans of
Sir G. C. LEWIS, but t) our simple judgment it
appears to have been either an errur of calculation,
for which a charity boy, ambitious of passing in
the primary rules of arithmetic, would receive
severe castigation, or a deliberate obtaining of
money from the tax-paying community under false
and fraudulent pretences. We shall permit the
admirers of that peculiarly stolid and wooden-
headed financier to decile on which horn of the
dilemma their favourite is to be tossed. He must
fall within one of the categories.

Coining to the actual figures, we find that the
decrease on the year is 4,452,5501., and on the
quarter 2,508,8301. At first sight this seems
bad, but a little -consideration will show
that it is quite as well as could be expected.
The war income tax, 9d., was struck off,
which should have made a reduction of
9,000,0001. on that single ite n, but, as we
have already indicated, all the industrial
income and a considerable portion of the pro-
perty tax, payable by tenants, and for which
landlords must give credit in payment of rents,
were received during the year just terminated, and
consequently the diminution under that head in
place of being 9,000,0001. on the year, and of
2,250,0001. on the quarter, is but 4,503,8191.
on the former, although it is 3,551,8821. on the
latter, which partially shows the effects of the
disastrous failures between October and
January. We have said "partially," inasmuch
as the tax collectors make no allowance for misfor-
tune, and although a man may be bankrupt
or insolvent, kept away from his home and
family, and deprived of the means of earning a
livelihood by being imprisoned at the suit of some
vindictive creditor, his goods will still be seizes
on and sold to pay what ought only to be
charged on net income that could be applied to
h'.B own private exigencies.
The Customs have rallied within the quarter.
There is an increase since Christmas of 644,7527.,
which does not, however, make up for
the deficiencies of the previous quarters,
which must, on the average, have amounted
to nearly 290,0001. on each, inasmuch that
the decrease of the year was 212,7391. This
was while discounts were high, and money an 3-7
thing but a drug in the market. Since it has
become cheap, traders have availed themselves of
the opportunity so far as the payment of duties
concerned, although it will be some time before
the returns will come in from tiros:who pay for
all—the working bees in the national hive.
The Excise exhibits a similar aspect. The in-
crease on the quarter is 353,0001., while the
falling off on the year is 340,0001. This is also
the result of the fluctuations in the price of money
—the effects of the conspiracy of the hard calculi
tors. Stocks became reduced. They should be
replenished, and the reduction of disc)unt from
10 to 3 per cent., and the increased facilities for
obtaining money, both induced and enabled traders

to pay duties, and take their stores out of bond,
although some time must elapse before they were
called for by the consumers. The change is both
" prospective and retrospective"—"prospective,"
inasmuch as it cannot be clearly discerned that
money will be much cheaper than it now is ;
" retrospective" because during the time of high
discounts the people lived from " hand to mouth,"
and traders only paid what could not be avoided.
In Stamps there is an improvement both for
the y ear and quarter, although the latter is still
the largest—the year showing an increase of
43,5101., while the quarter gives 146,496/.
There was therefore a deficiency on the previous
portions of the year ; cheap money makes all the
difference. In taxes also there is an in-
crease on the year of 35,987/., and 'on the
quarter of 48,6131. But the Property and
Income-tax more than destroys all these
auspicious results. The loss, as we have
already stated, being on the year 4,503,8191„
and on the quarter 3,551,8821. Oa the Post-
office the usual phenomena are reversed, there
being an improvement on the year of 34,0001.,
but a deficit on the quarter of ;2,000/. This,
however, is merely a postponement of revenue,
which will come in when it is most required, and
when it will be really useful.

In the Crown lands the decrease on the year is
8,2031., and the increase on the quarter is 3,0001.
We have repeatedly explained - that, with judi-
cious management, the hereditary property
of the SOYEREIGN might be made to produce
nearly 200,0001. per aniticra more than at pre-
sent. Our hints have, however, been disregarded
by Whig Ministers. It remains to be seen
whether something may not be done by the
present occupants of office.
In the Miscellaneous there is an increase
on the year of 498,7341., but a decrease on the
quarter of 80,200/. The former indicates a
considerable sacrifice of property sold at about
one-tenth of the prime cost, and by which
favoured parties realised handsome profits ;
the latter that the present Government have not
adopted the same vicious principle, which may be
compared to the pawning, or rather the selling
of clothes and tools by a working man. He gets
something at the moment, but it is all at a very
exorbitant cost.
On the whole, the figures are good ; but, as
we have said, Mr. DISRAELI will have to over-
come the real difficulties, and he should receive
fair play while accomplishing the important and
most arduous task.

