The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-24 00:00:00

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Ha-dwicke had
country was
did not find ft_
ing his navy or his harbours whenever he thought
proper. He had just as much right to build ships
and to open docks and harbours as we had; but he
(Sir C. Napier) asked the country to take care that
we proceeded in such a way that the ships which
Louis Napolconbuilt and the docks he made should
not be dangerous to the safety and liberties of Bri-
tain. (Cheers.) He
,was glad to say that we had
been making lately , - •i!rove-
, meats in our dockyards, and in cutting down old
sailing ships which were now useless and convert-
ing them into screws, which would be useful.
Economical members might get up and ask how it
was the navy estimates were so much increased, but
they were only throwing dust in the eyes of the
people, for they knew perfectly well, or ought to
know perfectly well, that science had made a total
change in all the principles of naval warfare. Steam
had now been brought to such a state of perfection
that foreign nations were able to equal us, because
that navy of ours, which was so mognificent a few
years ago, was now worth little or nothing. The
whole system must be entirely changed, and, ex-
pensive as that might be, we must make up our
minds to pay for it. This country must not be left
in a state of undefence. (Cheers,) He wanted no ex-
pense. He desired economy in carrying out these
measures, but economy was not to be secured by
paying off a fleet in 1857 and recommissioning the
same fleet in 1858. He trusted that the Government
would not allow the navy to fall into a state of ineffi
eiency. It was that which had occasioned the loss of
money hitherto. France, seeing our slowness, set
to work to get a-head of us, and now we were
spending money to regain a position which we
ought never to have lost. He supposed that most
of them had tread Count de Montalembert's pamph-
let, :Ind they would remember that that distin-
guished states hninsaid that the danger of kiiis
-
country did not come from within but from with-
out. In 1815 all Europe was friendly to us ; but
in 1858 we had hardly a friend in Europe. He
believed it was impossible that a despotic nation
could long be the friend of a free and liberal nation.
He had no doubt that the French alliance, it it were
sincere, was the greatest blessing that could hap-
pen to the world, because, if France and England
were united, not a shot would be fired in anger in
Europe. He repeated that it was not possible'that
a despotic nation, and a country which was go-
verned by a King, Lords, and Commons, could,long
march on together. The longer they did so the
better ; but it was our duty to look out for a rainy
day. We had seen how France had recently treated
Portugal, because Portugal in endeavouring to sup-
press the slave trade lawfully took possession of a
French vessel embarking slaves. France made a
demand for the restitution of the vessel. She would
not even hear a word about arbitration, but said
peremptorily, " Give up the vessel, or take the
consequence." That was not the part of a great
nation towards a weak one ; and if Portugal had
resisted we should have been bound by treaties to
support her, and the result might have been a war
in Europe. In conclusion the gallant admiral
stated that he should continue to pursue the same
line of conduct which he had followed hitherto,
and if it met with their approbation he trusted that
he should continue to enjoy their confidence and to
receive their support. (Loud cheers.)
Mr: LOCKE was also received with loud cheers:
It afforded him the greatest satisfaction to meet his
constituents face to face, and to have an opportu-
nity of telling them what he had done. It was
not his intention to give up the opinions he honestly
entertained in deference to any man, and therefore he
should not fear to state them openly and frankly,
whether they happened to coincide, or otherwise,
with those of the majority whom he bad the honour
of addressing. (Cheers.) His hon. and gallant
friend had touched upon most of the great questions
that had come before the last Parliament ; and he
was happy to say that on every important occasion
which concerned the wellbeing of the great body
of the people he and his gallant friend might have
been found in the same division lobby. (Cheers.)
With respect to the China question, he thought,
after the lapse of two years, that he might congra-
tulate himself and the electors upon the course
which he had taken and which they had approved,
in supporting the honour of the British flag.
(Cheers.) A glorious peace had now been obtained,
and thus had been opened up to us not only a vast
field for the extension of our commerce, but one of
the greatest and most remarkable means for the
spread of Christianity that had ever been afforded
to this country. The great exertions of the Go-
vernment had also restored India to a compara-
tive state of peace and tranquillity. Everything
was going on well when the abominable at-
tempt was upon the life of the Emperor of the
French, which disturbed the ordinary course of
events. Neither Lord Palmerston's party nor
Lord Derby's party upon that occasion had sup-
ported the honour of the country ; but it was the
people of this great country—the plain common
sense and the sterling integrity of the people,which
had proclaimed, in unmistakeable accents, "Nolu-
mus leges Anglim mutare," and more especially at
the dictation of a foreign despot. (Cheers.) Hence
the English people expressed their opinion against
the Conspiracy Bill. He voted against that mea-
sure, and he also supported Mr. M. Gibson's mo-
tion ; but how the present Government satisfied
their consistency in first voting for the introduction
of the Bill, and then supporting Mr. M. Gibson, he
left them to explain. Upon Mr. Gibson's motion
being carried a change of Government took place,
and he was bound to say that he was extremely well
satisfied with the proceedings of the present Govern-
ment. (Cheers.) They supported the motion for abo-
lishing the property qualification of members, and
Mr. Walpole all at once discovered that there never
was anything in that qualification. (A laugh.) But
Mr. Walpole never had said that before. Of course,
he did not attribute motives, because they were all
" honourable men ;" but it was certainly odd that a
whole Government should be converted just at a
time when it suited their own interests that they
should do so. In enumerating other measures which
he had supported in the house the hon. member in-
cluded the admission of Jews to Parliament, .the
equalisation of poor-rates, the non-exemption from
rating of all public establishments, and the appoint-
ment of a committee upon the gas question. He
added that in his opinion every man who had a home
should have a vote. That opinion he had ever enter-
tained, and honestly and fearlessly holding that
view, and strenuously supporting the ballot, he
trusted that he should continue to merit and to re-
ceive the confidence of the inhabitants of South.
wark. (Cheers.)

