The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-31 00:00:00

THE COST OF THE COLONIES.

In reply to Mr. ADDERLEY and Mr. MAGurur,
Mr. S. HERBERT said, with regard to the request made
by his hon. friend opposite (Mr. Adderley)' who wished to
see a copy of the report of the committee appointed in re-
ference to the expense of the colonies, as a general rule there
was an objection to publish the report of departmental
committees, but it was also true that when the hon. mem •
ber brought the question forward he (Mr. S. Herbert)
stated that he disapproved of the capriciousness with which
these payments were distributed, and that the committee
were pursuing an inquiry. He had no objection whatever
to this report being produced. It was a very able docu-
ment, and two of the members of the committee had made
reports in an opposite sense. With regard to the question
of the hon. member for Dungannon, the case was certainly
one of charity, but not of justice. He believed he could not
overrate their destitute condition. They entered the Tur-
kish service most of them in the division known as the
Cossacks of the Sultan, and were subsequently taken into
British pay. It was a question simply of contract. The
English Government, through its agents, engaged a cer-
tain number of men. Those persons had no bounty, but
they were allowed a certain sum to purchase an outfit on
their arrival at Constantinople. These persons, most of
them, joined their regiments under different circum-
stances; some were deserters, and some were prisoners
taken at Bornarsund. Their contract was, that the officers
were to receive the pay of France, and the men were to re •
ceive the pay of the Turkish privates. They went out,
and at the expiration of the service they were
given, in addition, a certain gratuity; those who re-
Mained in Turkey were paid a certain sum wad dismissed.
Those who came to England received a further sum, and
until last autumn they made no complaint whatever. Their
dissatisfaction was caused by finding that persons enlisted
at a distance had received more, on account of the greater
expense they would be put to in travelling home. -With
regard to the officer the hon. gentleman had referred to, he
believed that he had been dismissed for misconduct.
SWITZERLAND AND FRANCE.

