The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-18 00:00:00

lion, he Should have replied to him with the exact ad-
vice contained in the despatch before them. That de-
spatch, however, left no imputation upon the personal
honour of Lori Canning, who, in that respect, was more
fortunate than the gallant chiefs of our army in the Cri-
sea. Ste hoped that the house, by its verdict on the
tion now raised, would show, once and for ever,
El"a t the interests of India were not to be made the sub-
ject of party contests. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BYNG said, the real question before them was,
whether the despatch ought to have heen laid before the
public,. The question about the annexation of Oude,
though he thought it had never been properly debated,
Must be reckoned among the things that were gone by.
The proclamation confiscated, with certain exceptions,
the proprietary rights of the landowners. The land-
owners were not the people, but the oppressors of the
people ; to whom the announcement that they were no
longer to be oppressed, would be so far from an instance
of English severity, that they would take it as an earnest
of amelioration. As to the responsibility of Ministers be
was quite sure the Government could not disown a col-
league ; it might as well be said that they could disown
the budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or a
treaty to which the Foreign Secretary had assented. It
would be highly dangerous to India if the Governor-
General was made to feel that what one Government had

done another would disavow. (Hear.) He himself was
not like one speaker, a relative—he was scarcely even a
friend of Lord Canning—(hear)—but he believed it was
admitted on all hands that Lord Canning was t, ne only
man whose nerve never deserted him, and who was
never betrayed into either cruelty or rashness, when
there was a panic amongst those who ought to have sup-
ported him at Calcutta. (Hear.) If there was a man
tes. ho
ought to have entered into the feelings of Lerd Cann ;Ng
under these circumstances, it was the man who,
like himself, had issued proclamations, and bad been a
Governer•General. If there was one man on whom Lord
Canning ought to have depended for support, it was Lord
Ellenborongh. (Hear.) Though the dangers for India
were great, there was still time to avert them. From the
despatch there was an appeal to the House of Comnsons.
Let him learn by next. mail that a majority of the House
of Commons approved his conduct, and would support
him, or at least not condemn him unheard. (Hear.)
Mr. A. B. HOPE said that never since he had been in
Parliament had there been a question on which he had so
great a difficulty to make up his mind. He did not, like
most members of that house, put his conscience in com-
mission. (Hear, and laughter.) The lash of tie whip did
not reach his back —(a laugh)—and so he had nothing
but his conscience to guide him. He never saw the two
parties on either side of the Speaker's chair come into
the house with less clean hands. (Laughter.) On one
side, a man, able, grave, and well approved by his coma
try, who, through many difficulties and trials, through
good reports seldom, and bad report often, had upheld
the dignity of the Crown and the nation, who might have
committed one fault, for that one fault was reproved in a
despatch couched in language such as our forefathers
would have despised. (Hear.) That despatch, intended
to be read by the people in every part of India, with
antithesis neatly poised, gave some of those stabs which
ran in very deep and left but a small scar. (Hear.) Oo
the other side, the right hon. gentleman, who had been
three weeks Secretary at War, and for three years Pre-
sident of the Board of Control, and might, without an)
stretch of that charity which had little place in that
house, be supposed to have some idea of official matters
having received letters which he knew were not ad-
dressed to him as Mr. V. Smith, but as President of the
Board of Control—not in the character of his Vernon
laugh)—but in an official character—
deemed it sufficiently important to ask the advice, he
begged pardon, to read it—(a laugh)—to his noble friend
the member for Tiverton, but not worth sending to the
Board of Control. (Hear.) After that he came to this
house, and rising in his seat, gloried in his laches, and
exulted in the mischief he had done. He offered no bet-
ter excuse than the pitiful quibble that he had not con-
suited the member for Tiverton, but only read it to him
—(hear, hear)—gathering kis opinions from his nods and
winks, or, perhaps from his silence—(hear, hear)—and
following his course. (Hear.) There he was amongst those
who hatched this motion. (Hear.) There was one defence
of Lord Canning that had been forgotten, which was,
that he was so little accustomed to anything like consi-
deration or advice, or anything practical from the right
hon. gentleman, but he had naturally got into a lax way
of doing business with him. (Laughter.) •Lord Macaulay
bad facetiously told a story of a youth who went out to
trap the hare, and found himself at the mouth of the
dark lair where lay a grim old bear. (Laughter.) Instead
of the hare Vernon Smith, he came on the grim old bear,
Ellenborough. (Laughter.) The only fault hitherto
charged to Lord Canning had been on the side of cle-
mency, and Government ought not inconsiderately to
have sent out a despatch couched in the theatrical lan-
guage of Widdicomb. (A laugh.) In referring to the case
of Lord Auckland, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies
had used the word ignominious, and if the argument
went for anything it was that treatment to which that
term could be applied was proper treatment for a Gayer-
nor-General, which he was sure the house would not
assent to. (Hear, hear.) As to the equanimity with
which it was said Lord Canning would receive the de•
spatcb, he might well quote the couplet—
" Perhaps it was right to dissemble your love,
But why did you kick me down stairs?