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, 5D

command a sloop or troop ship, his pay is £3OO a
year, the same as if serving as commander of a line
of-battle ship, and messing with the lieutenants at
no greater expense than thatincurred by the junior
members of the mess. Promoted to the rank of
captain, he finds on hoisting ;his pendant that he
must engage cook, steward, domestics, lay in large
stocks of wine, provisions, and other necessaries,
and be ready to receive and do honour at all times
to foreign ministers, ambassadors, and other per-
sons of distinction—and all :this upon £450 3s. 4d.
per annum, less income tax.
Opportunities of making prize money fall to the
lot of few. Freight money still more so, it being
kept for the sons and favourites of commanders-in-
chief.
Slave bounty only accrues to those serving
on one particular station, so that the bulk of the
officers in command have only to reckon upon their
bare wages. The lieutenant-commander, comman-
der, or captain will; in most cases, make any pecu•
niary sacrifice rather than shield themselves under
the plea of inadequate pay from the duty of paying
respect to distinguished personages, or entertaining
if at a foreign port, the authorities of the place.
Men of fortune often spend double and treble the
rates of pay allowed them, not for purposes of
vanity, but to uphold the credit of the profession.
Others, not so blessed, too often rush into the wrong
side of their agents' books, and fetter themselves
for life.

The country ought not to, and does not know-
ingly demand this sacrifice, and it is to be easily
avoided by giving to every officer in command a
proper allowance of " table money." All flag offi-
cers and first-cliss commodores tire allowed whilst
their flag is flying in the limits of their station, £3
a day table money. The sum is not too great for
proper display, although it is to be feared thit too
many of those who enjoy it make a considerable
profit out of it. An allowance of £1 a day would
enable a captain to do the needful with proper eco-
nomy ; 15s. would not be too much for a commader,
nor 10s. for a lieutenant or master in command of
a sloop:or troop ship, with it proportionate sum for
gunboat commanders. It would enable each officer
to support his position properly without compelling
him to trench upon private resources.

REPRESENTATION OF SOUTHWARK.

Last night a public meeting of the inhabitants of
Southwark was held. at the Bridge-house Hotel,
London-bridge, to enable the hon. and gallant and
hon. and learned members for the borough to sub-
mit to their constituent's a statement of their pro-
ceedings in Parliament during the past session.
The chair was occupied by Mr. J. VICKERS, who
in a few sentences introduced the members to the
meeting, and expressed his own opinion that the
great requirements of the day in connection with
the Refoim movement were the ballot, a great ex-
tension of the franchise, and a more equal distri-
bution of seats.

