The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-06 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS-LAST EVENING.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at
five o'clock.

PETITION.

The Bishop of PETERBORO' presented a petition from
the clergy and churchwardens of Cambridge against the
sale of intoxicating drinks on Sunday.
ODESSA MARRIAGE BILL.
The Earl of BELMORE moved the second reading of
the Odessa Marriage Bill. The bill was then read a second
time.
The house then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING.
The SPEAKEIt took the chair at four o'clock.
THE ABYSSINIAN PRISON ERS.
Mr. D. GRIFFITH. asked the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs whether the British artisans who had
been or were about to be iaken out by Col. Merewether
to Massowah were to be exchanged for the captives now
detained in Abyssinia, or we►e to be sent into that country
after the latter wore released; and, if so, whether it would
not require great attention to prevent the transaction from
simply resulting in the change of one set of prisoners for
another ?
Lord STANLEY said that orders had been given to
Colonel Merewether that artisans were not to go into the
interior of the country until all the prisoners were released.
The artisans went on their own responsibility, after a full
explanation of all the circumstances of the case.
THE TORNADO.
Mr. LUSK asked the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs if eight of the crew of the Tornado were still kept
close prisoners by the Spanish authorities ; and seeing
that it was admitted in a despatch to Sir J. Cramp-
ton, dated Foreign Office, February Bth, 1867,
that all ,the crew of this_sship had been "arbitrarily
detained, on one pretext or another, for many months, and
that "they have been subjected to hardships as unneces-
sary as they were cruel," if it was the intention of her
Majesty's Government to take any steps to obtain redress
for these unfortunate and ill-used British subjects ?
Lord STANLEY said the eight persons were detained
on the ground that their evidence might be required in
the event of the decision of the prize court being ques-
tioned and carried to another tribunal. The matter of
redress must be considered when matters had further
progressed.
THE REFORM BILL—THE MINISTRY.
On the motion that the house at its rising du adjourn
until two o'clock to-morrow,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
in the statement ho made to the house last night he was un-
derstood to speak as he did under some misapprehension. He
had informed the house that three of his colleagues had
retired, in consequence of the Cabinet of Lord Derby
having reverted to its original policy, but he found that
the original policy had not been announced. In the
statement he made on the 25th of last month,
he distinctly reverted to a statement that it was proposed
to deal with the borough franchise in a more extensive
manner, but the Cabinet had been obliged to relin-
quish it. The proposition of the Government
had been ve►y much criticised, but there was
no foundation for the remark that the sub-
ject of Reform had been taken up in a hasty and in-
considerate manner. In the autumn of last year
Lord Derby wrote to him stating that the ques-
tion of Reform must be dealt with, and that in no
niggardly spirit. That was his Lord Derby's first
impression, that was his last, and that was the one upon
whiCh he was prepared to act. He had had the expectation
more than the hope that he should have been enabled to
have introduced a measure sanctioned by the united ap-
proval of his colleagues; but, unhappily, that was not the
case. His three hon. friends had, in acting as they had
done, only yieldedto their feelings like menof high honour.
The measure he had explained was note, hasty one,butone
of matured consideration, and he felt it was one that could
be defended on principle. It was not the measure that
ho preferred, but it was one that would have led to a great
extension of the suffrage to the working class. That proposal
however did not meet with approval, neither did it give
satisfaction to the great Conservative party. The day after
he had made his explanation the right hon. gentleman op-
posite (Mr. Gladstone) called (his friends together, and ho
was informed that a resolution was come to that no proposal
would be satisfactory that was not founded on a £3 rat-
ing. (Cries of " No, no.)
An HON. MEMBER—It was not authentic.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER continued—
It was about as accurate as information that reached hon.
gentlemen opposite from his (the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer's) side of the house. The matter seemed to the Go-
vernm►ent to be fast sinking into the unsatisfactory state it
was in last session, when Lord Derby called his col-
leagues together and informed them that the subject
must be dealt with in the course originally proposed.
The result was that three of his colleagues resigned, and
if such a circumstance could have been prevented by his
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer's) resignation, there
was no personal sacrifice ho was not prepAred to
make to keep a united Cabinet and united
party. There would, however, be no hesitation, no vacil-
lation in the measure the Government would propose. It
would contain the definite opinion of the Government,
and by that they would stand. (Rear, hear, and
loud cheers. It was a proposition that would
not be perplexing to Parliament, and it would also be
quite intelligible to the country. (Hear, hear.)
General PEEL said when he took office no pledge was
taken from him about Reform. He had held opinions
which he had felt called upon to change, and
no person regretted certain hasty expressions contained in
a speech that he had uttered more than ho did, more
particularly that relative to the Thames flowing with blood.
He should never cease to regret the expression. It was the
unfortunate five resolutions, as he might call them, that
led to his retirement from the Cabinet. When he found
that that proposal went down in fact to household suf-
rage, ho could not give his assent to it, because it
would swamp and overwhelm the small boroughs. Two
other Of his colleagues were of the same opinion, and that
circumstance had led to their separation from their friends.
Viscount CRANBORNE said he had come to the con-
clusion that the proposal of the Cabinet came to house-
hold suffrage pure and simple, and, therefore, he could not
give the measure his concurrence and support.
Mr. D. GRIFFITH, whose rising was the signal for
general laughter, said—The house may well believe that
I would not for a moment presume to trespass upon it—
(laughter)—on an occasion of this sort for the mere pur-
pose of continuing a discussion in which I have no claim
to interfere. (Laughter and cheers.) I only wish to clear
up a particular transactien, of which an account has ap-
peared in the public papers. On Wednesday, the 27th of
February, there appeared in the Morning Advertiser—(much
laughter)—a statement in those terms—" After the with-
drawal of the resolutions last night Mr. Gladstone and Mr.
Disraeli had a long interview in one of the retiring cham-
bers of the house." (Renewed laughter.) The statement
of itself is of little importance, but it was contradicted in
authoritative terms, as being without any foundation what-
ever. This morning the original statement was repro-
duced, not only that the two right hon. gentlemen referred
to had a conference in a private room of the house on the
25th of February, but that the meeting was adjourned till
the following day. (Laughter.) A deliberate statement
of this kind by the public press is surely worthy of some
remark. (Cries of " Oh, oh," amidst which the hon. gen-
tleman resumed his seat.)
Mr. GLADSTONE, who was received with cheers, said
—There will be no difficulty, I think, in setting at rest
the mind of the hon. gentleman who has just sat down
with respect to a meeting which is supposed to have
taken place between the right hon. gentleman the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer and myself on the subject of Par-
liamentary Reform. There is no foundation whatever for
the idea of such a communication having taken place.
What did happen was this—and it is a curious illustration
of what great things may grow out of small: On the
evening referred to a question was likely to come
forward of a very different order front the sub-
ject of Parliamentary Reform, on which 1 was
unequivocally anxious to give my support to the Go-
vernment, should the course proposed bo such as I could
approve. I saw the right hon. gentleman, not for twenty
minutes, but perhaps for twenty seconds, in which the
right hon. gentleman briefly explained, and I said "Quite
proper," which may have been overheard—another proof
that "a little knowledge is a dangerous thing," a heated
imagination having applied the remark to a reform bill.
(Laughter.) Sir, with regard to the statements which have
been submitted to the house this evening, I do not think it
would tend to the public advantage to comment on the
state of things in the Cabinet on the question of parlia-
mentary reform. I shall not, therefore, enter into any
comment on the statement made by the right hon. gentle-
man the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and far less on those
of my right hon. friend the Secretary for War and the
noble lord the member for Stamford. But there is a parti-
cular portion of the statement of the right hon, gentleman
the Chancellor of the Exchequer which requires some no-
tice, because he has submitted a defence, or justified the
withdrawal of his proposal of parliamentary reform, which
he submitted are? so hastily withdrew, and thrown on this
the Opposition side of the house, the responsibility of the
course. I must, in the first place, comment on the state-
ment of the right hon. gentleman that it was founded on ri
principle. When I heard these words fall from the right
hon. gentleman, I was curious to hear what interpretation
might be put on the assertion from his following remarks.
It was with surprise I listened to the statement that it was
on the increase of the representation of the working classes.
He said, in raie,ing the constituency to 1,400,000, one-
fou'rth, or 350,000, would have been taken from the labour-
ing population, one-fourth from the landed interest, and
the remaining moiety divided among various sections of
the middle class. I do not stop to consider the accuracy
of that description, based on facts it is impossible to ad-
mit, but I go to the point advanced by the right hon. gen-
tleman, that the proposition was founded on a prin-
ciple, because it proposed to admit the labouring
classes to the extent of a fourth of the eon-
etitueuey. It is the filet time I have learned that to ad-

