The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-27 00:00:00

NATIONAL REFORM UNION.

A public meeting called by this association was
held on Saturday night at St. James's Hall ; Mr.
S. Morley in the chair. Among the gentlemen pre-
sent on the platform were Mr. Mill, M.P. ; Mr.
Gilpin, M.P. ; Mr. Deputy Reed, Mr. J. Torr, Mr.
Partridge, Mr. Gregory, Mr. Williams, Colonel
Dickson, Mr. Probyn, Dr. Tomkins, and Mr.
Brooke. The hall was densely crowded. Letters
of apology were read from Mr. Bazley, M.P., and
Mr. Schofield, M.P., and other members.
The CHAIRMAN, in commencing the business,
said the meeting had been called before the decision
of the Government with respect to Mr. Hodgkin-
son's amendment was known. The council had no
idea that men, who, a few short months ago, were
full of dismal apprehensions of the result of the ad-
mission of 200,000 to the franchise, would be will-
ing, without a word of debate or reason for so great
a change of opinion, to admit of the opening of the
gates to nearly a million. (Hear, hear.) When
this announcement was made the council took
counsel as to whether the meeting should be held,
and he was glad that the decision had been in favour
of holding the meeting. He was most anxious
that the people should not after all be cheated.
(Hear.) In conclusion, he referred in terms of
eulogism to the great friend of reform, Mr. Bright,
and urged upon the meeting the importance of the
saying of the hon. member. " Party having failed
let us try the people." (Hear, hear.)
Mr. GILPIN, M.P., moved the first resolution—
" That this meeting congratulates the Reformers of
the country upon the concessions wrung from the
Government in favour of the establishment of
household suffrage, and on the improved position of
the reform question." The hon. gentleman, in
speaking of the position of the great bulk of the
Liberal party, said—Let those who have separated
themselves explain their own conduct. We
have demanded that there should be a
plain and unmistakable measure of re-
form, equally open for the acceptance of all.
(Cheers.) We will not have difficulties thrown in
the way of the poor while they are swept out of the
path of the rich. We will stand on one level, and
there we will stand until all are put upon an equality.
The next point to which I have to refer is the county
franchise. A great many of you may, perhaps, ask
why we had that division the other night. (Hear.)
It was a most important division, involving a great
point, and we must stick to it. (Cheers.) I confess
that I would rather throw out the bill altogether
than leave the question unsettled. We demand that
while the franchise shall be practically extended
every scrap of land for which a vote is claimed shall
have a dwelling-house upon it. (Cheers.) Cannot
you fancy the county squires hugging each other in
a state of alarm, saying to each other, " What are
we to do ? We cannot cut up a piece of 500 acres
for the manufacture of votes if we are to have a
dwelling-house upon each piece of it." Carberyin to
g
the bill without some such provision would
carry a clause for the creation of faggot votes, and
we will have nothing of the kind if we can help it.
(Cheers.) •
Mr. C. REIn seconded the resolution, and admired
the plain and straightforward propositions which it
contained, and especially so the words the " conces-
sions wrung from the Government."
Mr. MILL, M.P., who was warmly cheered, said
—Brother and sister Reformers—(a laugh)—since
I had the satisfaction last week of looking upon you
from this platform, upon you and other Reformers,
equally numerous and equally honest, many things
have happened. At the beginning of the week it
really seemed as if the greatest of the objects for
which you are agitating had actually been attained.
It teemed as if we had got household suffrage, real,
honest household suffrage, and that there was very
little for us to do but to sit down and congratulate
one another. It is very fortunate that you did
not think so, and that you stood to your guns, for
here is our friend the compound householder up
again and as strong as ever. We have the whole
battle to fight over again from the beginning. We
hope that we shall fight it out successfully, and we
shall have you to thank for it. I will explain how
this matter stands. It is not we who object to the

