The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-06 00:00:00

TRIESEMAR NO. 11.

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LORD CANNING'S REPLY TO THE
ELLENBORO UGH DESPATCH.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

East India House, Oct. 5, 1858.

Sir,—l am directed by Lord Stanley to forward
to you for publication the accompanying despatches
from the Governor-General of India.--I am, &c.,
GERALD C. TALBOT.

FOREIGN DEPARTMENT SECRET,
ALLAHABAD, June 17, 1858.
TO THE HONOURABLE THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
THE HONOURABLE THE COURT OF DIRECTORS.

Honourable Sirs,—l have the honour to reply to
your despatch No. 1,954, of the 19th of April.
That despatch condemns in •the strongest terms
the proclamation which on the 3d of March I di-
rected the Chief Commissioner of Oude to issue
from Lucknow.

2. Although written in the secret committee, the
despatch was made public in England three weeks
before it reached my hands. It will in a few days
be read in everystation in Hindostan.

3. Before the despatch was published in England,
it had been announced to Parliament by a Minister
of the Crown as conveying disapproval in every
sense of the
policy indicated by the Governor-Ge-
neral's proclamation. Whether this description was
an accurate one or not Ido not inquire. The tele-
graph has already carried it over the length and
breadth of India.
__

4. I need scarcely tell your honourable committee
that the existence of such a despatch, even had it
never passed out of the records of the secret depart-
ment, would be deeply mortifying to me, however
confident I might feel that your honourable com-
mittee would, upon re-consideration, relieve me of
the censure which it casts upon me. Still less ne-
cessary is it for me to point out that the publica-
tion of the document, prectded as it has been by an
authoritative declaration of its meaning and spirit,
is calculated to increase the difficulties in which
the government of India is placed, not only by
weakening the authority of the Governor-General,
but by encouraging resistance and delusiVe hopes
in many classes of the population of Oude.
5. So far as the despatch, and the mode in which
it has been dealt with, affect myself personally, I
will trouble your honourable committee with very
few words.

No taunts or sarcasms, come from what quarter
they may, will turn me from the path which I be-
lieve to be that of my public duty.
I believe that a change in the head of the govern-
ment of India at this time, if it took place under
circumstances which indicated a repudiation on the
part of the government in England of the policy
which has hitherto been pursued towards the rebels
of Oude, would seriously retard the pacification of
the country. I believe that that policy has been
from the beginning merciful without weakness, and
indulgent without compromise of the dignity of the
government. I believe that wherever the authority
of the government has been established it has be-
come manifest to the people, in Oude as elsewhere,
that the indulgence to those who make submission
and who are free from atrocious crimes will be
large. I believe that the issue of the proclamation,
which has been so severelycondemned wasthoroughly
consistent with that policy, and that it is so viewed
by thOse to whom it is addressed. I believe that
that policy, if steadily pursued, offers the best and
earliest prospect of restoring peace to Oude upon a
stable footing.
6. Firm in these convictions, I will not in a time
of unexampled difficulty, danger, and toil, lay down
of my own act the high trust which I have the
honour to hold ; but I will with the permission of
your honourable committee state the grounds upon
which those convictions rest, and describe the
course of policy which I have pursued in dealing
with the rebellion in Oude. If when I have done so
it shall be deemed that that policy has been errone-
ous, or that not being erroneous, it has been feebly
and ineffectually carried out, or that for any reason
the confidence of those who are responsible for
the administration of Indian affairs in England,
should be withheld from me, I make it
my respectful but urgent request, through your
honourable committee, that I may be re-
lievei of the office of Governor-General of India
with the least possible delay.
7. I desire to say, that I shall in that case resign
my great charge into the hands of the hon. Court
of Directors, with a deep and abiding sense of
gratitude for the generous support, the unreserved
confidence, and the considerate courtesy which I
have at all times received from them.