mit the working classes as a fourth of the whole con-
stituency is to be considered as a principle—l mean, es-
timating them in that numerical relation to the other parts.
During the whole of last session,when the bill which I had
the honour to propose was under discussion, the objections
constantly urged by the right hon. gentleman and those
who supported him were, that it was not founded on a
principle. I believe that, if the arithmetical proportions of
that scheme are carefully looked into, it as, nearly as pos-
sible invested the working classes with a fourth ; there-
fore, if the right hon. gentleman is serious in the opinion
he expressed to-night, that the measure which was born
and died on the 25th of February was one founded on prin-
ciple, I regret that the discovery he has now for the first
time divulged has not been sooner made, if it could not be
announced last session, so that much of the trouble that has

occurred, and possibly still awaits us, might have been
avoided. But much more important is that portion of the
right hon. gentleman's observations which refer to the de-
scription of his intentions, and the causes which led to the
resolution to withdraw the scheme proposed; and I must
enter my distinct and most unequivocal protest against the
statement of the right hon. gentleman—(hear)—which is
full from beginning to end of errors, totally unintentional,
but at the same time of the gravest character. It is neces-

nary that I should remark on it, as there is one point of
what I may call cardinal importance. The right hon. gen-
tleman says that if ho received inaccurato information, we
were subject to the same misfortune. But there was this
difference, that we do not found our statements in Parlia-
ment on it. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman says the
measure on the basis of a .£6 rating franchise was intro-
duced either with our knowledge or full approval ; that it
was not acceptable to members of the party who sit behind
him.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was under-
stood to say that it was with the expectation of being
favourably received by gentlemen opposite.
Mr. GLADSTONE—Of course I withdraw that state-
ment of what I understood the right hon. gentleman to
say, but I am right in saying that he came to the con-
clusion that he might fairly expect to receive support on
this side of the house. The right hon. gentleman can-
not find any reason in fact, I am sure, for forming such a
conclusion ; and of anything so improbable and so little
supported by events lam at a loss to conceive. In June
last year, when 1 unworthily held the place ho now fills,
we had full opportunity of stating our views on a £6 rating,
and it was over and over again declared to be impossible
to support a£6 franchise. (Hear, hear.) How, then, could
he suppose that, having broken up our Government on the
question of Reform, he was to expect that the proposition
was now to meet with approval when it came on his re-
commendation? (Hear, hear.) That was a groundless
and unreasonable expectation ; and if it fiad influence on
the course pursued on Monday week, I can only say that
there was not a due care and diligence in ascertaining the
solidity of the grounds on which it arose. But, more than
this, the right hon. gentleman said that expectation was
disappointed by some proceedings taken by the Libera
party, who had met together and determined to support a
£5 franchise, and in consequence the Government felt that
its withdrawal of the scheme had become necessary. The
right hon. gentleman has been wholly and grossly misin
formed on this point. He has proceeded on some rumour
or report as groundless as that to which the hon. member
for Devizes (Mr. D. Griffith) has referred. With respect
to the proceedings of the Liberal party on the occasion
alluded to, I may almost say that the subject of a £5 rating
was not mentioned. (Hear, hear.) It certainly was men-
tioned by a single member, only to call forth an expression
of opinion that any mention of such a subject was prema-
ture. And, so far from there being any determination,
they were not in a position to offer any opposition, as we
were then only in possession of the plan promised by
the right hon. gentleman, and much might occur between
the delivery of the speech and the formation of a bill.
Until a bill was actually introduced it was impossible to
decide on what course we should resolve. But, the object
of warm and general desire being to settle this question,
the feeling was to support the first and second reading of
the bill—(cheers)—and on the motion for the Speaker
leaving the chair to go into committee, then would
be the time to propose the amendments that we con-
sidered necessary for the improvement of the measure.
There was nothing, therefore, in the proceedings of the
Liberal party to justify the right hon. gentleman in his
attempt—and I think 1 may apply the epithet—the un-
generous attempt, to cast on this side of the House the re-
sponsibility of the failure of that measure. (Cheers.) I
Lave only one word more to say, that I feel the paramount
importance of the opinion expressed in the closing words
of the noble lord the member for Stamford on these col-
lateral discussions. I think they aro calulated to introduce
into our language or minds that which would not conduce
to furthering the objects we have in view, and therefore I
will abstain from further and preliminary comment. Ido
not think it necessary to dwell on what the right hon.
gentleman has said on infirmities of my own. To be made
acquainted with our faults is one of the most efficient steps
in moral progress, and a benefit to be received with thank-
fulness. I have frequently received assurances of this
kind from the right hon. gentleman, and I sincerely re-
turn him my thanks. (Laughter.) But ho referred to an
expression of my own iu reference to what fell from the
right hon. gentleman yesterday with respect to the forth-
coming measure, and said that it was in his view gra-
tuitous. I might say in reply that they were deliberate
and were opportune—(hear, hear) —and that the bill is still
in a vague and undefined shape does not lead rue to repent
of the observations I made. My object was to press on
the Government a full sense of the responsibility of their
present position with regard to the proposition they may
be about to make. We are told that they are the best
judges of their own responsibility. I admit that; but
at the same time I feel it to be a duty we owe to the
public, and it is indeed rather an act of friendship than
otherwise to the Administration, at a time when great
and serious issues are about to be raised, to express in
becoming and respectful terms our apprehensions
as to the importance of the crisis. (Hear, hear.)
My right hon. friend the Secretary of War says he has
no faith in securities as such. I thank my right hon.
friend not only in justifying me in the few words I used
yesterday, but for his suggestion. As the time ap-
proaches—though not perhaps so very near—when we may
make another step towards information, I have no disposi-
tion to bring on topics of an intermediate character.
Mr. LOWE rose, with several other members, who, how-
ever, gave place on calls for the right hon. gentleman. He
said—There is one cause which has found no defender in
these discussions. The right hon. gentleman the member
for South Lancashire is naturally in favour of a £7 rental,
while the Chancellor of the Exchequer has two pet views
of his own ; he is both in favour of a £6 rating and of a
household suffrage. When the right hon. gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer accused the member for
South Lancashire of opposing his bill because it was based
on a principle—that, namely, of a £6 rating—seeing that
the principle is only a translation of a £7 rentalhinto a £6
rating, the right hon. gentleman, by implication, admits
the principle in the Government measure of last year, and
throws the onus on himself of all the delay that has
occurred. Ho gave what was tantamount to an assurance
to those who wanted to defeat the measure, and there can
be no doubt on what principle most members acted ; be-
cause the measure did not carry with it any sufficient
safeguard ; in fact, that it was the first stage on the way to
household suffrage, at which we have arrived to-night.
(Laughter.) Isit likely that there should be a ready acqui-
escence now in a contrary course, when, for tho first time
in English history, a Minister of the Crown pronounces
the ominous and fatal words of " household suffrage ?"
(Laughter.) If wo were in want of such a policy, we
might have got it easier than by placing the right hon.
gentleman where he now sits, without any of the eject-
ments we have seen, and disruptions of party. But was
it to enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer to bring in a
measure of household suffrage that we combined against
the measure introduced by the late Government ? (Loud
laughter and cheers.) Duty calls forth a tribute to the
consistency of the hon. member for Birmingham in elways
maintaining his opinion in favour of manhood suffrage,
and in manfully resisting proposals short of that principle.
Ho approached household suffrage from below, while the
Chancellor of the Exchequer came from above. It is really
difficult to discern any real distinction between the opinions
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the hon. gentle-
man, unless it be that the ono comes to the question from
above, the other from below. (Laughter.) There must
now be some strange attraction of affinity between the
great twin brethren. (Laughter.) The ship they ride on
is called Hypocrisy, and the chief they serve under is
Anarchy. What have they to say to this alliance? Are
they consenting parties after the victory of their principle
last year on the question whether the ancient constitution
of this country shall be preserved in its integrity, or whether
it is to be sacrificed to the views of the hon. member for
Birmingham and the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor
of the Exchequer ? The decision rests with them and the
country, and we all pause to see what decision they make.
I cannot help saying this, because it appears that the ma-
jority of last year has now got nobody to defend it. We
cannot expect any defence from the minority whom we
defeated ; those to whom we trusted the destinies of this
country—(cheers)—have under-bid the majority whom
they opposed because they were going too far, and have
placed themselves in a position which differs only from
them in being infinitely more democratic. We have had a
great deal about figures to-night, and of hon. gentlemon
who sat up on Sunday to read them, and we are told that
the bill will bo introduced on the 18th, and will then be
urged forward at the greatest possible speed de die in diem.
We have had delays enough, and if the right hon. gentle-
man wishes to facilitate the discussion in this lions_', he had
better place on the table the figures which are to form the
subject of that discussion. Wo have not got thorn at pre-
sent. We have got the book of last year, in which we
find a number of statements with regard t) municipal
franchises; but, as is shown i❑ a very excellent letter
by the hon. member for. Cheltenham, which has ap-
peared in tho Times, we have only 72 boroughs in which
the two things are conterminous, and we can make
a comparison between the municipal and tho proposed
Parliamentary franchise. It will, therefore, be of the ut-
most service to the house if the right hon. gentleman will
furnish us with the opportunity of going through the pro-
cess which the three Secreturi;:o of State have gone through

