The Sun.
London, England, 1867-07-23 00:00:00

BILL.

The order of the day for the second reading of
this
a motion on the paper
übsislilown,ams
rp.uilet a
fro and agreed to without
£O3: its poetponement until next guidon, not being in tats

Mr. HARDY moved the seconel reading of this bill. He
did not wish to make the question a religious or sectarian
ono, bat that the puke might be put to their proper use,
that of being a place of recreation for the working classes
atel to benefit the whole of the inhabitants of the metro-
001s generally. II hal also Let:1111A iu the bill the
question, which was founded up re an act pass..cl king ago,
relative to meetings in Trafalgar-square, which was
within a mile of the Houses of Parliament.. Holding such
meetings was detrimental to the public interest.
Mr. NEATEsaid he thought the bill was only intended
to deal with the holding public meetings in the Royal
parks, but it appeared to him that the question ought
to be discussed whether it was not necessary
to include the queStime of right to hold any large public
meetings without the permission of the constituted authori-
ties. If it were right that any large meetings should take place
was there any portion of the metropolis more suitable than
Hyde Park? He would ask was it right that half a dozen
people should have the right to call together a certain
section of the people to a largo meeting. The people
considered that when you restrained them from meeting
that tho amusements of the rich were put into competition
with Arlene they called the political rights of the people. He
denied that Lord Eanolagh or any ono else had the right
to call large meetings of the people at any one
place. What had happened at Bristol and at Bir-
mingham might occur on a much larger scale in Lon-
don at a moment of political excitement. The Go-
vernment had the greatest responsibility in the
matter, for they after all had at length recognised the
sovereignty of the people and were bound to protect the
safety of the people. Ile should vote against this bill on
account of its inadequacy.
Mr. TAYLOR said that he rose to move that the
bill be read that day six months. Ho considered
it was a measure totally unfitted to the consti-
tution of the country. It was intended to take
away the constitutional rights of the people by depriving
them of holding public meetings in the metropolis. He
knew that it did not assert that the people should not hold
public meetings in the metropolis, but it forbade them to
meet in Hyde-park and other places where alone they
could hold meetings. He would quote the words of
Shylock when he says, " You deprive me of my
house when you do take a way the roof that does support
my house ; you take my lifo when you do take my means."
He contended that the bill of the Government was an inno-
vation upon the constitutional rights of the people, which
had existed for more than a century. He contended that
the people had at all those public meetings conducted
themselves with great credit. It appeared from the
proceedings of July, on the highest legal authority, that
the Government could keep the people out of the park, but
that when they were once in they could only bring some
action of trespass; but what was the action of the Govern-
ment last July? A very feeble one. They locked the
doors of the parks, and put policemen and others
inside, and the consequence was that the immense mass of
people forced down the rotten rails and obtained admis-
sion. They all knew what occurred afterwards. The
Government got a new theory, on the authority of Lord
Cairns and Sir William Bovill. They found that
they could not prevent these meetings if the
people were orderly. Tho Government could not have
taken more vacillating steps than on that occasion,
nor means more likely to stir up a riot in the midst of
such irritation and excitement. He did not believe that
the members of this Government intended to stain the
grass of Hyde-park with the blood of the people, but they
had carried out a system of irritation which was
very likely to lead to most sorious consequences.
He thought that the hon. gentleman might have taken
the words of a political opponent. Earl Russell had said
in a most temperate speech that the course pursued last
year by the Government had led to a great diminution
of constitutional authority, and that the system this year
had not been much better, and therefore he thought it
most advisable for tho Government to leave Hyde Park
alone. (Hear, hear.) No disturbance would have arisen
at all oven if 50,000 people had assembled in Hyde-park.
It would be a most inconsistent thing that the last session
of an unreformed house of Parliament si►oul I pass such
a bill as this. By passing this bill her Majesty's Govern-
ment were creating a new statutahle offence. In
Paris an illegal meeting was when twenty-one
persons were assembled ; but as .we liked to be
more liberal than the French, had not the right lion.
gentleman introduced a clause limiting the members at a
meeting to 42 ?
Mr. J. S. MILL seconded the amendment.
Mr. NEWDEGATE said that the lion. member for
Leicester had complained of the bill because it
strengthened the power of the Government with
regard to the parks, inasmuch as it gave
great powers to the Board of Works. Now he quite
=reed with the hon. gentleman that no authority should
bo given to the Board of Works. It might be
considered by the honourable gentleman a very
monarchical restricticn, but he admired the act
passed in the time of George 111., that no meeting should
be held within a mile of Hyde-park. The Ameri-
cans bad really made such an edict, and very
wisely determined that no meeting should be held
within six miles of their capital. In Federal Columbia,
too, no meetings wore allowed to be held ; they wished to
keep terrorism from that portion of America.
Mr. J. HARDY, in
.declaring himself favourable to the
bill, made an attack on Mr. P. Taylor, who, ho asserted,
he'd been returned by the refuse of the constituency ho re-
presented. For the use of this unparliamentary language
the hon. member was called to order by the Speaker, and
retraction and apology followed according to custom.
After a few words from Mr. DENMAN and Sir G. GREY,
the house divided, and the second reading was carried by
181 to to 64.