Sir It. PEEL,—I rise, Sir, to call the attention of the
House to the subject of which I have given notice, and I
trust that, under the circumstances, the house will kindly
bear with me in the statement lam about to make. Nay
more, I believe the house will concur with me in thinking
' that, looking at the embarrassed state of foreign affairs at
this moment, it is desirable before we adjourn for the Easter
vacation that some expression of opinion should be made
with reference to the position of Switzerland—(hear)—and
that we should have an opportunity of considering and
weighing the immense and immediate danger with which
the neutrality, and independence of that country are now
threatened by the annexation of Savoy to Franee. My
object in rising to-night is, I may say, to endeavour
to save Switzerland by a generous expression of
sympathy on the part of this house and this nation,
for I de think that she is greatly menaced
by the position of affairs in her immediate neighbourhood:
Individually I own I take a lively and very natural interest
in the Welfare of that country, having lived there for seve-
ral years-in a very impressionable period of my life. (A
laugh.) But I put that on one side. I come here as an
Englishman, the• free Parliament of a free people, to
advocate the principles of liberty wherever it may concern
this country, and to maintain those principles -wherever
imperilled—(hear, hear)—and i shall be satisfied if, when
I resume my seat, I shall have contributed, in however
humble a degree, to elicit a discussion that may serve the
cause of that country whose rights are now imminently en-
dangered. At the outset I must say that the repeated in-
sinuations of the hon. member for Birmingham against
those who have advocated the interests of Europe in oppo-
sition to the aggressive 'policy of France are most un-
founded. That hon. gentleman is very severe in his cri-
ticism of those who venture to differ from him on political
questions. We know the candour of his censures ; but I
am convinced almoit every member of this house dissents
from the nn-English policy which the hon. gentleman
would recommend her Majesty's Government to pursue at
this moment. (Cheers.) That hon. member repudiates the
opinion of,my hon. friend the member for Bridgewater, as
well as those which I and abler members of this house have
expressed on several recent occasions on this question. Brit,.
mark yOu, those opinions are now the opinions of her Ma-
jesty's Government, (Hear, hear.) The hon. member lift
Birmingham the other night said he repudiated those
views because he represented a great English constituency;
but, remember, we all of us form the collective representa-
tion of the entire constitnent body in this country; and I
say the hon. gentleman, in disowning our views and the'
views of her 311jesty's GoVeinraent, disowns the sentiments
of nine-tenths of the town which has sent him here.
(Cheers.) That, however, is the hon. member's own affair,
and he had better look to it. (A laugh.) I venture to tell
him thaf if the new Reform Bill passes he wilffind himself
very much in the position of the right hon. member for
Ashton, the late member for Manchester. (Laughter.) But
when the hon, gentleman endeavours to persuade us that
we have no direct interest in this great question, I believe
he grossly misrepresents the general feeling of this coun-
try, and egregiously undervalues the depth of that feeling
(Cheers.) I wish also now to state that lam certainly not.
actuated by any unfriendly feeling towards her Majesty's
GoTernilient. I only desire, as was said the other night by
my hon. friend the member for Horsham, to strengthen-
their handi in the present emergency, and to see them pur-
suing a policy worthy of this country and the grave respon-
sibilities under which they are placed. They have shown
much hesitation on several occasions in answering questions'
relating to foreign affairs ; but I believe they could lose no-
thing by a generally diffused knowledge of what their policy
has been within the last few weeks. Certainly, I think the
opinions expressed the other night by the noble lord the Fo-
reign Secretary have had a very great effect in this country.
. (Cheers.) Those opinions have immeasurably enhanced the
confidence of the nation in the straightfoiward course which
that noble lord will unquestionably take in the conduct of
these affairs. But why not let us know what has been the
answer made to M. Thouvenel ? It was promised to be laid
on the table the other day ; but we have never seen it ? It
is said in the streets that it is very spirited. Let us see, then,
what your spirited answer is. Observe the difficulty-in which
members of the present Government are placed by not in-
forming the couiltry what their policy has been- When in
18:57 Mr. Cobden proposed a vote of censure on the Govern-
ment, I think his expression was that their foreign policy
had been "turbulent and aggressive," They were turned
out of office in consequence. The year following Mr. 31.
Gibson, who was member for Manchester then—(a laugh)'
—moved another vote of censure against the Government
for not haVing been, as he called it, sufficiently prompt in
vindicating our national honour. That is to say, in 1857
the Government were too turbulent ; and in 1858 they were
net turbulent enough. (Laughter.) All this comes of the
country not knowing what your policy is. But the word-
ing of Mr. Gibson's memorable motion is really worth re-
calling when we are considering the Government's hesita-
tion to show us their despatch. The then member for Man-
chesterer —(a langh)—declared:—‘, This house regrets that
h
Majesty's Government have not felt it their duty to
make some reply to an important despatch received from
the French Government on Jan. 28, 1858." (Hear, hear.)
Here we are in almost the same position. The right hon.
member for Ashton, sittingon his present comfortable
bench, may, perhaps, not like to take the matter up now.
(Laughter.) But this important despatch has not been pro-
duced, and we are ignorant of its contents. I dare say it is
" spirited," if it accords with the tone used the other night
by the noble Foreign Secretary. But of this there can be
no doubt, that a wanton outrage, fraught with the
gravest consequences to the peace and happiness of
nations, has just been offered to the Powers of
Europe and the principles of justice. (Cheers.) With-
in the last three days I think that last act has been signed,
the effect of which must be, unless this country and the
rest of Europe protest against it, to- subvert the indepen-
dence of Switzerland. What have been the assurances of
France all this time ? We all recollect the famous decla-
ration, " L'Empire, c'est la paix I " The French Go-
vernment had over and over again solemnly declared
that it aimed at no personal objects—that it sought

no territorial aggrandisement. In his proclamation issued
at Milan the Emperor told the peeple of Lombardy, " Vos

