The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-14 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1858.

What do the Palmerstonians now think of Mr.
VERNON slime He got rope enough last night,
and the usual result happened. His worst enemy
could not have damaged him half as much as he
damaged himself, by the insolent contumely dis-
played towards the House, and the arrogant self.
sufficiency of his tone and manner. His former
colleagues must have been greatly ashamed of the
enhibition. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE made
the best fight possible for his protegi, but any
effect which that venerable nobleman produced
leas been completely removed by the petulant
audacity of the ex-President of the India
Board. His tone was that rather of a saucy
schoolboy than of a Cabinet Minister, to whose
hands the destinies of one hundred and fifty
millions of British subjects were committed. The
universal feeling of the House prevented him from
inishing one sentence, which was too bad, even
for the Palmerstonians, and which elicited an in-
dignant demonstration frown all sides of the House.
But he was permitted to state that he was pre-
pared to justify, not having made any communi-
cation of what, with a singular absence of tact or
knowledge of right and wrong, he is pleased to
designate as a " private communication ;" and
to add, that "he had not the slightest feeling of
regret for not having done so." Nor was he satisfied
with damaging himself. He has implicated Lord
PAL➢MERSTON in the scrape, by declaring that he
had received Lord CANN/Meg letter, and con-
sulted his former leader, who concurred in its
very improper suppression. The matter is really
assuming a grave aspect. We should not like to
style it a conspiracy, but there is a total absence
of fair play and all the proprieties of civilised
life. It is what might be expected from a sharp
practitioner—one ready to take any dirty advan-
tage—but what any gentleman of standing and
position would hesitate to do !
Mr. SMITR, fortunately for England and fir
India, not at present of Cannon-Row, admitted
that he was aware that Lord CANNING wrote the
letter under the impression that he—Small—was
still President of the India Board, and would
simultaneously receive the letter and the procla-
mation. The most obtuse dunderhead could not
ignore that fact. The very words of Lord Carr-
rnmes letter indicated it clearly and distinctly.
- It was not to Mr. SMITR, but to the

Ainister for the time being; and, even if there
were any secrets in the missive, it was an impera-
tive duty to communicate at least the paragraph
in question to his successor in office. It was
couched in the following terms ;—" I intend to
issue a proclamation to the talookdars and land-
)wners of Oude, which will reach you officially
by the mail. I had hoped to have accompanied
it with a full explanatory despatch, but more
urgent business has prevented me from doing so
from hour to hour."

This proved beyond the possibility of doubt or
difficulty, that an explanation was required, and
that it would be given on a future occasion.
chat might have induced Lord ELLENBOROUGH to
pause, so far at least as the publication of the
despatch was concerned. But that opportunity
was lost by the misconduct of Mr. SMITH, who
had the letter on the 17th of April, and sup-
pressed it until after the departure of the mail on
the 26th.

We deeply regret the resignation of Lord
ELLENBOUOUGI. He was unquestionably " the
right man iu the right place," and we believe
that the publication of his admirable despatch is
calculated to restore peace and tranquillity in
India, and greatly to reduce the expenses and
difficulties of the contest. It was an act of
chivalrous self-sacrifice on his part that
induced him to tender his resignation,
and to do so without any communication
with his coadjutors. Had he consulted them
they would, as we have heard from the Chau-
3ellor of the Enhequer, have unanimously
requested the withdrawal of that resigna-
qcon. They would have supported him to the
last ; and we believe that the results in India
will, ere long, show the propriety of such a course.
[t is the all but universal confiscation of the soil,
he barefaced robbery indicated, that was calcu-

.atsd to encita the people to madness.
It is remarkable that not one of the PA.LUER-
-1/7070 organs have ventured to defend Mr. SMITE'.
His statements, which produced derisive cheers
from all
parts of the House, could not be defended
by Times, Pest,
or Advertiser, and the remarkable
silence of these journals is really a stronger corn-
meat on his folly, than the most severe censure

by an opponant. His party are thoroughly
ashamed of him, and with good and sufficient

cause.