The house then went into committee of supply, and pro-
ceeded with the further consideration of the Civil Service
estimates.

The Customs Revenue Bill, the Inland Revenue Dill,
the Customs Duties (Isle of Man) Bill, and the Turnpike
Acts .Continuance Bill were severally read a second time.
The Courts of Law Officers (Ireland) Bill was read a
third time and passed.

Progross was made in committee with tho County Courts
Acts Amendment Bill, which had conic from the Lord,.

The other orders on tho paper were also disposed of, and
the house rose at five minutes to two o'clock.

London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway.

The following circular, addressesl to the share-
holders of this company by Mr. Laing, the chair-
man, in view of the extraordinary general meeting
to be held on Friday next, has been transmitted to
us for publication :

" The recent conflict between the late board and
the committee of investigation has left a state of
things which makes it the duty of the present board
to neglect no precaution against a possible defeat of
important measures by the concerted action of a
very small section 3f shareholders in a thin and un-
prepared meeting.
" Representing as they do the interests of about
8,000 shareholders and nearly £17,000,000 of capi-
tal, the directors feel bound on all important occa-
sions to obtain, as far as possible, the deliberate
opinion of the general body of shareholders. When
this opinion is against them they are perfectly ready
to resign, but so long as it supports their policy
they will remain at their posts, and do their utmost
to carry out such measures as to the best of their
judgment seem calculated to restore the value of the
property which has been so grievously depreciated
by. past errors of management.
" Acting on this principle, when they found
that the late board had concluded an agreement
for amalgamation with the South-Eastern Com-
pany, which left the entire result to the chances
of an open arbitration (chances which, in the
judgment of the present directors, might be very
unfavourable for the Brighton Company, owing to
the wile discrepancy between the real expenses of
the last three or four years, and those charge I to
revenue in the published accounts), they revised this
agreement, so as to bring the division of traffic to a
definite figure-based on actual retiults, which, after
deliberate examination, they were satisfied was more
favourable for Brighton interests than any probable
result of the proposed arbitration.
"This revised agreement was confirmed at the
recent meeting by a majority of 52,656 votes against
2,988, and the directors believe that it constitutes a
solid foundation for the future prosperity of both
companies.
4‘ They next directed their attention to wards the
financial condition of the company, which they
found on their accession to office in a state of ex-
treme embarrassment.
" The floating debts of the company amounted to
upwards of £700,000, of which a portion was very
urgent.
Sufficient provision had not been made for the
payment of the debenture interest due (-41.1 the 15th

