The Sun.
London, England, 1860-05-04 00:00:00

THE WEATHER.r-SUN OFFICM, MAT 4, 1860,

THERMOMETER, IN TILE SUEDE.
62—highest since noon yesterday.
'.—lowest this morning and during the night.
60—this day at noon.

BAROMETER-30.2'.
WIND, South-East ; moderate, with fine weather,

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAY.—Morning, 12h. 21m.—Afternoon, 12h. 45m.
TO-DLORROW.-:Morning, lh. 25m.—Afternoon, lh. 48m,

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THE SUN.
LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 4, 1860.

If the Opposition prefer a Midsummer Night's
Reform they have carried their point. May is to
by devoted to real business and the Whitsuntide
Holidays, and June to the chief measure of the
session. As to the holidays, those who have wasted
six days over what they might have settled just as
well on the first or second day deserve no holidays,
but as the naughty cannot he punished without
punishing the good also, the former must e'en have
their holidays for the sake of the latter. Let us
only congratulate ourselves that the firmness of
Lord PALMERSTON, and the growing impatience of
the country has at length put a stop to the idle
prate which has discredited the British House of
Commoms in the eyes of the civilised world. Mr.
GLADSTONE expressed the universal feeling when he
observed that he believed there was no example
within the recollection of any member present of a
debate being continued for six nights without there
being a motion upon which the house was to divide.
Such a debate exhausts, he says, one eighth part of
the whole time at the disposal of Government during
a session of Parliament ! If this be not wasting
public time, and wasting it in a manner unworthy of
an assembly which professes to be not a " discus-
sion forum," but a meeting of business-like men,
we should like to know what is so. We have taken
as many days to get this bill read a second time,
remarked Mr. GLADSTONE, as sufficed for the work
of creation.

The proposal to defer going into committee for
more than a month, is the penalty or reward of
this factiousness. We could wish it to prove the
penalty ; but, that those who did not deserve
it would suffer also ; we hope the penalty
will, therefore, come on the obstructives
in another shape, not that of prolongation of the
session, but of being compelled to curtail their talk
in committee. They have had enough of it already,
and since sinVicity is the merit or fault of the bill, as
parties may choose to view it, there caa be no need
to make long work of such simple details. It would
almost seem impossible to find much occasion for
prolonged discussion, unless by proposing additional
clauses. The 1:10 county franchise seems to be a
settled thing. The £6 one for boroughs appears to
be, as Mr. GLADSTONE observed, the gist of the
complaint against the bill ; but that has surely been
discussed and debated and turned about in every
way usque ad nauseam. We do riot believe that
any mortal in the house or out of it can add to our
knowledge either of the number of voters it will
create or of their quality. We can hardly doubt
that the first registration will give between
150,000 and 2 00,000 additional borough electors,
and should be not at all surprised if the increase be
even below th i© smaller number. And as to the

.........
quality of the persons enfranchised—if we know,
as most of us do, a few boroughs of different
character, we know as much as ever the Lords'
committee can tell us. There is, therefore, we be-
lieve but little room for discussion on this main
point. The rating clauses of the present act are not
to be touched, but a little debate may arise on the

subject of compound rating. It is, we believe, a
matter of little consequence. Very few have been,
and very few will be, the cases in which persons,
whose rates are paid by the landlord, will claim to
be rated in their own names.

Mr. GLADSTONE entered into the arithmetical
details of the subject with extraordinary zest, and
if anything could be wanting to supplement Sir G. C.
LEWIS'S satisfactory statements, the hon. member
for Oxford abundantly supplied it. We do not sce

how any candid opponent could deny his proof that
in regard to political power at elections the work.