—(a laugh)—and seeing what is the real effect of the mea-
sure they propose. If we are to have these figures after
the Reform Bill has been brought in, we probably shall not
be in a position to go on with it as the right hon. gentle-
man wishes. Therefore I do hope he will consider the
propriety of giving to the house in this instance some means
of judging of the proposition he will make, so that we may
not be as we have been, always in the position of receiving
communications in such a manner that we are unable to
act upon them. 1 thank the house for allowing one who is
eminently of a past generation—(laughter)—and who re-
presents that which was a power last year, but which has
been taken over by the right hon. gentleman to the other
side—to say a few words on this subject. The truth is,
what was a conflict last year has become a race this year,
and the two parties aro trying not which shall attack and
which shall stand up for existing institutions, but which
shall surpass the other in the attempt to reach the goal of
a perfectly level democracy. (Cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE—I desire to offer a word of expla-
nation with regard to au expression of my right hon.
frieud, not at all intentional, but which was the result of a
misapprehension. Ile said at the commencement of his
speech that I had defended the £7 franchise. Now I had
no intention of entering into a defence of that franchise.
The meaning of what I said was this—that the right hon.
gentleman appeared to me to found his claim for a principle
in the measure of last Monday week upon a numerical re-
lation that would have been just as applicable to the mea-
sure of last year.
Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Perhaps
in explanation 1 may just observe that there were two
misapprehensions by the right hon. gentleman, on which
in fact his speech was mainly founded. (Laughter.) In
the first place, when I referred to some vote of certain
gentlemen opposite, I really did not refer to the bench
which is opposed to me ; I meant to speak generally of the
party opposite, and not of the right hon. gentleman.
(" Oh, oh," and some interruption.) I hope gentlemen
will allow me the same hearing as they gave to the right
hon. gentleman. My friends around me—(bowing to Lord
Stanley and others on the Ministerial bench)—know that
I did not intend to make the slightest reference to the
right hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear.) The second mis-
apprehension was that the right hon. gentleman thought
I withdrew that intended measure in consequence of the
assumed want of support from the right hon. gentleman
(Mr. Gladstone) and his friends. On the contrary, I
stated that the main reason why we withdrew it was the
general discontent of the Conservative party.
Mr. HORSMAN : I was not aware that any discussion
was to take place, or explanation was to be given to-day.
The noble lord's statement has rather taken us by sur-
prise ; but I must say I agree with what has been said by
my hon. friend the member for South Lancashire, that it
is very difficult to sit still after that provocation given to
us by the speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
What we have heard to-day from the noble lord and the
right hon. gentleman makes a great change in the situa
tion. The Liberal party, I trust, will not withdraw from
the resolution which they expressed, to give the Govern-
ment every assistance to settle the question of Reform ;
but I must say, we go on to give that assistance under
different feelings every day, under greater difficulty, and
with greater responsibility. When a Ministry in a
confessed minority undertakes to carry on a Reform
Bill, such a state of things can only be tolerated because
they make up in some way by character and ability
what they want in numbers, or because they are
supported by an opinion which is in itself a force. Is that
the case with the present Government? They are, I must
say, the weakest Government that even in our time has
sat upon these benches, dealing with the greatest question
of the day. How are they dealing with it? There has
been a vague and general determination on this side of
the House to give effect to the very judicious counsel
given to us by the right hon. gentleman the member for
South Lancashire, at the commencement of the session,
to combine for two objects—to effect a settlement of
reform, and to effect it if possible without a displacement of
the Government. But I must say the speech which we
have heard from the Chancellor of the Exchequer renders
the reconcilement of those two results more difficult. They
have undertaken to deal with the question of reform. How
have they undertaken to deal with it ? Why, the revela-
tions that have been made to-day show us that, so far as
official confusion and legislative weakness go, there has
been everything on our part to complain of, and now there
is apparently an abandonment of principle and a breaking
down both iu credit and in character, unexampled, as far
as I can remember, in the modern history of Parliament.
(Hear, hear.) What is the next stop? We learn that a
Conservative Government, existing upon sufferance, are
about to launch what they themselves would last year have
called a democratic Reform Bill. My right hon. and gallant
friend opposite (Gen. Peel) says he has changed his opi-
nion, and that he respects men for changing their opinions.
Let us consider for one moment the nature of the change
under the circumstances in which it was made. In 180
the present Cabinet changed theiropinions, and brought in
a Reform Bill. They had been anti-reformers up to 1839.
(No, no.) They brought in, I say, a Reform Bill in 1859 ;
but the moment when they abandoned office they abandoned
their conversion to reform, and it was only after a lapse of
nine years, when they returned to those benches, that the
convictions which they had left in their red boxes were
again found, and again we have a second conversion. Now
I do not hesitate to say that I hold it as a rule, and an un-
answerable rule, that for any great party to hold itself free
and the moment it finds itself in office to turn round °lithe
opinions which it has consistently and persistently main-
tained in opposition, is politically wrong and morally inde-
fensible. Ido not know any instance which history gives
us that is not a confirmation of that opinion. Even those
cases which aro relied on of the Duke of Wellington and
Sir R. Peel rather confirm than shake this opinion. The
Duke of Wellington, who was the most powerful and po-
pular man of his time, whan he proposed emancipation was
driven from office, which he never resumed, lost his influ-
ence, and hopelessly broke up his party. A common dan-
ger drew them together in a common defence, and nine
years afterwards Sir Robert Peel again united his party
with great skill and capacity ; but once more he was driven
from office, his party broken, his influence gone; and he
never regained the position he had lost. But there was
this difference. They commanded great Parliamentary
majorities ; they were sincerely converted. If the Duke of
Wellington had been driven from office before the passing
of the Emancipation Act, he would have fought for it in
Opposition. If Sir Robert Peel had been driven from office
before the passing of the great free-trade measure, ho would
always have been a free-trader. But the present Govern-
ment, driven from office in 1859, changed their opinions,
and opposed the bill of the Government of 1860. (No, no.)
second conversion
learn
that
I repeat, they opposed the bill. After six years they re-
turned to office, and I ask, what proof have we that their
t hmeoi
rrenseiNnyc eret'aan
convictiont he
ar fi
thatrst Reform
especially
when w
is
not a question that should decide the fall of Governments ?
In reality, the Government have given a choice of mea-
sures, and have acted the part not so much of Ministers as
.of auctioneers, knocking down the constitution to the
loudest bidder. I won't refer to the £6 franchise, which
almost fell stillborn in4B hours after its appearance, and we
have heard no more about it ; but we heard immediately
afterwards that they had returned to their original policy—
a policy which, if there be any truth in language or mean-
ing in words, there is not one member in that Cabinet who
did not, 12 months ago, loudly and earnestly declaim was
in his inmost conviction a policy of revolution. This may
be supposed to be done for popularity. In my opinion it
should rather be a matter for morality. It should always
bo borne in mind that a Government which wishes to be
popular must commend itself to that which is inherent
in the English character, and must base its popularity on
political respect. I do not think the course Government
are taking is likely to secure for them that respect. We
respect the hon. gentleman and the noble lord for aban-
doning their places and retaining their principles, rather
than those who abandon their principles and retain their
places. (Cheers.)
Lord STANLEY—The speech of the right hon. gentle-
man who has just sat down, and that of the right hon.
member for Caine, have both been founded on some idea
which I venture to say is an utter misapprehension. They
have both spoken as if thoy believed it was the intention
of those who sit on these benches to go further in a demo-
cratic direction than those who sit opposite, and to outbid
them in bringing in a bill proceeding in that way. Now, I
say plainly and distinctly that I cannot conceive any cir-
cumstances under which, in our position and with our
antecedents, that would bo an excellent course to adopt. I
am sine it would not be an honourable course, nor one
that those who sit on these benches would be disposed to
follow. (Hoar, hear.) I say that, in order to save some
members of this house from disappointment. If the right
hon. member for Caine, or any of those who think with
him, believe seriously that it is the intention to bring in a
bill in the sense of that policy which has been ably and
consistently advocated by the hon. member for Birming-
ham, I can assure him he is utterly mistaken. I hope gen-
tlemen will recollect that they are discussing a measure
which is not now before the house, of which they have
heard no statement whatever, of ;the general purport and
effect of which it is impossible they can know anything,
and of which I submit they cannot accurately judge merely
by some fragmentary expressions which have been used in
relation to some portions of it by members who have
spoken in this debate. We are quite ready to stand or
fall by the judgment of the house on the measure wo
bring is. (Hear, hoar.) We only ask for ordinary fair
play to say what this measure is before we proceed to dis-
cuss it. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. BRIGHT —1 shall not prolong this discussion more
than two or three minutes, but I cannot help saying that
I think we have had an instructive evening. (A laugh.)
Probably if hon. gentlemen opposite, and perhaps some
right hon. gentlemen on this aide, could have seen in
vision a year ago what they see to-night, the result of our
deliberations last session might have been very different.
The right hon. member for Caine admits ho is very much
out of court, and that he ought not to bo hero at all.
(Laughter.) Yet he was the great adviser last year to cer-
tain weak-minded gentlemen, and certain other passionate
and fierce politicians who sit now in a very meek spirit
opposite me. You will recollect his (Mr. Lowe's) speeches
from that bench. There were violent—and I will say there
were some logical—parts of his speech which he himself
reerSe to have said. (Mr. Lowe—No.) (Laughter.) Then