I have nothing more to add upon the personal
part of this question.
8. But before I speak of the proclamation, I beg

to call the attention of your hon. committee to cer-
tain paragraphs of the - despatch before me, which
are pregnant with a signification far more momen-
tous than the censure of any recent act or policy of
the Governor-General of the day. These para-
graphs are numbered from 10 to 14 inclusive, and
I believe that I shall not misrepresent their import
by describing it as follows
9. They begin by pointing out a doubt whether
the British Government was justified in taking
possession of the kingdom of Oude. The doubt is
pointed out, but is not resolved, nor is a distinct
opinion expressed upon it.
10. Certain facts are then referred to which,
though they do not directly affect the question of
our right to take possession of Oude, are cited as
leading, in conjunction_ With the doubt above men-
tioned, to the conclusion that the hostilities which
the people of Oude have been -carrying on against
us have rather the character of legitimate war
than that of rebellion, and that the people of Oude
should be regarded with indulgent consideration.
11. It is altogether beyond my duty- to discuss
whether the course pursued by the British Govern-
ment in taking possession of Oude was a lawful and
justifiable one, still less does it belong to me to say
what line of conduct the British Government ought
to follow if it be now determined that that course
was not lawful or justifiable. But as to the indul-
gence due to the people of Oude, your hon, com-
mittee will, I am sure, do me the justice to admit,
that no misgiving as to the character of our deal-
ings with the Oude :State was necessary to
induce me to declare, without any injunction
from yourselves,. that the talookdar and land-
owner of Oude - must be viewed in a wry
different light from -that in whiclizombels
in our old'provinces are to be regarded. I fOund
sufficient reason for this in the facts that theallegi-
ance of these -men when they broke into rebellion
was little more than a year old, and that they had
become British-subjects by no act of their own
that our rule had brought loss of property upon
many of them, and upon some an unjust loss ; and
that it had diminished the importance and arbi-
trary power of all. I considered these facts to be a
palliation of rebellion even where hostility to us
had been most, inveterate, and therefore I put aside
altogether the punishments. of -death, transporta-
tion, and imprisoninent ; and whilst marking those
who had rebelled with the penalty which in India,
as elsewhere, has been again and again recognised
as a • fitting punishment of rebels--namely, the for-
feiture of their rights in the soil, I promised indul-
gence to those who should :make prompt submis-
sion.
I felt the considerations of policy and mercy, and
the newness of our rule, prescribed this course. I
recorded this in a paper already in the hands of
your hon. committee ; and I hope before closing
this despatch to show that the indulgence has been
accorded promptly and liberally. ,
12. But it.is my first duty earnestly to beg your
hon. committee to consider the effect which will be
produced upon the province of Oude when it shall
become generally known that the British Govern-
ment speaks hesitatingly of its right to rule that
country. I cannot but fear that it will make a tur-
bulent and warlike people more impatient than
ever of subjection to authority and order; I fear
that it will furnish a pretext for resistance to the '
government, of which many bad spirits will not be
slow to avail themselves now and hereafter.
13. But more especially do I fear its immediate

effect. It cannot have escaped the notice of v your
hon. committee that, although - the rising against
our authority in Oude has been almost general, al-
most universal, it has been singularly devoid of a
national character. Except for the purpose of
,re-
ducing our garrison in Lucknow, and afterwards
of holding the city against us, -there appear to
have been no common cause amongst our as-
sailants. Since the capture of Lucknow we have
had against us the party of the Begum and her
son, claiming to represent the royal family of
Ouide ; the party of the Moulvie, a Mahomedan
fanatic ; the party of the Nazim, an adventurer
without rights or property in the province ; the
sepoys, who have passed from one leader to ano-
ther according as they have been able to extort the
highest pay ; and a number of the talookdars and
zemindars, some few of whom, at the head of bands
of their own, have plundered and oppressed their
enemies, and those whom they believed to be our
friends, whilst others generally of less influence
have been tempted or coerced into joining the ranks
of the Begum, or the Moulvie.
There is little concert or cohesion between any
of these parties. Indeed between those of the
Begum and the Moulvie there has been not only
complete separation, but open hostility.
14. I cannot think that this want of unity will
long continue, if it shall once become manifest that
the British Government hesitates to declare its
right to possess Oude, and that it regards itself as a
wrongful intruder into the place of the dynasty,
which the Begum claims to represent. I believe
that this would draw to the side of the Begum
many who have hitherto shown no sympathy with
the late ruling family, and it is just what is want-
ing to give a national character to her cause.
" 15. An uncompromising assertion of our autho-
rity in Oude is perfectly compatible with a merci-
ful exercise of it, and I respectfully submit that if
the Government of India is not supported in
making this assertion, and in declaring that the
recent acts of the people of Oude are acts of rebel-
lion, and that they may in strict right be treated
as such, a powerful temptation will be offered to
them to maintain their present struggle or to
renew it.