- -
ing classes would not, under the bill; " come in for

the lion's share of the spoil ;" almost amusing, too,
was his conclusive proof that the whole possible
addition, from any cases in which, what is termed
the " gross estimated rental" was below the real
rental, could not exceed the dangerous amount of

£2,400! Entirely, also, do we agree with the
eloquent speaker in his denial of the relevancy of
alarming inferences drawn from the state of things
in America. For one thing, the suffrage proposed
is nothing like the American suffrage. It is not
universal. It is at present more than one-fifth of
the adult males. Uuder the new bill it will be
somewhat lower, but not so low, as one fourth.
It is reckless to confound such differences. But
chiefly, as we have before said, and we are pleased to
see that Mr. GLADSTONE sets forth the view, with
earnest eloquence, Englishmen are not Ameri-
cans. Their whole character and temperament is
different. Universal Suffrage itself in England,
Mr. GLADSTONE affirms, and justly, would not be
the same thing as Universal Suffrage in America.
" With a very extended suffrage you would still see
monarchy and the aristocracy flourish as they do
now by the pre-eminent and affectionate support of
the people. . . . that very samo feeling, that
same tone, character, and sentiment which makes
the working classes repose contentedly in your
arms, and accept your legislation without a mur-
mur, that same feeling which makes them content
without the suffrage will make them still more con-
tent, and still more trustworthy as the main sup-
port of the institutions of the country." Nobly said,
Mr. GLADSTONE ! We believe that a working
class constituency would surpass your Oxford one,
and return you without a contest.
The important features of Mr. GLADSTONE'S
speech are two—one his cordial and earnest argu-
ment on behalf of the working class franchise,
showing that he, at least, supported it with no
hesitating convictions ; and, secondly, his firm
avowal that the Government means to pass the
bill. Referring to the suggestion that the Govern-
ment should withdraw the bill, he said that no
such idea, or intention, or dream, as the adoption
of such a course presupposes, has ever entered our
heads ; and, in his opinion, any Ministry which
could introduce a bill on such a subject, which,
from want of caution and the defects of the bill
itself, required to be withdrawn, would, in so
acting, have covered itself with irretrievable dis-
grace. We trust, therefore, that the country may
assume that the Ministry does not mean to disgrace
itself, but that it will insist in the Lords, as well
as in the Commons, that the little it has
coneeded shall become the law of the land this ses-
sion. It would certainly be intolerable to have to
recommence all our work next winter. And, let
obstructors be assured, that they would then have
to concede much more. It will net be wise for
their own interests to let political missionaries can-
vass the working classes next autumn and winter,
retailing to them the hard and ungenerous things
which many of their opponents have said of them.
The ugly rush might even come next July.

Sunday, but not Sabbatarianism, was again un-
der discussion in the House of Lords. The lesson
taught by the way in which Lord EBURY was
compelled to withdraw his bill, has evidently had
a wholesome influence, and the wish is now evident
amongst our legislators to deal with the Sunday
on purely secular grounds. As long as they do
this we shall be the last to complain. It is not
securing to the labouring man, as far as legisla-
tion can do it, his much-needed holiday, that we
object to ; what we repudiate is Sunday legislation
covertly aiming at religious objects, and based on
the grossly false assumption that the Ten Com-
mandments delivered to the Jews are as such
binding upon us. Those commandments include
moral and ceremonial precepts. The former
binding in their own nature—the latter binding
only from the circumstances of those to whom
they were addressed, and the will of the law-
giver. It is mere effrontery to assume that be-
cause Jews were commanded to rest on the seventh
day of the week Christians are bound to abstain from
labour on the first. We have often thought the
two great commandments of the Christian Legis-
lator would be much more appropriate over Chris-
tian altars, and much more befitting recitation in
Christian worship than the antiquated ten of the
circumcised nation. And certain we are that neither
in those two commandments, which contain the
very kernel of the Christian religion, nor any where
else in the New Testament, is Jewish Sabbatarianism
enjoined on the Gentiles.