ennemis, qui sent lea miens, ont tents de diminuer la sym-
pathie universelle qu'il y avait en Europe pour votre cause,
en faisant croire que je ne faisais la guerre slap par atabi-
tion personnellc, 014 pour aggrandir le territoire de la
France." In his speech from the throne, on opening his
Chambers, on the Ist of March, the Emperor said, "La
France ne menace personae ;" and then went on to avow his
hope, by the expansion of the resources of France and by
the extension Of liberty, "to console and reassure huma-
nity." And this is tie way in which he "consoles and re-
assures humanity." (Cheers and a laugh.) I think we
have too long and too credulously listened to his good as-
surances ; that we have too ingenuously accepted the good
faith of his intentions. (Hear, hear.) Whatever may be
the consequences—and grave, I fear, they may be—of the
present complications, certainly, as far as is consistent with
the honour of this country, peace must be maintained.
The house, I am sure, would be sorry to urge her Majesty's
Government to adopt a policy involving war, and all those
painful concomitants of war with which, alas ! too many of
us are familiar. But whether it be necessary by peace, or
by a firm and vigorous attitude to encounter a policy on the
part of France which is producing distrust tending to war,
I think we all ought, as far as possible, consistently with
peace, to strengthen thehands of the Imperial Government,
which is responsible to Parliament for the safety of our in-
terests and the maintenance of our honour, (Hear.) Nay, I
go further than the hon. member for Birmingham went the
other night, and say that, whatever may be the particular
interest of Russia, of Austria, of Germany, or even of Swit-
zerland, I should be very sorry to see the Government of
England adopting a policy calculated to plunge us into a
war for no object of general interest. But is there no prin-
ciple of common interest affecting this country at stake in
what is now going on? I believe there is. (Hear.) Many
hon. gentlemen, here and out of doors, think her Majesty's
Government have connived in some way or other at the
aggression and annexation now being pursued by France. I
do not concur in that suspicion, and I have said so from the
beginning. Appearances have been strongly against them,
I admit. (Hear, hear.) I think they have carried forbear-
ance to its extreme limits But I believe they have been
grossly deceived. In fact, they have confessed as much
themselves. But, mark you, they have been deceived by a
Power whose good faith and good intentions they were
bound to accept after the repeated assurances they had re-
ceived. (Hear, hear.) I ask the house to observe the po-
sition in which Europe is now placed. Is it likely that the
Emperor, having rejected all the friendly remonstrances of
this country and of others, having by his desperate policy
plunged France into a system of aggrandizement and terri-
torial aggression, will now stop and be satisfied with what
he has obtained, even if he be able to curb the further pro-
gress of the revolutionary—for it is revolutionary—(hear,
hear)—policy which he is pursuing ? It is the revolutionary
policy of 1848, which was adopted by M. de Lamartine and
by M. Louis Blanc, and I ask you, as we know that ce
nest qua le premier pas qui mate, whether it is not most
probable that, having tasted the pleasure of ambition, and
witnessed " the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious
war," the Emperor will take the first opportunity of pro-
ceeding to some conquest which will more materially affect
the interests of Europe. If that be so, we have at this mo-
ment the great and important duty to perform ofendeavour-
ing, with the assistance of the rest of Europe. to check his
progress. What is the feeling of Europe at this moment?
Does Europe feel with us ? The hon. member for Birming-
ham thinks that it does not. The other night he said, to
my astonishment, " Russia. takes no interest in this miser-
able question." The hon. member for Birmingham calls
that " a miserable question" which concerns the liberties
of half a million of people. (Opposition cheers.) lie said
" Does Russia take an interest, does Austria take an in-
terest in it? Austria won't join you in a quarrel about
Savoy or Switzerland when not one word has been said
about her own dismemberment." lie must not think that
every Power has that feeling of jealousy and nasty
spitefulness—(a laugh)—and that Austria, although she
has suffered, will not come forward in the interest of the rest
of Europe, to endeavour to vindicate the right, and to de-
fend the principles which she has herself sworn to adopt.
The hon gentleman says that you can't get up any interest
in the question in this country. In answer to that assertion
I may appeal to the state of the house at this moment, I may
appeal to this crowded assembly, called together 1)5, no
words of mine, but by an active and determined interest in
the welfare of Switzerland. (Hear, hear.) Yet the hon.
gentleman says that you can't get up an interest on this
subject, adding that there is some little attention paid to it
by one newspaper, but that it is a newspaper notorious for
a mixture of piety and ruffianism. (Laughter.) That is the
way in which the hon. member for Birmingham speaks of a
free press. (Cheers.) He says that day after day thatenews-
paper endeavours to stir up the passions of the people by
vituperations—l am referring to what I have read in the
newspapers—
The SPEAKER—I must request the hon. baronet not
to refer in detail to a past debate.
Sir It. PEEL—Of course I bow with submission to the
chair. I was merely alluding to what I read had taken
place. One thing I recollect having seen in the newspapers,
and that was, that it was insinuated that the guilty authors
of these vituperations were princes of the House of Orleans.
Now, I do think that that was a most unjust and ungenerous
