The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-27 00:00:00

Militia.

If the New York Nation be right in its article
on the United States Militia, which we epitomised

in our last number, the Militia is not the force on
which the Republic can rely in the hour of danger.
The Nation states that outside cities there is neither

company nor battalion drill—that in time of war it
is difficult to get Militia to take the field even for a
few weeks ; that when ordered many have refused
to go, knowing that they could not be tried by a
court-martial of the regular service, and they felt
secure against any sentence awarded by the State
officers. If this be so, the Nation is right ; but we
very much doubt these assertions. The experience
of America will, if estimated correctly, be found
but to corroborate the experience of Europe. A
militia properly organised is a country's best de-
fence, if the inhabitants consider they possess privi-
leges worth defending. If a'Militia fails in the way
described by the Nation, a Volunteer system cannot
be successful. A Volunteer system is but

a militia acting individually instead of na-
tionally, and freed from all restraints of law.
Ii
men refuse to enter the Afilitia for the defence of

the country, and society sanctions their refusal,
bringing no pressure to bear on them, a volunteer
system would be of very little avail. Men do not
rush into the ranks, leaving their homes and busi-
ness, on a service of danger for a cause which the
community care very little about, and if national
troops shirk the work, Volunteers will not court it.
The tendency of war is to amalgamate all services
into a regular army, and such distinctions as Militia
and Volunteers soon become confused and altogether
lost sight of. The plan that will best feed an army
on service is one that will embrace all classes of the
community, sanctioned by the authority of old
established custom and law. This is supplied by
the Militia system both of England and of the United
States, provided, of course, that the law be acted
on. 'The extraordinary assertion of the _Nation

that in case of war the Militia regiments now
forming or formed would not be the force re-
lied on, but the volunteer organisations that
would then spring up of themselves, is start-
ling, coming as it does from such a quarter.
If there be one thing in this world better known
than another it is the fact that military organisa-
tions cannot spring up of themselves. A military
organisation, is that one most difficult and intricate
to form, and we are at a loss to know how such an
organisation can spring full-blown into the world.
The United States are so happily placed that there
is no danger of foreign invasion, therefore it may
not be worth while to keep up at great cost an ela-
borate machinery there is little possibility of being
wanted. If this be the point the Nation is driving
at it should be so stated, without enunciating fal-

lacious principles. We maintain that the true force
on which a reliance can be placed for defence in a
free country, is the Militia. That it is the national
or military organisation both of the United States
and of England—that for the latter country, at
least, it is of the highest importance that it should be
re-modelled and extended, and brought into connec-
tion with the regular army. There is no doubt that
the Militia of the United States when suddenly called
on to perform the functions of an invading army,
was found very rusty, cumbersome, and unwieldy.
But that was the fault not of the system, but of the
neglect of the system. If a hundred millions of
dollars more had been expended, and more care and
attention been bestowed in keeping the force up to
the standard contemplated by law, perhaps ten
times this sum would have been saved, and the
civil war concluded within the constantly predicted
limits, of 90 days. Bull's Run was the result of
a Volunteer organisation. Had the rout been on
the other side we would like to know what the
result would have been. The blow inflicted on the
North by that battle can hardly be estimated. Its
importance did not lie in the men and material lost,
but in morale. Bull's Run decided the fate of
many an after action, and made the task of the
.North incalculably more difficult. Give an army
the prestige of victory, and make it confidently be-
lieve in the inferiority of its foe, and you will bestow
on that army an immense superiority. Add to
the firm belief of superiority on the one side the
settled conviction on the other that it is inferior, and
the contest becomes almost hopeless. This would be
the probable result when Volunteer organisations,
raised on the spur of the necessity, take the field
against a well-trained enemy ; and then nothing
but national enthusiasm and unbounded confidence
can carry a people through the series of disastrous
defeats before them to an ultimate success. At the
same time, though we deprecate where there is dan-
ger, trusting in such an untutored force—where
danger does not exist, we hold it to be folly to ex-
pend the national resources, impoverishing the peo-
ple, by keeping on foot great military organisa-
tions. The citizens of the United States possess
this unbounded confidence in themselves. There is
no trained army on the Continent that can inspire
even even the shadow of a fear, and it may not be
a wise policy to expend large sums and to harass the
people by drills where it is scarcely possible that a
necessity can arise. The case, however, is very dif-
ferent with Great Britain. Europe is trodden under
the feet of armed men, and a chain of events may
lead, at any time, to a dangerous combination
against the liberties of that country. There is no
doubt that the Channel is an ugly ditch to cross.
Still it is little more than a ditch, and Prussia will
soon take its place as a first-rate naval Power. This
will add another fleet to those of continental nations,
and Prussia will start not only with a well-filled
'treasury and an unimpaired credit, but also with-
out the lumber of obsolete and worn-out vessels,
constructing her fleet-on the models approved by
the science of the day to be most efficient and de-
structive. England will shortly be placed in close
proximity to the northern seaboard of Europe,
bristling with men-of-war. There will be the fleets
of Russia, of Prussia, and of France, not to men-
tion those • •,-;of Spain. Taken singly they may
create no feeling of danger, but what—if they
should unite ? The tendency of England is