Mr. CARDWELL still perseveres in his motion.
The bishop-making E4rl will also address the
House of Peers in support of the Sabbath-day con-
spiracy. It might have been supposed that the
resignation of Lord ELLFINBOROUCIZE would have
fully atoned for any indiscretion respecting the
publication of a despatch which no one has dared
to impeach, and which, we have no hesitation in
asserting, did equal honour to his head and heart.
It was calculated to allay the apprehensions not
only of eminent parsons, but of those who con-
sidered that they were acting for their King and
country, and who certainly could not fairly
be classified with mutineers and murderers—men
unfaithful to their salt, or the rabid foes of hu-
manity, ready to stain their hands in innocent
blood under circumstances of the utmost atrocity.
Lord CANNING, who had, in the first instance,
been wanting in firmness—who might almost
have been regarded as a sympathiser with
Sepoyism —after wards fell into the op-
posite extreme, and it was the duty of
the Home Government, and more espe-
cially of the President of the India Board, to
check him in his perilous career. It would,
Jideed,
strange if her Majesty's
constitu-

tional advisers might not even suggest to one
of their servants a more temperate course
than he was inclined to pursue might not
even hint that justice 'should be tempered with
mercy, or that leniency might prevail in deciding
on the case brought under consideration. Were
it otherwise, a colonial governor would be
constituted a despot, an absolute autocrat,
with unlimited authority. We s fearlessly
say that no consistent Liberal can sup-
port Mr. CARDWELL' s motion—can assist
in establishing a dictatorship of one of the most
tlmroughgoing Tories in either House of Parlia-
ment. Let them, before doing so, look to Lord
PALMERSTON'S antecedents, and remember how
greatly he has impeded the progress of reform.
Although a measure was promised, no inkling of
its provisions was suffered to leak out ; and it
was accidentally discovered that no bill was pre-
pared, or even in course of preparation.
Some excuse for delay and procrastina-
tion would have been discovered, and
the real Liberals, who were treated with con-
tumely and insult, would still have seen the mea-
sures, on which they had set their hearts, disre-
garded and set aside, while the Whigs were
obtaining their support under false and fraudulent
pretences.

Since Lord DERBY'S accession to power every-
thing that could be anticipated has been achieved.
In Foreign affairs we have seen the national
honour vindicated, the Conspiracy Bill aban-
doned, the English engineers liberated, and corn-
pansation demanded, and Mr. Honaz restored
to his friends. We have seen an admirable
budget that elicited the admiration even of all
the Palmerstonian journals. A just and humane
Administration at the Home-office offers a well.

founded hope of real reforms, and also of
fair play to India. Who, then, will join
the cry to restore Lord PALMERSTON ?
Let Lord DERBY and his colleagues be
fairly dealt with. Let them be judged according
to their deserts. If they merit censure let them
receive it, but let not the interests of India and of
England be sacrificed to party feeling or factious
proceedings.

On the Bth of June Mr. BERKELEY IS to bring
forward his motion for the Ballot. Now, there-
fore, is the time for reformers to bestir themselves.
Whatever any of them may think of the merits
of the CARDWELL resolution, of the CANNING
Proclamation, and the ELLENBOROUGH Despatcb,
all reformers quite understand that the Cambridge
House Sunday movement is intended to supplant
a Conservative Government by a Sham _Reform
Government. To give us a Government which
says, " I go, sir," but go not in place of one
which has, indeed, often refused, "but afterwards
repented, and went." In such a Government as
the former Reformers can have no possible in-
terest. The latter has practically served their
purpose far better. Reformers are, therefore,
just now, practically independent. Thoy can
appeal to the House, and they can canvass mem-
bers on real Reform questions ; and of all the
questions which will test the sincerity of a mem-
ber's reform principles, there is none to be com-
pared with the Ballot. No other reform gives to
every voter real independence. No other compels
an appeal to the intelligence of the people ; in-
stead of the innumerable appeals now addressed
to their fears for personal and family support,
and also to much meaner motives. No other re-
form emancipates whole counties from the dicts-
tion of landlords, and would convert them from
preserves for Whig and Tory political sport, to
constituencies of men voting as free agents.