But let us not be misunderstood. The spirit
of the second great Commandment harmonises alto-
gether with the spirit of the Jewish Commandment.
That the working man should have a day—a weekly
day of absolute rest from his ceaseless, generally
monotonous, labours, is every way desirable. Every
humane man must wish it. We believe it was the
principal reason for its being given to the rude,
semibarbarous race of slaves who had just escaped
from Egypt. We could say ten thousand things
in behalf of securing to the utmost, and for all, a
perfect weekly holiday. But that is all. Even the
Jewish command said not one word about worship
on that day, and Christianity knows nothing,
as an apostle assures us, of " days" at all. We
do not then object to a Sunday Trading Bill,
we only object to any restrictions being introduced
which are even indirectly intended to force the
people to go to a place of worship, if that be pos-
sible.

The province of our legislators, we conceive to
be just this :—As a matter of fact, we have a
weekly day on which the great mass of the popula-
tion, rich and poor, voluntarily cease from labour, or
lay aside what they consider their business avoca-
tions—some from motives of religion, some from
custom, some because they like repose. Laws exist
which were intended to prohibit work and trading
at all on a Sunday ; and they can be, and in occa-
sional instances, by con nty justices, at the instigation
of Church zeal, or game•law spite, they have been
enforced. These laws ought not to exist in their
present form. What we seem to need, in order to
secure by law to all the holiday which so many
have by custom, is—a statute which prevents all
needless trading and needless employment of labour
—to prevent, in short, any man's holiday from
being tampered with. We must confess, however,
that when we come to the practical part of the

business, we are entirely baffled. Almost each
separate prohibition would involve cases of hard-
ship, and we lean very much to the opinion that
law had better leave the whole matter to social
sentiment. Happily, the short-time movement is
so extending—the conviction is so widely spread-
ing, that the most is not to be got out of mortals
by tasking them to the uttermost—that a reference
to our weekly holiday society will be a law to itself.

The report of the Field-lane Refuges and Ragged
Schools, read at their annual meeting on Wednes-

day evening last, was in every way satisfactory.
The national utility and importance of these excel-
lent institutions is every day becoming more exten-

sively recognised. It is felt to be inconsistent with

common sense, besides being totally at variance
with the principles of charity and benevolence, to
leave children to mix with thieves and vagabonds

through all their most impressionable years, and then
to punish them for putting in practice the lessons
they learn in such company. It is now many years
since the ragged-school system was first tried. The
endless disputes respecting religious and contro-
versial matters put so many hindrances in the way
of National-schools, that it was very evident there
would be little chance of the existing generation pro-

fiting much by them. Earnest-minded and large-
hearted men, however, found it difficult to reconcile
themselves to inaction while hundreds of children
were growing up in this metropolis, whose future
lives, as blessings or curses, to society were
greatly depending on the influences and training
of their childhood. From small and unpretend-
ing beginnings the movement has gathered force
until Ragged Schools and Refuges have become

