The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-01 00:00:00

TO TIIE ELECTORS OF MIDDLESEX.

GENTLEMEN,—
THE death of Mr. Hanbury has deprived you of
the services of a highly-esteemed Representative in
the House of Commons.

For the vacancy thus sadly and unexpectedly occasioned
I venture to offer myself as a Candidate.
. There are many among you, I flatter myself, to who.n
my name is not unknown as a zealous supporter of the
Liberal cause, and at this important crisis I hold it essen-
tial that any candidate presuming to ask for the suffrages
of such an important and thoroughly Liberal constituency
as that of Middlesex should be able to give trustworthy
assurances of his devotion to the principles which they
have at heart.

Should you do me the honour to return me to Perlis
nient it would be my first duty to co-operate with those
who desire to effect the passage of an honest and straight-
forward measure of Reform—such a measure as would
prove to the large body of artisans and working men, whom
I hold to be entitled to the franchise, that the House of
Commons is not afraid of the people, nor averse to the free
ex tension of political privileges, nor disposed to deny to
the intelligent operatives a share in the government of the
country, to whose burdens they are called upon to contri-
bute. If the Reform Bill proposed by the Tory ➢linistry
be not capable of adaptation to such an end, I should not
hesitate to give my adherence to any course which may
seem the most calculated to attain the desired object.

Respect to the memory of your late Representative will
not allow me for the next few days to take any further
steps to bring myself before the Electors, but 1 shall take
the earliest possible opportunity of meeting you in public
and giving you a detailed, and 1 trust satisfactory, account
of my views upon all the important political topics of the
day._

- I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
Your very obedient servant,
HENRY I). L.II;MICHEIZE.
23, James street, 13nel,inghaui-gite 5.117
_March 2c.), 1867. ,

HIGH WATER AT LoNDoN BRIDGE.
ro-
Tuts.ll,n autowY.—Morning, 11h. 3i;ln.—Afternoon,
Oh. Orn.
.-Morniug, 12h. Bra.—Afternoon, 1211. 33w.

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51uto

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 1, 1867.

It ought to be some consolation to Mr. GLAD-
STONE to know that if he is not the chief actor, or
the prime mover in the Reform question just now,
he at leas, plays no unimportant part, and day by
duy he comes con,spicuously before the public in

some way or other, and his opinions on this and
that clause are reiterated without ceasing. Last
Saturday the right hon. gentleman had an interview
with the Council of the Reform League. Mr.
EDMUND BEALES was at their head, and a rather ani-
mated discussion took place. First of all Mr. BEALES,
as President, explained the views of himself and his I
friends, declaring that they still adhered to their
notions about residential and registered manhood
suffrage, and the more the Bill now before the
House of Commons could be brought into harmony
with those principles the better. A greater objec-
tion was entertained by the deputation to the rate-
paying clauses in the Bill ; Mr. GLADSTONE having
asked which cf the clauses they most condemned
Mr. BEALES replied that, although the right hon.
gentleman drew a distinction, they were against
them altogether. In short, the demands made by these
speakers are so very extreme that it is quite unreason-
able to expect that any Ministers ca❑ propose a mea-
sure which will suit them. Mr. BEALES said, for in-
stance, that the payer of indirect taxes should have
the same privilege conferred upon him as the payer
of direct ones, and the area of representation should
be enlarged so as to correspond with the area of
taxation. This is a very sweeping proposal, and far
more suited to American notions than English ones.
It is most amusing to find how the very franchise
which was scouted and condemned some years
ago as emanating from a Conservative Go-
vernment is now lauded to the skies simply be-
cause it is not inserted in this new bill. According
to the dictum of these parties to propose a Re-
form Bill without it is like having the play of Ham-
let with the part of Hamlet omitted. We know
that Mr. GLADSTONE has already issued his "orders"
to Mr. DISRAELI on the subject in a tone and man-
ner that electrified his hearers and frightened the
House of Commons out of its propriety ; and now
let us hear Mr. BEALES on the subject. On principle
they claim a lodger franchise. In fact, "a bill with-
out a lodger franchise would be a mockery and an
insult." This is just a specimen of the political
honesty and straightforwardness of extreme Refor-
mers. They are so anxious to get justice for others
that they have no time to practise it themselves, and
so all begins and ends in talk. If the lodger
franchise be so desirable, why was such an outcry
raLed against it at the time it was first suggested,
and why is no mention ever made of its originator.
Had Mr. BEALES or Mr. PorrEn first brought it to
light we should have heard enough of it, but as it
is all is different.