16. I now proceed to offer some remarks upon
the proclamation, and I believe that the spirit in
which the proclamation was conceived and has
been acted upon will be best shown by the follow-

ing statement.
17. When in January last, about the time at
which the army of the Commander•in-Chief began
to concentrate upon Lucknow, I left Calcutta for
Allahabad, one of my chief motives for doing so
was the obtaining fun, accurate, and recent infor-
mation in regard to the temper and disposition of
the chiefs and people of Oude, the extent to which
they felt themselves aggrieved by the Government,
how far that feeling was just, the nature of the in-
fluences at work amongst them, and other points
requiring consideration, before a decision could be
taken as to the mode of dealing with the province.
These were matters upon which formal references
and reports would have thrown very tardy and ina-
dequate light, seeing the condition to which our
archives and official establishments had been re-
duced, and therefore, in addition to the information
received by Government from the usual civil and
military sources, I sought information and opinions
from those who, having filled posts within the pro-
vince and upon its frontiers, had had opportunities
of becoming personally, and in some cases inti-
mately acquainted with the talookdars and zemin-

dars, and their followers.
18. The conclusions at which I arrived were-
-Ist, that all question of punishing with death, or
even with transportation or imprisonment, rebels
who, however inveterate and unceasing their hosti-
lity had been, were free from the stain of murder,
should be set aside. I need not at present defend
this decision, although at tke time it was very far
from meeting with general approval.
19. 2dly. That the one declared punishment for
rebellion should be the confiscation to the state of
proprietary rights in the soil.
I have already said that this is a punishment
which has been repeatedly enforced against rebels
in India, as well by native rulers as by the British
Government; it is one which admits of being easily
tempered and relaxed with more or less lenity, ac-
cording as consideration of policy or mercy and the
past or future conduct of the persons to be punished
may permit. It in no way affects the honour of the
most sensitive rajpoot or brahmin. It would pro-
vide Government with the means of rewarding in
the manner which is most acceptable to the natives
of India the services of those who should be found
to deserve reward. It would tend to the final set-
tlement of many of those disputes respectinc, landed
rights which has been the source of so much strife
and animosity in Oude.
20. Finally, I came to the conclusion that if a
proclamation were issued on the capture of Lucknow
(a point upon which I entertained doubts up to the
last moment) it should be one not threatening con-
fiscation as a possible contingency, but declaring
it ; pointing out, however, the means by which re-
laxation and indulgence would be obtainable ; and
further, that no attempt should be made to indi-
cate the measure of relaxation and indulgence
which might be conceded in particular cases.
21. I will offer a few words in explanation of
these last points.
I believe that the issue of proclamations is not
the surest or safest mode of influencing the natives
of India. The experience of the past year has fur-
nished examples of the ingenuity with which the
meaning of such documents can be perverted or
their language misrepresented by the enemies of
the State ; and it is a fact, several instances of
which have come to my knowledge of late, that the
word of an English officer of the Government, even
though a stranger, is more trusted than a printed
paper. I should, therefore, have preferred to take