towards Democratic principles, in great measure 1
imbibed from the kindred nation of America. These
principles are infectious, and may become anta-
gonistic and distasteful in the highest degree to
Russia and Prussia. The reliance of England must
be on its militia, and we believe that our great con-
temporary the Times is in the right track in advo-
cating the organisation of this constitutional force
on a scale sufficient to meet any possible emergency.
It may not (as we before observed) be worth the
while of the Uuited States to expend large sums in
keeping up such machinery, and the Nation may be
right on this point ; but where danger really exists
it is madness to trust to Volunteer organisatious,
and it would be simply tempting PROVIDENCE if
England were so ill advised as to object to the ex-
penditure necessary for the maintenance and due
efficiency of the cheapest and most reliable security
a nation can possess against invasion.—Anglo-Ame-
rican Times.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—We congratulate the country upon the
fact that the Liberal party have accepted and acted
upon the counsels of moderation which have been

offered them.

The course of the Government since

,he opening of the Session has been one of distracted

opinCon and desperate expedients. The Ministry
have veered round from day to day, putting off as-
long as possible the necessity of coming to a con-
clusion upon the question before them, and at the
last moment retreating from the decision solemnly
agreed upon. Never had an Opposition a fairer
chance of displacing their rivals from power, never
was patriotism more sorely tried. They have re-
sisted the temptation to convert the conduct of Re-
form into a party question, and we remember with

satisfaction that from the beginning we have not
ceased to urge upon the Liberal leaders the duty of
sacrificing their just ambition to the sole eonsidera-
.

tion of co-operating with the Government in the
settlement of a most difficult problem. The crisis

has been momentous. The responsibility cast upon
every section in the House of Commons cannot
easily be over-rated. But at the last the policy of
conciliation we had recommended has prevailed.
The meeting of the Liberal party held yesterday at
Mr. Gladstone's residence was animated by a rare
spirit of unanimity. With scarcely any difference
of opinion, it was resolved that the accomplishment
of a satisfactory measure of Reform was the para-
mount necessity of the hour, and that no pressure
should be put upon the Government, save such as
might compel them to proceed more energetically to
the fulfilment of the object all desired to effect. The
Resolution which Mr. Gladstone inscribed on the
Notice-book at the earliest possible moment expressed
the spirit of the meeting. The announcement made
almost simultaneously by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, that the Government had determined to
withdraw their Resolutions and introduce a complete
bill, as they hope, no later than to-morrow week,
will render the further prosecution of Mr. Gladstone's
motion unnecessary ; but it is well it should have
been put on record. It attests, to the credit of the
Opposition, their anxiety to further a Reform Bill

