The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-27 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, -MAY 27, 1858.

Never, perhaps, during the course of a very
brilliant career, was the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer more effective than last night, when, at the
banquet at Slough, to which he had been invited
as a private Member of Parliament, he was cane,'
on to respond to the Oast of "Her MAJESTY'S
Ministers"—amongst whom he now occupies so
prominent a position. It was, to say the least of
it, one of his most felicitous efforts.
.The occasion

was one of no ordinary importance. Although,
nominally, a social gathering, intended to do
honour to two gentlemen who had gained the un-
limited confidence of their constituents, it became,
under the peculiar circumstances of the case, a
matter of deep interest, not only to the electors
of Bucks, but to the entire community. The
Sabbath-day Conspiracy had only just been igno-
miniously defeated ; Parliament had adjourned
for the recess on the very night when truth and
justice prevailed ; and a- straightforward, manly,
and equitable policy was vindicated, and a factious
Opposition " brought to grief." It was, there-
fore, a glorious opportunity for the Ministerial
leader in the popular branch of the Legislature to
explain the conduct of the Government since
their inauguration in office ; and it was turned to
the best advantage. It was not a defence. That
was totally uncalled for. It was rather a pocan
for their unquestionable triumph, showing the
substantial grounds on which their victory was
founded, and, still better, on which it was so pre-
eminently merited.

Mr. DISRAELI fully entered into the subject.
He explained that Lord DERBY had not sought
for or desired, [much less " grasped" at, office.
On the contrary, if a feeling of imperative duty
had not reigned paramount in his heart and soul,
he would rather have avoided the serious respon-
sibility, the formidable difficulties, and the
damaged inheritance bequeathed to him by his
predecessor. As a loyal and devoted subject he
yielded to the legitimate and constitutional
command of his Sovereign, and threw himself
into the gap with a devotion and intrepidity
becoming his chivalric character. He cared not
for obstacles, for by manly and energetic conduct
they could be overcome. He was, or rather was
supposed to be, in a minority in the House that
really ruled the nation. But with fair play
he could level every impediment, and pilot the
vessel of the State into a safe and commodious
port. With this feeling he accepted " the heri-
tage of difficulties" bequeathed to him, and en-
tered on his arduous task with an earnest determi-
nation so far as the foreign relations of the country
were concerned, of neither cringing to the strong
nor bullying to the weak, but of vindicating the
honour of his country, under every emergency,
and by temperate firmness extricating her from
the embarrassments in which she was, unhappily,
involved.

Nobly has he discharged that duty. He has
avoided a war—terrible to the cause of civilisa-
tion and of humanity—without any sacrifice of
dignity ; nay more, winning the respect and
esteem of those who might, by any unwise pro-
ceeding on our part, have become our opponents,
and cemented the mutual esteem between the
peoples of France and England, and placed their
mutual kindly relations on a more enduring
and permanent basis than ever. Our deeply-
wronged countrymen were rescued from the
horrible dungeons in which they were so
improperly placed, and restored to their
family and friends. A possible, nay more,
an impending war between Sardinia and Naples,
which would have caused a general European con-
flagration, was wisely and judiciously averted.
It was, indeed, a proud moment for him—a man
of the people—one who by his own extraordinary
talent, indefatigable industry, and indomitable
energy, elevated himself to so exalted a position,
when he could refer with natural exultation to
what the government, of which he was so influ-
ential a member, had accomplished, in respect to the
foreign relations of this country.
Nor was this all. There was a subject in
which he was more immediately concerned, that

fell within his own peculiar department. As he
himself truly declared—" The finances of the
country were in a position of the most extreme
difficulty; and—what was still worse—they were
imagined by the country generally to be in a
position even more embarrassing than they really
were. The tendency of that feeling greatly in-
creased the difficulty of dealing with the sub-
ject, because it induced depression and even
panic on the public mind, and acted in a
most injurious manner on the commercial
enterprise of the country. These financial
difficulties were looked forward to by our
opponents, equally with those we encountered in
our foreign affairs, as the means by which it was
hoped our failure might be accomplished. It
does not become me to refer to the mea-
sures by which these financial difficulties were
encountered, but I may be permitted to
make this single observation, that it was my
duty, as the Minister of Finance in the Govern-
ment of Lord DERSY—in the midst of this
hostile House of Commons, and facing a band of
opponents such as few have had to encounter—to
propose measures to meet the emergency which
had the singular and unprecedented fortune of
being passed by general acclamation." The
inanoial scheme which he promulgated was uni-
versally approved. He had solved the difficult
problem, and maintained the national credit
ueinapaired and unimpeachable, without resorting
to additional imposts objectionable to the people,
And actually carried out a reduction of taxation,
giving a reasonable hope of ultimately getting rid
of the oppressive burden, if it cannot be rendered
fair end equitable.

But the greatest difficulty of all was the In-
dian question. That indeed was of the deepest
interest not only to the inhabitants of the United
Kingdom, but to one hundred and fifty millions
of their fellow-subjects. The Government had to
decide the principle on which they proposed to
reconstruct the Indian Empire—to re-establish
the British supremacy. " Was it to be military oc -
cupation by an army four times greater in amount
than any army of Europeans that ever entered
that country ? Was it to be military occupa-
tion, attended by enormous taxation, by a drain-
ing of her MAJESTY'S subjects from this country,
and by a perpetual exhaustion of our resources ?
or were we to recognise that vengeance had done
its duty ? Were we to recognise that the time
had arrived, or was fast arriving, when, upon the
fall of the rebellious capital, we ought to announce
to the inhabitants of India the principle on which
it was proposed to reconstruct our empire—a prin-
ciple that we believed must contributa to their
happiness, and to the welfare and power and
glory of this country ? Was it always to be mas-
sacre and confiscation ?"
What response should be given to these inter-
rogatories ? Is it not the response which both
Houses of Parliament have given, and which tb.-
nation has so cordially re-echoed ? It was ;an 1
never did a cabal so egregiously err as in suppos-
ing that their vile s'cherne would achieve
success which they fond!y hoped for it.
The
plotthe
had been artfully contrived. The concoctors fan-
died place and power within their gray. They were
resolved " to loot the Treasury," and saw nothing
that could hurl the anticipated cup from their
Thirsting lips. "A gentleman in the House of
Commons brought forward the motion, and Le
was a man of unimpeachable character. Th
cabal, which had itself rather a tainted character,
chose its instruments with pharisaical accuri
Lean assure you that when the Right Hon. Gen
tlemau who brought forward the motion in the
House of Commons rose to impeach me I was