The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-18 00:00:00

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

TVS DA.T—Morn., 40 min. aft. 3—Even., 55 min. aft. 3
TO•MORROW —Morn., 15 min. aft. 4 —Even., 35 min aft. 4

me. unprepared—you shall see, Mr. OSBORNE !
Good knights and true, both of them—we must
give each his due; it would not be easy for either
to have fought better, and we hope some day to
have another such interlude—yet, did the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer carry his point, while the
tx-Secretary to the Admiralty did not carry his ;
and the impromptu reply was, of course, a more
difficult task than the studied attack.

It is not a little curious to compare the attacks
and the retorts of these capital Champions—the
Knight from Dover and the Knight from Bucks.
Dovxa.—l demand your policy—all new Minis-
ters ought to avow one. It is nothing to us in
this House, that a Noble Lord, in " another
place," delivered a long oration, which left us as
wise as we were before. BUCES.—Our policy you
will not have. Your own side, twice lately, did
not give one. Lord JOIN RUSSELL appealed, as
I do, to his chief's (Lord ABERDEENIS) statement,
which told nothing, in the House of Lords, and
Lord PALIIIISTON, in 1855, though Premier, and
in this House, declared no policy. DovEß.—But
I want to know what you will do with the Jews.
There's their grand enemy on the woolsack, and
you, and PAZINQTON, and STANLEY, their friends
here. BUCKS.—And I want to know what you
did with the Jews. There was SHAFTESBURY,
and, to the last, HARROWBY, kicking the poor
Jews as unkindly as the present Chancellor, and
that while you made a Government measure of
the Bill. DOYBR.—Church Rates then—l insist
that you tell me how you will square the family
matter between Lord STANLEY, abolitionist, and
Lord STANLEY'S father, the compromiser, I sup-
pose, and Mr. HENLEY, who thinks them all right.
Bucks.—And, again, I wish to know what your
people did ? We were, many of us, here on Wed-
nesday, 17th February—on that day, memorable
' in Church Rate conflict, we saw an Under-Secre-
tary of State and a Noble Lord, holding a high
office in the Household, voting against the Minis-
terial suggestion, while the Honourable Member
far Dover, and most of the other members of
Government, including the Premier, stayed away !
DOTER.—But that India Bill—you all voted against
the abolition of the Company— you now are going
Ito abolish it yourselves—you say you do so in
deference to a large majority of this House. I
hope, then, you will show your deference to ma-
jorities by carrying through a bill for Jewish
Emancipation, which so many majorities have
sanctioned. Bucxs.—l beg your pardon. We
do not bow to majorities ; but your majority has
ruined the Company's influence, and we must now
do the beat we can to remedy the mischief.
DOYER.—Ah, but Reform—there I have you.
Lord DERBY thinks, for his own part, we need
none ; you think the Reform Bill, which Lord
DERBY helped to make, was a gross Whig job ;
your Attorney-General has succeeded to the late
FIA.ROUS O'CONNOR in this House, and Lord
STANLEY is the rational Reformer. What sort of
Reform are we to have ? BUCKS.—And pray
what sort of Reform have we bad, or should we
have had from you ? Take the last division on
the Ballot—a point so interesting to all earnest
Reformers—l find the Prime Minister, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, and the President of the
Board of Control, all voting against the Ballot ;
but a Noble Lord high in office in the Household,
the Attorney-General, the Vice-President of a
Board, and the distinguished Secretary, for the
Ballot. What kind of a Reform Bill, I beg to
ask, were we to have from you ? As to " the
gross Whig job," it is no expression of mine.
But in the unreasoning haste and excitement of
the time many jobs were perpetrated in support
of a political party, and none will now deny it.
And thus the battle was waged ; and many
such thrusts and counter-thrusts were exchanged
by tie knights of debate, and cheers from the spec-
tators attested the prowess of each, and encouraged
their natural goodwill to the conflict of the com-
batants ; and we are confident that both deserved
the thanks of the House for the valiant evening's
entertainment, not less, though on different
grounds, than the Indian combatants to whom
thanks had just been voted. One lesson was cer-
tainly deeply impressed on us by the combat—
one moral taught us—that no mortal could tell
which would give us the best Reform Bill, a
Conservative Liberal Ministry, or a Liberal Con-
servative Ministry. Time alone can tell that.