(Laughter.) There was so little to be said on either side--
with Lord Canning so hastily condemned, in so bitter lan-
guage, published so as to be translated into every tongue
in India, on one side, and the conduct of those who dared
to come forward as supporters of this motion. After the
suppression of letters to the supposed President of the
Board of Control, in this pitiful strife of factions which
bad done more than all the paid satellites of Napoleon
111. to damage the cause of free institutions, the ques-
tion was what were they to do ? If it had not been for
the amendment be did not see how they could have ab-
stained from some such censure as that conveyed in the
resolution, though he was not anxious to see the present
Government displaced, or to see others take their place.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But as the resignation of
Lord Ellenborough had produced, perhaps not techni-
cally but virtually, a great change in the case, he thought
the amendment, giving a general vindication of Lord
Canning's policy up to the time of the proclamation,
and a virtual condemnation of the rashness of that un-
statesman-like step the publication of the despatch,
would be that which the house ought to support. Those
who wished well for Lord Canning would vote for the
amendment of the hon. member for Swansea. (Hear,
bear.) Wishing to place the censure on the act of Lord
Ellenborongh, but not to make it subservient to a pri-
vate cabal—(Hear, hea.)—he shOuld give his vote
against the motion, and should support the amend-
ment. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. ATHERTON supported the resolution, defend-
ing the conduct of Lord Canning, and reprobating the
conduct of the Ministry es unjust and impolitic. The
Cabinet was not merely responsible for the despatch of
Lord Ellenborongh on technical grounds, but it had
adopted and vindicated that despatch in debate.
Lord ELCHO defended the proclamation of Lord
Canning. It was evident that he himself thought it a
lenient measure, inasmuch as its publication was delayed
till after the capture of Lucknow, lest it should be con-
strued into an act of weakness. He considered that
the conduct of the Government had been creel towards
Lord Canning and imp .laic towards the natives of
India.

Sir R. PEEL—I rose immediately after the right hoe.
baronet the member for Halifax (Sir C. Wood) for the
purpoPe of complimenting him upon the vigour with
which he addressed the house. He said that it was
owing to the warm interest which he felt in the welfare
of India that be was disposed to quarrel with the policy
o her Majesty's Government. I admit that the ques-
tion we are now discussing raises a very grave and serie
one issue, and I am desious, with the indulgence of the
house, to offer a few obe.ervations upon it. (near.) I
have listened attentively to a good many speeches tehich
have been addressed to the house, and I devoted par-
ticular attention to that of my right hon. friend who in•
troduced the subject. We shall all admit that he was
very neat and temperate in his expressions. He
very accurate in his dates ; in fact, I
am sure ofethwiass
that I never shall forget that period between the 12th of
April and the 6th of May—(a laugh)—but I must say
that he illustrated his facts with a series of arguments
not half so forcible os I should have expectedllat
tempted to insinuate that her Majesty's Government
were desirous of shielding their collective re-ponsibilit
behind the assumed liability and self-sacrifice of one ofV
their colleagues, but I must Fay that I think the explicit
declaration of the noble lord the Secretary for the Colo-
nies must have satisfied the house that such an imputa-
tion was most unfounded. (Cheers.) There was one
observation which fell from my right honourable friend
which I caught fresh from his lips, because I wag very
anxious to make an allusion to it. I felt equally with
the house the force of the remark, and that I might net
misrepresent my right honourable friend I took down
his words. He said, addressing the chair, " Don't
suppose, air, that the object and the motives," those
were his two words—" that the object and motives of
this motion are at an end, because Lord Ellenborougle
has resigned." Why, of course they are not an encl.