in Oude .a course. which was afterwards taken. in
Rohilcund, and to place instructions in' the hands of
the officers. attached to- the columns which marched
through - the country, leaving it to them to carry
out those instructions, and to explain, in each dis-
trict through which they passed, the spirit in which
the-Government desired to deal with the people.
But I knew it to be very probable that no columns
would be available for the purpose in Oude, and
that in that case -much time might elapse. before
English offiCers would be able to penetrate the pro-
vince. I therefore had recoarse to a proclamation,
which might be disseminated by native agency.
- 22: That proclamation was made to declare the
confiscation, and not to threaten it, because the na-
tives of India, while they attach much weight to a
distinct and actual order of Government, attach
very little to-a vague threat, whether conveyed-by
proclamation or_ otherwise ; whilst it might- safely be
assumed-that the spirit in which the clause treating
of indulgence would be acted upon in the districts
which should be recovered would gradually become
known throughout the province and have a conci-
liatory effect.
Precaution was taken against perversion and mis-
translation by publishingin the first instance none
but vernacular versions' of the proclamation.
23.. I -have said that the proclamation should
not attempt-to point out. the different measures-of
indulgence which would be conceded indifferent.
cases: This, and some other preceding observations,
will be best explained by a brief reference to the
recent condition of the talOokdars and other land-
holders, as regards their rights in the soil
-
-24. When we assumed the government of
.Oude
in 18.56, the greater part of the -province was held
by talookdars, who represented its aristocracy.
They have been called the " Barons -of Oude," but
this term applied to them- as a class is misleading.
Some had received titles from the kings of Oude, for
services rendered, or by court favour. Some few
are the- representatives of ancient families ; but the
majority are men distinguished neither by birth,
good service, • noj connection with the soil, . who
having held office Under the native government as
Naiims-(i.i. governors) or chuckladars (i.e. collec-
tors of government rents), or having firmed the
revenue of extensive tracts, had taken advantage of
the weakness of the native government and its in-
difference to all considerations ofjUstice so long as
it received. revenue, had abused the authority.eon-
fided to there by that government, and by means of
deeds of sale, sometimes extorted by violjnce, some-
times obtained by fraud, had become the nominal
proprietors and the actual possessors of the villages.
or the majority of the villages, which formed what
they' called. their talookas, or estates.
25. Owing to the aseendancY which the men of
this class acquired, the weaknessof the native govern-
ment, the venality of the courts; and the absence of
justice, the 'condition of the actual occupants of the
soil of the :roViiice was one of unparalleled depres-
sion. • Their rights had ceased to .exist, or were
reduced to. a -mere shadow; they -could get no
protection from the government ; they were
completely in -the power of the talookdars,
and were subject to- every kind.. of.. oppression,
tyranny, and exaction... In . numberless -instances
they were compelled by the- talookdars to execute
deeds of sale, alienating-whatever proprietary right
possessed,kaey nominally 'and they Mkt. but little
by:the act, for the practical.fruition of propiietary-
right they had scarcely known. ..... •
26. Such. being tho condition of things- in Oude,
the government of :India,• perhaps- with more of chi-
I V drous justice than political prudence, determined
at once to reinstate theie proprietary occupants of
the soil in what were believed to be their hereditary
rights; and to restore the ancient village communi-
ties ; and upon the -annexation of the country, the
Chief Commissioner was instructed to make the
settlement of the land revenue with the proptietai7
occupants of the soil, to the exclusion of middle.
men. This instruction was carried into 'execution
in some districts with' undue haste, harshly and.
upon insufficient - evidence ; and where, this took
place, injustice was done to the talookdars, some of
whom were deprived of • villages which had long
been attached to their talookas, and their titles 'Co
which were not satisfactorily disproved.
The injustice -might, and probably would, have
been corrected in making the revised settlement ;
but this does not excuse or palliate, the wrong.
27. The mutinies broke out. It might have been
expected that; when insurrection first arose in
Oude, and before it had grown to a formidable
head, the village occupants who had been so highly
favoured by the British Government, and in justice
to whom it had initiated a policy distasteful to the
most powerful class in the province, would have
come forward in support of the government who
had endeavoured to restore them to their hereditary
rights, and with whose interests their interests were
identical. Such, however, was not the case. So
far as I am yet informed not an individual dared to
be loyal to the government which had befriended him.
The village occupants as a body relapsed into their
former subjection to the talookdar, owned and obeyed
his authority as if he had been their lawful suzerain,
and joined the ranks of those who rose up in arms
against the British Government. The endeavour to
neutralise the usurped and largely abused power of
the talookdars by recognising the supposed pro-
prietary rights of the people, and thus arousing
their feelings of self-interest, and evoking their
gratitude, had- failed utterly.
28. The time arrived when it became necessary
to consider how the province should be dealt with
.Upon the re-establishment of 'our power and autho-
rity in its capital. On the one hand was the patent
fact that those whom we had desired to benefit, and
had to our thinking benefited, did not value the
rights which we had restored to them, and that far
from standing up iu defence of these rights, and in
.support of the government which had been the
means of reviving them, they had acted in complete
subordination to the talookdars, and had been no
less forward than these latter in their efforts to
subvert the authority of that government and to
expel its officers ; on the other hand was the no
less certain fact, with but few honourable excep-
tions, all the talookdars, many who had not suffered
in the smallest degree by our fiscal measures, and
some who had benefited by them, having been
allowed at the settlement to retain all, or nearly all
the villages coniposing their talookas on reduced
assessments, had taken up arms against the British
Government, had either themselves participated, or
had sent their retainers to aid in the relentless
attacks on the Lueknow residency, had forcibly re-
sumed the occupation of their talookas, and had in
many ways 'manifested their malignant hostility to
the British Government.
29. In these- circumstances, to have recalled the
condition of things which existed immediately be-
fore the rebellion, thereby, renewing the experiment
which had been attempted in 1856, and restoring,
the occupants of the soil to the position of pro-
prietary landholders, which they had but just
proved themselves wholly unfit and unprepared to
maintain, would have been to court fallen*, and on
the other hand. to have reverted to the state of
affairs as we found them upon taking possession of
the country, and thus to have acknowledged in
the talookdars after they had, as a body, risen in
arms against us, and helped to subvert our autho-
rity, rights which had been denied, and in most
eases Justly denied, when our power was unques-
tioned and unresisted, would have been to concede a
victory to rebels, and. to put a premium. on insur-
rection,' a
.conrse which would have/ lowered the
character of the Government and destroy-ed its
influence, not only in Oude but throughout India.
30. Regard being' had to the history of tenures
in Oude ; to the failure of the efforts made by the
Government in 1856 to set -up those who were
believed to be the hereditary proprietors of the
soil ; to their unworthy reception of the benefits
bestowed upon them; to the rebellious spirit mani-
fested by.nearly all the talookdars of the province,
and to the inconceivable difficulties which would
have attended the adjudication of claims to pro-
prietary right in the circumstances that have been
briefly described, and which would have hampered
the administration at every turn ; the surest, the safest
the most politic, and a thoroughlyjust course, seemed
to be to declare the proprietary right in the soil (to
whomsoever appertaining, for all classes as such
had sinned equally) confiscated, and to reserve to
the Government the right of disposing of it as'
might seem fitting, at the same time notifying the
intention of the Government to show indulgence
to those who should tender immediate submission