recognised institutions of the country. Whether
in every point they are the best kind of schools
for the poor, whether the instruction they give
is always the most profitable possible, whether
there be any flaws or defects in the system or
its working, are not the questions, although some
still raise them. Whatever their defects or deficien-
cies (and what human institution is without them ?)
they supply a pressing want, and give a practical
solution to a national difficulty. What would have
been the fate of the thousands of children who
have attended the ragged schools all over England
in the last ten years if they had been left to the
education their parents or friends could or would
have given them? Let those who cavil on minor
points answer this vital question to the disadvan-
tage of ragged schools if they can, before they
maintain their objections. Who is to care for
children such as those described in a passage of
Mr. TAWELL'S report :—" On one occasion when
510 children were present, 123 were found to be
either fatherless or motherless, 12 were orphans,
17 destitute, the parents of seven were in prison,
and of two in madhouses, and 13 were deserted
by either father or mother." It must be remem-
bered that it is not only education that is given to
these poor children. Mental knowledge, however
excellent, would not be sufficient. They are taught
how to help themselves, they are given the means
of getting their own living, and are often provided
with situations on leaving the school. The follow-
ing interesting statistics prove the practical benefit
to the scholars—" During thepast year 166 scholars
had obtained situations from the day school, 83
were sent to refuges, 64 to the Royal Navy, 44 to
the Shoeblack Society, 14 to the Crossing Sweepers'
Brigade, and 11 restored to their friends—in all 382
provided for. The winter average attendance at the
boys, night school was 150, and the boys' indus-
trial classes had been very well attended ; 288
fresh pupils had come to the tailoring classes, and
328 to the shoemakers'. The girls' industrial or
servants' preparatory class continued to be of the
greatest service ; 56 girls from the class this year
received prizes for retaining their places over 12
months." There are several other branches
these useful charities, which are highly appreciated
by the destitute classes, such as the male night re-
fuge, which the Secretary asserts is frequented by
youths and destitute men of good character, with
the exception of about 6 per cent. During the year
it has supplied lodging and bread to upwards of
8,000 persons, many of whom through its aid
have since obtained employment. The new female
night refuge, though only opened on the 21st of
last December, had admitted, it was stated, 1,368
women ; 205 of whom had been provided with
clothing and sent into service or to refuges, and
215 to other kinds of industrial occupation. These
figures show the startling amount of destitution
existing in the metropolis and the imperative need
for such institutions, which are the more valuable
as they do not restrict themselves to affording tem-
porary assistance, but in many cases succeed in
procuring for these unfortunate persons the means
of subsistence. The managers spare no trouble
in endeavouring to meet the wants of these classes;
they have established a Girls Refuge, for the most
respectable of the girls in the general refuge, a
Clothing Society, a Maternal Society, a Ragged
Church Service and a Penny Bank. The
latter has been heavily drawn upon during
the last year, owing to the builders
strike, but while we regret that the hard-earned
savings of the men should have been thus misap-
plied, we must esteem it fortunate that so many
labourers should have had the prudence to
invest their savings. Summing up the whole
of those assisted, relieved, or benefited in
various ways, it appears that more than
10,000 of the lowest and most destitute classes
have shared in the advantages of these in-
stitutions ; and that of this number 1,580 have been
removed from the streets, and placed in positions
where they can maintain themselves by their
own labour, thus becoming useful members of
society instead of, as heretofore, a curse and a dis-
grace. After weighing these facts we can scarcely
think it possible that a nation possessing so much
practical philanthropy as the English, can remain
insensible to the merits of such institutions, or that
the secretary should still have to lament that the
annual subscriptions do not nearly equal the ex-
penditure.

Her Majesty and the Prince Consort honoured
the performanc3 at the Haymarket Theatre, last evening,
with their presence. In attendance wore the 'Viscountess
Jocelyn, Hon. Beatrice Byng, Lord Metheun, Lord Chas.
Fitzroy, and Lieut. -Col. Ponsonby.
We are sorry to learn that the Earl of Dundonald
is so seriously ill that the Countess, although herself much
indisposed, has arrived from France to attend on his lord.
ship.
His Excellency the Brazilian Minister, Madame
de Cerralho Moreira, and family have arrived at their re-
sidence in Cavendish-square, from Paris.

The Crystal Palace will be thrown open at six
o'clock this evening, at the reduced rate of half-a-crown,
to enable the public to witness the great torchlight proces-
sion inaugurating the Mendelssohn statue.
A dinner will take place on Saturday, the 16th
of June next, to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the
formation of the Grenadier Guards, at which his Royal
Highness the Prince Consort, as colonel of the regiment,
will preside. It is proposed that all officers in and out of
the regiment should meet on the occasion.
By a telegram received from Austr ilia, dated th•
17th of March, it appears that trade at Melbourne continues
depressed, and that several failures have taken place, in-
cluding the houses of W. M. Ball and Co., Rae, Dickson,
and Co., Henriques Brothers, and Tickle. The shipments
of gold durirg the month amounted to 148,000 ounces.
At a meeting yesterday, of the Committee of
London Bankers, the following resolution with reference to
the early closing on Saturdays was carried—" That, in con-
formity with the resolution of the 19th March, the banking
interest of the city resolve to close for business at 3 o'clock
on Saturdays on and after Saturday the 19th of May,"