(A. laugh.) Don't suppose, I may say, that the
Reese of Commons is so limited in its apprehension
as not to perceive that the object and the motives of this
motion have a far wider and more liberal basis. (Hear,
hear.) Depend on it it is not the interests of poor Lord
Canning that have been considered by his friends
in this motion. (Cheers.) It is not the welfare of the
millions of India that has been considered. (Renewed
cheering.) An opportunity must be seized to attack the
Government, and therefore you must make India the
battlefield. Now, that, I must say, is a matter which
is greatly to be regretted. Our chief object in the vigor-
ous prosecution of hostilities in India its not the tempo-
rary establishment of the power, the prestige, and the
dignity of the British name, but that we should so corn_
part ouraelveticas to be able to look forward to the con-
tinuance of our power, and, if possible, to the possession
of the sympaththeiecs of the millions over whom we rile.
That being
instead o f tending
must say that I think this mo-
tion,ng to assist our fellow-countrymen
in India, will
increase their embarrassment ; and
I believe that the greatlyut deprecates quite as much as
this house does
tithe courley which is now being pursued.
(Cheers.) It slut metipi3ussi_ble to separate the
policy which has been purau
passdndia from the cen-
onthher Majesty'n
sure that is attempted to be
queetion of
Government. I do not wish to diecuuspe
the annexation of Oude, but in order to for''r
merit I must say that the nations of India havenrny alga-
becumf,
Subject to British rule either by mikary opprationg b
treaties, or by official acts o i arbitrary spoliation• y
it is the result of one of this List class of operations tha.'
directly bears upon the subject which we are now (1
cussing. Alleged misgovernment of the native prince.
of India has been always the pretext or justification f
annexation. In the course of the rule in India we haft,
absorbed some 200 sovereignties, I fear on too many oc-

casions with no better justification than that of conveni-
ence or expediency. Lord W.Bentinck admirably alludes
to the mode of our proceeding with reference to the an-
nexation of countries. He says that a political agent of
the India Government takes up his abode at the court
of the Royal victim ; by degreee, he usurps all authority.
acts the part of a dictator rather than the Minister of a
friendly power, and exercises a jurisdiction totally in
compatible with the Royal power and dignity. Now, I
must say that this was precisely the course persued in
the case of Oude. Alleged misgovernment in Oude
was the cause of its annexation. Mr. Grant, Lord Dal-
housie's chief coadjutor and adviser in this matter, says,
" We unhinged the whole social fabric and political
state of that country and then annexed it." lam not
going to discuss the policy or expediency of that annexa-
tion, but I must say that when these are the officially
tplace,bi
sthere4 tb
paragraph,
a i
rs a
rgorpe
dealat
reported
of sense
groundsood
proper nh ch
feelingitin took
which I will read to the house :
o which
" We must admit that, under the circumstances, the
hostilities which have been carried on in Oude have rather
the character of legitimate war than that of rebellion—
(oheers)—and that the people of Oude should' rather be
regarded with indulgent consideration than as subject to
a penalty exceeding in extent and severity almost any
which have been recorded in history as inflicted upon a
subdued nation."