We have often expressed our own opinion de
cidedly on this point. Wo just now find i

strongly corroborated by the testimony of "one
of themselves,"* and we have taken pains to
ascertain that the writer of this sensible and
moderate, yet decided little pamphlet is really
" one of themselves." He is a landowner, too, and
has no sympathy, of course, with " destructive"
Revolutionists and Red Republicans ; and we be-
lieve not overmuch with those who as a body rank
are Radicals. He is, however, as opposed as we
are to " organised shams," aad to oligarchy as-
suming the title of liberalism ; but especially as
an honest yeoman his indignation turns against
converting his own class into a part of the sham.
" Electors who do not elect" are in his judgment
a piece of political fraud, a legal fiction ; he would
not, however, abolish this fiction, but convert it
into a fact. He recognises as the present fact
that "he and his class are really and truly political
How," he adds, " must we detest the
serfs." "
franchise which should have been our boast, but
is become the badge of our serfdom." He demands
that the words "Independent Electors" should
be no longer " ironical but true:"
The county elector asserts, as we have so often
done, that a Reform Bill without the Ballot might,
and probably would, merely strengthen the hands
of the aristocracy, by giving them greater num-
bers of dependent supporters.
" We are promised a new Reform Bill. It seems
then not out of place to enquire, before a now con-
stituency is called into existence, whether it is
likely to be more independent than the old one.
Under a specious appearance of liberal measures,
the suffrage may be so extended as to intensify and
augment the power that the great Lards already
possess.
" Imagine a 201. tenant-at-will chive I Our
rulers do not object to increase the number of vo-
ters. Why should they They would increase by
that means their own power. What they do object
to is, to the voters being rendered independent. Ob-
ject ! did I say I They view such a propokal with
the utmost consternation, and will never yield
the power they possess over the electors,—if they
can help it. They look upon that power as much
their own, as the broad acres that have ma le them
what they are. It is probably dearer ti them than
any other possession ; they will never willingly re-
linquish it ; and we have no hope of redtess, but in
our own firmness and resolution to be free. The
ballot alone will make us really independent in the
exercise of our franchise, and it is upon the ballot
that we should concentrate our efforts. It is indeed
much more important to us, than to borough elec-
tors ; it is indispensable to for without it we
shall soon be politically extinct ; the specious form
of an election will not be wanting it is true ; but
the nominees of the oligarchy will be returned to
Parliament in our name, and we shall continue to
be insulted by beiur, told that they aro our repre-
sentatives."

We earnestly commend this little tract for gene-
ral circulation ; circulation in the counties especi-
ally. There is a tone of moderation combined
with decision, of simplicity, of truthfulness in it,
which will make it tell with a large class. The
class to whom the writer belongs will certainly
feel its truth ; cannot even they be got, for once,
to make an eff)r t for their own emancipation? The
Bth of June is approaching. Why cannot county
electors throw oft their fetters for once, and sign a
Petition of Rights—of the Right of Electoral In-
dependence at least—.to the House of Commons.
If but one county would, more others would
speedily follow. The effect would be irresistible.
Whigs and Tories would see that the hope of plies
and power was gone, unless Liberty of Election
were conceded, and all the aristocratic candidates
would loudly profess that they wished the people
to be free, and did not know that they wore not
so. We hope "County Electors" will respond to
the appeal of " one of themselves," by numerous
petitions before the Bth of June.

* A FEW WORDS TO COUNTY ELRCICORS ; by One of
Themselves." London :J. R. 14)vogrvve, Motcombe-
Etrtet, 1858.