imputation for any man to cast upon a family like the House
of Orleans. (Cheers.) The princes of th3t family, weighed
down as they are by the bitterest visitation with which Pro-
vidence could afflict a family, have, during all the time that
they haveresided in this country, conducted themselves with
a nobility of character—(gteseral cheering)—and more than a
nobility of character—with a dignity of demeanour which
has gained for them the sympathies of every one—(renewed
cheering)--except the hon. member for Birmingham, who,
coupling them with the Savoyards, is so ready to cry down
and afflict them. I only hope that the hon. gentleman him-
self may never be placed in such a position as to learn what
it is to be deprived of his home and of the country of his
birth. (Hear, and a slight laugh.) I do not mean to say he
is ever likely to become a sovereign. (Much lattghter.) Let
me now call back the attention of the house to the inquiry,
" Is the feeling of Europe opposed to the consideration of
this question ?" Russia, they say, is cool about it. Why,
Russia is at this moment occupied with a great question of
domestic policy, and of course she is more ready to turn her
attention to that than to war. But take Prussia. Take
Prussia with her well organised army and her loyal people;
what are the feelings of Prussia ? Were they not nobly ex-
, pressed in that despatch of Baron Schleinitz which was
quoted the other night? I have not it by me, but it was a
generous and noble expression of feeling on the part of that
country. Recollect that that is a country which has never
forgotten, and I hope never will forget, the injustice and in-
dignities which were heaped upon it by the first Napoleon,
until the genius of the Duke of Wellington and the sword
of Blucher vindicated its national honour. The Prussians
must feel very deeply when they are told that the Rhine is
threatened now. Don't tell me that the whole of Europe is
perfectly indifferent to what may take place. Above all,
don't tell me that Prussia, with its devoted army and its
loyal people, is contented to assent to the aggressions of
France. (Hear,hear.) Well, then, I come to Austria. They
say Austria won't make any move with regard to Switzer-
land because nothing was said when her own territory was
dismembered. It is true that Austria has had to suffer a
very heavy calamity, but I believe that any one who studied
the campaign in Italy will admit that nothing could have
been more her'oic than the way in which the Austrian sol-
diess fought throughout that campaign. Of course our sym-
pathies were with the Italians—(hear, hear)—but at the
same time we admired the way in which the Austrians
fought under the direction of men who were unequal to the
emergency. The Austrian army showed itself worthy to
be the army of a great empire, and I am satisfied that if it
bad been better organised it would have contended with
greater success even against the forces of France. But what
is the condition of Austria at this moment? There are two
causes which prevent Austria from taking any active lute-
rest in this question, religious discord and financial em-
tbrairra kennto*wAthnyatoenveerwhsoinhceas
IwB a 5 tsc, h ewdhiehne athffeairesoonfeoArduese-t
with Rome was concluded, there has been much religious
dissension in that country. The Austrian empire contains
a population of 35,000,000, of whom 3,000,000 are Protest-
ants, and they conceive that their religious feelings and
religious rights have been very much compromised by the
concordat. That is an element of discord against which it
is most difficult for any power to contend ; but there is an-
other embarrassment, which is still more important, because
it concerns the supply of the sinews of war. Every one
knows that Austria is at this moment labouring under the
greatest possible burden of financial difficulty. s believe
that I am correct in saying that within the last 11 years
the public debt of that country has increased 150 per cent.,
and at this moment it amounts to more than eight times the
annual revenue. Nay, to show the difficulty which Austria
has in raising money, I believe that the last loan she attempted
to negotiate failed upon every bourse in Europe. I ask you,
then, is it likely that she should take any active part in as-
sisting us to arrest the aggressions of France ? But this I
will say, that I believe her sympathies, that I believe the
sympathies of Germany, are entirely in our favour. Let us
see for a moment how it is that all these difficulties have
fallen upon Switzerland. Just consider for one moment
what it is that presses down that country. It is this un-
happy policy of France. I, in common with everybody else
in this country, hoped that France was acting a noble part
towards Italy, that she was acting disinterestedly, that she
was really desirouS to free that country ; but there has been
this arriere pease'e all throupla her transactions. From- the
very beginning she has been seeking to obtain what she
calls an territoire de tres peu d' (Venda°, but what is both
politically and strategically of great importance to Europe.
France has always been desirous to obtain possession of
that. Her expression was that she wanted nothing that need
alarm Europe, nothing but an territoire de tres peu d'eten
due; and that neither by military operations nor by insur-
rection would she seek to acquire these provinces. These
are the provinces which abut upon Switzerland, which are
absolutely essential to the salvation of that country, and
which for 230 years have been considered absolutely neces-
sarysrlhe aohguyhlto
as
nniitsrod,t‘ch' thisp
of:eri
have. France
:IFtSsharteravintoaeyerrlveueildtrioeetrasybirrosett:hhi:ald:troeatiienailar
nell:loBr:nlc49ehPdaLebzto‘hir d(raaite,lCewa sn d
h titlel Franceeeh:f
d
abuts upon Switzerland, in order that she might gain a
footing upon the Lake of Geneva, Russia and England, re-

