The Sun.
London, England, 1858-09-29 00:00:00

HON. JOSEPH HO WE ON ENGLAND.

We extract, with great pleasure from the B Aston
Daily Traveller, of July 8, the following brilliant
oration delivered by the Hon. Joseph Howe, in
Nova Scotia—at the Democratic Festival—in an-
swer to the toast, " Our Mother Country !"—[Ed.
Sun]:—
" Mr. Howe said—lf this be a Democratic
all I will say of it is, that Monsieur Soyer could
not improve the viands, that the wines have a most
aristocratic flavour, and that the fruits and flowers
might be set upon the table of the gods. Ido not
know whether I am a Democrat or not, but I have
been fighting half my life at the North, to make every
man, whatever his creed, or origin, or complexion,
equal in the eye of one responsible government, equal
in the presence of universal laws. We Englishmen
' are endeavouring to combine in one general system
the forty States and Provinces which compose the
British Empire, scattered over every clime, embrac-
ing 300,000,000 of people, speaking every lan-
guage; and, while combining them, we desire to
develop their resources by free trade with each
other, and, if possible, with all the world. If the
democracy of this country are striving so to com-
bine the thirty-one States of this confederacy, then
I wish you success with all my heart. (Applause.)
You would be fools and madmen, called to this
vocation, in possession of half a continent, filled
with boundless resources, with a p,,loiious history to
reflect upon and boundless resources to develop, if
from any want of skill or statesmanship you failed
to preserve this Union. England, Ireland. and Scot-
land, who do not envy but glory in your prosperity,
would despise you if you did. British America,
whose interests are involved in your success, would
deeplyregret the dissolution of this great confederacy.
The sentiment which you have jitst given does
honour to your feast and to your nation. " Our
Mother Country." Why should we not love and
honour her? Why should she not respect and
appreciate us ? Your fathers and grandfathers and
mine fought out, like brave men as they were, their
differences of opinion. And I, though a British
subject, have lived to rejoice that we were beaten
in that old war, for human liberty and civilisation,
the world over, even in the British Islands them-
selves, have gained more by your victories than
would have been ' gained had your rights been
trodden down. But, bear in mind, my friends,
that the Britons of the present day are not those
who oppressed you. Your rivals in commerce, and
arts, and arms, they may be, but, thank God, they
are at last your friends. Ardent lovers of liberty
like yourselves, they have worked out, under
other forms, the great problem of self-
government. Comprehending the destiny of
the British races, they are gratified to see you
on one-half of this Continent, ruling your
thirty republics, while we at the North arc laying
slowly, but securely, the foundations of a great
empire. It would be strange, indeed, Mr. Chair-
man, if New England did not love Old England
with all her heart. How closely do the two
countries resemble each other. On every side, as
I ramble over your beautiful States, contrasts which
do not displease are blended with aspects highly
characteristic of the two countries. II IT England
in your busy marts and thriving manufactories—
in your substantial structures—in your permanent
enclosures—in the beautiful cottage homes of your
farmers—and in the villas of your merchant princes.
I see her in your love of shade trees and flowers
which droop over your highways and are festooned
around your city mansions. I sec in her the neat-
ness and thrift which everywhere prevail—in your
free Press—in your free Parliaments—in your love
of education—and in your reverence for the Bible.
Why then should you not love your mother country ?
Why should not we, men of the North and South,
mutually love each other ? We do. We will.
We must. Fraternal feelings are a necessity of our
natures. I would as soon shoot a Russian as a dog,
if I met him in open conflict. But to slay an
American would seem like committing a great
crime—like fratricide or murder. There can be no

lawful war between us. No war that is not
opposed to the higher laws which spring from our
common history, and govern our mental and moral
organizations. We have, it is true, been politically
divided for three-fourths of a century. But what
is that to the two thousand years during which our
blood, our laws, our fortunes were the same ? We
were the same people from Runnymede to 1688.
Your ancestors and mine wrung from tyrannie
kings and corrupt ministers the great charters
which preserved the liberties of the world, under
which you were trained for independence—in
which may be discovered the spirit of the Declara-
tion you have read to-day. Our fathers carried
the fled Cross Banner at the Crusades, flaunted
their White and Red Roses in each other's faces at
the civil wars, and at Agincolsrt, Cressy, and Poic-
tiers, bent their bows and wielded their battle-axes
for the honour and to the eternal glory of " our
mother country." In the struggles of the*Reforma-
tion, and in the later civil wars, you had your share.
At Ramifies and Oudenard, and at Quebec, our
ancestors fought side by side. Marlborough and
Wolfe arc yours. Shakspeare, and Milton, and
Spencer are yours. Russell, and Hampden, and
even Chatham are yours. We have a common lot
and part in all the great names that emblazon a
common history, and have enriched a litera:strc that
we cannot divide. Shall it be said, then, that be-
cause an old fool like Lord North set us by the cars
—that because the bad passions created by that
first mad contest involved us in a second civil war,
we are to fight again about any trifle, or that there
can be any question of such magnitude as to turn
back the great stream of our common thoughts, and
set us to cutting each other's throats ? God forbid.
Shall we fight to test our courage ? It has been
tested from Boadicea to Bunker's Hill, from Bun-
ker's Hill to Waterloo. We know how you can fight,
for we have tested your courage, sometimes to
our cost. You know how John Bull conducts him-
self in a fray, and as to our British Americans,
though lovers of peace, a bracing climate gives
vigour to the frame, and you can hardly sec a boy
in the British Provinces who, if there be reason
good, would not as soon fight as cat his breakfast.
But why should we ? Such scenes as I have wit-
nessscd to-day assures me that we never shall. Such
scenes as this are our best diplomacy. Let them ever
abound, and let us carry our trumpets as the firemen
did theirs this morning—ever filled with flowers.
Not the least gratifying part of the proceedings of
this day has been to me the oratorical displays,
with which I have been charmed. The Chinese
have their Feast of Lanterns. But you hang out
your intellectual lights, which would be too
dazzling, but for the art and the courtesy with which
their radiance is subdued. Before I sit down, sir,
permit me to thank you for the great kindness
extended to me on this occasion. Webster has
departed from the eccne of his great labours.
Everett and Choate it has been my high pris
to hear to-day, in the meridian splendour of their
reputations. I am. pleased, however, to see, sir, in
the chair of this assembly, so able a representative
of the rising race of orators and statesmen by
whom the destinies of this great country will here-
after be controlled, and if in accordance with the
order of proceedings, I beg to propose your health.