(Hear, hear.) I think that Lord Ellenborourgh, if he
wrote this paragraph, was perfectly justified in thus
alluding to the people of Oude. (Cheers.) But Lord
Canning is of a different opinion. Ido not wish to say
one word disrespectful to Lord Canning. I perfectly con-
cur in the panegyric passed upon him by the noble lord
the member for London. I admit that his position has
been one of great difficulty ; but at the same time, I do
not think, when the interests of millions are concerned,
that we should hesitate to express our opinion upon his
policy. (Cheers.) Lord Canning has been in circum-
stances of peculiar difficulty. He arrived at Calcutta as
the successor of one of the most able, accomplished, and
enlightened administrators that of late years has ruled
the destinies of India—l mean Lord Dalhousie. (Hear.)
He had hoped, of course, that Lord Dalhousie's govern-
ment would have given him a secure and undisturbed
possession of power. But he was disappointed. And
why ? Because the whole course of our government
in India had been not to enlist in oar favour, but to
place against us the energies and the feelings of the
people of India. The consequence was that as soon as
the master mind of Lord Dalhousie was no longer there
Lord Canning found himself encompassed by a hostile
people. At the very outbreak of thin insurrection Lord
Canning was accused of supineness and indecision al-
most amounting to incapacity. But now that the dan-
ger is passed, that the neck of the revolt is broken, that
what is called our national honour has been vindicated
by British bayonets, Lerd Canning comes forward and
recommends an act of arbitrary spoliation, which, I ven-
ture to say, is unequalled in the annals of any civilised
country. (Cheers.) We well know that this kind of
spoliation and confiscation is unknown in India. What.
ever tumults or convulsions may have swept over that
great peninsula, no religious fanaticism, no result of
war, has produced such consequences. But we know
more than that. We know that from this policy c f Lord
Canning Sir James Outram has dissented. Sir J. Outrage
said, I believe Sir J. Lawrence recommended an indis-
criminate amnesty. But an attempt had been made to
shield Lord Canning by the policy of Lord Dalhousie.
It is said that Lord Canning is only doing what Lord
Dalhousie did before. This I deny. Lord Dalhousie
gave to his proclamation a prospective action, whereas
Lord Canning's proelamation has a retrospective opera
tion—(cheers)—retrospective operation in Oude, when
only the ground under the soles of our feet is our own,
when the whole country is in arms against us I (Hear.)
The way to conciliate 5,000,000 of people in that coun-
try is not by proposing to confiscate their proprietary
rights. It is this policy of confiscation from which her
Majesty's Government dissent. Is there a man to stand
up in this house and tell me that this policy should be
adopted I (Cheers.) Is there a man who, if I may use
the expression, is such a traitor to those principles in
which every free-born Englishman is nurtured as to tell
me that the successful operation of the British arms is to
be followed by the universal confiscation of a people ?
No, no, that is not the policy, that is not the system that
we ought to adopt. (Hear.) You cannot separate the
policy of Lord Canning from the censure that you are en-
deavouring to cast upon Government. I stand here as a
free and independent man, and as such venture to say
that the Government haye not been fairly dealt with in
reference to this motion. (Cheers.) The question that
ought to be decided is whether we, as a corporate body,
should sanction arbitrary spoliation, or recommend that
severity should be tempered with moderation and jus-
tice. Lord Canning, who was heretofore called Clemency
Canning, has now enormous power, and it may be that
his proclamation was dictated by that lust of power that
every man feels. (Cries of "Oh, oh I") I have a very
high, a very noble opinion of Lord Canning--(laughter)
—but I want to know whether he wishes to assimilate
his conduct in India to the early successors, for indience
of the Spanish conquerors of America ? Theirs was a
system of universal spoliation. Or does he wish to as-
similate his conduct to that of the Power that ground
down beneath the iron heel of despotism a great nation
—that drove with the utmost severity the iron of despair
into the soul of unhappy Poland (Cheers.) If he does
not let him moderate his rule in aceordance with the
principles of civilised nations. (Loud cheers.) An hon.
gentleman who spoke the other night from these benches
alluded to the former condition of Ireland (now happily
prosperous), when confiscation was attempted. That
attempt never succeeded. Let me refer to one example
is our own history. Lord Derwentwater in 1715, in
accordance with the proclamation issued by his Reyal
master, bad his estates confiscated and his titles at-
tainted, but the proclamation went no further. Let me
fake a far more notable instance in our English history.
