The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-19 00:00:00

facts. First, as to the revenue of India. In 1809 the
revenue 0 f Bengal was 7,101,0001., and the total revenue
of the three presidencies was 11,238,4201. In 1850 the
revenue of Bengal had risen to 13,740,00)1, and the whole
millions and a half. Surely that
re te re ewneud t
benefito nineteen
becomingto the country. (Hear, hear.)
In ten years the exports from India had increased 182 per
cent., and the imports 227 per cent. (Hear, hear.) Did
such a result justify the taunt of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, that the imports to India had not benefited
England? But this improvement in imports had given a
great impetus to labour. (Hear, hear.) Then there was
the article of cotton. It had been charged against the,
company thatthey had not developed the growth of cotton ;
but during twenty years the cotton imported to England
had increased from 38 millions of pounds to 170 millions,
or 346 per cent., whilst that imported to all other parts of
the world had increased from 93 millions of pounds to 237
millions, or 141 per cent. (Hear, hear.) The honour-
able member for Shrewsbury had thought fit to say that
the population of India was highly taxed ; but what were
the figures ? In the regulation districts in the no,T.thi-hwit
tem provinces the pressure of taxation was 3s. 3 1
pound per annum ; in the nonof payment
-regulation districts it was
21. 20. (Hear, hear.) The relative per centage
on account of wages in India, as compared with England,
was largely in favour of the former; an dßet
.heland-tax was
mh ay. (Hear.)
in the proportion of ls. 6d. per sore n„
With regard to the relative comfort of the population, he
would undertake to prove that there was more squalor and
misery to be found in one street in Loadon than in a whole
district in India. The tenure of land, also, was much
more favourable to industrial development than it was in
this country. He would now touch upon the question of
the double government. The noble lord the First Minister
of the Crown, in proposing the bill, had made merry with
hie branch of the subject, and had compared the course of
despatch in its circulation between the various depart-
ments of the Government to the " adventures of a guinea."
That description was quite an ideal one ; but he (Colonel
Sykes) proposed to give the house a real one. The hon.
and gallant member here gave an explanation of
the actual stages through which a despatch passed be-
fore it attained maturity, and stated it as his belief that
the great error committed in the management of such a
document was its previous transmission to the Board of
Control, a course of action which involved a prejudging of
the subject, and the tying-up of the hands of the Board of
Directors. The functions of the recent chmmritciteeeirewdetree
simply ministerial, their signatures only being
declarations of war, and the home Government required
en-
tirely responsible for the dedarat responsiblenof head of the war itself. The bill
proposed that there should be e
new government for India ; but a consideration of the ac-
tual, amount of work done by the Board of Directors would
show that the physical
powers of a single individual would
During be %ulte unequal to the task. the last year the
India House received 2,516 letters, and the number of col-
lections or data on which those letters were founded
reached 16,950. There were despatohed to India in the
same year 1,833 despatches. To show the diligence of the
board he might state that out of 1,651 despatches, 1,151
were approved of on the day on which they were brought
before the court, 1,481 were approved of without any alte-
ration at all. It was diligence such as this which the noble
lord who " complimented, smiled, and slayed," charac-
terised as dilatory. But if delay occurred at all it should
be remembered that the interests of millions were con-
cerned, and precipitation might involve their destruction.