The object of the deputation in appearing in
Carlton-terrace was to inform Mr. GLADSTONE of
their views and wishes in respect to the chief subjects
connected with reform, but they had great difficulty
in deciding ; and we expect the right hon. gentleman
was not sorry when the interview was over for his
kindness to the guests did not contrive to make them
agree among themselves. On the contrary, they
got to very plain speaking before they had done,
and gave a fair specimen of the style of freedom
and comfort we should all enjoy, if they were
the lords paramount, and were allowed to have
their own way like the heroes of fairy tales.
Mr. GLADSTONE was perhaps the innocent came of
the confusion that arose which marred the harmony
of the meeting, for he said that he had the previous
Saturday had the pleasure of meeting a deputation
from the London Association of Working Men, an
" association he considered to be in harmony with
the League." This unfortunate supposition was as
a firebrand in the assembly, and Mr. CREMER
questioned Mr. GLADSTONE with regard to the views
of the London Association, which he said did not
represent the London working men. Mr. CONOLLY,
a member of the League, denied this assertion; adding
we doubt with great truth, that the deputation
referred to.as much represented the London work-
ing men as theirs represented the people. So far
as we can judge we should say that the deputation
that first waited upon Mr. GLADSTONE had the best
of it, for they were far more orderly and composed,
and more moderate in their expressions.

Another significant circumstance of this eventful
interview was when Mr. WESTERN called attention
to the Savings Bank qualification. He denounced
that in tolo, and gave some very original
reasons for so doing. "As a general rule,"
said he, " the depositors in savings banks
were men strongly disposed to be non-politicians ;
they took no interest in their movements ; they
were intensely selfish." Upon Mr. GLADSTONE
very naturally interposing to ask if he heard aright,
the speaker reiterated his assertion, "is intensely
selfish." To this there were expressions of dissent.
It is, according to Mr. WESTERN'S theory, a gross
injustice to enfranchise those first who left others
to fight for their political rights and the advance-
ment of their wages. After it was said that
there was a difference of opinion among
the Council of the League on this subject,
Mr. GLADSTONE said he thought there would be,
and he considered Mr. WESTERN was carried away
by the' heat of debate," the most polite way of
putting it. Mr. GLADSTONE'S own remarks were
far from satisfactory, for ho seems still to be plan-
ning hostile movements towards the Government
measure. He said that he would to-day ask the
Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Govern-
ment would agree to make anyalteration in the bill
before it went into Committee, and he thought the
bill should be enlarged so far as the Govern-
ment deemed it to be expedient, and then
it would be time for those who desired Reform to
consider what steps they should take in order to
carry out their wishes. He thought it might be
relied on that no inefficient measure would become
law. Speaking for himself, he would not be an
assenting party to any inefficient measure, or a party
to any proceeding which would prevent, or tend
to prevent, an efficient measure being passed. When
we extract the substance of all this metaphorical
language, we come to the conclusion that Mr.
GLADSTONE means mischief, and that efficient
and non-efficient are the newest weapons of his
armoury, calculated to carry ruin and desolation
to his doomed opponents. We are afraid that it
is too late for him to adopt a more worthy
course, or to show himself a patriotic statesman
instead of a prejudiced upholder of party; but we
trust that the Liberal members of the House of
Commons will recollect the duty they owe to their
constituents, and thus serve the interests of their
country instead of bowing to the mandate of a
leader who is enticing them in the wrong direc•
tion.

At length the busy agitators of the American
aegislature have determined on resting from their
lbours. We learn by the cable bringing Satur-

day's news that Congress has adjourned until the
3rd of July, and if no quorum be formed on that
day it is to stand further adjourned until the 2nd of
December. The representatives of the people ap-
pear to have suddenly found their work too much
for them, or to have become aware of their incapa-
city for governing. Whatever their motive
no one will be much inclined to regret their
determination, since during their prolonged session
they have unquestionably done en ,ngh mischief
to occupy
several in undoing. Not the least disas-
trous part of their proceedings is the manner in
which they
have contrived to embarrass the national

