The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-01 00:00:00

A FATAL DUEL.

VIENNA, Feb. 23.
It has frequently been observed that an unsuc-
cessful campaign is generally followed by an un-
usual amount of duelling. The comments—fre-
quently severe—made upon the conduct of indivi-

duals often give rise to recriminations and disputes
which, according to the ideas prevalent on the
Continent, can only be arranged finally by an
appeal to arms.
The unfortunate termination of the late war has
been fruitful in such results. An encounter between
Generals Benedek and Count Clam-Gallas was
prevented by the mediation of an exalted personage,
but duels between officers of a lesser grade have
been and are still frequent.
The most deplorable event of the kind which has
yet occurred was the unhappy event of last Satur-
day, which resulted so fatally to Prince Bernhard of
Solms.

As the Prince made it his last request to his
seconds before the duel that, whatever the result
might be, bis dispute with Count Wedel should be
considered finally arranged by their encounter, it
must suffice to say that the immediate cause of the
duel was a letter from Prince Solins to Count
Wedel, which left the latter no alternative but a
challenge.

The meeting took place at daybreak in the Prater

the adversaries were placed 35 paces apart, with
liberty to advance each 10 paces, the intermediate
space being marked by the sabres of the seconds.
On the word being given both opponents stepped
forward to the barrier, and Prince Solms stood at
" attention," presenting his full front to his oppo-
nent. He had before declared his intention to his
friend, Dr. Baron Mundy, who was present as
physician, to receive his adversary's fire and then
to fire his own weapon in the air. After a few
moments' hesitation Count Wedel drew the trigger
of his pistol. The weapons that had been selected
for the occasion were unfortunately more precise
than is usual with duelling pistols, and the ball
struck his adversary almost in the centre of the
chest, a little to the right. The Prince fell almost
senseless to the ground, but had still sufficient
strength when Count Wedel, overwhelmed at the
result of his aim, threw himself beside him to grant
the pardon he implored. That the wound was ab-
solutely mortal was evident from the first ; he was
carried to his home, and the care of the attending
physicians was confined to alleviating his intense

sufferings with opiates. Prince Solms lingered for
nearly twenty-four hours, and died the next morn-
ing at six o'clock.
The funeral solemnity took place on Tuesday, the
19th inst., and was attended by the King, the
Crown Prince, and the Princess of Hanover, the
Archduke William, the uncle and brothers of the
Prince, and a large concourse of generals, officers,
and members of the aristocracy. Prince Solms was
born in the year 1839 ; he exchanged before the
war from the cavalry into an artillery regiment,
and commanded a battery during the campaign in
Bohemia with great distinction. His career, now
so suddenly cut short, promised to be a most
brilliant one. He was beloved by all who knew
him ; his untimely fate has made a most painful
impression, and is deplored and regretted by all
classes of the population.
There is a strong feeling against his adversary,
who is severely blamed by most people for the sure
aim he took ; but Count \Vedel was probably not
aware of the precision of the weapon he carried,
and he certainly could riot know that it was not the
intention of Prince Soling to fire at him.
With an armed opponent before him a man must
be allowed to consider his own safety his first ob-
ject. It is not three weeks since an affair took
place between Count P- and Baron G--, in
which the Baron having discharged his weapon, the
Count stepped up to the barrier and, presenting his
pistol, called upon his adversary to retract a certain
letter which he had written. In this case a written
agreement had been made that the parties were not
to speak to each other on the ground, and the seconds
of course interfered, upon which the Count fired in
the air; but as long as duelling is not abolished it
will always be well to remember the French adage,
" On n'y va, pos pour s'y faire du Bien."