there were parts which I very much regret. (Hear, hear.)
Tho right hon. gentleman made these speeches. He fanned
the flame of discontent, and a number of gentlemen, who
somehow or other were nearly all leaders, were those who
in former times had been in office, and who also fanned
that flame of discontent, combining with it pure party
spirit, in order to throw out a Government which had
offered to the country a measure of which the country dis-
tinctly approved. (Hear, hear.) When 1 say the country,
understand me, I mean that if there were any who could
not approve, they did not signify their disapprobation ; but
the multitudes, at whose request or demand your Goveru-
meut now propose to act, did in many hundreds of publiC
meetings signify their approbation of the bill. (Hear, hear.)
Well now, I ask hon. gentlemen opposite to dismiss for ever
from their councils the right hon. member for Caine.
(Laughter.) He has once led you into very groat diffi-
culty, and if you will take his advice now ho will
greatly increase that difficulty. He is against extend-
ing the franchise by any reduction of it to any portion
of his countrymen. That is not an opinion which 1
myself hold, nor, as he admits, is it held by any other
member of this house. If that be so, clearly on this,
which is the question to-night and of the session,
he is, as he says, out of court; and if ho does
not withhold his advice in future, I recommend you not to
adopt it. The hon. member for Stroud (Mr. Horsmau) is
very angry with the Government. Nobody has so much
reason to be angry with the Government as I have, because
I believe nobody grieved more last session after a bill
which fee wished to pass. But could an lion. gentleman
expect, who coalesced with gentlemen opposite to drive out
the Government of Lord Russell andput in the Government
of Lord Derby—did he so little know the state of public
opinion, that he believed the Government of Lord Derby
could take office, and refuse to deal with the question of
reform ? Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer knows,
Lord Derby knows, and every man in the house knows
perfectly well, that if the Government had met Parliament
this session and declared they had no measure of
reform to offer, they would resist any proposition for the
extension of the franchise, the first week of the session
would have boon to them the week of their extermination
as a Government. There would have been an end to them
now and for ever. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, the right hon.
gentleman is very angry with thorn because of the words
" household suffrage." The right hon. gentleman has a
household suffrage bill in his pocket, and he came down
to-night with the expectation that it was to be brought in.
(Much laughter.) In fact, we scarcely know, under the
leadership of the hon. member for Caine and the hon. mem-
ber for Stroud, where we are or where we shall be. His
bill for household suffrage has limitations. It may have
been under the examination of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer and Lord Derby; and I know the right hon. gen-
tleman has been taking about his bill first to St. James's-
square, and then I believe to Carlton House-terrace ; but
there has been no market for the article. (Laughter.) I
am not in the least surprised, therefore, that ho should
get up and try to damage the wares of the right hon. gen-
tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Let me say one
or two words to right hon. gentlemen opposite. You know
as the hon. member for Caine has truly said, that I have,
always, so long as I have discussed this question, thought
household suffrage was the true basis of the franchise.
(Hear.) I have been willing to support measures on that
condition. lam willing to support them now, if the house
could agree upon that, or any measure short of that, for I
believe that is the just foundation of the borough franchise
in this country. (Hear, hear.) We have been accustomed
to hear of the evils arising from numbers of voters. You
have had constituencies so narrow and contracted that you
have got some sort of an idea that things which are safe in
the hands of a million voters would be unsafe in the hands
of two millions, as if the second million of your country-
men wore not fitted in the same way as the first million,
and as if they had not almost entirely the same interests.
(Hear, hear.) There is no other country in the world in
which the monarchy, the aristocracy—where there is one
—or the wealthy class, is afraid of votes. Whether you go
to America or Australia, or nearly every kingdom of Eu-
rope, you never hear discussions by any legislative body
such as you find in this house. Other countries have no
dread of their countrymen, and have no fear that the giv-
ing them votes would be destructive of the order of society
or of the constitution under which they lived. I ask you
whether last y ear,_when the great body of the working
people met to express an opinion on the bill of Lord Rus-
sell, whether they were not Moderato and judicious in the
course they took with regard to that bill, and in the judg-
ment they expressed upon it? (Hear, hear.) I will ven-
ture to say they took a part much more patriotic in its
results than that which you were unfortunately advised to
take by the right hon. gentleman behind me ; and I will
venture further to say that such is their moderation, and
such their comprehension of this question, that they will
judge with great fairness and great patience any measure
which the Government shall lay before the house ; and,
if they should fail, the measure placed before the house
by the Government which shall succeed them. But now
I implore you—and you know I am not speaking in the
interest of the right hon. gentleman the member for
South Lancashire (Mr. Gladstone), nor of his friends
who may hereafter occupy those benches, nor in tho spe-
cial interest of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with whom
I have no political connection—l speak in the iutorest of a
great cause and of millions of people, who at this moment,
every day, road every syllable that is uttered in this house,
and I ask you to deal with them as one class, or ono pal ty,
or one section of a people should deal with every other
section of that people—with a generous and liberal esti-
mate of their character, and of that which is due to them.
(Hear, hear.) Don't try now, by any tricks—(laughter)--
to cheat them of that which they have a right to expect
from the declarations which you have made. (Hear, hear.)
If you cannot go so far as I would wish you to go, try
something less; but let us have it simple and distinct, so
that they will know that what you profess to give they will
really receive. (Cheers.) I recollect in the demonstration,
as it is called, which met here the other day—the right
hon. gentle man (Mr. Lowe) says that those great demons-
trations have left no echo behind them. Lord Derby could
tell him a very different story. (Hear, hear.) If I under-
stood rightly, the measure which the right hon. gentleman
intends to introduce is rather the product of the brain of
Lord Derby than of his own—of Lord Derby himself, who
is not supposed to be rash in his propensity as an innovator
on the institutions of his country ; but Lord Derby is in
favour of that wide extension of the suffrage to which it is
consent. But in
bcyarried along the
hthoapteddgemenotnlesmtrean pptiooutehsieteremwaye
rbey-ilaangds-
streets, and on one of them—that carried by the carpenters
there was a motto which, though it is not in the choicest
English,
it to will itlhl
the
stilla tt
eboutiolof
h understoodon by many present. I com-
mend
. gentlemen opposite and to
the house, as conveying in it all the wisdom which I could
possibly hope to put in any number of words I might
utter; they said, " Deal with us on the square, we have
been chiselled long enough." (Laughter and cheers.)
Mr. SMOLLETT asked why, with their nu merical ma-
jority, the great Liberal party did not displace the pre-
sent Government and deal with Reform themselves ? He
hoped the answer to that question would not bo that the
Liberal party distrusted their leaders and had no faith in
thorn, because if that were the case it would discredit re-
sponsible Government, and be anything but satisfactory to
the house or to the country.
Mr. B. STANHOPE said the reason why the Conserva-
tive party approached the Reform question in the way they
did was on account of the Liberal party having cut the
ground from under their feet.
Tho subject then dropped.
Mr. WATKIN, in moving for a committee to inquire
into the operation of the Limited Liability Act, based his
motion on the ground that the act hail failed to carry out
its original object, as he showed by a long review of our
recent commercial industry that it had been coincident
with excessive speculation, and had led to unnecessary
and expensive litigation. The effect of the inquiry, he
suggested, would be to show that the act might be usefully
modified and its machinery improved, and he expressed a
wss s ;
strong conviction that the result would be to show that the
area of irregularity was small.
dTheAlderman
amotionn
s Ai o
supporteda by Mr. MORRISON and Mr.
Al
Sir S. NORTHCOTE assented on the part of the Go-
vernment to the appointment of a committee, as kr.
Watkin'a object was not to impugn the policy of the act.
He intimated that it was not the intention of the Govern-
ment, considering the circumstances of the session, to pro-
pose an inquiry into the operation of the Batik Act this
year.
Mr. M'LAGAN brought in a'Bill to amend the Scotch
Game Laws.
The adjourned debate on Mr. Leeman's Sale and Pur-
chase of Shares Bill was resumed, and after some discus-
sion the second reading was carried by 86 to 41.
A debate arose on Mr. Goldney'a Execution of Deeds
Bill, which was opposed by the G
....overnment, but ultimately
the further consideration of it was adjourned until Friday
week.