The inquest on the body of Martha Britten, who
was killed and then burnt, was held yesterday by
Dr. Wybrants, coroner flit East Somerset at the
Lion Inn, Woolverton, before a jury, of which
the Rcv. C. F. Baker was foreman. The room was
crowded. Mr. Messiter, solicitor, of Frame, watched
the proceedings on behalf of the family of the pri-
soner, who was present. The prisoner is a somewhat
aged Mall, grey haired, and dressed in a suit of black
and appeared to feel his position. Mr. Ir. Goold,
chief constable of Somerset, was present, and Super-
intendent Duggan, of Frome, in whose custody the
prisoner was.
As the prisoner has confessed the crime, it is un-
necessary to do more than give his own statement.
Superintendent Duggan said the prisoner, when
taken into custody, said " It's a bad job." He pro-
duced the statement written by the prisoner on Sun-
day morning. It was directed to Mr. Woolly, his
brother-in-law, and was as follows :"Mr. Woolly,
—I do to you what I could not do to any one else.
With shame and true abhorrence and repentance of
the deed I have done, I confess it was I that foully
murdered my poor wife. It was done in the heat of
passion and in a fit of jealousy, and arose thus. I
saw what I shall keep to myself—told her of it—she
treated it lightly, which enraged me. I caught bold
of the first thing that came to hand, struck her with
it three or four times. Oh, how I wish I had been
blind or God had struck me dead before I did so.
Oh, what power the devil must have over me. It
seemed as though I had almost a hundred devils in
me, and I believe, had twenty people been there, I
should, had they interfered, served them in a simi-
lar manlier; but after it was done, and I reflected a
little time, oh ! how I detested and deplored the act
—viewed it with abhorrence, and oh ! what I would
have gave to bring her to life again. I fully intended
then to have destroyed myself, but was prevented
by two thoughts—first, that, alone in the house, the
child would come down and first find us, and no
doubt would lose his reason, or something as bad.
Second, that probab'y God may forgive murder
even, but not self-murder. Then 1 thought of at
once giving myself up, but then the devil or my own
evil heart tempted and induced me to try and hide
my act from the world, which I did immediately
by carrying her poor body over the wall by
the
pear tree into the malthouse, and finished the next
night. I chose that place for reasons Moger and her
friends will understand. The reason I would
of not a
take your hand was, I could not put the baud
Once
murderer into that of my sister's husband.
would
?
you said, if anything happened to me,
you
There is
take care of the boy. Will you do so noiw3
ills sake, and I hope,
trunk. Do so for not mine butu
a draft on the old Bristol Bank for 50 in my
Oh, what I have
poor fellow, he may reward y_o
and. first begun and
ended by false
brought on myself and friend
on° hf,richnocilsv;allniplYitLnY
which has been my bane
and feel for poor
boy Charles
Ethirizoaubgehtill_ifey.
—your I
feel my doom is
and Joseph. e last tragedy I deserve it
fixed, and that since let to
have no wish to live. I\lay God
but not before. I
As for myself, now
wife's
lie soul in his abode above, and may
forgivereceiveny me and receive mine at last also.. As for
man, I do not ask nor expect to receive forgiveness.
Do let me again beg you and poor Elizabeth to take
thei poor boy into your care, and may God bless you
all and him.—(Signed) GEO. BRITTEN. Witnessed,
Edward Duggan, Superintendent of Police, Thomas
IVestcombe, police-constable, No. 191. Dated at
Frome, this 21st day of July, 1867. Four o'clock,
p.ni." He shook very much and said, " I could write
more, but I can't." He then voluntarily made this
statement to me :—" I killed her on Thursday night.
I put her body in two sacks. I tied a rope round her
neck. 1 dragged her body up the ladder by the pear
tree, threw it over the tiles, dragged it over the plank
which was over the cistern, and then set lire to the
place. Oh, God forgive me, I loved her, I struck
her with a piece of lead down stairs." That was the
whole of the statement. He seemed to be in a low,
depressed state. He made no reference to the time
nor where the body remained from the Thursday
till the Saturday.
The coroner cautioned the prisoner in the usual
manner, and he replied, " I don't wish to say any-
, thing."
The coroner theu summed up, and the jury in a