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—A measure so important as the British
North American Bill, which was discussed last night
in the House of Commons, is not likely to escape
adverse criticism. Among four millions of colonists
there are sure to be some discontented with a scheme
which fuses communities hitherto disjoined, sub-
ordinates that which had been independent, takes
somewhat from the dignity of local Legislatures by
founding a common Parliament, and excites pro-
vincial jealousy by the prospect of centralisation.
Politicians at home very properly open their ears to
representations from the provinces and consequently
we have heard during the present discussions several
objections to the scheme of Federation both in
principle and in matters of detail. We believe,
however, we only echo the public voice in express-
ing a hope that this bill, which has been decided
upon by the duly commissioned representatives of
four provinces, and is really the work of the pro-
vinces themselves acting through their constitutional
representatives, may pass without undue delay. A
very natural reflection is, " How do we come to be
discussing this bill at all?" A hundred years ago
it was the theory of almost all lawyers that the
Mother Country had the right to legislate for the
colonies in all matters, and that the British Crown
and Parliament possessed absolute power over per-
sons and things throughout the British Empire. This
principle received a rude blow iu the revolt of the
American Colonies, and, whatever may be the
traditions of the Colonial Office, certainly English-
men generally recognise it as just and fitting that
those dependencies which arc inhabited by men of
European race, and have constitutional Govern-
ments, should legislate for themselves without inter-
ference from our own Parliament. If it had been
announced any morning in the newspapers that the
two Canadas, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia had
come to the conclusion that a federal compact and a
1-common Parliament would be to their interest, that
their respective Legislatures had passed a measure
for such a Union, that the Queen had assented to
it, and that it would come into effect in three
months' time, there is no one in these islands who
would have seen anything incongruous or absurd in
the intelligence. People would think it the most
natural thing in the world that if the provinces de-
sired it they should combine, and with such an ar-
rangement of constitutional details as might seem fit
to them. But, in deference to Imperial usage, our Par-
liament is asked to sanction such a seheine. We find
ourselves called upon to discuss a bill which provides
in minute detail for the constitutional machinery of
a people three thousand miles off, a bill which says
what name their nation shall bear, what city shall
be their capital, how many members each province
and each district shall return, and many such mat-
ters which concern ourselves in no way, and on
which we ought to desire only to register the choice
of the colonists themselves. Now, we are told on
the authority of the late and the present Colonial
Secretaries—and their statements are confirmed by
a number of eminent colonial personages now in
London as delegates from the Provinces—that the
details of this bill have been long and fully consi-
dered, and are, to use the expression of the Secre-
tary for the Colonies, analogous to the stipulations
of a Treaty of Peace between the four colonies. In
such a case the duty of Parliament is clear. These
colonies have constitutionally agreed upon the terms
of the compact, and we ought not to interfere with
their decision. As to the existence of a discontented
minority in Nova Scotia, it may be taken as a matter
of course that such will exist. It is sufficient for us
that the Legislatures which have so long had this
subject under consideration have accepted the mea-
sure as a whole, and that the majority of the people
are in favour of it. We have stated in a previous
article that some provisions of this measure seem
not to have been framed with as much wisdom and
foresight as might have been desired. The nomi-
nation of Senators, which Mr. Bright also criticised
last night, is one of these. We cannot conceive a
nominated body, a set of peers for life, the creatures
of successive Governors-General, possessing the au-
thority which an Upper House ought to have. If
not elevated by intrigue and favour, they will be
accused of being so. They will have it in their power
to resist the popular branch of the Legislature, and if
even they do not use this power, the possession of it
will cause them to be objects of jealousy and dislike
to a large portion of the community. We must also
look forward to a time when the chief of the Con-
federation shall be no longer a British Governor-
General. With this view we should have desired to
accommodate as much as possible the institutions of
the new nation to a future state of things, when the
chief of the Government will be elected by the people,
and it will be suitable and necessary that the supe-
rior branch of the Legislature shall-be elected also.
Parliament is justified in passing the measure as it is
if it be too late to alter its details, but there would
