The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-09 00:00:00

ROME AND 7HE REVOLUTION.

Rome is not taken, nor is Garibaldi dead. The
Temporal Power is not overthrown, nor have the
subjects of the Pope risen in rebellion against
him. Prussia, mindful of its Catholic subjects,
has not supported revolutionary Italy in its attack
upon the Papacy. The Government of England
has not interfered on behalf of the Revolution,
nor has Napoleon succumbed to the threats of
European Liberalism. The English newspapers
have not had to sing in chorus a song of triumph
over the downfall of the Temporal Papacy. Yet
all these events were predicted by the Times as on
the eve of their accomplishment, and the knell of
the Temporal Power was declared, by almost all the
leading papers in London, to have been sounded.

Yet the reverse of all these confident predictions
has come to pass within three weeks even of their
utterance. The loyalty of the Papal subjects to-

wards their Sovereign is now placed beyond ques-
tion, and so is the powerlessness of Garibaldi and
his bands, though supplied with arms, ammunition,
and money by Italy, when pitted against the Papal
Z ouaves.

The Temporal Power is now found to have its
roots deep in the heart of Catholic Christendom.

The energetic will of the Catholics of France is now
proved to be more powerful in the direction of
events than the desires of revolutionary Italy, fo-
mented to their quickest by the predictions and
anticipations of the Liberal press of Europe. One
lesson which English journalism may learn from the
recent singular discomfiture of their most confident
anticipations is, in future to judge of things as they
are in sober reality, to have a profound distrust of
the reports of their foreign correspondents in all
matters which concern the Papacy, and to take a
wider view than that too common among the half-
educatediin England as to the power and influence,
social, political, and religious, of the Catholic
Church in the nations of Europe.
Besides a lesson of humility to the over-confident
prophets of the. English Protestant press, the vio-
lent outbreak of the Italian Revolution may afford
matter of reflection to thoughtful and observant
politicians. On the one side they may see the
Catholic Church supporting the cause of law, order,
and peaceful Government throughout Europe, and
on the other the Revolution, disturbing the peace,
violating the law, and setting civil as well as reli-
gious authority at defiance.
In Garibaldi it rebels against the orders of the
King ; in the voice of Mazzini it calls upon the
people to:throw up barricades. If the Government
does not yield to its demands, or if the King re-
fuses to recognize a flag which is not his own, the
Revolution calls for the deposition of the King and
for the establishment of a Red Republic. All
Europe is thrown out of gear because the:revolu-
tionary party in Italy, by the connivance and aid,
indeed, of a weak and unprincipled Government,
thought fit to carry on a private war. Blood has
been shed again by the Revolution in the teeth of
its hypocritical protestations of seeking its ends
byjmoral means only.
Europe ha 4 been brought to the brink of a
general war, international law has been openly set
at defiance, the sense of right has been weakened,
and the stability of civil society has been endan-
gered—and by whom ? By that secret power which
is aiming at mastery in Europe. This lawless
power has its secret tribunals, which condemn
Kings and Emperors to death ; it has laws of its
own, and its own code of morality ; it has an active
press at its disposal, and it has its irregular armies
and its barricades in the streets. Its soldiers have
been beaten by the Papal army ; Milan and Turin
and Florence are suffering from its organized street
riots. The Revolution has been worsted ; Italy,
which is tend & its dominion, has shrunk back from
the contest, awed by the presence of the French
army, which, in obedience to the claims of Catho-
lics, has again confronted the Revolution. But
although the snake is scotched, it is not killed ; it
hisses forth its vengeance. Society is not safe from
its secret assaults. Mazzini is again astir, and
preaching to Kings and Emperors who will not
succumb to the mandates of the Revolution.
Hints of secret assassination, though obscurely,
are unmistakeably alluded to by the organs of the
beaten, but vengeful party. How long is Europe
to endure this secret tyranny, and these constant
outbursts of violence and bloodshed, these private
wars belong* to a barbarous age, and which can-
not but end poner or later in a general conflagra-
tion? The character of the Revolution, its secret
aims, and its deeds of lawless violence are now too
transparent to leave any room for doubt. What
is to be done with it? How is it to be treated?
By attacking the Temporal Power of the Pope it
hoped for the indulgence at least of Protestant
and Liberal Europe ; but it has shown by its con-
duct towards the King of its own making, that it
wages war not alone against the Sovereignty of the
Pope, but against all Sovereigns, against all autho-
rity which stands in its way. It would no more
scruple to set aside Victor Emmanuel than it did
to launch Orsini bombs against Napoleon. How
is Europe to deal with this modern Vehm-Gericht ?
The first step at all events, is to give up all con-
nection and sympathy with its principles.
Let the statesmen of Europe denounce its im-
morality ; let them expose the intrigues and the
lies which before and during the invasion of the
Papal States have so disgraced the Revolutionary
party in Italy ; let them publicly describe by its
true name this lawless and sanguinary invasion ;
let no veil be thrown over its crimes, its blasphe-
mies and sacrileges ; and the knowledge alone of
this gigantic evil, which goes by the name of
the Revolution, thus brought home to the public
mind, will do much to work a cure.— Westminster
Gazette.

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