The next session at the Central Criminal Court
may prove which is the highest legal authority—
the Lord Chief Justice of England or the Editor
of the Times. Lord CAMPBELL has emphatically
announced that the existing law is amply suffi-
cient to punish all such offences. The Times,
desirous of justifying the truckling Conspiracy Bill,
is anxious to show that such is not the case ; and
having come into collision with the chief of the
highest criminal court on a point of law, it now
attempts to teach the Attorney-General his duty.
So eager is it on this point, that it has committed
an act which it admits to be objectionable, dis-
cussing both facts and law, while the great question
is as yet sub judice, and the verdict of an impartial
jury is to be taken as to the complicity of the
prisoner in the offence for which ORSINI and
PIERRE have forfeited their lives.
It is satisfactory to know that Dr. BERNARD
will have a fair and impartial trial, conducted by
a judge beyond suspicion, and a jury of whom, at
least, six must be British subjects,and all will be so
unless he shall claim his unquestionable privilege
of being tried by a jury, de utedietate iingum, or,
in other words, half the number consisting of his
countrymen. He will have the advantage of being
defended by an accomplished advocate, whose prac-
tised ingenuity and profound learning, combined
with thorough British pluck, and that unflinching
devotion, which constitutes the pride and honour
of the bar, ensures to his clients that nothing
which can be done will be left undone. Under
such circumstances, it seems to us far better that
the subject should be permitted to rest with the
Crown lawyers, and that they should take their
own course without let or hindrance, from the
fourth estate. We cannot suppose that either Sir
FITZROY KELLY or Mr. BODKIN will be tempted

capital felony. All these matters will be clearly
and ably submitted to the jury. There can be
no Tabbies resorted to on behalf of the prose-
cution. Public opinion would not tolerate the
slightest straining either of law or of fact. He
will receive a fair trial, If his guilt can be esta-
blished beyond the possibility of reasonable doubt,
and in accordance with the salutary principle,
which declares that it is better that ninety-nine
guilty men should escape with impunity,
rather than one innocent person should be
improperly punished, there will be neither
sympathy
.nor compassion for the criminal.
But, on the other hand, should his guilt
not be established, he will be entitled to
go forth unscathed and unsuspected, without the
slightest stain remaining on his character.
The object of the Times is clearly a political one,
the whitewashing of the late Government by
showing that the measure, the introduction
whereof cost them place and power, was just and
necessary. But GOD forbid that the British law
should be so grossly perverted, or that either any
free-born Englishman, or still less the stranger
within our gates, the claimant on our hospitality,
should be exposed to the slightest annoyance or
inconvenience to please any foreign Prince or
Potentate. Dr. BERNARD will stand or fall, on the
actual facts ; and it would be a very injudicious
friend that would, until his guilt is established,
attempt to ride off on a collateral issue, or attempt
to raise doubtful points of law which may never
be required. For the present we are contented
to let the matter rest in the hands of the law
officers of the Crown. When the trial has ter-
minated we may, should there be any necessity
therefor, offer some observations on what may
have taken place.