presented by Capo d'lstria and Pozzo di Borgo, by Lord

Clancartyjand Lord Castlereagh, prevented her from ac-
quiring that territory, but she has now taken it without
asking. I wonder whether the Emperor of the French ever
reads his Bible. (A laugh.) It is a very serious matter. If

he does, I wonder it does not recal to his recollection that
small territory which Ahab the King wanted to take from
Naboth the Jezreelite. That was un territoire de tree peu
(1' etendue. Ahab wanted it for money and took it with blood,
_ _

and what was the consequence ? The cry of the weak rose
like a sacrifice to the Almighty, and the expectations of
the rich man were blasted with disappointment. Such, I
believe, will be the case in the present instance. We do
not live in a period when miraculous interpositions take
place, but I hope that the cry of the weak will still find an
echo with the Government of this country ; sure I am that
it will find an echo in this House of Parliament. (Hear,
hear.) You ought not to disregard national feeling. This
country never has disregarded national feeling in Europe. i
I well recollect having read in the speeches of a great Par-
liamentary leader, when some members of the House of
Commons were urging the Government to adopt a policy of
cowardice and cringing towards the first Emperor of the
French, of which I hope we shall have no examples in the
present day—(hear, hear) —.I well recollect that when those
members of the House of Commons were attacking the Duke
of Wellington, and arguing that, after all, Napoleon would
govern the Spaniards a great deal better than the Spaniards
governed themselves, Mr. Canning, with that magnificent
elan of character which always distinguished him, said,
"National feeling ! National feeling is prior to and para-
mount over every consideration of political convenience."