- _
will not do so. (Hear, hear.) Th;° is not what wo
want, and we are not disposed to stance it. If we
once get household suffrage, though we may be
obliged to give up the convenience of compounding,
and when all those small householders have got a
vote, and want to compound, they will soon alter
the law, without the monstrous political conse-
quences which are sought to be attached to it. This
is what has been going on ever since the commence-
ment of the Reform discussion. I will not say it is
a trick. I do not like to use hard words, and espe-
cially when I cannot prove them. lis a long series
of what in the vernacular is called " trying it on."
(Hear, hear.) It is put forward just to see what
you will bear, and anything you will bear you shall
have to bear, but if you show you will not bear it,
perhaps it may not be required of you. (Hear,
hear.) •I dare say that it is thought to be very fair
' political strategy. If the Government were the
enemies of our objects—if we are trying to get the
most Parliamentary Reform we can, and they are
trying to give us the least—if we are enemies, at-
tempting to take every advantage of each other,
these things may be fair enough ; but if that is the
case, they should tell us so. But they do not, and
leave us to find it out. (Hear, hear.) The Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer cannot be charged with
breaking faith with us. Men of his ability do not
break faith. lie has been very careful and guarded,
and nobody can say be has deceived us ; but he has
encouraged us a good deal to deceive ourselves. (A
laugh.) I ought to be ashamed to make the con-
fession myself, but he quite succeeded with me
this time. (A laugh.) I certainly did think when
Mr. Disraeli came forward in the House of Com-
mons, and with that bland and conciliatory style,
and that frank and open way which be always
puts on when he chooses, and during this session
he generally has chosen to make use of these feel-
ings towards everybody but our great leader, Glad-
stone, when he came forward in this way, and as
soon as Mr. Hodgkinson had asked for the abolition
of the compound householder, in order that we
might not disfranchise the small householder, he
claimed that as his plan—as what he meant from
the beginning; that he not only had no objection to
it, but that he positively loved it—(alaugh)—when
he did this I did think he was going to give us. real
household suffrage, but he has taught me a lesson
which I did not think I needed, but I did, and that
is to be a precious great distance out of the wood
before I halloo. (A laugh.) This may not be so,
but so it looks to some of our friends, some of the
Liberal members who place a deal of trust, I am
sorry to say, not in the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer's virtues, but in the bad opinion they have of
him. They think that in all this, which looks a
little equivocal, that he is trying to impose on his
own party. Ido not know that he is trying to im-
pose upon anybody. If I thought he was, I should
think at least if he was going to impose on anybody
it was not so likely to be on his friends as on his
foes. I think rather that if he were disposed to
impose on anybody it is likely to be upon us. I
' hope we shall be mistaken, and that on Monday
next, when the subject comes up again, we shall
really get household suffrage. If we get that we
can afford to smile when Mr. Disraeli gets up in
an exulting tone—whether we have beaten him or
he us it is all the same to him—he always thinks it
his victory—and we can smile when he tells us that
we have all come over to him. But we arc not
quite so patient, and should not be so when he
hen he
jokes at those to whom we owe all thi
be under-
s, w
calls them " blunderers," and gives it to
stood that they have not been able to carry reform,
and that it is not their matter. He will say to Mr.
Gladstone, " You did not do it ;" but I contend
that Mr. Gladstone has done it. (Cheers.) lie
could not carry his measure last year because Mr.
Disraeli and his friends opposed it ; Mr. Disraeli
can carry his Reform Bill because Mr. Gladstone
will not oppose anything but that which is not real
reform. (Hear, hear.) The people of England
know that but for the late Government the present
one would have gone 100 miles off before they
would have brought in any Reform Bill; and every
good thing we have got in this bill, even that
which seemed to be more than Mr. Gladstone was
prepared to give, has only been give.' for the pur-
pose of outbidding Mr. Gladstone. (Hear, hear.) To
day I had the gratification of being with a deputation
to the Earl of Derby,to endeavour to save the life of a
poor convict. We do not know what the result will
be. The deputation was arranged last night when
the house was very thin, and when the news that
this poor man was to be executed cr.me upon us like
a clap of thunder. From the statement of Lord
Derby I felt a good deal discouraged, but some of
my friends fancy that there is a good deal of hope,
and if
,this hope is gratified, so long as there is a
chanee of its being gratified, I would not say a word
to mar the grace of the concession. If they wish
to reverse the decision at which they have arrived,
it has been come to only by a majority of the Cabi-
net, and that majority does not include some of the
principal members of the Government. I should
like to take your opinion as to some questions affect-
ing the state of Ireland at the present time. I
should like to know whether you think that we have
a right to hold Ireland in subjection unless we can
make Ireland contented with our Government?
(Cries of " No, no.") That expression oyour
sentiment will resound through Ireland, and w
—Do
hearts of her people. LA me ask you now
you think the Irish people are contented Doh
you
our
Government? (Cries of "
think those men who have been driven desperate by
the continuance of what the understandnlisgtohveeurnninzht
these poor men who do notit
ou are deter-
people, and do not understand t ?Ai
3 do not know
mined to give them justice, and
that you are going soon to be strong enough to do
it--(hear, hear)--and because t ideygdo not know
in most despe-
this, their patience is worn outi,sa, n
our to get rid of
rate circumstances, they en( tav
what they think misgovernment at the risk of their
lives? Do you think, I. say, that those men are not
fit to live for that reason? It is necessary to punish
them. It is necessary to
punish any unsuccessful re-
volt. (Oh.) No man has a right to en endanger the
lives of his fellow-creatures, to raise civil war in the

Mr. MASON JONES proposed the next resolution,
to the effect that the meeting regretted .the breach
of faith involved in the third and fourth clauses laid
on the table of the house on Thursday last, and
whilst being of opinion that if the ratepaying clauses
be not altogether abolished only one or other of two
courses is to be pursued—either the entire abolition
of compounding, or the extension of the franchise
to every man, whether he pays the rate himself or
not, he also is of opinion that no just cause has
been shown for disturbing and throwing into con_
fusion existing parochial arrangements.
Mr. TORE, of Manchester, seconded the motion,
which was unanimously agreed to.
Mr. JOHN A. PARTRIDGE, of Birmingham, pro-
posed another resolution, to the effect that, taking
into consideration the tortuous conduct of the Go-
vernment in the matter of the Reform Bill, the
meeting called on Reformers, both in and out of
Parliament to exercise their utmost vigilance in
doing away with the unsatisfactory features of the
bill, and in securing an honest and satisfactory
measure of reform.
Mr. J. W. PROBYN seconded the !motion, and
called attention to a long catalogue of remedial
measures which it would become the duty of a re-

formed Parliament to pass.
The motion was then put from the chair, and
unanimously approved of.
On the motion of Lieut.-Colonel Dic KBON, who
regretted, the absence of his leader, " the noble
Beales," a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Morley
for his kindness in presiding, and for his dignified
conduct in the chair.