at any personal sacrifice: Mr. Gladstone proposed
to call upon the Ministry to withdraw the thirteen
resolutions they had laid upon the table, and to
request them to submit their plan to the house in a
definite form. his motion would thus have left it
open to the Ministry to reconstruct their Resolutions
or to introduce a bill, affirming simply what all men
were agreed upon, that. the Ministerial Resolutions,
AO far from being pertinent to the altered situation
of affairs, were only an obstruction to real action.
The Government had been already quick enough to
appreciate this truth, and we have now only a week
to wait before a complete_measure of. Reform will
be presented to the House of ebiltDloll£l on the re-
sponsibility of her Majesty's Ministers. There is
thus a chance, and a reasonable chance, that in the
session of 1867 the satisfactory settlement of a ques-
tion which has perplexed Cabinets for 15 years may
be effected. It will not be pretended that the set-
tlement will be all that any of us desire, but no such
measure could under any circumstances be obtained,
and no one need doubt that it will be much better
than the scheme sketched by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer on Monday. The Ministry have shown
their docility on the subject of Reform, and before
to-morrow week they will have learnt to recognise
still more clearly what is required of them. The
Opposition, while assisting the progress of the mea-
sure, will not consent to any adequate scheme,
and, whenever need arises, will enforce any necessary
changs on the Ministry. The Government will do
well to enlarge their views of enfranchisement in the
interval before their bill is laid on the table. It is
plain the House of Commons cannot recede from
the reduction of the occupation franchise sanctioned
last year, and nothing can be more undignified or
more unwise than to imitate the manoeuvres of a
petty huckster in proposing a high qualification at
the outset so as to be prepared for abatement at a
later stage. The House of Commons has a right to
expect the utmost frankness from the Ministry, and
the only way to secure mutual consideration is by
mutual confidence. No objection can be taken to the
Fancy Franchises, even though the ratcatcher who
keeps four dogs maybe enfranchised by one of them,
provided it can be shown that they are in no dander
of being abused by the creation of fagot votes. It
is, however, vain to suppose the county occupation
franchise can be fixed at a rating of £2O, and the
Ministry had better at once propose the limit of
£l4 adopted by the House of QQAtussna last year.
They may then expect to encounter only a formal
objection to the substitution of a rating for a rental
qualification. In the same way it will be true wis-
dom to anticipate opposition by proposing at once
a£s rating franchise in boroughs. A great diffi-
culty iu dealing with the Ministerial scheme must,
however, be found in the clauses referring to bribery
and redistribution of seats, since if these are, as we
believe them to be, essentially unsound, it will be
impossible to amend them by any alteration of de-
tails. We must impress both upon the Govern-
ment and the Opposition the necessity of reconsi-
dering the Ministerial proposals on these heads
before they are committed to debate. There is a
great show of energy in disfranchising four peccant
boroughs, but the indignation of the house is in
dancer of being soothed by a rigorous punishment
which' affects just three of its members, and leaves
the source of bribery absolutely untouched. If the
penalty thus, as every one knows, capriciously in-
flicted is to be drawn into a precedent, it will disfran-
chise a very large proportion of the boroughs, and
produce a representative assembly very different
from the present. The policy of subdividing the
present county constituencies is a device for increasi n,g
territorial influence, which ought not to be adopted
without discussion. The House of Commons is
willing to concede much latitude to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer in redressing the boundaries of
overgrown boroughs, but it cannot be too vigilant
in repressing any attempt to separate the constitu-
encies into two sharply dividel sections, the one ex-
pressing popular opinions, the other only echoing
the sentiments of the great landowners. The
Ministry have a week before them—a week of fur-
ther trial. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said
last night that his colleagues were emboldened to
proceed at once by way of Bill, because they were
convinced there was a general disposition to give
their proposals a fair and candid consideration, and
we trust they will themselves act in the spirit of this
conviction. The Ministry may be assured they will
have to encounter no envious cavils, no fact'ous
obstacles, no attenipts to snatch a victory in trifling
details ; but they must be also persuaded that the
House of Commons cannot yield a single essential
question at issue. Parliament desires with unex-
ampled unanimity to satisfy the just demands of the
unenfranchised classes, to redress the inequalities of
our representative system, and to.abate an agitation
which might through continued inattention become
a source of danger ; but it will not grasp at a shadow
insteai of the substance. There are certain essential
points which must be conceded, and the only ques-
tion is whether the Ministry will yield them with a
good or a bad grace, freely or under compulsion.
Their best friends must hope that their course of
humiliation is past, but it depends upon themselves
whether they do not yet appear in the unworthy
character of men obstinately clinging to what they
know in their own hearts to be untenable, but are
prepared to abandon in the last extremity. For
their own sakes and for the sake of Parliamentary
honour we trust the world will be spared the further
spectacle of servants of the Crown professedly tena-
cious of principles but sacrificing them to retain
power. If they would prevent such aspersions,
they must disarm opposition by anticipating its
demands, and thus at once prove their trust in the
House of Commons and vindicate the patriotism
of their conduct from all slur of suspicion.
THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON " MR. MILL
AND DOGMA."—Whatever Mr. Mill writes must be
read with attention, not only on account of the
clearness and force with which he expresses him-
self, but also on account of the immense influence
which his writings exert. He is a thinker of no
ordinary calibre, and grasps a subject with no
ordinary power. His clearness, his straightfor-
wardness, and his thorough outspoken manner,
has a charm which possibly has gained him as
many admirers as the nature of the speculation he
adopts. He seems particularly suited to the frame
of the English mind just now. He represents in
the region of thought what may be called the anti-
ritualistic school. He not only excludes what he
would call all the finery and apparatus that sur-
rounds intellectual belief, but he seems to repudi-
ate eyerything that oayours of " Creed " alto-