exchequer. Fortunately the sense of this has just
begun to dawn upon the public mind, and,t'the result
is that the tide is turning in the PRESIDENT'S
favour. He has talked about the constitution, about
justice, patriotism, and humanity to very inatten-
tive ears, but no sooner does he talk of money
than he secures respect and attention. The
national debt, which was of such rapid
growth, was, according to American financiers,
likely to disappear in an equally short time, and
the reduction which one year showed gave certainly
every reason to hope for its gradual but certain
extinction. The Radicals in Congress were, how-
ever, superior to all petty considerations of economy,
and have continued during their almost uncontrol-
led tenure of -power to make the public money fly 11
as fast as in war time. The bounties given to
secure the soldiers' votes occupy a very prominent
part of the accounts. Four bounty bills have been
introduced during the first session of the fortieth
Congress, and not very long ago Mr. BANKS,
in commenting on a measure of this kind, said—
s4oo,ooo or $BOO,OOO ; I do not care how much ;
I am for opening the Treasury and telling the sol-
diers to help themselves." This sounds very well
during the election canvas, but it is not quite so
pleasant for the taxpayers ; but there is no chance
of the bills being stopped in Congress, for no mem-
ber dare oppose them, for the obvious reason that it
would affect his future chances. So there has been
$80,000,000 for extraordinary bounties to soldiers
in 1866, and there are to be two supplementary
votes of the same kind ; one is to give $400,000
more to the white soldiers, and the other $40,000,000
to coloured soldiers. Then there are the expenses
incurred by increased salaries, the payment of the
claims of loyal Southerners for loss of property in
the war, and the probable transfer of the State war
debts to the central Government. All these various
amusements are of an expensive character ; the
result being, it is estimated, that an addition of
$1,700,000 will be made to the national debt. Is
the debt to be paid, or repudiated? asks Mr. JOHN-
SON ; and the Americans, touched iu the tenderest
point, turn Democrats on the spot.
We may really hope that out of this great evil
good may come, and that the people may realise
how dangerous and suicidal is the course which their
representatives have been pursuing. Before Congress
reassembles we may believe that the aspect of political
parties will have undergone a great change. 'With
reconstruction and representation of the South the
power of the Radicals will be sensibly diminished,
and as the independent public are beginning to see
the nature of their fervent and rigid loyalty to the
Union it is not likely that the exclusion of the States
will be much longer possible.

The most important intelligence received through
the cable is of a somewhat surprising character, a
treaty sent to the Senate on Saturday beding to the
Uhited States the whole of Russian America and
the adjacent islands for a consideration of seven
millions. The effect of this will be to exclude British
Columbia almost entirely from the Pacific, and great
excitement has consequently been created among
British diplomatists in Washington. The PRESIDENT
has convened the Senate for this day to take the treaty
into consideration. This is an important movement,
and should it be carried out may lead to serious
consequences. Americans have, however, quite
enough on their hands just now without embroiling
themselves with foreign Powers, and we must hope
that their diplomacy may be governed by a spirit
of moderation and forbearance.

It is most gratifying to find that, in spite of the
depression which has been complained of in many
quarters, and the undoubted losses and privations
which have been experienced in private circles, the
national finances are in a most satisfactory state.
The yearly income still keeps steadily increasing,
and every fresh reduction seems to give increased
buoyancy. The increase of the year is actually
£1,622,000, the two principal items being, as usual,
the Customs and the Excise. The year's increase
on the Customs is £1,027,000 ; on the quarter,
£388,000. The Excise gives an increase of
£51,000 on the quarter—of £882,000 on the year.
As a set off against these there is, of course, the
decrease in the Income-tax, which amounts to
£690,000 in the year, although in the last quarter it
figures again in the more favourable side of the
tables. The Post Office continues, as heretofore, to
be a most profitable source of revenue, and returns
an increase of £95,000 in the quarter and £2::0,000
in the year, being £20,000 above the estimate. The
most sanguine financiers fail to keep pace with its
wonderful development, and yet hcw dismal were
the prophecies when first a reduction of the postage
was talked of ! If our financiers would take courage
and apply the principle which suggested the penny
post to other matters, our returns might be even more
satisfactory than they are. The bad harvest must
be borne in mind while examining the figures under
the head of the Excise, and we may fairly assume
that a good harvest would have added considerably
to the increase in that department. Altogether the
Chancellor of the Exchequer has a good foundation
to work upon in preparing Lis Budget, and we hope
it may induce him to follow a liberal and enlight-
ened commercial policy, since experience has abun-
dantly proved not only the elasticity and soundness
of the national revenue, but that in proportion to
the freedom and ease given to the working bees of
the community is the amount of honey which they
store up in the national hive.