and throw themselves upon its mercy.
31. I apprehend little difficulty, and, so far as
experience, has gone, little has, I believe, been
found in explaining to the taloOkdars and land-
owners with whom our officers have come in con-

tact, that the ".confiscation" does not necessarily
operate as a permanent deprivation of their rights,
but that it places in the hands of the Government
the power of punishing those who shall still persist
in rebellion; after life and honour have been gua-
ranteed to them ; of rewarding 'those who shall
promptly come forward and give their support to
the Government and to the cause of order ; of sub-
stituting in any case of restoration the undeniable
title derived from the will of the Government, for
the doubtful title which alone could be advanced by
thepajority of those- whom the order affected naiad

si.ut3e:ha cnodn
gooddi ti neso
of
the the province
con-
duct, eturt:atyi,
asei ta
politicaltecfir
aae
dnt
do:in
irr eci
circumstances
itmtoarsiaTat
,inofeneeas 0 I
have made essential to the firm estaMishment of
our authority.
32. I have now stated the considerations which
led me to frame. the proclamation in the form in
which it was transmitted to you.
. 33. It"Wai sent to Lueknow on the 3d of March,
and on the 10th I received from the chief commis-
sioner,_ Major-General Sir James Outram, a letter
urging a reconsideration of the terms of the pro-
clamation, mainly on the ground that it would
render hopeless the attempt to-enlist the talookdars
on the side of order, and would, drive them to a
desperate resistance ; and recommending that such
landholders and chiefs as had not been accomplices
in the cold-blooded murder of Europeans should be
enlisted on our side by the restoration of their an-
cient possessions, subject to such restrictions as
would protect their dependents from oppression.
.34. This letter and the replies to it, includ-
ing the additional paragraph which Sir James
Outram's opinion of the light in which' -the
talookdars and - chiefs would view the proclama-
tion, induced me to add thereto, are before Tour
honourable committee.
35. I will riot trouble your honourable commit-
tee with a recapitulation of the reasons which up-
peared to me to forbid the adoption of Sir Lines
Outram's suggestion, but lest four honourable com-
mittee should suppose that I was without any pre-
vious expression 'of Sir J. Outram's opinion on the
subject, I wish to
,state that -the unfavourable view
taken by that distinguished officer of the substance
of the proclamation was- a cause of much disap-
pointment to me.
36. A very few- weeks previously the chief com-
missioner had sent to the government of India an
able and elaborate memorandum upon the system
of civil administration to be adopted for Oude after
LucknoW shOuld be subjugated,. In this memoran-
dim, dated lan; 15; 1858, are- the following pas-
sages :-.-- • .
The system of- *settlement • with so-called vil-
lage proprietors will not answer at present, if ever,
in Oude.