1 think the national feeling which has been aroused not only
in Switzerland but in every country of Europe by the aggres
sive policy of France is worthy of the attention of this house.
What are the reasons which M. Thouvenel gives for the
annexation of Savoy and Nice ? At first he said the people
would be consulted—the people are against annexation.
Then he said he would consult the municipalities—the mu •
nicipalities agree with the people. Then he promised to
consult the Powers of Europe—the Powers of Europe are of
the same opinion as the people and the municipalities ; but
before they have had time to return an answer France has
accomplished the annexation. The conduct of M. Thou-
venel has been marked throughout by a duplicity unworthy
the Minister of a great empire. He says in a despatch to
the French Minister at Berne, " Historical traditions
favour the annexation of Savoy to France." I should have
liked to answer that despatch. (A laugh.) It is a total
perversion of the truth. The conduct of France towards
Savoy has been the very reverse. Charles Emmanuel was
Duke of Savoy when Henry IV. was King of France,
and Richlieu was his chief Minister. (Cries of "No I")
Perhaps lam wrong. When Henry IV. was King of
France the Minister may have been some other gentleman.
(Laughter.) Charles Emmanuel, seeing that difficulties
were about to arise with France, wantedlo extend his coun-
try. Henry IV. attacked him, and took the whole of Savoy;
but what was his policy ? He was generous and' politic,
and returned. Savoy to its duke. How can M. Thouvenel say
that "historical traditions favour the annexation of Savoy ?"
Louis XIII , in 1628, also took Savoy; but he, too, gave
it back to the duke—another conclusive proof that historical
traditions are not in favour of the annexation of Savoy to
France. It is only since the dynasty of Napoleon has arisen
that any attempt has been made to take permanent posses-
sion of that which has for so many centuries belonged to
the dukes of Savoy. (Hear, hear.) In a despatch to M. Per-
signy the French Minister says that the annexation of
Savoy and Nice has always been considered by several of
the principal Powers of Europe as a compensation due to
France. That statement is also without foundation. Cas-
tlereagh and Clancarty, Capo d'lstria and Pozzo di Berge,
were all desirous of preventing Savoy being annexed to
France. Here I may ask how the King of Piedmont could
- have been induced to part with those provinces which abut
upon Switzerland, and which he was bound either 'to keep
or to return to Switzerland ? He has no more right to part
with Savoy to the Emperor of the French than the Sove-
reign of this country would have to part with Gibraltar, or
than Charles 11. had to part with Dunkirk. It was given
to him as a defence against France, and he was paid
10,000,000 f. as an inducement to keep it. Count Cavour
hopes the declarations of M. Thouvenel will be satisfactory
to the Powers, as they are satisfactory to the Savoyards.
What is the truth ? I hold in my hand a protest against
the annexation to France, signed by 12,000 inhabitants of
the neutralised provinces. There are a few avocats, but
they are chiefly small landowners, and they demand an-
nexation to Switzerland. The names of the Savoyards
resident in Geneva are not included. A more remark-
able manifestation of opinion never occurred, and its
importance is increased by the fact, which has been
communicated to me from Chambery, that the French
agents are doing everything in their power to get up
movement in favour of France, and have bought nearly all
the newspapers, which, consequently, give a very false idea
of the feelings and wishes of the population. (Hear.) I
cannot understand a policy which gives liberty to Italy and
destroys it in Switzerland and Sawiy. It is impossible not
to contrast the conduct of the King of Piedmont in 1814
with that of the present sovereign. In 1811 the Powers
had the greatest difficulty in inducing the King of Pied-
mont to give up a portion of his territory, even upon the
understanding that it should be comprised in the Swiss
neutrality, because he said he could not think of separa-
ting himself from old, faithful, and loyal subjects. The
Victor Emmanuel of the present day is ready to make any
sacrifice in that respect, and I cannot help thinking that
his conduct shows he is little worthy to reign over a brave
and attached people. (Hear.) The House of Savoy should
have one resemblance to' the glaciers of that country. As
the glaciers take their form from the womb of the moun-
tains out of which they burst, so the House of Savoy ought
to bear the stamp of the people among whom it sprang'
into existence, and over whom it has reigned for so many
centuries. But the hon. member for Birmingham ex-
claims, "Perish Savoy I" and he says to the Savoyards,
"The industry of Lyons will double your incomes, and
therefore you can easily shunt your loyalty." (Cheers and
laughter.) The hon. member must have been thinking of
the loyalty of the House of Savoy and not of the loyalty of
the people. (Hear.) " Perish Savoy I" I should rather
say—Perish the power which seeks to enlarge its bounds.
ries by sacrificing the liberties of half a million of people who
for centuries have been the mainstay of its existence and
the rock of its defence ! Savoy has been called a barren
rock. The ,people are poor, but the very rocks among
which they live make them place a higher value upon
liberty and independence than upon the industry of
Lyons and the duplication of their incomes. (Cheers.)
I am almost afraid it is all over with Switzerland, and
Savoy is already gone. (Hear, hear.) A deputation from
Savoy went to the Emperor to offer him the country, and it
is quite amusing to read how the Emperor received this de-
putation. I do not know where the deputies came from,
but they arrived in cabs at the Place Vendome, dressed in
the national costume. Having dined with the Emperor,
they received a photograph, signed in memoriam 24th
Starch, and since then they have not been heard of.
(Laughter.) It is a.very curious thing that the Emperor,
when he received them, made a most striking remark to one
of the deputies from Chablais, which is close to Switzerland.
He said, "By the way, D6pute Savoision, are there any
barracks in your country ?" "Yes, Sire," replied the de-
puty ; and then the Emperor exclaimed, ".h je vais
vows envoycr des troupes, dent-la prdsenee donne tau jours de
la vie et de l' animation a un pays." That is charming—
that is the way in which the liberties of these people are
going to be got rid of, and the manner in which they are to
be deprived of what they at present ;enjoy. I am afraid
that they would have but a slight enjoyment of the liberty
which they expect to receive from the Emperor of the
French. I recollect a famous letter of the first Napoleon,
which was published the other day, and the present Napo-
leon is following precisely the policy of the dynasty. (Hear.)
It is, only surprising that we cannot be on our guard against
what must be the infallible consequences if we allow
that policy step by step to advance. There was a letter,
which the first Napoleon wrote to his brother Joseph, who
was a quiet man—(laughter)—and nq in favour of violent
measures. In this letter the first Napoleon wrote :—" Mind
your favour national feeling." But in a private letter he'
"Crush national feeling; ettfin faites piller quatrs on
cinq grog bourgs pour efrayer les habituns et pour doiiner
de la gaiete aux soldats" (Laughter.) These Savoyards will
have to undergo the same consequences, and the people of
Switzerland are in the same danger. La question Suisse is a
different thing from la question Savoisienne. The question of
Switzerland is one of the greatest aggravation. From the
earliest time the President of the Swiss Confederation

