The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-28 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 28, 1867.

The debate which took place on Tuesday on the
motion of Mr. FAWCETT with respect to the exten-
sion of the Factory Acts was very interesting, and
although the hon. member subsequently withdrew,
it, in order that the subject might be more appro-
priately considered further on, much that was said

may serve for matter of further consideration and
regard. This is, indeed, one of the most painful
questions that can engage the attention of the
political philosopher, and demand the changes of
the Legislature ; for many striking proofs are not
wanting to show that numerous evils ensue from
the practices that at present prevail in too many
quarters. As Mr. FAWCETT pointed out, " The
R±port of the Children's Employment Commission
disclosed the frightful fact that the lives of thou-
sands of children were being sacrificed, and the
bodies and minds of tens of thousands were being
ruined by premature employment when young."
It behoves us, then, to inquire diligently into the
causes that lead to such a deplorable state of things,
and to seek for a remedy to the evil that is so ap-
parent. It is worthy of notice that one objection,
which was made at the introduction of the Factory
Act, has been met in the most satisfactory manner.
It was said that the interference with particular
trades would jeopardise their property, but it had
been seen that the country had steadily pro-
gressed in textile manufactories. We quite
agree with the honourable member in his opinion
that the State has every reason and right to inter-
fere when such evil effects are produced by leaving
things to take their course. The particular object
which Mr. FAWCETT had in view was to extend the
Educational clauses of the Factory Act to children
who are employed in agriculture, and he certainly
succeeded in pointing out very clearly the necessity
for the step he advocated being taken sooner or
later. As he showed, it was cf no use in many
places that the greatest care had been taken to pro-
vide schools for: the young, and the greatest zeal
was exhibited to render them efficient, because they
were not properly applied. "If a child is taken
away from school at eight or nine, he is certain to
grow up in a state of ignorance, and forget the
little he has learned. All the agencies that can be
applied to correct the mischief have little effect, for
it is found that the first rudiments of learning be-
come difficult to acquire in after life."
It is said that many obstacles are in the way of
applying the half-time system to agriculture, but we
suspect that in this, as in other instances, much will
depend upon the manner in which the task is under-
taken, and the desire that is experienced for its
success. In fact, the half-time system has been
tried and found to be effectual in its application.
Difficulties arose from the circumstance that in the
county the distances were often so great ; but those
might be obviated by taking alternate days or alter-
nate weeks. There is also great truth in the re-
mark here met with, that if we increase the intelli-
gence of the labourer we thereby increase his
efficiency ; and there will be more to be distributed
as " rent to the landlord, profit to the tenant, and
wages to the labourer." In fact, the greatest boon
that can be conferred upon these children is to
give them an education, and it will prove in the
long run the surest means of raising them, and of
bettering their position in every respect.
Mr. WALPOLE said that the early attention of
the Government and of the country must be given
to this subject when the facts are fully before them.
The right hon. gentleman showed that there would
be considerable difficulty in applying the provisions
of the Factory Act to rural districts, and he thought
it most probable that the best way would be, to have
it arranged that when a child was required to work
at agricultural labour, a certificate should be given
to state that the child's education is going on at
the same time. We are glad to find that the
Home Secretary admit the probable necessity
of extending some of the principles of the
Factory Act to the agricultural districts. Mr.
FAwcErr wisely withdrew his motion upon the
consideration that the speech of the Home Secre-
tary was so satisfactory. We hope, therefore, that
when this subject in its entirety comes before the
House it will be found that hon. members are so
unanimous that there will be no real difficulty put
in the way of passing beneficial measures. A great
deal of the opposition that succeeded the Factory
Act was due to prejudice, and happily since then
experience has shown the fallacious character of
the arguments then employed with so much
vehemence and determination. It is certain that
something should be done to ameliorate the condi-
tion of children employed in agricultural districts ;
and, no doubt, some modification can be suggested
which will meet the pressing difficulty of the matter,
and be adapted to the peculiar exigencies of the case.
It is a great point gained that the Government
should be willing to take up the matter so readily ;
and those who take a deep interest in the welfare of
these children, and the prosperity of the country
in general, will recognise and appreciate the impor-
tance of the subject engaging the early attention of
the Legislature.

In the very able and appropriate pamphlet* which
we referred to a few days since on the relation be-
tween Capital and Labour some of the inconsis-
tencies of the Trades Union leaders are clearly
exposed. The writer contends that the interests of
the great masses of English operatives, more espe-
cially of the workmen of the northern and midland
counties, are made entirely subservient to the inte-
rests of the London trades, which are often entirely
opposed to theirs, and this because the head-quar-
ters of agitation and organisation are in London.
The unity of the interests of operatives as opposed
to capitalists is shown in this pamphlet to be a grave
mistake, and this is illustrated by a reference to a
strike of the colliers for an advance of wages. The
majority of the London Unions belong to the build-
ing trades,who are not affected by a rise in the price
of coal. " ijmay go up 'lOO per cent. without
their trade being in any degree affected ; but not so
the engineers, mechanics, pattern-makers, mill-
wrights, boilermakers, smiths, iron shipbuilders,
glass-makers, iron moulders, wire-workers, brass
trades, soda-makers, and all the great industries of
the north, whose handicraft requires coals ; the one
great and only advantage which they possess over
their foreign competitors is cheap coal. It is the
one great cause of their prosperity and their wealth.
To assist in any movement or agitation that should
make it dear is to cast from them the most priceless
gift Providence ever bestowed on industrial
man. If the exhortations and promises of the
Miners' Union are successful, the men will get ere
long 20s. for eight hours work, or half-a-crown an
hour ; this would drive out of the country nearly
every trade I have enumerated." Looking at the
question from a social as well as an industrial
point of view, we may well ask with our author
how dear coals can possibly be the interest of any
artisan ? A rise of 10 per cent. on colliers' wages
mmns a rise of a shilling a ton, or 14 per cent. at
the pit's mouth, which is increased to 25 or 30 per
cent, before it reaches the artisan or small con-
sumer. low then can it be his interest to aid the
colliers in getting an advance of wages?
Another difference between the operatives of the
northern trades and their London fellows is the
different risk they run in regard to foreign com-
petition. The mason and bricklayer need not fe tr
the importation of foreign houses, and can there-
fore oppose his employers more resolutely and with
greater impunity than other workmen. " The

• Capital and Labour. By a Member of the Manchester
Chamber of Commerce.