The House then adjourned.

The Boston, llartford, and Erie Railroad now
runs its trains direct from its depot, in Boston to
Southbridge, 64 miles, a longer distance than is
controlled by any of the seven principal lines lead-
ing out of that city, except the Boston and Maine, and
Old Colony and Newport. The old Air Line cor-
poration from Boston to New York, and the Pro-
vidence, Hartford, and Fishkill Company have both
lately consolidated with the Boston, Hartford, and
Eric, which now controls a total length of 231 miles of
tract, built, and in operation. The important links
of the road yet remaining to be built are—from
Southbridge to Palmer, 18 miles, to a connection
with the Western Railroad ; from Mechanicsville to
Connecticut, 26 miles, to a direct
connection and a new through routo to Hartford
and New Yolk ; from. Waterbury, Connecticut, to
Fishkill, N.Y., 77 miles, to a close connection
with the Erie Road, and a through line to all points
west.

Miscellaneous American News.

The following is the Springfield Republican's re-
view of the week ending 16th February :—The
movement of the President and the Southern Go-
vernors, looking to reconstruction upon a basis
combining the vital points of the pending Constitu-
tional Amendment, with a scheme of equal suffrage
qualified by educational or property tests, has had
the effect, contrary to natural and general expecta-
tion, to drive Congress to the opposite extreme, and
the House has passed, by more than two-thirds
votes, Mr. Stevens's Military Government Bill and
a bill from Mr. Eliot, of the New Orleans committee,
for reconstruction in Louisiana. The bills arc at
several points antagonistic to each other. An
earnest effort was made by Mr. Banks, Mr. Bing-
ha,m, of Ohio ; and Mr. Raymond, of New York,
and other Republicans, to stave off decisive action,
in the hope that some course might be found by
which all the objectS sought by the most Radical
might be gained, with the co-operation of the
President. But Mr. Stevens and his friends evi-
dently prefer that the war with the President
should go on, and be aggravated to the point of
impeachment as soon as possible ; and the Demo-
crats co-operated with them, for obvious reasons
of party policy. Neither bill was forced through
with indecent haste, and the Democrats were
allowed all the time they desired for the debate,
which was not much. The Louisiana bill establishes
a provisional Government, consisting of a Governor
and nine Councillors, to be appointed by the Pre-
sident and confirmed by the Senate. It orders
an election in June next for a Legislature and
State officers, and in October for delegates to frame
a new State Constitution. No one is to vote, hold
office, or sit on a jury, who will not swear that he
has not been a Voluntary rebel since March, 1864,
and there is to be no distinction on account of
colour. Sufficient military force to carry through
the programme is provided for. Mr. Stevens's bill
provides for the government of the " so-called"
Southern States by military commanders, who are
to supersede the civil officers, laws, and courts, at
their own discretion. An effort of Mr. Blaine, of
Maine, to engraft on this bill a provision that each
Southern Stare shall be admitted to representation
when it adopts the pending Constitutional Amend-
ment and establishes equal suffrage was defeated by
the union of the Democrats with the Radical mem-
bers. Whether these bills will pass the Senate,
or, if so, whether they can obtain a two-thirds
vote in both Houses, to override the impending
veto, is as yet doubtful. If they should thus be-
come laws, it is expected that the President will
disobey and resist both, when the next Congress
will at once proceed to impeachment, and possibly
to the attempt to oust the President before trial.
Into the troubled future beyond no ray of light has
yet penetrated. In other matters beside reconstruc-
tion Congress has also made progress; both branches
have commenced holding evening sessions, and seem
to realise that the remaining time of the session is
short. The Nebraska Bill has been passed over the
President's veto in both branches, the vote in the
Senate standing 31 to 9, and in the House 120 to 44.
No vote has yet been taken on the Colorado Bill, but
that is hardly likely to fare as well as the other
should a vote be taken on it this session, though Mr.
Wade read in the Senate on Wednesday a resolution
adopted at a mass meeting at Denver, Colorado,
to the effect that the people of that Territory are
very largely in favour of a State organisation, and
pledging faith in its constitution, and in the State's
ratification of the Constitutional Amendment.
Another important thing accomplished is the pas-
sage of the Bankrupt Bill by the Senate, by a vote
of 22 to 20. Mr. Sumner tried hard to get the bill
amended, so as to exclude the late rebels from its
benefits, but he failed, and refused to vote on the
bill at all. The final debate was enlivened by a
speech from Mr. Conness, of California, who de-
clared his intention not to submit to the whip of
Mr. Sumner as leader any longer. The most
important amendment made in the bill by the
Senate is that which takes the appointment of Re-
gisters in Bankruptcy from the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court and gives it to the District Judges ;
and for concurrence in this amendment the bill now
goes back to the house. Other bills that have passed
the Senate are the Invalid Pension Bill, the Post-
Office Appropriation Bill, the Contingent Fund
Deficiency Appropriation Bill, tho Bill to In-
crease the Salaries of Quartermaster-Sergeants,
the Legislative, Judicial, and Executive Appropria-
tion Bill,—which was first amended so as to strike
out the appropriations to the Daily Globe, for print-
ing the debates of Congress,—the bill to change the
place for holding the United States Circuit Court
in Rhode Island, the bill to punish the larceny of
Government property by a fine of $5,000 and im-
prisonment, not less than one' nor more than ten
years, and the bill to amend the postal laws, which
modifies the existing schedule charges for postal
money orders, authorises the re-issue of lost ones,
punishing the counterfeiting thereof, and authorises
the appointment of superintendents of foreign mails
and dead letters. The upper branch has also passed
the joint resolution giving increased compensation
to the Government 'clerks at Washington, with an
amendment extending the benefits of the resolution
to everybody employed by the Government at
Washington.
Four men lately belonging to the crew of the
steamship City of Bath arrived at Charleston,
South Carolina, from Georgetown, Wednesday
evening, the 13th of Feb. They report that their
steamer was burned at sea on Sunday morning off
Cape Hatteras, and of twenty-six persons on board
all are believed to have been lost excepting these
four. The City of Bath was on her way from
Boston to Savannah. Cape Hatteras will earn a
terrible notoriety for disaster. If small boats lived
in such a sea as that in which the Evening Star
foundered, what caused the loss of the twenty-two
persons who are said to have perished in the City
of Bath? The circumstance is mysterious, and will
require full explanation.
The following arc the words addressed to us by
a distinguished citizen of America in a letter from
New York, dated Feb. 9 :—" Our national future
is one that requires, on the part of Congress, great
wisdom as well as firmness. Crude efforts at the
problem of Reconstruction, the difficulties of which
the course of the President has immeasurably in-
creased, will continue to be made and abandoned ;
and some persons may hastily conclude that the
case is hopeless, that a harmonious restoration of
our Union is impossible, and that anarchy or re-
newed civil war is inevitable. But such persons are
either ignorant or forgetful of the enlightened
patriotism and common sense of the American people,
by whom the subject is discussed in every part of
the country. And for my own part, although our
national dangers may even be greater in times of
peace than they were during the war, I look for
a happy issue in good time from the troubles that
encompass us ; and I am inclined to believe that the
lengthened time required for our extrication may be
atoned for, in the more thorough and permanent
adjustment, which I believe we shall reach at last."
These words of good cheer come from a man whose
illustrious descent can add little to the reputation
he has attained among his countrymen, by his great
and brilliant talents.
Congress has abolished the tax on cotton, and
made at least one move to conciliate the South.
Notwithstanding the restrictions imposed by roads
destroyed, and railways without rolling stock, the
staple is arriving from the interior at the ports in
increasing quantities. From an average of 65,000
bales a week the number has increased first to
70,000, then to 78,000, and now to 82,000. Dr.
Forbes has, after all, proved no prophet, and the
most liberal estimates are likely to be exceeded.
The estimate of the Indian officer was 1,200,000
hales, but it is believed now to he clear that the crop
will exceed 2,000,000 bales. Up to the 7th of
February last it is thought that 1,100,000 bales
have been received at all the ports. Of these
500,000 have been exported, and 600,000 are in
store, while over 92,000 are in the interior at
Memphis, Augusta, Macon, and other cities. This
accounts for 1,200,000 bales passed from the plan-
tations, and it is calculated that at least 800,000
remain to be brought forward. As we write, we
learn the tax is re-imposed.
The Iron Age is sorry to see that by a vote of 22
to 20 the Bankrupt Bill was defeated in the Senate,