impressed upon Captain Harris that it was of vital impor-
tance to the independence of Switzerland that Savoy, and
especially " Haute-Savoie," should never be annexed to
France. (Hoar, hear.) The hon. member for Birmingham
has said that Savoy is politically worthless, That expres-
nion shall not go forth without correction, and so I have
quoted what the President of the Swiss Confederation says
with regard to the annexation of Savoy to France. Louis
Napoleon in one of his writings says, "Not only will Savoy
augment the French territory, but it will open the great
Simplon road, and give to France la liberle des Alpes, et en
eas de guerre an incignifique champ de bataille pour aim
lutle offensive et defensive." (Hear, hear.) When the
first Napoleon annexed Savoy, did he think it unimportant ?
This only shows how the hon. member for Birmingham
makes statements without the slightest foundation. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) The first Napoleon, directly after he
took Savoy, considered the occupation of Switzerland as a
thing absolutely necessary on military grounds, end lie
came to the same ettnOusien on political grounds; and
when he took Geneva ho procured two military roads, one
through Constance and the ether by the Simplon, and
robbed Berme of no less than 42,000,000 f. Switzerland has
not yet forgotten the horrors inflicted by the troops. The
President of the Swiss Confederation told Captain Harris
that there was groat danger for Switzerland, but Captain
Harris, on the other hand, replied that there was no occa-
sion for alarm ; that no change would take place of a neu-
tral territory without the entire consent of the parties to
the treaties. The President of the Swiss Confederation,
however, insisted upon, the danger, and sr :id that without
consulting the Powers these important pro vinces would be
annexed. (Hear, hear.) Very great satisfaction has,
indeed, been afforded—by the answer giN ten by the noble
Secretary for Foreign Affairs to a questio n I put to him the
Other night. I asked the noble lord wb ether the Govern-
ment were prepared to abandon the net itrality of Switzer-

land, as guaranteed by Great Britain in common with the

other Powers, and the noble lord.rppliedin language worthy
of himself and his country, " Tat the Swiss Government
have asked us Whether, in case of such annexation (of
Savoy), we are prepared to maintain the neutrality of
Switzerland, and to provide in such a manner that the

neutrality should in no way be injured, and we have always
replied that we have determined to do so ; that Chablais
and Faucigny were parts of the general arrangements for
the guarantee of Switzerland; and that if separated from
Sardinia they ought to be annexed to Switzerland." (Hear,
hear.) It is a curious thing that M. Thouvenel at one
time made the same assertion, for he told Lord Cowley that