beno harm in inserting a provision for constitutional
amendment whenever the Provinces, or any one of
them, shall think fit to alter any legislative or exe-
cutive institution. There is reason to believe that
the nomination of senators will not work well, and,
if this be the case, Canada or its constituent pro-
vinces should have the power of amending the Act
without coming again to the British Parliament.
These matters, however, are subordinate to tho
great principle of the bill, which is to do for the
British Provinces what the American States did
with such advantage to themselves. When these
first made the present Federal compact, the separa-
tion between them, the difficulty of communication,
and the mutual jealousy were far greater than at
present exist in British America. Gradually, as the
benefits of the Union were disclosed, the opposition
died away, and so it will be with the complaints of
the section of Nova Scotians who think that they
are to be sacrificed to Canada. Except by Union,
the Provinces can never attain to the political and
industrial greatness of their neighbours, or become
—as they ought to desire—a great and independent
nation. What can Nova Scotia or New Brunswick
do as an isolated colony, except look for protection
in war and financial support in peace to the Mother
Country ? There is, indeed, something required to
stir the enterprise and invigorate the minds of the
colonists. They have been too long accustomed to de-
pend on England ; union will give them a mutual re-
liance on each other ; it will teach them to consider
that their destinies are to be decided by themselves on
their own side of the ocean, rather than by English-
men at Westminster. We look to Confederation
as the means of relieving this country from mush
expense and much embarrassment. Without ex-
pressing any opinion on the propriety of British
guarantees for colonial railways, we may at least
say that when through our assistance there is easy
communication between the colonies there ought too
to be an end of British garrisons on the American
continent. This is a matter on which no delicacy
ought to prevent our statesmen and Parliament
from speaking out. We appreciate the goodwill of
the Canadians and their desire to maintain their
relations with the British Crown. But a people of
four millions ought to be able to keep up their own
defences. There have been before this protests
against grants for a Canadian fortress, and the
people of the mother country will now ask on what
just grounds 12,000 or 15,000 men are detained in
North America. The presence of this little force,
large enough to tempt an enemy to the glory of
capturing it, and not large enough to make any
effectual resistance, is a danger rather than a safe-
, guard to the Canadian people. The readiness with
which the British Legislature responds to the desire
of the colonists for a more effective union ought to
be met on their part by such local measures as will
relieve this country from further military expendi-
ture on their account.
POST.—One hundred and twenty Conservatives
met yesterday to urge upon Government the wisdom
of at once granting the maximum of concession.
The advice was hardly needed, for it is well known
that Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli are not much
afraid of Reform, and are personally &Posed .to
very liberal measures ; but there are SO Tories who
have their representatives in the Cabinet who hate
the very name of change; and who have insisted on
the minimum of concession. To them we owe the
illusory propositions which were meant to throw
over Reform for at least a year. To them Mr.
Disraeli can trace the painful difficulties of his
position, and to them the party may certainly
attribute the death blow it has received. During
the last few days We have been involuntarily
assisting at the convulsive efforts of the old
Tory party to retain the vital principle still within
its frame ; we are now left to acknowledge, indeed,
that the struggles have but hastened the end, and
that the inherent weakness of its constitution, when
really brought to trial, has been unequal to the
effort which was required. To add to the poignancy
of the grief of its friends, no coroner's jury could
return any other verdict than that of felo de se,
unless in very compassion temporary insanity might
be pleaded as excuse. But little more than three
weeks ago, when Parliament opened, the Govern-
ment met the House in all the strength which was
the necessary consequence of the weakness of the
Opposition. On the benches facing them were no
serried rahks of men bound together by a corninon
feeling or by a common creed. Zorn and danivdideend-
as they had been by the various skirmishes
tgreeeld,thaenydweforercendthtosue
tstrongholdshe last year,
t h
ey defeated
mndenertsthoef
own terms, and only too
parties, each making its
h in
position of those who might easily be dealt wig
glad for a time to devote to
tion. Their very leaders, little as they at that time
peace and reconstruc-
tion.
could be said to lead, were conciliatory and submis-
sive,
and a firm and strong policy was alone needed
for the Ministry in power to
it. It is true that on ther sidhe
ere comp
were rumoursete unanimitof
y
was not supposed to exist. T