gether. Here, the mind with him seems to be a
tabula rasa—nothing but a dead blank ; and what
he particularly recommends to the clergy of the
Established Church is, to do all they can to destroy
her articles of faith, and unshackle her from the
enslaving oppression of the Christian religion as it
at present exists. He would not recommend the
clergy to abandon the Church. He would have
them improve her,. and recommends to them, with
especial approval for their imitation, those violent
men who mostly ended their days out of the
Churches in which they were born. According to
Mr. Mill, the fact of becoming " a reformer "—he
does not seem particularly to care of what sort—
entitles a man at once to the right of possession,
and places the majority, who prefer his room to his
company, at once in the wrong. Of course, Mr.
Mill takes for granted that " a reformer" means
one who repudiates authority, and at " all risks
keeps his mind open, and does not barter away
his freedom of thought." This seems to be the
great hobby of Mr. Mill. As long as he is speaking
of the secular scope of university education,
though he does not tell us anything which is not
expressed twice as well by Dr. Newman, still he
talks rationally and with force. But immediately
he begins with " independent thought," " seek-
ing truth at all hazards," " free and independent
inquiry," and such manly like modes of expres-
sion, he seems at once to lose his equi-temperament
of mind. He speaks like a man who had been ill-
used in his youth, and, under the oppressive guar-
dianship of Calvinistical old aunts, had been bullied
and brow-beaten whenever his curiosity prompted
him to ask indiscreet questions, or his precocity
tempted him to doubt the entire infallibility of
their views. A repetition of doses of that species
of spirituality for which such ancient persons have
the monopoly would be liable to sour the sweetest
of tempers. There is a vehemence and bitter-
ness in his expressions on this dearly-cherished
freedom that cannot be accounted for rationally
on any other grounds than these, or others some-
what analogous. Pure speculation could not have
so acted on the feelings ; for Mr. Mill, when he
touches on these points, as far as we are able to
discover, makes greater use of his heart than his
head. We do not for a moment deny that Mr.
Mill is a clever dialectician, but it does not matter
how clever a man may be,—if he does not make
use of his talent it is as good as thrown away.
MP. Mill does not seem to us to have made any
very conspicious display of logical acumen in his
treatment of theology in his address at St.
Andrews. The vision of those imaginary maiden
aunts, or that which must have been substantially
the same, comes across his mind when he touches
on such topics. He asserts boldly enough, and
utters with the greatest distinctness, what his
views are ; but if a view is logical it can be put
together ; one part of it does not annihilate the
other when introduced into its presence, but
rather lends it a second life. For instance, it is
somewhat difficult to advocate the tabula rasa, and
at the same time to speak of doctrinal teaching,
without falling into a contradiction. Mr. Mill
tells the young men at St. Andrews that religion
is historical, that it should be treated histori-
cally, and that they should go to the university,
not with any religious belief, but without any at
all. "'The pupil should be addressed as one who
will have to choose his religion for himself." The
universities' duty is to " give us information and
training, and help us to form our own belief in a
manner worthy of intelligent beings." If anything
is clear the frame of mind a young man should be
in, according to Mr. Mill, is that of the tabula rasa,
he goes to form his religion, to hear, to dispute, to
judge for himself. " The teaching should not he
in a spirit of dogmatism, but in that of inquiry."
Now all this is clear enough. If every young
man who goes to the university is to go in order
to begin religion from the beginning, and form lus
creed for himself, according to his taste, one thing
is certain that, in religion, at all events, there will
be little possibility of "raising the level of improve-
ment which has been attained" by the former
generation. If everybody begins in the same
place, cceteris paribus, they will end in the same
place too. But, as we said, though we totally dis-
agree with Mr. Mill, we have no .difficulty what-
ever in understanding what he says—that is to say,
if we do not compare one part of his address with
another. In order that a man should contradict
himself he must have at least two propositions to
do it with. A thing cannot be the contradictory of
itself. Our little difficulty arises from these words:
--"The various Churches, established and unestab-
lished, are quite competent to the task which is
peculiarly theirs—that of teaching each its own
doctrines, as far as necessary, to its own rising
generation." So the pupil is to be instructed by,
the priest, or parson, or minister, in the doc-
trines of his own Church.: a Catholic is to be
taught, for instance, that there is a vast system of
infallible dogmas, to contradict or doubt which
is eternal ruin. The Protestant High Churchman
is to hold several articles of faith as necessary for
salvation, and so on of the rest ; and at the same
time that he is pondering these awful truths in his
mind and their fearful sanction, he is to proceed
to the university lecture on Historical Religion,
"to choose his religion for himself, while the
university is to help him to form his own
belief in a manner worthy of an intelligent being."
The only way in which we can account for this con-
tradiction is by having recourse to the hypothesis of
the old maiden aunts, and to the fulness of the
heart of Mr. Mill, who has not been made hard-
hearted by political economy ! It is a very diffi-
cult thing, if the truth be spoken boldly out, to
keep up a semblance of respect for the belief of
the many sects, denominations, and religions in
England, if a man disbelieves in every one of them.
And if Mr. Mill had clearly said that he considered
all dogma and creed of a particular religion as a
fetter to the intelligence and an enchainment to the
mind, we should have considered him more honest,
and he then would certainly have been more con-
sistent in his utterance at St. Andrews. That
Mr. Mill is a man of hasty and passionate tem-
perament we should infer from his critique on Sir
William Hamilton, and from his extraordinary dis-
plays of extemporary eloquence in Parliament, ex-
traordinary on account of their being complete
failures in all except the manifestation of an irrit-
able and cranky mind. Were it not for such in-
dications as these we should be quite at a loss
how to interpret some of the sweeping and violent
condemnations to which that philosopher gave
utterance. Like all haters of dogma and Liberals,
he is one of the most dogmatic and despotic of in-
tellectual bashabazouks. When we consider the
history of Oxford and Cambridge, and the marvel
of learning and piety that they turned out in the
past, it is somewhat amusing to hear the arch-
enemy of dogma declaring as an incontrovertible
fact that they " formerly seemed to exist for the
repression of independent thought, and the chain-
ing up of the individual intellect and conscience."
Mr. Mill hints at a reason why he uses such hard
epithets regarding the old universities, " when "
he says, " the specially instructed are so divided
and scattered that almost any opinion canlboast of
some high authority, and no opinion whatever
can claim all then, whatever you do,
keep, at all risks, your minds open." Now,
Mr. Mill calls the Catholic seminaries 4, enslaved."
He repudiates dogma ; he dogmatically asserts
that the Catholic universities, by their " excess of
evil," created the reformers and sceptical philo-
sophers of these latter days. Let us ask him to
look back into the past, and see if he has more
authority or as much for these sweeping and
uncomplimentary statements as we have for the
reverse. If we are to keep our minds open, we
shall, on his principle of high authorities," keep
them open with a very strong bias against him-
self. He may have his friends, the reformerg, who
were kicked out of the Church for "being too good
for her," on his side, and those sceptical philo-
sophers whose minds were " violently impelled in
one direction by an over zealous and demonstrative
attempt to drag them in the opposite ;" but, with
the exception of these rather assinine unbelievers,
we have good reason for imagining that " the
specially instructed " in theology will not be
so divided and scattered " as to have much se-
rious doubt whether Mr. Mill's condemnation of
dogmatic teaching and of the professors of old
Oxford and Cambridge, is to have so much weight,
we will not say as to convince, but as to " keep
the mind open," till we hear more upon the sub-
ject. What surprises us most is that Mr. Mill
should talk so much about " keeping the mind
open," and with very small authority come to such
startling conclusions. If " one high authority" is
sufficient to keep a man's " mind open," surely
Mr. Mill's mind ought never to be closed. Dog-
matism with him would be impossible. He would
simply state the two opinions, and, like that
humble and patient animal who is supposed to be
entranced between two bundles of hay, he would
express, at all events, some slight hesitation be-
tween the two. But nothing of the kind. Mr.
Mill, true to his class, dogmatizes in the very same
proportion that he condemns dogma, and " shuts
his mind with a determination and a narrowness
just in proportion to the energy and " manliness "
with which he recommends others to "open " theirs
—that they may thus with their eyes shut receive
all the sceptical absurdities that he may deign
to throw down their throats. The contemplation
of such men as Mr. Mill is a curious, and, at the
same time, a sad study. Here we see a man of
far beyond the ordinary ability—a man of re-
markable logical power, so thoroughly the slave
of system that the principles on which the whole
of his mental position is founded are too strong
for his powers of mastery. He would not be
human were it otherwise. I# a man Auto with