There is one point in the India Bill on which
the public must watch the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer and his Whig allies—for his allies they
will be in this matter—very closely ; we refer to
the Ballot. If care be not taken, we may actu-
ally lose one case of vote by ballot which has stood
its ground hitherto without question. The East
India Directors, as Mr. Cox very properly re-
minded the House, are at present chosen by bal-
lot. Mr. DISRAELI, as we understand him, re-
fuses to allow the elected half of his new council
to be chosen in like manner. The reason for this
is, we fear, but too evident ; but we advise Mr.
DISRAELI, if he cares for the permanency of his
position, not to descend to Palaserstonian tricks.
He may be assured enough that he will find plenty
of so-called Liberals who will, under the leader-
ship of the rival ex• Premiers, gladly aid him in
snubbing the ballot, and in putting it out of sight
in Indian business or in any other ; but he will
do wisely not to provoke the advanced Liberals.
At present, owing to their detestation of the PAL-
MERSTON sham, they, while differing from him
widely enough, are not disposed to treat him fac-
tiously ; they have been ready to deal honourably
with him and his party, and to give them a fair
chance, but they cannot be expected to yield every-
thing tamely. They know that the Ballot is the
line between the men who trust, and the men who
distrust the people, and if they yet deal fairly by
Lord DERBY'S Government, they have a right to
reciprocity at least. They have little hope that
the present Government, any more than the pre-
ceding one, will concede the Ballot, although doing
so would be equivalent to a long tenure of office,
but they have at least a right to ask that it shall
be neutral on the question—and, that in the new
arrangements for India, it shall not deprive them
of any ground they already possess. Probably
Mr. DISRAELI would not object to confer the vote
by ballot on the uew constituency ; the constituency
parallel with the old one, and composed of persons
connected with India, as proprietors of India
stock, or shares in Indian companies, and some
others ; but five of the elected Directors are to Le
chosen by large Parliamentary constituencies, and
we have little doubt that this is the consideration
which deterred Lord DERBY'S Ministry from pro-
posing election by ballot at all. Had they pro-
posed it for the wealthier constituency and not
for the others, the unfairness would have been too
glaring ; but they were unwilling to propose it
for the latter, so they propose it for neither. The
proprietors of East India stock who now elect
Directors, though for the more part persons who
must be above ordinary bribery, were yet pre-
sumed to be open to bribery by the offer of In-
dian appointments, and not only were the Direc-
tors therefore prohibited, under heavy penalties,
from trafficking in such appointments, but those
who elected them were required to vote in the only
known form, from the time of ancient Athens to
this day, by which an independent vote could bs
secured, and the purchase of a vote made difficult
or nearly impossible. It would have been obvi-
ously too bad to protect the vote of the wealthy,
and to leave the vote of the ordinary elector un-
protected under the same circumstances.
But why not give the Parliamentary electors
free votes for this particular object ? Ask that
most deadly antagonist to the Ballot, Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, the reason. Cross-examine him, do not
let him shuffle, bring out his aristocratic heart's
answer if you can, and it will be this, and this
only "Once allow any Parliamentary constitu-
ency to vote by ballot, and its merits will be so
conspicuous that the whole kingdom will demand
it with an irresistible vcice ; the ballot would
transfer power from landlords and other lords to
electors—therefore, while a drop of Bedford blood
flows in my veins, no constituency, under auy pre-
text, shall have the ballot." For this reason,
we are bold to say, and for no other, has the anti-
democratic Lord resisted to the uttermost the
bestowment of the Ballot on several corrupt con-
stituencies. Would not tolerate it, even for a
single election ; he loathes the idea of power, and
to hinder the fiat approach to it is content to
patronize popular immorality, or at least only to
potter amongst anti-bribery and corruption bills
as the antidote. Mr. DISRAELI and his party
avow their creed. Lord JOHN and Lord PAL-
3IERTON have sailed of late under false colours,
and this is the chief difference,between the two
parties. Derbyites, by the help of Palmer-
stonians and Russellites, may, by combination,
outvote the people's members, but, on the day
of reckoning, they will find out their mistake. In
the present case, Mr. DISRAELI may safely trust
his enemies ; the sham Liberals in the house and
their leaders well know that if the same consti-
tuency votes by bcatot in electing a member for

India, and openly in choosing one for the House
of Commons, the difference between the character of
the two elections will carry the Ballot ire the next

session.