" These men have not influence and weight
enough to aid usin restoring order. The lands of men
who have taken an active part against us shouldbe
largely confiscated, in order, among other reasons,
to enable us to reward others in the manner most
acceptable to a native. But I see no prospect of
returning tranquillity, except by having recourse
for the next few years to the old talookdaree sys—
tem. * * Talookas should only be given to mein
who have actively aided us, or- who, having beon
inactive, now evince a true willingness to serve
and are possesied of influence sufficient to make
their support of real value."
37. Subject to the_mulerstanding that even _to
those who hail. berm 71-100- active against iridul--
puce shoniti be eitended upon their making
prompt and complete submission, these opinions ac-
corded exactly with my own, and although I was
aware that there might easily be difference of opi-.
nion as to the mode 9f announcing and carrying
out punishment by confiscation; it did not occur to
me that any such .divergence of views as was.sub-
sequently Intimated in the chief- commissioner's
letter of the Bth Of March could occur between
us. The -belief • therein. expressed that there
are not a- dolen landholders .in . the pro-
vince who have not borne arms against us
seemed-to go fa towards jUstifying'the general and
sweeping terms of the proclamation to whickalone-
I expected 'any ebjeetion 'on Sir James 'Outram's.
part. _

38. I afterwards had'.occasion to send my
military secretary, Colonel, Stuart, to head-quarters,
and I took the opportunity to explain to the chief
commissioner that I wished him to give the most
liberal interpretation to the proclamation; that, for
instance, the proclamation left it free to notify to
any talookdar who was deserving of consideration
that if he made submission and supported the go-
vernment, the confiscation of his lands would not
take effect, and that his claims to property of which
he might have been deprived upon the annexation
of the province would be re-heard ; and that in the
case of their having been resumed by him, he might
retain them until the re-hearing.
39. On the 3d of April, Major-General Sir
James Outrani being about to take his seat in coun-
cil at Calcutta, Mr. Montgomery succeeded to the
chief commissionership of Oude.
40. Mr. Montgomery had, at my request, done
me the favour of visiting Allahabad before going
to Lucknow, in order that I might have an oppor-
tunity of communicating unreservedly with him
upon the discharge of his new duties. •
" I impressed upon the new chief commissioner
my wish that his dealings with the chief rebels
should be as conciliatory as might be consistent
with the dignity Of the Government, and that he
should treat liberally and generously all those who
tendered their allegiance and gave support to his
authority. Mr. Montgomery expressed his inten-
tion to .take this matter into his own personal
management.
_

41.-On the 20th of April the commissioner
wrote to me in an unofficial letter as follows :

"I enclose a memorandum just given me by
Captain Barrow, which will show your lordship
the names of talookdars who have attended in per-
son or by vakeel. Generally speaking, indeed in-
variably, the feeling showed by the men who came
in is excellent. They express great sorrow at the
past, and seem grateful for the consideration shown
to them."

A copy of the memorandum is enclosed. 'lt
contains the names of 26 chiefs of note and influ-
ence, in various quarters, some of them at a great
distance from -Lucknow, who had either openly
tendered their allegiance to the Government, or
had taken the first steps towards doing so. So far
as I know, only one of these has swerved from his
first intention.
At the date of this memorandum little more
than a month had elapsed since the first appearance
of the proclamation in Lucknow.
42. On the 22d of May the chief commissioner
sent me a further memorandum from Captain Bar-

row, which is also under this cover.
It 'describes the progress made, and the state of
feeling prevalent.
It is right, however, that I should observe that
of the three powerful talookdars named in this me-
morandum one only (faun Sing) has sided with us
actively. Of the other two, one (Madhoo Sing) is
inactive, and the other (Bence 11Iadhoo) is in arms
against us.
43. From) this: last date the chief commissioner
has furnished weekly reports, which have been for-
warded to your honourable committee in regular
course.

44. :Latterly these .have become less favourable.
The rebels, under the leadership, in some cases, of
talookdars, have approached nearer to Lucknow ;
have threatened, and in some places destroyed, the
civil stations which we had established, and have
killed some of. the native. guards. But I am not,
neither is the chief commissioner of Oude, dis-
heartened by a temporary check in the progress
which had been rapidly achieved.
In a letter received from Mr. Montgomery, as
I am writing, that gentleman says :
" I had settled some 6,000 villages, and every-
thing was progressing most favourably, when a
combination of circumstances prevented the pro-
gress of the settlement." But he adds, " I still say
that the mass of the people are well inclined to us.
I get secret letters and messages, but they. dare not
come forward in the face of the armed bodies which