. -
certain data, all the power and logic in the world
will not take him out of the line in which they
point. Indeed the more thoroughly logical he is,
and the more thorough-going and honest, so much
the more will he be carried to their inevitable
conclusions. Mr. Mill, in the very fact of his aberra-
tions, proves the melancholy force of his reason,
and the direct tendency of the principles of the
ultra-Liberal school. It were far better that
England should still deserve the contempt of
Hegel than that it should be led by Mill. Hegel
said that philosophy in England simply meant
the art of agriculture, and house-keeping, and
cookery, and making fire-places. This surely is
much more useful than the diluted philosophy of
the positive. It is better that men should learn
to cultivate the land, and make themselves com-
fortable, than cultivate thought, and make every
body else uncertain. Carlyle, and Hamilton, and
Mill have shown a philosophic bent, but their
philosophy as truth we fear has made but little
progress. The fact is, whether it be the tran-
cendentalism of Coleridge, or the empiricism of
Bentham, or the eclecticism of Makintosh; whether
it be the nihilism of Hume and of Fichte, the mate-
rialism of Hobbes, or the idealism of Berkeley,
or Clarke, or Newton, as long as philosophy
pretends to do without the protecting influence
of an infallible witness, philosophers will simply
be the slaves of system, the victims of contradic-
tion, and the laughing-stock of sensible men. If
system is master of the mind, then there should
be a higher power to control system.