if Savoy should be united to France the provinces of Chab-
lais and. Faucigny should go to Switzerland. But the
French Government and M. Thouvenel have strangely
changed their opinions, and in point of fact it is impossible
to expect them to abide for one week by their declarations.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) One of the most unworthy
documents I ever cast my eye over is the answer of M.
Thouvenel to M. Turgot at Berne, and it broaches the most
extraordinary doctrine that a Sovereign might shift his
people from himself to another. In fact, this is the esta-
blishment of what is called the " divine right of kings," and
I never could have believed that it would be maintained in
the 19th century. So the Savoyards are to be shifted from
one monarch under whom they enjoyed liberty, to another
under whom they would suffer the consequences of a severe
despotism and an overbearing ambition. (Hear, hear.)
1 don't like interference when the interests of this country
are not concerned. For instance, there was recently an
attempted interference between Spain and Morocco. Ido
not approve that. (Hear, hear.) Again, there are some
passages in the despatches of Mr. Elliot from Naples which
I think are far from satisfactory. (Hear, hear.) On one
occasion Mr. Elliot tells the King that such and such
a thing has occurred. The King says that his Ministers
have told him just the contrary, upon which Mr.
Elliot replies in the most overbearing manner, that
what the Neapolitan Ministers say does not matter
to him, the King may believe that what ho has told him
is the case. Into the Neapolitan question Ido not wish
to enter, but the position assumed by our representative
cannot, I think, be altogether justified. But the hon. mem-
ber (Mr. Bright) says that England has always ignomini-
ously failed in the exercise of its influence with foreign
countries. Ido not agree with him. Did Mr. Pitt igno-
miniously fail when he endeavoured to use the influence of
this country in Europe ? Did Lord Castlereah, did Mr.
Canning, did Lord Aberdeen, did Sir Stratford Canning ig-
nominiously fail ? (Hear.) In 1830 Lord Palmerston was
Foreign Minister. I allude to an historical circumstance,
and therefore mention the noble lord's name. He did not
ignominiously fail in making the influence of England felt
in Europe. The question of Belgium had then to be treated,
and, through the influence of England and of Europe, Be.
gium has for 30 years enjoyed the blessings of constitu-
tional Government, under a wise and liberal sovereign.
(Hear, hear.) Again, did Lord Palmerston fail, during
1838-9 and 40 in making the influence of this country felt
as regards the affairs of the East ? (Hear.) Then, I say,
that what we want now is a generous and a vigorous pro-
test on the part of the British Government. I recollect, in
1817, when the question of Cracow arose, the noble lord (J.
Russell) made a protest, from which I wish to road a sen-
tence. He said :
" I consider that in the late transactions in Europe, al-
though on more than one occasion, and by different Powers,
our wishes have not been complied with, our desires have
not been listened to, our protests may have been disre-
garded, yet there does remain with us a moral strength
nothing can take away. We are ready in the face of
Europe, however inconvenient some of those stipulations
may be, to hold ourselves bound by all our engagements to
keep the fame and the name and the honour of the Crown
of England unsullied, and to guard that unsullied honour
as a jewel which we will not have tarnished."
That ,was the protest of the noble lord against the conduct
of the three Powers in 1847 with regard to Cracow, and I
hope to see that the English Government has not re-
trograded since then. I hope also to see a vigorous pro-
test from this house. We are not, as the French paper
said, the nominees and the chambellans of an Imperial
Court, but we are the free Parliament of a free people,
(Hear.) This house is a great assembly, and ought to exer-
cise the rights which belong to it as the representative of a
great country. (Hear.) We have always been battling
against France. It has been the policy of this country to
counteract the policy of France, and we have done so suc-
cessfully. We checked the aggression of Louis XIV. and
of Louis XV. ; we curbed the ambition of the First Napo-
leon, and are now called upon to check the unhappy policy
which the present Emperor of the French seems desirous
of inaugurating. (Hear.) I hope the Emperor will not,
like his uncle, curse Europe with the destruction and the
desolation which swept over its face in the last great war.
If he does, and if we resist him, our quarrel will be a just,
our cause ,a good one, and worthy of this country. (Hear.)
Shakspeare says—
" Thrice is he arm'd who hath his quarrel just,
And he but naked, though lock'd up in steel,
Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted."
I believe that to be the corruption which now infects the
Imperial policy ; and that injustice sooner or later will bear
bitter fruits in the condemnation with which it will be met.
(Hear.) This very night I have been told that perhaps
there may yet bo some hope for Switzerland, and that the
union of Chablais and Faucigny with France is not yet ac-
complished. If that be so, I ask the house to join we in a
protest which shall vindicate the interest and liberties of
Switzerland. (Hear.) I ask the house- to allow me to be
its interpreter on this occasion in favour of a liberty-loving
nation and of a most loyal Republic. (Hear.) I ask it to
allow me by anticipation to give expression to its feelings,
and I think the house will then concur with me when I say
in the name of public opinion in this country, that upon
every principle of justice, of honour, and of right, it is ab-
solutely necessary that these provinces should be annexed
to Switzerland, or otherwise you will infallibly see that
Republic sink into the lowest depths to which it can de-
scend, the consequence of its absorption into the Imperial
domains, and of its subjection to the Imperial dynasty of
France. (Cheers.)
The motion for adjournment until Monday was then put
and negatived.