The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-04 00:00:00

owner. If really national notes of small and con- '
venient denominations were issued, this useless
gold could be stored up in the public Trastify,-
available for any emergency, that could, possibly
occur. Mr. JAMES WILSON, an uncoinpromising
bullionist, has declared that the issue of twenty
million of notes' would be equivalent to the dis-
covery of twenty millions worth of gold in the
heart of England. There can be no question as to
the accuracy of his statement ; but still the boon is
denied, simply to please the "hard calculators," and'
permit them to obtain advantages over their less
cunning neighbours. _

The only use of gold is to adjust our foreign
balances. A very small sum only is required for
this purpose. Indeed, generally speaking, the
balance is in our favour, and we are to receive, not
to pay, bullion. The supply might safely be left
to bullion dealers, who would charge according to
the inevitable laws of supply and demand. If gold
were treated like any other article of commerce,
it would seldom or ever be either at a considerable
premium or discount, and our foreign merchants, for
whose convenience the principle of " convertibility "
is maintained, would be far better off in having to
pay a trifling premium for specie than in witnessing
the rate of discount quadrupled, and in being prac-
tically unable to obtain money for these securities
or goods, save at the most alarming sacrifices. The
only parties who could complain would be those
anxious to invest their money in foreign securities,
or to hoard it, or the " hard calculators" who
desire to dip their fingers into their neighbours'
pockets, without being liable to a criminal indict-
ment. None of these parties are entitled to any
great amount of sympathy. The two former would
be seldom affected, save when the evil had attained
extraordinary magnitude ; and, surely, any trifling
inconvenience that they might sustain would be
more than compensated by the welfare, happiness,
and comfort of the rest of the community, who
would enjoy that inexpressible blessing—a circu-
lating medium adequate to the wants and exigencies
of the country.

It is thoughtless to confound moderation with
indifference. There is an unusual moderation just
now in the political temper and demands of the
country, but, we belieie, anything but indifference.
Our present rulers and our leading politicians will
make a fatal mistake if they overlook this distinc-

tion. There is no disposition to press what are
called extreme opinions, hoWENCi strongly they may
be held, if likely to interfere with the unanimity
necessary to gain the most important points. Re-
formers almost everywhere are disposed to meet
each other. They will join to obtain what they can
agree to insist on, but this has' nothing kindred
with indifference either to Parliamentary Reform,
or to an honest and truly liberal measure.
Look at all the elections, at all the meetings—
even agricultural meetings—it is taken for granted
everywhere that a more just representition is

needed, and that even Tories will propose one. The

subject is broached everywhere and under all forms.
Every public speaker seems to regard it as an essen-

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tial part of his speech. Could this be if the subject
had not laid hold of the public mind? Speakers do
not select topics on which no one feels any interest,
and the presumption is that both speakers and
hearers knew beforehand that each were interested
in the subject. At the. few elections which have
taken place since the close of the session,
with one exception, all have witnessed that
the electors were not only expecting a Reform
Bill, but one which should comprise all the great
points of the Liberal programme, and the sons of
Peers have had to announce themselves advocates
of the Ballot and of the Church-rate Abolition. It
has all been pretty quietly done, but still it has
been done. With the solitary exception of Leo-

minster, which nothing but the Ballot can really
r hive, been` andirdsrhave beenenough, to hang out the popular flag.
It is yet three months before her MAJESTY'S
Speech is to announce that Lord DERBY means to
do something or nothing. We can hardly expect
that organisation should yet be very common. Still
we have had occasion to notice a flourishing and
active union at Newcastle, and another at that for-
midable lever of democracy, Birmingham, besides
Ballot and other Reform Societies. It is not corn-
mon with Englishmen to make great political
efforts till near the time for action ; the excitemennt
about the Bill of 1832 was nothing till after the
,Duke's celebrated declaration, and the rejection of
the first Bill, and then even the stiffest old Tories
feared to play, Dame Partington. Now, we be-
lieve that so general is the feeling that something
fair ought- to be done, that 'should the Govern-

ment • either ignore that feeling, or should
they_ even attempt to impose upon it by some
delusive measure, they would raise . a per-
fect' storm in the country. Men are quiet
because they know something must be done.
For a long time it has been held to be the business
of the Cabinet to initiate and to carrythrough great
national measures, and there is, in consequence, too
general a tendency to leave agitation " till we see
what Ministers will do." Hence, in great part, the
moderate temper and language of leading Reformers.
They do not threaten, do not even combine, but
simply, on every suitable occasion, utter or cheer
advanced Reform opinions.

•Nowi'lne,-lo• not much care at present to urge a
more exeited tone, and to kindle anything like wild-
fire ; it is not needed. Since the Reform Bill—and
it is one of its blessings—we can do our work with-
out Peterloos and Bull-rings. Quiet yet firm com-
bination is now omnipotent, and we can, if we
choose, have a first-rate Reform Bill. Why not take
the Steps forthwith to secure it ? The best of Mr.
BRIGHT's recommendations, because the most prac-

tical, was that the towns of the country should
petition largely, and that Reformers should combine
and bring in their own bill, leaving Government
and the Whig Opposition to take their own course:
The first of these proposals is easily enough accoin-'
plished, and it would have considerable weight.
Few are the towns in which a large number of the
inhabitants would not unite to petition for further
enfranchisement, for the protection of the Ballot,
and for their fair share of representatives. Peti-
tions for these objects would be 'signed by millions,
and great numbers in the counties would also ask
the same thing. But we are not dogmatic. Let
all clasSes petition for what they think desirable,
but let them petition.
With regard to Reformers bringing in their Own
bill; we should Say it must do good. It would be
prepared and well canvassed some time before Par-
liament met. • The thing could not be done in a
corner, nor need it be—it would be every man's busi-
ness, and let everyone that pleased have a hand in it.
Let it be subjected to the sneers of the " Leading
Journal," to the nonchalance of the Whig journals,
and to the onslaughts of the Tory journstls. When
all had been heard, a great meeting of delegates
might assemble in London, and decide upon its
final clauses, one by one. The' GoVernment would
then know at least what to do. They could accept
or reject it; they could, in the latter case, send their
own bill and the country's try bill to the result o f
a general election. In- the latter case the course
recommended would be invaluable. A mere nega-
tivo i§sws is a bad one to p Nyith to th,B hustings,

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