In 1746, when the insurrection in Scotland was sub-
dued, when the last hopes of the family of the Stuarts
perished upon the field of Culloden, when those who had
bravely advocated their cause perished upon the scaf-
fold, their estates were confiscated, but the confiscation
went no further. (Laughter.) The estates of the fol-
lowers of the Stuarts were confiscated, but the great
mass of the people of Seotland were left in the enjoy-
ment of their property. (Hear, hear.) These are
examples that Lord Canning might have followed.
And now with reference to the discussion we have
had in this house. We are told that the same
mail, of last Monday, that took out information to
India that Parliament had determined to transfer the
government of India from the East India Company
to the Crown took out also intelligence which must be
exceedingly unsatisfactory to the people of India. Never
was an act performed more reprehensible than that to
which I allude. It has been stated openly, and for the
purpose evidently of making it conspicuous, that the
Directors of the East India Company met last Monday
and passed an unanimous vote of approbation of Lord
Canning. (Hear.) That vote is palpably in opposition
to the Government of the day. (Cheery.) It is meant
to be so. I, for one, have always stood up for the East
India Company. From the first I have voted in their
favour. I believe that their government has not been
so unjust and arbitrary as some have represented'. But
late votes of theirs is a good example of that double go-
vernment of which we have heard so much. It is in
flagrant opposition to the Government, and must produce
the worst effects in India. (Loud cheers.) But it is not
merely in India that this opposition will be felt. We
have to deal with its effect in this country. We have
beard a good deal about the premature publication of a
despatch, and a great deal of blame has been cast upon
the Secretary to the Board of Control for the observations
that be has made upon it. But depend on it that is no t
the real question at issue. The resolution says that " this
house sees with regret and serious apprehension that
her Majesty's Government have addressed to the Gover-
nor-General," &c. Now, I must say there seems to be
something concealed in this expression of regret and
serious apprehension. There is something hypocritical
about it. (Loud cheers.) It is not a straightforward
expression of opinion. I want to drive home the hypo-
crisy of certain disinterested politicians. (Cheers and
great laughter.) I want to show that it is not that they
feel regret and apprehension, because the Secretary to
the Board of Control made his statement, or because
the despatch was prematurely published, but lest India
should not be made the shuttlecock of party. (Loud
cheers.) The member for Halifax said that he would
not much care if her Majesty's Government were turned
out to-morrow, for the people would rejoice. Well,
there lies the question. (Hear.) This is a party move.
The question we are now discussing lies between Lord
Derby and the noble lord the member for Tiverton.
(Hear, hear.) I venture to say lam not speaking
merely my own opinion, but that of thousands in this
country, when I say that the question really is whetber
Lord Derby shall continue to advise the Crown and
exercise the duties of that position which he has honour-
ably and fairly acquired—(cheers)—or whether this
,Pic
faodlritl Ti
would
vo rl adt on
bui feet mso: osse,c
louse of Commons is, with trembling humiliation to
membertchh eee
rrtai oot
bag theabwtatcekr, t
aof ntpeoorbwls eou
rc.lho
(Loud
cheers.) ot
ohde
ma-
nifesto, after we have with justice condemned the policy
of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, to let him
now come back to office u
to India. (Hear.) It is upon a party question relating
said
must go out, on account of
by some that if the Govern-
ment is beaten Lord Derby' the want of strength of his
party • but in those
strength of a Government depends days the
numerical force as upon its b( not so much upon its
the active sympathies of people ing in accordance with
hear) —and the general sympathies and
of doors—(hear,
public will always be in favour of anany d feelings of the
be it presided over by Lord Derby, Government,
e nt,
lord
the member for Tiverton, or the noble lord
the
member for London, who, after all, is the legiti-
mate leader of the Liberal party—(hear, hear)—if
it is
evident that they are equal to the conduct of public
affairs. Now, as this has been made a party question, let
me ask you before we come to a decision upon the subject
to consider the position of the champions in the struggle.