are hostile to us."
45. In an earlier part of this despatch I had
occasion to speak of these bodies, which, although
without cohesion and combination, are none the
those
less capable of intimidating and persecuting
whom they believe to be well disposed towards the
Government. They have latterly been greatly
aided in this by the influx of fugitives from Rohil-
cund and Calpee, who have either joined them or
set up as independent marauders.
46. I never expected it to be otherwise ;. I
never expected that with the capture and occupa-
tion of Lucknow the province
ofnioce thewould sub-
becomecontrary
missive ; and m
recorded in the letter which, on the 16th of Janu-
ary, the Governor-General in Council addressed to
the commander-in-chief, recommending that his
excellency's operations should, notwithstanding, be
directed against Lucknow. These operations were
carried out with a skill, bravery, and•success, which
have won the admiration of the world. But it is
no disparagement of the work of the great soldier
who achieved that success .to say that the chastise-
ment thereby inflicted, upon the loose bands of
mutineers, rebels, and plunderers, who were col-
lected in and about the city, was not such as to
expel theni from the limits of the province, or to
deter them from persevering in their work of
murder and pillage in other districts of it.
47. It is not in reason that, what with the
pressure of the mutinous sepoys now congregated
in various parts of the proyince on the one hand,

and the arts and threats of desperate adventurers

acting as leaders on the other, violence and rebel-

lion should not be kept alive; and that those who
are :well inclined to' make their peace with the

Government should not the
doing so.
48. No man is better
Eastern districts of ()tide and .
Mr. 'Wingfield, who is at present acting on that
fittatier of the province as special commissioner of
Goruckpore. Writing on the 6th of June, Mr.
Wingfield says—J. Unsupported by the presence of
British troops, there are many talookdars, who to
my certain knowledge arc deterred from tendering
their allegiance, which is their r:incere wish. Had
the garrison of Lucknow only been distributed
about the province, three-fourths_ of the talookdars
would, under the promises the procla-
mation, have been entirely on our side by this
time." Unfortunately the garrison of Lucknow
could not be spared, nor any body of troops at all
approaching it in strength.
49. But when • the season shall arrive at which
the troops can move rapidly over the country, when
the large police force now being raised by the
chief commissioner at Lucknow shall have reached
its complement, and received further organisation,
and when it shall be manifest that we have the
means of protecting or supporting those who return
to their allegiance, I cannot doubt that the spirit
in which the proclamation has been accepted in
many quarters will declare itself generally through-
out the province.
50. I have now described to your lion. com-
mittee the whole course of my proceedings in re-
gard to the proclamation of the 15th of March. I
have at the same time explained the policy which
has guided me, and I have informed you generally
of the results.
I respectfully await your judgment.
I have, &c.
(Signed) CANNING.
Allahadad, the 17th June, 1858.

Foreign. Department, Allahabad, July 4,1858.
TO THE HONOURABLE THE COURT OF DIRECTORS
OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.
Honourable Sirs,—Your despatch No. 20, of the
18th of May, reached me two days ago.
I beg your honourable court to accept my
warmest thanks for the assurance of your continued
confidence which that despatch and the resolution
of your honourable court embodied in it convey.
2. Such Ira' expression •of the sentiments of
your honourable court would be to me a source
of gratification and just pride in any circum-
stances ; but. the generous and timely promp-
titude with which you have been pleased to
issue it, and :the fact that it conveys approval
of past as well as trust for the future has greatly
enhanced its value. Your honourable court have
rightly judged that in the midst of difficulties no sup-
port is so cheering to a public servant or so strength-
ening, as that which is derived from a declared ap-
proval of the spirit by which his past acts have
been guided: _

3. r believe that the expectations expressed by
your honourable court, as to the spirit in which the
proclaimed confiscation of proprietary rights in
'Oude would be used, will not be disappointed when
ou shall have had. cognisance of the despatch which
had the honour to address to the secret committee
n the 1 itlfult., and which, as being the sequel of
correspondence already in the hands of your hon-
ourable court, will no doubt have been laid before
you. . - • ,