There appears to be still a prospect of its reconside-
ration and eventual passage, which, it is hoped, may
be realised ; but the time of the present Congress is
very short, and there should be nothing for the re-
mainder of the session but direct earnest, practica
work. It remarks, "We are disappointed to
find that so many as twenty Senators are opposed
to a bill so much needed, and so generally demanded
by the country. The bill is not by any means all that
we could wish. Especially do we object to the un-
limited homestead exemption clause, but still so desir-
ous are we to wipe out the national disgrace of having
no bankrupt law at all we were desirous to have
this, looking to time and further experience to cause
improvements in it. An earnest representation
should be made to the Senate not to delay action
on it. Its defeat would be a national disgrace and
misfortune."

Boston

The steamship Cif y of Boston, of the Inman mail
line, which arrived at New York, Feb. 2, after a
ten days' passage from Liverpool, has completed
within the year no less than ten round voyages
between Liverpool and New York, being a distance
of more than sixty thousand nautical, or seventy
thousand statute, miles—a performance believed to
have never before been equalled by any vessel.

An exhibition of the locomotive invented and
patented by Silvester Marsh, of Chicago, for over-
coming steep gradesou railways by means of an iron
centre cog-rail, took place at Boston. The minia-
ture model locomotive propelled by a small car,
loaded heavily with iron, up a grade of upwards of
1,700 feet to the mile, with great facility and steadi-
ness. Many members of the Legislature were
present.