The Springfield Republican, writing on the Eng.
lish Reform Bill, observes that nothing in the way
of turning
back and crossing over in one's own path,
ever witnessed in Ameriea, can co:npare with the
history
lo'f le Reformarliitauiontdl Suffrage
irin, last
y,ll\lt:.vem Aenyteairn
ago
the Liberals were is power—lt ti3cll leading in the
'lease of Loris, an 1 Gladston: in the Co:nmons ;
and they set about extending the right of suffrage
and re-distributing the seats. The Liberals
were
hardly agreed on the reform to
be granted, their
opinions ranging from universal suffrage to a
fractional addition to the franchise, and all
cence.le,l that some cettc.;ssien must and ought to
be made to the people. Gladstone set to work to
compromise the various opinions, proposing the least
that could be offered without keeping the promise
to the ear and breaking it to the hope. This Mr.
Bright and the Radicals accepted on the
principle of English statesmanship of taking
what
could be got, and the prospects of the
Ministry
seemed quite cheering, But the Tories were strong
and stalwart against any extension of suffrage,
Derby led them in the Peers and Disraeli in
the Commons. After a struggle the Tories
triumphed by the help of a fragment of Con-
servative-Liberals. Mr. Gladstone, conscious of
a strong cause, confident that his defeat was but for
a day, and after a brief interlude of Tory Govern-
ment that he and his friends would come back to
power stronger than....ever to drive recusants from
place, with his opponeis4 weakened_by an exhibi-
tion' of their inpompetoace, folleAved the -English
fashion, and threw up his portfolio. Derby and
Disraeli formed
.a Ministry as leaders in Parliament.
The Liberals turned to the people—" If you are in
earnest for Reform," they cried, " say so, and let us
see the Tories meet the question." The people moved.
.Reform meetings were frequent and crowded. The
penny press wrote ; the Liberal orators shouted, and
the cause grew apace. Household suffrage, that is
the giving of the ballot to men who own or rent
houses of a certain value had been all dreamed of,
was now rapidly lost sight of, and manhood suf-
frage was the cry. The " outs" rubbed their hands
in glee ; the " ins" grew paler at the prospects, and
all the aristocracy trembled. Mr. Disraeli had to
meet the storm, backed by a party that believed in
nothing, and wished to give nothing ; confronted
by a party that had no faith in his sincerity, and
sought to make him fail. His bill was intricate and
confused, seemingly generous in terms, but
niggardly in reality. His friends had no heart,
his opponents no faith in it. lle controlled his
backers by showing that reform must be granted,
the popular wave was coming on, to ride it is to con-
trol it, to fail is to grant more.
" Thus Disraeli coaxed and cajoled his friends.
For his opponents he had grace and tact, courage,
and force ; they offered amendments—he would
yield them; they sought to destroy his bill—ho
would defy them. Step by step he carried his
measure along, yielding more and more of reform,
at the instance of the Liberals, who hoped thus to
break him down with his own party, but always failing
in this through his power to keep his followers in
training, and combine enough votes from both sides
to carry his points, until the measure was complete,
and he still the leader of the Commons. And be-
hold, the measure of reform is fuller than Mr. Glad-
stone broke down on the year before, richer than
the Liberals had dared to expect from even their
own party !
" The extension of the suffrage under the bill thus
perfected is enormous. Now a voter must pay £lO
rent in a borough or £5O in a county. By the
Disraeli bill, every man can vote who pays poor
rates—taxes for the support of the paupers—or ilo
a year for lodgings. Substantially, it gives the suf-
frage to all heasehollers, and only floating farm
labourers and tramps are really excluded. It will
more than double the number of voters in the king-
dom ; whereas they have been a million and a
quarter, now they will number two and a half or
three millions. Tnia is an enormous stride towards
llepublicanism, and the history of the means by
which it has been effected is, we believe, without
parallel in palitical annals.
" Lord Palmerston never did a piece of work so
dexterously, that was at the same time of so momen-
tous importance, as this. Mr. Disraeli takes rank
at once as the great politician, the great parliamen-
tarian of the age. Our Congress never saw his
equal, our politicians never conceived of such riding
the storm, and making the whirlwind serve their
own glory and power. It is the finest illustration
ever given of that quality or habit of English states-
manship which, resisting a policy or a principle so
long as is possible, but finding that public opinion
demands it and will have it, turns about, gracefully
accepts the measure or policy, and weaves it a
diadem into its own crown. Peel and Palmerston
have given us conspicuous instances of this facility
of change from the leader of the Opposition to the
leadership of a reform ; but Disraeli, not only in the
great character and consequence of the measure in-
volved, but by the surprising adroitness and
ability
with which he has carried it against questioning
friend and contending foe, has surpassed them
all."