Sir C. NAPIER, who, on presenting himself, was
warmly cheered, commenced by observing that
when Lord Palmerston determined to support Sir
J. B g in vindicating the honour of the British
flag in China the House of Commons disapproved
his conduct ; but Lord Palmerston, like a bold
Minister, dissolved the Parliament and appealed to
the country. The result was an overwhelming ma-
jority sent to Parliament to support Lord Palmer-
ston's vigorous policy. A large fleet and a large
army were sent to China, and, by the great exer-
tions of generals, admirals, and civilians combined,
that large and populous country was humbled, am-
bassadors were appointed to reside at their Court,
the expenses of the war were paid, and an enormous
opening was thus given to the trade of this country.
Now that the deed was done, and that we had not
to pay for it, he supposed they would all agree that
Lord Palmerston upon that occasion was perfectly
right, while the House of Commons that opposed
him was perfectly wrong. (Cheers.) Lord Pal-
merston finished that war with great spirit and great
courage, although, at the same time, he had upon
his hands the most horrible rebellion in _ India
with which this country had ever been called upon
to deal. By dint of great exertions Lord Palmer-
ston raised an army in this country and sent it to
India. He gave the noble lord the greatest credit
for raising that army, but he did not give him
credit for the way in which he had forwarded the
forces. He did Rot send them out in a proper
manner ; he did not take sufficient advantage of
the Red Sea, or of steam conveyance ; and the
troops, in consequence, did not arrive so soon as
they ought to have done. He did not blame Lord
Palmerston for that. The noble Lord was only
one of a very imbecile Ministry, and he was not
well supported by the First Lord of the Admiralty,
or by many others who ought to have supported
him. (Cheers.) Having excused Lord Palmerston
for not having, in the busy year of 1857, brought
forward a Reform Bill, he observed that three dis-
tinguished statesmen—Lord J. Russell, Mr. Bright
and Lord Derby—were pledged to introduce ;a
measure on the subject, and, therefore, he supposed
that something would be done in that direction.
He was perfectly independent of all parties, and he
claimed for himself the right to examine all the
propositions, pledging himself to support the best,
without caring one straw whence it emanated.
(Cheers,) At the commencement of 1858 Lord
Palmerston stood in the House of Commons backed
by one of the largest majorities that a Minister
ever had. He was extremely popular, and all
expected that he would have a long and prosperous
reign, notwithstanding the shake which he gave to
himself by a very unpopular appointment. It was
no use mentioning names, but it seemed to him that
the Government of the day utterly lost their senses.
The majority which they had led them to despise
not only their friends but their foes, andthey made ,
use of such language that the Liberal party in the
House of Commons thought it high time to give them
a lesson. (Cheers.) After referring to the introduc-
tion of the Conspiracy Bill by Lord Palmerston's
Government, and to Mr. Milner Gibson's motion
which resulted in the defeat of the Government,
being supported as it was by many of the Liberal
party as well as by the Conservatives, he proceeded
to describe the attempt which was made at the in-
stance of Mr. Cardwell to oust the Derby Cabinet
soon after its accession to office. For himself, he
saw no harm in the reprimand which was addressed
by the Earl of Ellenborough to Lord Canning on
account of his proclamation confiscating a whole
kingdom ; but there was great harm in publishing
that reprimand at a time when Lord Canning was
endeavouring to repress a mighty rebellion, and
when it was necessary that his authority should be
respected and maintained. The Earl of
.Ellen-
borough, however, by his retirement from the
Cabinet made the amende honorable, and he (the
gallant admiral) thought that they ought not to
blame the Government for the fault of one of its
members, who had acknowledged his error and had
retired from office. No sooner had Lord Derby's
Government acceded' to power than it was dis-
covered that they were made of very squeezable
materials, for they passed the Jew Bill and the re-
moval of the property qualification of members, and
allowed the abolition of church rates to be carried
in the House of Commons, although it was rejected
by the House of Lords. In addition to voting for
these several measures, he had .supported, among
others, the ballot, the motion for abolishing the
freedom from arrest of members of Parliament, the
motion for preventing lawyers from bringing for-
ward questions in which they had a pecuniary in-
terest, and the proposition for assimilating the
county and borough franchises. (Cheers.) When
the House of Commons had finished the business of
the session a great many of the members went to
Cherbourg,and he believed that he had had something
to do with advising them to go there. Since then the
public had heard Mr. Ayrton speak out, they had
heard Mr. Roebuck speak out, they had heard Mr.
Baxter in the north also, and also Mr. Coningham
at Brighton, all deploring the deficiency of our
means of national defence. He had long thought
that our means of defence were not sufficient. He
had said so for years, and he had stated it at meet-
ings where the opinion was not popular, owing to
the fear of increased taxation, and at last Lord

An attempt to get up a noisy discussion followed
promoted by a number of boisterous persons, whose
object could not be clearly ascertained in the con-
fusion that prevailed, but which appeared to take
the shape of an advocacy of the Charter.
Ultimately, on the motion of Dr. Challice, se-
conded by Mr. H. Smith, a vote of unqualified con-
fidence in the members was unanimously agreed to.
After a few words from Mr. Cox, M.P., which
were listened to very impatiently, the customary
compliment to the chairman brought to a close the
proceedings for which the meeting had been con-
vened.

A letter from Vienna of
.the 19th says :—" Mr.
Gladstone reached this city yesterday, and to-morrowinorn-
ing
he will continue hit. journey to rieste. The Terrible
which is to take him to Corfu, is now lying in the port of
Trieste."
SERVANTS AND HELPS.—One of those " English
muffs, ye kno," came over into "the States" the other day
from Canada: He took lodgings at an inn in a bordering
village which shall be nameless. He had dinner; and among
those who sat at the table with him was the waiting-maid,
whom he designated as " servant ;" but he received an indig-
nant correction from the landlord:—" We call our servants,
sir, 'Helps.' They air not oppressed ; they air not Russian
scarfs." " All right," said the "bloody Britisher," " I
shall remember." And he did ; for in the morning he
awoke the whole house by calling out at the top of his voice,
which was like the tearing of a strong rag—" Help I help
—water 1 water 1" In an instant every person equal to the
task rushed into his room with a pail of water. "I am
much obliged to you, lam sure," he said, " but I don't
want so much water, ye only want enough to shave
with I" " Shave with I" said the landlord, " what did yon
mean by calling ',Help I water 1 we thought the house was
a_fire?" " You told me to call the servants Help,' and I
did ; did you think I would cry water whan. I meant fire ?"
The explanation it should seem was satisfactory.—.lnicri-
can .Paper.