The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-23 00:00:00

(BY MAJOR-GENERAL T. PERRONET THOMPSON.)
So much of publie interest is concentrated on the
subject named, that anybody who writes at all is
expected to write upon it. •
What has been done is known to all men, and is
wonderful in our eyes, What is yet to be depends
upon the way it is gone about ; and it is no bad
contribution from any man to invite attention to the
arguments from experience and history, even
though there should be reason to hope their use
may be-anticipated before from circumstances they
can here appear.
The conjuncture has extraordinary resemblances
to that of the English Revolution of 1688. Times
of struggle and bloodshed had preceded, which the
enemies of legal government were tempted to believe
had ended in their firm establishment. Great
martyrs had• fallen in unsuccessful efforts. The
three grand channels in which human interests col-
lect and run, had not yet come to any happy agree-
ment; and one and another by turns overwhelmed
the rest, to the great distress of all. Aristocracy,
strong in the command of physical force, had with
the help of the democracy been curbed by monarchy;
and both monarchy and aristocracy afterwards put
down by democracy. And this in its turn had
fallen before the reviving forces of the other two ;
and when the thing had grown too bad a sort of
royal Garibaldi presented himself with trumpets
sounding through the Straits of Dover, and with
less of fight than his successor, took possession of
an abandoned throne. In all the world's history,
the most successful move; the happiest, the most
extensive in its consequences, as is admitted by
friends and grieving foes.
What is the world but experience P Why do men
eat the wheat and decline the straw, but because
they or somebody has observed that one is better ?
Not that it is to be too absolutely concluded that
because a thing succeeded one time it must another.
But there are limits to this sort of uncertainty; it
will not apply, for instance, to the question of the
wheat and straw. No man will be blamed for trust-
ing too implicitly to that venerable observation. It
is true a man may eat wheat and be choked; but
while it is still an open question, at all events let
him try.
The great merit of the principle of 1688, and the
visible cause of its success, was that it combined, if
not fully and entirely, yet to an effective and over-
powering extent, the interests of monarchy and
aristocracy which otherwise would have been to
fight. It was the democracy and the halves of the
other two against the remaining halves, instead of
having the wholes against one.
Just so it is now. There is a constitutional mon-
archy in the fight, and so far as appears, the portion
of aristocratic strength thereto adherent. No man
supposes there is any desire to see a King Garibaldi.
The capacity of the human vessel is limited ; he has
had enough, it would "be o'er mickle to give him
more." Any man, with military power enough,
may make himself a king and all that kind of thing.
But can a man establish a United Italy and keep
it there ?
The chances are very good, if men will stick to the
constitutional king, which is their main chance.
It is very true that praise attends on successful
courage. But the meaning of courage is to take
that course while the event is uncertain, which is
most likely to lead to the event desired. Likelihood
is all that is given to man. The sources of danger
may be considered two: the internal and the ex-
ternal. The internal consists in division amongst
themselves ; like dogs in couples, who do not know
whether they will jump the ditch or not, On this
point the best rule that can be offered is, that
minorities should give way. No minority ought to
balk a leap. A republic might do well enough if
there was nobody else. But it happens there is.
The English republicans set some notable examples.
Doubtless there were many steeped to the heart in
love for republican forms; but they were never
heard of, except in line against the enemy.
Of the external dangers, the old despotic powers
appear to be in a nonplus. They are too conscious
of the perils which beset themselves to think of be-
ing vigorous. The new despotic power is, perhaps,
equally haunted with anxieties and fears. He
might have set up a King of Italy of his own if he
had taken the time of tide. He cannot do it now ;
and it is much to be doubted whether, if the worst
comes to the worst, he dares oppose the other.
Dare is a strong word ; but let it only be under-
stood to mean that the fermentation in France,
which would be the consequence of taking such a
course, is what he will probably avoid.
Great fears are expressed from the opposition of
what are called the republican party. They are at
the bottom of all good ; but they will have more
sense than to oppose a reasonable settlement. Re-
publican principles in Italy mean, as they do here,
the principles of wise and good men, driven into
action in spite of mixture with other forms. But
a republican form of government has not the same
meaning throughout the world. The example of
America has discredited the term. It is proved
that goad men of British origin, carrying with
them the principles and habits of their ancestors,
can live under it in comfort. But it is not proved
that bad men can be kept in order. The republi-
can form in America is not sufficient to prevent the
ranting, roaring repudiation of everything that
Europe accounts honourable and right, and reigns
of terror such as European eye has not seen nor ear
heard tell of. Republicanism in America is not
competent to put down a house of ill-fame by the
action of law ; it is practically the repudiation of
law. It is a retrogression towards the barbaric
state. Torture is applied to create evidence, There
is more of personal liberty in Turkey. The Cadi
is a better judge than Judge Lynch. Instead of a
" perfect glory under heaven," it is a caricature of
hell broke loose. It would be a volunteer false-
hood to admit that life or liberty are safe under it,
when there is anybody on the other side. Fancy
anything like it established for a fortnight in
Naples. The Cossacks would be sent for by gene-
ral consent.
Nobody knows whether our own Government
will have the courage
to speak up for " Victor Em-
Manuel against the field." Elizabeth would have
done it, and so would Cromwell. But it is easier,
or at least thought so, to turn us into bandits and
pirates, than to take a decision that might be credit-
able to free and honest men.