Bangor has voted to loan its credit to the exten
of half a million to aid in the construction of the
railroad from that city to Milford, in Piscataquis
county, and the heart of the richest mineral section
of the State. A connection will be made at Mil-
ford with the European and North American Rail-
way, and some of the trade which would otherwise
go to Portland, Bangor hopes to secure to herself,
by means of the new route.
A portion of the bridge of the Illinois Central
Railroad, at Galena, has also been swept away. The
breakwater at Aurora, 111., was injured, and the
island was overflowed, covering the first floor of
business houses and compelling families to leave
their dwellings.
DISASTROUS FLOODS AT TIIE WEST.—DESTRUC-
TION OF RAILROAD BRIDGES.—The railroad bridge
across the Republican river at Fort Riley, Kansas,
was carried away by the high water on Thursday
morning, the 14th of February, taking with it ten
men who were endeavouring to make it secure. Part
of the bridge was secured at Womigo, and no lives
were lost. Other bridges across rivers in that sec-
tion are in imminent danger. The Missouri at
Kansas City has risen three feet since Thursday
morning, and is still rising. The flood in the
Ottawa river was very high, and several bridges
have been washed away.
Emory E. Hovey, of West Waterford, Vermont,
has sold from his nine cows, during the nine months
of last season, 1,896 pounds of butter for P 24.84,
or about pi, per cow.
MUSCLE AND MACIIINERY.—The great objection
to farming hitherto has been " hard work." Farm
labour is done too much by hand. What manu-
facturer of the present day could succeed with only
such aid? The human drudge of the farm would
rise physically and intellectually in his calling.
Farmers cannot afford to be machines when think-
ing power rules the world. They must use machi-
nery, and harness either steam, wind, or horse power
to their car. This last must ever be the common
motor of the farm, as it is within the reach of all.
By horse power the farmer can mow and reap, turn
and pitch, thresh and grind, saw and bore, chop,
feed, and crush roots. It is not profitable to
farm as those did who lived centuries ago. Labour
is higher, taxes are steeper, and commercial
values rising. A better agriculture must arise than
the past has known, or the farmer will " go under."
If our hills and valleys ever become properly culti-
vated, the farmer has got work to do. Leaks must
be stopped, time economised, intellectual and social
elevation must be achieved, farmers' clubs must be
sustained, and machinery must supersede muscle.
To make any business tolerable, it must be shown
capable of yielding something besides health and
bread, and that is about all that farming has
hitherto shown. Farming will become profitable
when the farmer understands himself and saves all
that he now wastes.—The Farm and Fireside.
,Thelron Age gives an account of the recent dis-
covery of an immense vein of black-band iron ore
in Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, and states
that, after full and exact inquiries, instead of
exaggeration in the former reports, its importance
and magnitude have been under-rated. The dis-
covery is attributed to Mr. E. M`Ginnes, of
Pottsville. The Pottsville Standard states on this
subject :—" We are happy to announce that a
close inspection of the black-band vein of iron ore
has very much exceeded the estimate placed upon
its value by the public, and surpassed that pre-
viously formed of it by themselves. The vein is
first met with upon the south dip of an anti-
clinal axis, 60 feet from the surface. The dip is
gentle, perhaps not more than 30 degrees, and the
vein is being sloped upward to the axis, where it
dips down north. A gangway has been driven
westward, perhaps forty or more yards, and the
iron extracted in a manner somewhat similar to
coal. Eastwardly, however, the sloping is done
without gangways—the ore being moved down to
the shaft by sleds. The vein varies gradually from
31 to 41 feet in thickness. Its thickness has, in no
instance, fallen below 3 feet 3 inches, while the
greatest thickness attained is five feet. It is roofed
by a hard sandstone rock, with imbedded siliceous
pebbles, and upwards of 15 feet thick. The roof
is so hard and smooth that no prop timber what-
ever is required, a few small stumps only being
requisite along the gangways. The bottom of the
vein consists of two feet of slate, containing no-
dules of iron ore equally as rich as the main vein,
and it will doubtless prove advisable to rip up this
slate, extract the ore it contains, and throw the
balance away as gob to support the roof. The
process of mining is extremely simple and in-
expensive, and with proper system Ave have no
doubt could be accomplished on a large scale at
from fifty to sixty cents per ton. As yet every-
thing is new, and it will require time and experience
to introduce improvements and reduce the cost to
the minimum. Assuming that the owners of the
land were now working the ore on their own ac-
count, on a large and systematic scale, and that they
had arranged along the slope of Mill Creek some
twenty furnaces similar to those of the Dowlais
estate in South Wales
; assuming this, let us inquire
how far we might hope to compete with those
famous works or similar establishments in Scotland,
for the complete possession of the iron market of
the United States. First. It will require about
2:1 tons of the black-band to make ono ton of pig
metal. We assume that it could be mined by the
owners at sixty cents per ton—(2,ooo lbs.) This