The Times says protection banished from the Old
World has found rest in the New. There will soon
be nothing in the United States that man. has the
making of which may be said to run without leading
strings, or to swim without cork jackets. The in-
fluence of the lobbies has done its work in the
Senate, whose House is now deserted for that
of the Representatives, and which, in time,
will be deserted for the ante-chamber of the
President. The Western States are led in
triumph, the Southern States are unrepresented,
and in their present unhappy case have learned
to dispense with European luxuries, and can
smile at the penalty the Northern States are in-
flicting one on another. But let us look a little for-
ward, when there shall be thousands of capitalists,
perhaps millions of people, and whole cities, all
dependent upon enormous differential duties, and
liable to collapse in a day on their reduction.
Created by bad laws, by bad laws alone will they
be able to live, and there is not a principle or a
virtue that they will not give up for the necessity of
holding their own by any means in their power. But
then there comes a train of evils, which, if not
worse, will at least show themselves sooner in more
obnoxious forms. The smuggling, both at the ports
and on the British frontier, is already enormous and
irrepressible. Even under the existing tariff we are
seriously told that it answers to make a trip from
New York to Canada in order to get a refit at a
British tailor's and haberdasher's, and that the dif-
ference of the British prices will pay all expenses
to and fro. It is even said that an American gen-
tleman with five or six weeks to spare may come to
the Paris Exhibition as a first-class passenger in a
first-class steamer, spend a fortnight at Paris, do
everything there, and enjoy himself as others do,
and find on his return that he has spent no more
than he would probably have done at home, espe-
cially if he takes the opportunity of making at Paris
some purchases he would otherwise have had to make
in the Broadway.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

LEEDS-TUESDAY.

The show of grain this week is moderate. We continue
to have little demand for wheat, and prices may be quoted
is to 2s lower than Tuesday last. Barley also is per qr.
cheaper. Oats and beans a slow sale, and prices nominally
unaltered.