Our new Colonial Secretary would do well to
look betimes to one of the most imminent pro-
spects of that ill-starred pet of his predecessor—
the Hudson's Bay Company's Territory. Mr.
LABOUCHERE, it will be remembered, had a favour-
able eye to the perpetuation of the Company's rule
over those vast dominions. This, moreover, incon-
gruously enough at the very time when he and
his colleagues were preparing to snatch from a
kindred authority the governance of another (not
more vasb but more populous) dominion. While
the ex-Ministers were collectively prepared, in de-
ference to one of the great requirements of the
time, to wrest from the Eastern Joint COMPANY
the wielding of the viceregal sceptre of Hindostan,
the ex-Minister for the Colonies was confessedly
prepared, individually, to continue to another, it
may be called the Western JOHN COMPANY the
possessions of a Pro-consulate over an enormous
track of the North American continent, washed
in one direction by the icy billows of the Arctic
Ocean, and in another by the waters
of the Pacific. Immediately after wards
Ithe Government of our forty colonies—at the
transference, passing momentarily through the
grasp of Sir BULWEIt LYTTON—is handed over to
Lord STANLEY by Mr. Secretary LABOUCHERE.
And at that very crisis this important ONE out of
the great numerical aggregate of our colonial pos-
sessions, the Hudson's Bay Company's territory is
threatened with—ls JOHN BULL aware of what it
really is with which this gigantic domain of his on
the other side of the Atlantic, beyond Canada,
beyond the great American lakes, is at this mo-
ment seriously threatened ?
The Hudson's Bay Company's territory is
threatened, British soil is threatened, just at this
time, with nothing less than a wholesale incursion
of the champions and practisers of Mormonism 1
There has been one Hegira of this notorious sect
of polygamists already. There is the prospect of
another, and a Hegira that this time would bear
more the semblance of an Exodus, The Saints of
Utah, in other words, meditate seriously a whole-
sale migration from the neighbeurbood of the
Salt Lake across the frontiers of the United States 1
into the British North American possessions. To
say the very least of it, it is a prospect decidedly
unpleasant. Are we prepared to tolerate a sys-
tem so flagrantly and outrageously violating all
our ideas as to the sanctity of Home and Family
—and to do this at the very moment when having
not se very long ago put down the infernal Suttee
we are preparing to deal in sone measure with
other frightful Hindoo superstitions.
How it has come to pass that there is this agree-
able chance of an invasion of one of our colonies
by the race of Mormons may soon enough be
related. Every one knows that the Utah settle-
ment has for some time past been in open rebel-
lion to the authority of the Federal Government.
The United States' army, under the command of
Col. JOIINSTONE, has taken up a formal position
at Camp Scott. That army is in a winter
encampment far removed from its supplies. Its
situation is one of considerable difficulty. It has ,
a fanatical and infuriated mob bsfore it, an arid
wilderness behind it—deficient numbers in itself
and a resolute denial of any increase to those
numbers from the Republican Legislature. Pre-
sident
BUCHANAN, without the capacity of sending
reinforcements to the troops under Colonel
JOHNSTaNE, finds it only possible for him
ito bide his time and wait for the chap-
ter of accidents. Meanwhile, threatened with
an onslaught from the forces (such as they are,
sent against them by the Government of Washington,
the saints are doing what a swashing Admiral, not
a thousand years ago, signalled to his fleet, once
upon a time, in the Baltic—they are sharpening
their cutlasses ! They are getting ready for the
next spring campaign, under the guidance of
the redoubtable BRIGIAM YOUNG, their great
Prophet-Generalissimo. Whether they will
really then " show fight," remains to be seen.
But at any rate they have proved thsmselves
adepts in the art of—what SAMUEL SLICK of
Sliokvill somewhere calls absquatulating. They
are, in other words, simultaneously with the shar-
pening process already mentioned—getting ready
for a grand "move on" elsewhere. Bat "else-
where" it is suspected, it is reported, it is tolerably
certain will be across the United States frontiers
into the Hudson's Bay territory. Let Lord STAN-
LEY look. well to it ! England will not have any
such squatters in her dominions !

Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge
and the Princess Mary honoured the Duke and Duchess
of Sutherland with their company at dinner last evening
at Stafford House. Tne following were invited to meet
the royal guests : —The Duke of Argyll, the Duke and
Duchess of Manchester, the Duchess of Wellington, the
Marquis of Ailesbury, the Marquis and Marchioness of
Stafford, the Marchioness of Breadalbane, the Mar-
chioness (Maria) of Ailesbury, the Earl of Carlisle, the
Earl and Countess of Clarendon, the Earl Granville, the
Earl and Countess of Shelburne, the Earl and Lady
Constance Grosvenor, Lord and Lady Blantyre, Lord
Robert Clinton, &c. The duchess, at a late hour in the
evening, received a select circle of the aristocracy. His
Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge and about 150
members of the haut ton attended the reunion. During
the evening the Christy's Minstrels had the honour of ap-
pearing and performing several of their mo-t successful
raorceame, to the
.delight of her grace's distinguished
company.
DEATII OP A DISTINGIIISITID VETERAN OIITIORR.
me_
_g
.1:::t leg
Major George Simmons, who died recently at his resi-
dence in Jersey, in the 73d year of his age, commeaced
and ended his. career in the old 95. h Rifle corps (now
tiheaßi.a. Brigade), with which he served from IEO9 to
La' including
ianillZdaitsttainekasuiasnhdedenitgsaeglfemfroemntsthinewchoiald.i
rp.ao to the
_end of the Penmsalar war and the
forth, ProfpY
.4tajl.-0.
•. He. bore on his breast the retedall
""44‘11 wall int3t.nlagr) and Waterloo.