f 4. ,Your honourable 'court observe that I must
have' been well aware that the words of the procla-
Matron, without the comment on it, which you trust
was speedily afforded by the actions of the govern-
inent, must have produced the expectation ofmuch
more general and indiscriminate dispossession than
could have been consistent with justice or with
poUndlic . • •
y.
oubtedly this is so. But it was not without
deliberation that in framing the proclamation I used
4he positive, peieinptoiy, and, so to speak, enacting
ords which declare that the proprietary right in
he soil of the
.province is confiscated to the govern-
[
ent, which will dispose of that right in such man-
ner as it may deem fitting.
' 5. Ai this point Was scarcely touched upon in
My above-mentioned despatch to the secret commit-
tee, I will take leave to add a further brief explana-
' Lion upon it. I have said that it-is in-the nature of
those to whom the proclamation was addressed to
Care very little for the threats, but to have a great
respect for the distinct orders of superior authority.
A rebel landowner, to whom no more should be
said than that if he did not make submission soon
his rights would be liable to confiscation, would be
likely to trust for his escape to the chapter of acci-
dents, and to the chance of avoiding or defeating
. .
crmunatory evidence, and so to delay , submis-
Sion, and -cling to the cause of those whose
immediate influence might be nearest ani strongest.
Whereas, if he should bemade to feel that the with-
drawal of his rights is already decreed, that it only
remains for the executive officers to give effect to
it by placing another proprietor in 'possession, and
that the best hope left to him is- to work out as
large a claim to proffered indulgence as possible
whilst there is yet time, his manifestation of alle-
giance would -assuredly .be quickened.
6. It was my business to consider what would
most stimulate and hasten a return to peace and
loyalty on the part-of those addressed ; and,l was
of opinion that this would best be done by making
it clear and plain that the rpwards actually con-
ferred for fidelity were very large ; that the punish-
ment actually decreed for rebellion was very heavy,
but that from this punishmen a door of escape wa
still open. , ..
7. To attempt to define more precisely the con-
ditions and degrees according to which Indulgence
should be awarded and punishment tempered ap-
peared to me most inexpedient. It would, I submit,
have been impossible to put into the proclamation
any mitigating or conciliatory words to this effect
without incurring the greatest risk of raising false
hopes, and giving ground for mistaken claims, the
disappointment which hereafter would have gone
far to confirm in the minds of many the reproach
Which the rebel leaders have sedulously thrown out
against the English Government of a want of good
faith—a reproach 'to which no colour or shadow of
truth shall ever be given by any act of mine.
8. I, therefore, left the way of escape and the
amount of 'attainable indulgence to be learned from
the treatment which those who should first come in
would receive. No explanation in. words would

have been so certain to spread through the country
with little chalice of perversion as this. No
other course would have left the government so free
to use wise discrimination in the remission of
punishment.

9. Your honourable court will, of course, bear in
mind that the proclamation was addressed to a pro-
vince in arms, throughout which we had not at
that time a surviving friend or interest to defend,
and that, therefore, any fear of danger from an out-
burst of resistance by which matters should be made
worse was imaginary.
10. Upon a careful, and I hope dispassionate,
review of the whole subject, I cannot but think that
the words in which the proclamation was couched
were those most befitting the government of India
in its relations with its rebellious province, and best
calculated to effect eventually a real and sure paci-
fication. But the question was one of very great
_difficulty ; and I entreat your honourable court not
to suppose that I am so presumptuous as to depre-
cate criticism of the mode in which the difficulty
was met.

11. The reports lately received from Locknow,
and despatched to your honourable court by this
and by the preceding mail, show that one of the
chief commissioner's greatest embarrassments is the
want of sufficient means to protect the landholders,
who arc- eager to tender their allegiance, but whom
we cannot in some places effectually defend until the
bands of the more desperate rebels and. mutineers
which still harass the province shall have been sub-
odnuleyd
bya movingndde
destroyed—an
royteh de objectoo—tarnpshi
t which,ough the co
can be attained
a
arimdt
a suitable season. Accordingly, in the cases of
manyi who have
lmi\Nieondeclared tlliels foundr necessary to
desire
nim‘ltpresent.
12. to remain passive for the
advisesi2.
vThe delay is to be regretted, but the fact
hasof eot
p r beenoviil Q
isfurnishes proof thit the spirit of the proclamation
misunderstood, and that the temper
gradually tending towards order
and allegiance.

I have, &c.
(Signed) CANNING.
Allahabad, the 4th of July, 1858.

PRICE OF GOLD.—The quotation of gold-at Paris
is about at par, and the short exchange On London is 25-15
per £1 sterling. On comparing these rates with the Eng-
lish Mint price 17s. 101 d per ounce for standard gold,
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in London. By advices from Hamburg the price of gold is
4271 per mark, and the short exchange on London is 13-61
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countries, shows that the exchange is slightly in favour of
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small profit on the importation of gold from the United
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