Unlike the billof Mr. Fox, which contained a long preface
of the alleged misdemeanours committed by the committee,
that of the noble lord began by praise. But look at the dif-
ferent spirit of the two measures. Mr. Fox's bill provided
for seven directors, to be named by the Government with-
out limitation. Their names were inserted in the bill but
they were to be assisted by nine assistant directors, to be
appointed on the popular elective principle from the pro-
prietary body. (Hear, hear.) There was no attempt in
the former bill to abolish the East India Company, and it
was a mild measure compared with the present one. A
majority of votes was to be decisive without delegation to
the Board of Control, whereas the nominated members of
the new board had no further power than to record their
objections, and the President of the Council would in fact
be a despot. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Fox's bill, again, was
liberal in respect to allowing the members of the board to
sit in Parliament. Tho present measure denied any such
privilege to the members of the new council. He again asked
whether a single man was physically capable of performing
one hundredth part of the business which it was now sought
to impose on him ? Hehad himself occupied the post of chair-
man of the Board of Directors' and such was the strain onhim
that for two years he had to take his breakfast every morn-
ing at the East India House, where he remained until six,
and rarely got home during that period until two o'clock
in the morning. (Hear, and a laugh.) With all the labour
implied in this attendance, he was unable to attend to a
hundredth part of the correspondence. But he could rely
upon assistance which the new despot could not have at
command. Under the present system reliance could be
placed on the various committees—(hear)—but the new
despot must rely upon a staff of clerks to assist him. But
was the house prepared to delegate the government of India
tea body of clerks ? (Loud cries of hear.) The Board of
Directors had also been charged with inefficiency in the
matter of sending out troops to India. What again were
the facts ? The Government had called upon them a short
time ago to send out 30,000 troops to India. In two
months the Court of Directors had despatched sixty-seven
vessels, steamers, and clippers of the first order, containing
the whole of that number of troops, who bad arrived in
India without incurring a single accident. (Hear.) Was
this a sign of dilatoriness? But again, between October and
November, on the requisition of the Government, the
Board of Directors had despatched to India, for conveyance
by Sir James Outram to Persia, 768 packages of clothing
and boots. He had so recently expressed his opinion upon
the cause of the mutiny, that he should not detain the house
at this moment by dwelling upon it. That mutiny was a
military revolt, arising out of a panic on the part of the
sepoys of the Bengal army, who feared they were going to
be degraded by the Government from their caste. Some-
thing might be said as to the course which might have been
taken after the breaking oat of the mutiny at Meerut. If
there had been a Gillespie at Meerut, as there had been at
"Vonore, events might have taken a different turn. Much
had been said with regard to the lukewarmness of the Go-
vernment in expressing sympathy with the Christian
movement taking place in India. To his own personal
knowledge this charge was not true of India for the last 20
years. Why, when a bishop arrived out in India, his ad-
vent was proclaimed at the cannon's mouth, and the sepoys,
on hearing the boom, naturally asked what was the matter?
The answer to this was, " Why, the Lord Bishop has ar-
rived." This was no denial of Christianity at all events.
To show that they had not failed in giving proofs of their
anxiety to promote Christianity in India, he hal had re-
turns produced, showing the expenses of the bishop's visi-
tation, and showing that the expenses of the Church Esta-
blishment had risen during the last few years from 3,4201.
to 6,4071., while the Catholics had received instead of 5•30 l.
2,5701. From these facts, and from the increase of chapels,
it was clear that the Company had done all they could.
They had also given grants to missionary schools. To show
what the real state of religion in India was, he would read
-an extract from a work published by the Rev. Joseph Mul-
lens, of Calcutta, showing that native churches had sprung
up in all directions, together with,vernactdar native schools,
and schools of every possible description. From other pub-
lications he read extracts showing that the murderous
practices which preirailed at the commencement of the pre-
sent century had now been interdicted ; that Thuggism
had been abolished, that the connection of the company
' with idolatry in its worst forms had ceased, that the pro-
ceedings in courts of justice had been thrown open, that
- hospitals, colleges, and schools had been established ; that
the electric telegraph was in operation, and that railways
had been commenced. This extract was from the journal
of the Indian Christian Association, and showed that reli-
gious people were not of opinion that the company had ne-
' glected their Christian duties in India. He contended
that missionary enterprise was very valuable in India, on
account of the establishment of schools which it encouraged
but it was of still greater advantage on account of the ex-
ample which Christian missionaries held out to the natives
in their purity of their lives. There were many cases in
which Christian converts had been placed on an equality
with Europeans, another proof that the company had not
neglected their Christianity. Another proof to the same
effect was, that converts bad been granted a right to share
in all family property with the Htndoo and Mahomedan
from which he was necessarily excluded by losing his caste.