would make $1 65, to which add 10 cents per ton
for royalty, 271 cents, and the whole cost of the
ore at the furnace would be $l92--say $2. The
royalty here allowed (10 cents. per ton), estimating
each acre of land to contain 15,000 tons of ore,
would make it worth $1,500 per acre, exclusive of
coal and surface value, and would therefore be
ample for lands which have not recently com-
manded more than from P 0 to $lOO per acre.
Second. To produce a ton of pig metal from the
ore would require, we judge, not over one gross ton
of anthracite coal ; because the ore itself is very
rich in coal and carbonaceous matter, as, indeed, are
all the ores of the coal measures ; and because
it
is also open and porous, contains but little silica,
phosphorus, sulphur, or other sluggish matter, but
on the contrary is rich in lime and manganese, and
other light fluxes. In Wales it has to be roasted
to coke the bitumen with which it is associated, or
otherwise the tarry secretions, while undergoing
calcination in the furnace, would clog up the
draught, and produce scaffolding. Our ore being
associated with anthracite (coal already coked)
requires no such treatment, and is, moreover, much
richer in iron and coal. While the Welsh and
Scotch ores require roasting and 1,000 pounds of
fuel, our ores require no roasting and less than 900
pounds ; and where they require 1,000 pounds of

ore, ours will require but 850 pounds, and in that

ratio to the production of pig metal.

The Vermont Chronicle not proving satisfactory
;(3. the Congregationalists of that State under present

management, a new organ of the denomination has
been started at Montpelier, called the Vermont
Congregationalist. It is edited by Rev. J. Q. Bit-

tinge', of St. Alban's, assisted by a corps of clergy-

men, and published by C. W. Willard. The first
number has spirited editorials, and is generally
readable and interesting. The name is not well

chosen, as there is already a Congregationalist ill

A new paper ealed the Leader, Radical in politics,
appeared at Washington on the evening of the

11th February.
Mr. James F. Otis, a kindly, geni,d gentleman,
who, without great scholarship, was known for
some thirty years as a pleasant and graceful writer,
and was connected at different times with The Ex-
press and Spirit qf the Times i❑ New York, and
with The New Orleans Picayune, died at Boston on
the 2d inst.
Mr. Bayard Taylor has just arrived in Europe.
Mr. Donald G. Mitchell—lk Marvel—is pre-
paring a work on landscape gardening.
Mr. C. W. Howard, of Kingston, Georgia,
announces a Southern history of the war.

Mr. Coffin—Barry Gray—is said to be complet-
ing a novel of American life, founded on facts
which have occurred within thirty years ; scene
near the Catskills.

Mr. Richard T. Colburn has nearly finished his
" Recollections of Twenty Campaigns," a work
which gives the author's experience as a cotton
planter near Natchez, and his army adventures
under Fremont and Lyon, at Vicksburg, in the
Army of the Potomac, and subsequently as cor-
respondent of the World.
M. Du Chaillu expects to visit America this
month or next.
" Why Coloured People in Philadelphia aro
Excluded from the Street Cars." (Philadelphia,
1866. Pamphlet, pp. 27.)—The author of this
paper, says the Nation, has put on record his pro-
test against one of the most curious relics of the
ancient barbarity still extant. It is a strange
anomaly that Philadelphia has done as much for the
extinction of slavery and the triumph of freedom
as any other city of the 'Union, that it was the seat
of the first organisation for raising coloured troops,
that it fed and clothed them at its refreshment
saloons, that it cares for them in its Soldiers' Home
now, and that, in spite of all this, to this day no
negro can ride in one of its passenger cars. The
pamphlet tells in plain, straightforward, manly
phrases, and with a simplicity that lends strength to
its rare bits of sharp sarcasm, the history of the
efforts that have been made to remedy this mis-
chievous prejudice. In spite of committees, of
public meetings, of courts of law with decisions
clearly against it, of applications for legislative
action, which were strangled and not discussed,
there is such a bad sentiment in the general public,
such a universal agreement in this wretched pre-
judice, that the mischief holds its own. Of course,
it is indefensible on any ground of sense or reason or
humanity, and nobody pretends to meet it with any
argument of that sort. Nevertheless, by coalmen
consent, the privilege or right, call it which you
please, that is accorded in every other town of the
country, is denied in Philadelphia. The calm,
measured tone of this pamphlet will lend its value
when, hereafter, the people of Philadelphia shall
look back on the curiosities of their older days
the same merit makes it worth reading and pre-
serving in other places which can afford to look
down on Philadelphia with some complacenCy, s°
far at least as this particular fault is concerned. of
course the good to be done by it is not confined to
securing to the coloured people the right of riding
in street-cars, for that will come when the real
work of the pamphlet is done. It is meant to
show to the white people of Philadelphia the wicked:
ness of fostering and keeping alive prejudices nt
i
race and distinctions of colour, in a way that n-
jures the whites in the eyes of all other white molt
and blunts their own perception of right and wrong
and holds the coloured people at a point lower than
their rightful place, humble as that may be.