The noble lord the member for Tiverton has just been
convicted, upon the clearest evidence, of toadying to
foreign influence. (Loud cheers and counter-cheers.) He
has just been convicted, and very properly convicted, of
preferring the favour of despots to the friendship of those
living under a constitutional sovereign—(cheers and
laughter), and yet you want to bring the noble lord back
to office. (No l and cheers.) Why, the noble lord has
shown in a crisis—in a moment of emergency—that he
is wanting in moral courage. (Cheers.) It is palpable to
every one, and has been decided by this house and en•
dorsed by the country, and I will venture to say that the
Government of Lord Derby is infinitely more liberal in
action than was that of the noble lord. There were not
many questions left as legacies to the present Govern-
ment by their predecessors. There was no Reform Biil.
(Rear, bear.) There were, it is true, some loose observa-
tions about an India Bill, in which that great subject
d been treated like a medical reform •
bill— or turnpike trust
(a laugh)—and I think
the only two legacies wore
the e,agiiari u .
Lord Derbyls question and the Conspiracy Bill. Well, Sir,
Bill—(cheers, Government repudiated the Conspiracy
and cries of "No 1 l"
)—and, I )—and, more than

that, without hesitation they obtained the release of our
two suffering countrymen—(cheers)—and :demanded an
indemnity which they will probably succeed in obtaining.
I must say that I think—and I believe my opinion is in
accordance with the general feeling out of doors—that
the Government of the noble earl is entitled to the gra-
titude of the public for the zeal, spirit, and determina-
tion with which they grappled with that important
question. (Hear, hear.) The issue of this struggle, if
the Government are beaten, may possibly be a dissolu-
tion—(loud cries of " Hear, hear"), and although I
believe that the influence of the decision of the Hou-e
of Lords will be great, still Government may be
beaten, and in the event of an appeal to the country let
me remind you that many ton, gentlemen may lose their
seats in this honourable assembly—(Hear, hear, and
laughter)—and that quite irrespective of this decision,
but from circumstances quite irrelevant to it—that is to
say, from not having had time to prepare their own plan
of action. (Renewed laughter.) Is it right that gentle-
men thus situated should be subjected to suck a move as
this (Laughter.) Let us rise, however, above these
party questions ; the issue at stake is a grave one, and
we should decide it not upon personal considerations, but
with that dignity befitting men who deal with great
national interests. (Cheers.) We are at present sacri-
ficing thousands of men for the purpose of establishing
a beneficent rule over the natives and people of India,
and in dealing with a subject so important let us rise
superior to personal feeling and act and decide like
statesmen. (Hear.) Let us attempt, under God's pro-
deuce, to deal with the subject, not by making it the oc-
casion for a party squabble, hut dealing wit it in a spirit
of wisdom, moderation, and justice. (Hear, hear.)
I think that is the spirit in which her Majesty's
Government wish to act, and that it is that spirit
which led them to resist Lord Canning's proclama-
tion. As regards the despatch of Lord Ellen-
borough, I think that the 19th clause is a very noble
expression of opinion, and I agree with Mr. Layard that
it ought to be written in letters of geld. It says, " We
desire to see British authority in India rest upon the
willing obedience of a contented people." There cannot
be contentment where there is general confiscation. That
I believe to be the honest opinion of the government, and
I think that it was that feeling which actuated them in
their determination to reply to Lord Canning's procia•
mation, and I therefore give them my humble hut sin-
cere support. (Hear.) It is possible that circumstances
may come about that the government may be beaten—
(" No, no !")—but I feel that those principles which
they advocate cannot be subdued. (Hear, hear.) They
are principles which we in this house are bound to pro
tact, and although I cause a laugh occasionally, I now
appeal most seriously to all the representatives of Libe-
ral constituencies, and I ask them to sand true to their
colours. (Hear, hear.) I ask them not to be led away
by specious arguments into the adoption of a course
which their better judgment and calmer reflection may
lead thereto condemn. (Hear, hear.) I ask this house
in dealing with this qne,tion to lay aside every motive
bat that of acting for the public welfare, and if any
doubt should arise in any of your minds as to the vote
which you shall give, I call upon you to give the benefit
of that doubt to her Majesty's advisers. (Loud cheers.)