We advise Mr. F. H. F. BERKELEY to be pre-
pared with a notice of motion on this subject im-
mediately after Easter. We should not be, in-
deed, surprised if, in secret alarm on this very
point, the popularly elected members of the
Council will be given up. The true reason will
not be alleged, but it will be that if the ballot be
pressed it will be difficult to justify disusing it in
the case of the wealthier constituency which elects
four members ; yet, if conceded, then it will be
impossible to refuse it to London, Glasgow, Man-
chester, Belfast, and Liverpool ! And only to
think of giving one taste of free, quiet, decent
voting to five such constituencies ! The lesson
would be irresistible for the whole kingdom.
Still the Chancellor of the Exchequer has given
Mr. BERKELEY the opportunity. It will be an
ungracious act to deprive the country of the
power thus offered to it. The Liberal members
will be afraid to consent to the abandonment of
this proposal. The men who vote against it will
be marked men. If, then, it be embodied in the
bill, the case for the Ballot will be of the strongest.
Not only the precedent of the elections for the
defunct Company, but the fact that there will be
election to salaries of 1,0001. a-year, besides all
the indirect influence which will still remain in
regard to nominations even under the competi-
tive system. Popular election to a paid office
ought to be secured, surely, above all others,
against bribery, corruption, and undue influence.
We hope, however, that Mr. DISRAELI will not be
the man to give up his five popular con,tituencies,
he may rely upon it that it will be unpopular to
do so, and that he will incur inevitably the re-
proach of " clap-trap" already thrown in his
teeth. It is for him to prove that he was in
earnest, if he would not incur ridicule, by stand-
ing by his proposal to the last, since it is perhaps
the most remarkable feature of the new bill. It
is for Mr. BERKELEY to prove that the Ballot
must be granted to all the Indian Council consti-
tuencies. As to Mr. DISRAELI'S remark on Friday
night, for argument it was not, we regard it only
as a joke. He would " give the Ballot serious con-
sideration when the nation should be unanimous
for it." Yes, he must give something more, indeed,
then, than consideration. But were the consti-
tuencies free enough to be unanimous for it we
must allow that half our case were gone. We
want the Ballot, because half the electors, in the
counties at least—poor souls—dare not, if indeed
they have souls, call them their own. No one
better knows than the Member for Bucks
that the tenants at will, and the agricultural
voters, and half the tradesmen in small
towns there, dare no more hold meetings
for the ballot, or demand it of a county represen-
tative than they dare break a covenant in a lease
if they had one. A tenant had better be back-
ward in his rent than do one of two things—shoot
a partridge, or sign a petition for the ballet.

It is not extravagant to anticipate that with
ordinary good fortune, in regard to fair weather,
the approaching renewal of the endeavours to lay
down the submarine electric wire between Ireland
and America will be successful. The failure of
the previous attempt arose simply from a miscal-
culation. Sufficient allowance had not been made
as to the discretion of one of the subordinate per-
sons entrusted with the delicate and responsible
duty of paying out the gutta percha cable—a pro-
cess obviously involving the necessity of perpetual
watchfulness. Due attention being directed to the
rise and fall of the waves, to the number of knots
being run by the ♦easel bearing the precious
freight, to the rapidity of the revolution of the
cylinder from which the elastic and tenacious
cord is being unwound, to each of these move-
ments, separately, and to all of them combined—
and the feat, as a mere exercise of skill, is, un-
deniably, within the limits of accomplishment.
The practicability of the undertaking, indeed, is
already proven beyond the possibility of misap-
prehension. It mattered nothing that, in the
infancy of this wonderful enterprise, the effort had
to be repeated again and again in mid-channel be-
tween the coasts of England and France—done
the deed was in the end triumphantly. And
there at this moment are thrilling to and fro the
electric currents of instant communication between
the two allied countries—the magic needles now
on the dial in Paris, now on the dial in London,
vibrating perpetually with messages flashed from
one capital to the other with the momentary speed
of the lightning. As it is with the submarine
wire connecting this island with the European
Continent—so inevitably sooner or later it will be
with the same marvellous means of intercourse
between the sister island and the North Ameri-
can Continent. As already intimated, it is strictly,
undeniably, a mere question of time. And when
that question of time shall have been answered,
as answered it probably will be during the course
of this present spring season—the ends of the
earth by that one enterprise will—at the moment
of its happy completion have been literally
brought together. It will be not alone the bring-
ing within hail of one another of Ireland and
America, of Great Britain and the United States—
it will be the securing of instant intercourse between
the limits of the two hemispheres l It will be
the connection by one grand link of the whole of
the complicated and the widely extended systems of
electric communication threading ou one hand the
American, and on the other the European conti•
nent. From the eastern point of Massachusetts
to the northern extremities of lowa and Wiscon-
sin, from the northern limits of Maine and New
Hampshire to the western borders of Louisiana
and Arkansas, nay onward in one direction to the
great river boundary of Texts, and in another to
the grand seaboard of the Oregon Territory, ex-
tending from Georgia to New Albion, there will
be found spread the fibrous nerves of the Tele-
graph, giving vitality, almostwe had said übiquity,
to the whole social and political system of the
States. From the further extremity of those
States, therefore, and not alone from its borders
washed by the surges of the Atlantis, will be
flashed through the submarine cable, immediately
upon its completion, the intelligence transmitted
to Europe from the American Continent. So—.
vice versa—not solely will it be news shot through
the core of the gutta percha cable to
the New World from Ireland, from England,
or from France, but from the further
borders of the accumulated Powers of the old
world, from all the various kingdoms and empires
moored together in one vast aggregate of ancient
Christendom. The Atlantic telegraph will thrill
from the shores of the great lakes, from the
haunts of the Black Foot Indians, across Prussia
and the shores of the Baltic, across Austria to the
shores of the Euxine, across Italy to the shores
of the Adriatic—to the heart of Russia, to the
capital of Turkey, to the coast of the Mores—
ultimately away by the overland route, or by a
course yet more direct, to the chief cities of hin-
dostan, until the circle shall have been finally
completed by the connection of the opposite shores
of the Pacific.

As yet, of course, a considerable portion of all