What would they say of a great historical family in this
country, the Talbots and Shrewsburys for instance, if the
estates were left to them on the sole condition of their
remaining Roman Catholics, and yet if the youngest
son became a Protestant, the house should pass a law
that he should take a share. That was exactly the feel-
ing of the people of India as to what had been done
by the company with regard to Christianity—whether
rightly or wrongly he would not say. He conaiderel that
• in dealing with India great cant' prudence, and circum-
spection were needed, and that they always have
before their minds the inflammable maaails with which
they had to contend. Now what effect would
ster this bill
have on patronage ? The bill made the min
pot in India. All the great offices of State would be in l
his hands. Many of the military and civil offices which
had been hitherto in the hands of the governors-general
and the governors of the respective presidencies had been
checked, but whenever there was a minister without any
check, would there not be some influence or appointment,
for reasons of which nobody would know. Military patro-
nage was to be given to the council, but the appointment
of these persons was to be in the hands of the Minister, so
that military Emtronage would ho really at his disposal.
Who was to determine the relative claims of the appli-
cants? Unless they tossed up for it, or determined it by
ballot, they could not do it at all. The number of cadetships
given during the last 17 years was 5,477. Of these there
had been given to sons of military and medical officers,
chaplains in the East India Company's service, sons of
cli.M °Mr, e. LW. t • o sous of officers in her Majestv'i
—classease'ofi ; etr, son' sof clergymen, 580. To the widdla
, —and he did. nv the number of cadetships given was 2,315
one had been jvt hesitate for a moment to say that not
The curse of In.: away
for party purposes. (Cheers.)
offices in Inc'ia,
anahad been the appointments to high
would be when the it was impossible to say what these
single minister, eriZeMntmeats were in the hands of a
meats of the Goven_ any check. The military appoint-
when
siLer Job of the worst possible de-
scription.
Crread.
oofekthweent to India he knew
nothing of the habits or wriseh
himandeP;riVealliaenfdathteensodoedn
created a revolt. Another
at the East India House.°
not rise from his seat withoutworn in, and could
then, on leaving the room, War ao ~,,nalatauce.
against the edge of a screen, and
would
oonnig thatbhej
rrn
eaocni
Jared had it not been for the exertions of anhamve 'been in-
ter. Next came a most amiable, loveable mana
entirely ignorant of the country and people, and' whot il°
cow."
',fluently ought never to have bsen put at the head of ani;
army of 120,000 men, whom we could scarcely touch with
safety upon some particular points, but whom they might
knock about in any way as far as the public service was
concerned- His failures were no fault of his, because he
knew
nothing. Some provision should be made that the
officers sent out should be free from physical infirmity, and
should have some knowledge of the habits and customs of
the people. It would be impossible to control India with-
out a native army, and a native armruiovueld never be main-
tained unless the prejudice of the
autrloewr?spected.
There had been a great deal of hanging
from guns. Much irritation had been cansed,lanifdarhay
state of things must consequently subside. In a couple that
years they might properly attempt a change, and the first
thing should be to do away with the Board of Control. A
Minister of the Crown might be placed over a sufficient
council, and to that council should be given an assurance
of independence of action. (Cheers.) Above all, Liberal
gentlemen should take care to preserve the elective prin-
ciple. (Hear, hear.) If their professions to their con-
stituents were worth a rush they would bear that fact in
mind, and then the patronage would be free from party
spirit. (Hear, hear.) Such being his views, he should
conclude in the words of a
, dresolatutei,on passed at the East
wh w conducted
India House after four days e b
with an ability, eloquence, hprudence,ich andsonnd judg-
ment which would have done honour to any debate in that
house-e." That the proposed transfer of the governing
Powers of the East India Company to the Crown it opposed