Sir G. C. LEWIS, whose opening sentences were
lost in the buzz of conversation which succeeded the
speech of the hon. baronet, said the hon. baronet who
had last addressed them urged them to treat this impor-
tant question like statesmen. (Hear, bear.) He could
only say that he wished the hon. baronet bad illustrated
that precept more forcibly by his own example. (Hear,
and laughter.) Nothing could be more remote from the
truth than the hon. baronet's allegation that the motion
before the house was a "hypocritical pretext for rais-
ing a party issue." (Loud cries of "Oh ! oh !" from
the Government, and cheers from the Opposition.) No-
thing could be more remote from the truth than the as:
sertion that this question had not been forced upon the
Opposition in such a manner as that it would have been
a dereliction of their public duty, if they had passed
over subject in that house. (Cries of "Oh oh 1" from
the Government, and cheers from the Opposition.)
Had gentleman, on that (the Opposition) side cf the
house, been in search of a question which might bring
about a change of Government, they might have found
it on many occasions easily. (Cries of "Name one 1
name one !") They might have found one easily on
many points connected with the legislative measures
upon India which had been proposed by her Majesty's
, Government. In the treatment of that measure they
had shown that they had no wish to seek a party divi-
sion ; but this question had been thrust upon them.
(Oh, oh.) He repeated, in the most deliberate manner,
that it had been thrust upon them, and that they bad
not been actuated by party motives—(oh, oh)—but that
those who had supported it would have been guilty of a
serious infraction of public duty if they had not asked
the House of Commons to express au opinion on the
motion now under consideration. The hon. baronet had
opened the whole question of the annexation of Oude,
as well as of the despatch of Lord Ellhnborough, but at
that time of night he could not follow him through so
large a field of inquiry.. The right hon. baronet then
briefly sketched the history of Oude since our con-
nection with it, and the treaties between that coun-
try and Great Britain, to show that on condition of
our defending the king against his external enemies and
against his rebellious subjects, he had engaged to main-
tain good government within his territories—an engage-
ment which he (Sir G. Lewis) contended had been vio-
lated by the successive Prime Ministers of Oude. The
annexation, he contended, was a natural result of the in-
fraction of those treaties on the part of the king of Oude,
, which entirely contradicted Lord Elleuborough's des-
, patch. If the present Government had intended to take
i a different line of policy from that which had been pur-
. sued by their predeceesors, they ought, on their accession
to office, to have apprised the Governor-General of their
intentions, so as to pu;; him en his guard against pursuing
a policy which was founded on a different supposition.
The proclamation came to us in the shape of a draft, ac-
companied by instructions as to the manner in which it
was to apply. The Governor-General classified the persons
to whom the proclamation was practically to apply under
three distinct heads. Those who had been continually
armed against the Government, but who were free from
the suspicion of having put Europeans to death, were to
have their lives guaranteed, but they would be required
to reside in certain specified places. There was another
class of persons less guilty, who were permitted to return
to their homes, but that did not imply a resumption of
their right to the possession of their lands, for the deli-
berate disposal of which the Government reserved to
itself the right unfettered. The conditions upon which
they would resume their lands would be determined by
the Government according to the special circumstances
of each particular case. But only those persons whose
guilt was of a prominent character would be exempt
Irons that restoration. Next came the third class, who
were to be treated with still greater leniency. (Hear.)
But these points were said to be "suggestions rather
than instructions." It would be seen, therefore, that
this illustrated the main point—what was meant by con.
fiscation. (Hear, hear.) The hon. baronet had referred
to the case of the Earl of Derwentwater, and the treason
of 1715, which he said ended in confiscation. But the
fact was that it did not end with confiscation, for the
Earl of Derwentwater underwent decapitation. For-
feiture, in former times, had been widely applied in
Ireland, and they were cfr.ein toti, in debates on
Catholic questions, that the whole land of Ire-
land bad been forfeited several times over. Any candid
and equitable judge who would take a fair view of this
proclamation, and of the practice in India with respect
to the annexation of territories in that country—any
candid person who would take all the circumstances of
the case into consideration, must at least admit that this
was a reasonable construction of Lord Cannine's pro-
clamation. All that ho was bound to tneintain was, that
that was a reasonable construction, because the Govern-
ment had not waited for any further information, and
had not written to Lord Canning to ask for any. Tney
had assumed at once as clear and indubitable that the
proclamation bore the construction they put upon it ;
while, on the contrary, he (Sir G. Lewis) contended that
it did not bear that construction. That was the real point
at issue, and that constituted the real offence of the Go-
vernment in this matter, namely, that they had not put
a fair and reasonable construction upon the despatch.
All that Lord Canning had done in that proclamation
was to say to the chiefs of Oude—you have been in open
rebellion against the Crown, or the East India Com-
pany as the representative cf the Crown in India ; in
consequence of that your territorial rights are confiscated.
But he (Sir G. Lewis) could not believe that it ever was
the intention of Lord Canning to dispossess the whole of
the landed proprietors of Oude—(ministerial cheers)—
and to confiscate all the property of the inhabitants.
(Cheers.) Why, such a course had never been known
since the days of antiquity, when it was the practice of
conquerors to seize upon the whole of the conquered
territories, and to sell the whole population into slavery,
while the lands were given into the possession of new
colonists. That was not the case in m. dery times—
(ironical cheers)—and he could not believe that any sane
man could conceive that it had really ever entered into
the mind of the Governor-General of India to dispossess
and drive out the whole people of Oude—(Opposition
cheers)—to send them adrift and take complete pos-
session of their lands, in the same way as had been done
for instance, in the case cf Lord Derwentwater. Lord
Canning merely declared as a fact, that the lands of the
rebels were confiscated by the very act of rebellion, but
he went on to say "if you will fulfil certain condi-
tions and give us securities of loyalty and submission
for the future which we consider adequate, we will
then reinstate you in your possessions." (Hear.) That
was the fair and just construction to be put upon
this despatch, and even if he was wrong in giving it
that construction, he still said that the contrary supposi-
tion was so improbable that the Government should,
before censuring Lord Canning upon that supposition,
have waited until they had ascertained from him that
that was the policy be really intended to pursue. He
linnaehtdreeeetrd.dN
vsteeeodic,eort
effhsteoaarmtr theyae
ffoeorwt chtoehrnreer se the Government had pursued
was entirely inconsistent with all the facts of the case.
side of the house—he matterssaid there D Theeipn a
Department
enctt(tmo rw.
gentleman
Hhi
teh madeep patch
criahntgheor f witha
obrueodfl
reference
ecdanhucta:l 1 ei /lig:
ancestorst o his (Sir G
had. Lael wwaehria(si.ty'hhyesee))
badoie
(Hear.) Well, Ise thou oringleoffaocut
dine
thought
that
ettroheyet whe.eaosuanlndon tgse annexation single
which could not be proved " b irrefra able evidence."
some parts
of that despatch were wrong " by irrefragable evidence."
In the 11+.h paragraph of
that despatch, it was stated
P that
been faithful to their treaty engagements
ever badly they might have beleitotith ho
jects. (Hear.) Well, but if they would look re:Me
Dal-
housie's minute as to the grounds on which Oude was
annexed, they would see that it was precisely the mis-
government of their native subjects which constituted
the breach of their treaty engagements with us. (Hear.)
It was their failure to govern their subjects which led
to the necessity for taking that step. According to the
treaty we were bound to defend the Kings of Oude
against their external
and internal enemies ; while, on
the other 'hand, they bound themsgivee to govern the