difficulties to be reconciled even in the very centre
of their councils, and men who were experienced in
watching the signs were not slow to predict that
these would ultimately increase, in the end proving
fatal. Still to meet the disorganised and conflicting
fragments before them they had for their support
a strong body of old and tried partisans, who,
so long as the leaders stood to their principles,
would follow them to the end. To add to these

they were well aware that some thirty or forty
waverers, who had given unquestioned help on the
day of last year's victory were still inclined
rather to support the new flag than to return to
their former allegiance, and withal they might also
look with confidence to secure those who are ever
prone to go with the winning side. Such were the
prospects with which Mr. Disraeli met the House
of Commons on February the sth. What is the
position he occupies now ? He is still in power,
because his opponents wish to keep him there. Ile
is still a Minister of the Crown, not because his
friends have confidence in him, 'but because his foes
know that they can use him for their own purposes.
He no longer expounds the important points on
which he and his colleagues are prepared to stake
their reputations, and to stand or fall. Obliged to
adopt suggestions from those who, in consequence,
agree to spare his life awhile, rejecting the principles
urged upon him by friends he does not respect,
without a policy, and with all chance of forming
one thrown aside, the leader of the Conservatives
must indeed feel that his lot is no enviable one.
Like the King of Saxony he can have no will of his
own. With nominal authority and outward attri-
butes of pcwer, he is actually in the hands of those
who, while occupying his country, declare that so it
is best for him. His Prussia is the Opposition, and
his Bismarck is Mr. Gladstone. And, indeed, it is
not difficult to trace another analog} between the
seven days' war in Germany and the rapid fighting
of these first few days of the Session. Marshal
Benedek began the war with troops which, however
they might differ amongst themselves in language
or in country, were supposed to be the best-drilled
troops in the world. Ever being exercised, and
losing no opportunity of parade, it was loudly
proclaimed that no troops could stand against
them, and in particular none so half-drilled
or so loosely managed as the Prussians. The
Austrians, the • Conservatives, must have their
own way, while the Prussians, the Liberals, would
fall to pieces. We all know what the end of those
prophecies was. Delay, indecision, quarrels at
headquarters did their work, till Sadowa brought
to a close the struggle, the issue of which since its
real commencement had never been doubtful. But
then, when the power of using victory had been
clearly secured, it was felt more politic to stay the
hand and not bear too harshly on the defeated.
Vienna was spared for the advantage of Europe,
even as the Treasury Bench is still left to the Con-
servatives for the advantage of England—during
good behaviour. They both exist on sufferance:,
and live by no strength of their own. Alike 1t
their apparent strength, when brought to the test
they have alike failed in actual weakness. When
we say the Conservative, or rather old Tory, partY
has ceased to exist as we have known it in our party
warfare for so many years, we advert more esPe;
cially to the fact, as a body led by Lord Derby and
by Mr. Disraeli, strong in its power in the country,
and able to impress its principles on the consti-
tuencies, it will never be seen again. Mr. Disraeli
or the Ministry have, in their treatment of the
Re-
form question, shown such an utter want of ability
to grasp what the country requires, and have at the
same time so completely abandoned all the watch"
words. which kept the party together, that disaffec
ton has crept into their ranks, and he can never
again be their leader. He never has commanded
their genuine confidence, and now he has shown that
he cannot claim it on the score of success. What-
ever fate may have in store for him, it will scareelY
be to occupy again the post he holds amongst the
Tories. And if Lord Derby considers this his last
term of office, we are at a loss to perceive to who'll
that body is to turn to be their chief. 'What theY
may ultimately be resolved into it is difficult at pre-
sent to speculate upon. One thing alone seems clear,d
and that is that, coming in as they did, compact and
resolute, they are now divided and down-hearted.
A change may also be said to have been consum-
mated in the lead of the Liberal side. For the future.
we are to look to Mr. Gladstone as its head, a. al
the party will now agree to acknowledge bull'
Lord Russell is reported to have said as much at the.
'meeting on Tuesday on Carlton-house-terrace,
we presume that, in any future arrangement pf
Cabinet from the ranks of the Liberals, her Majesty'
will be advised to allow the noble lord to occupY,
position in the Ministry, either as President of t",
Council, or, following the example of the late Lr0.r.(13
Lansdowne, as a Minister without portfolio. I.l'l.
change cannot fail to be of great and valuable 1111
portance whenever there is a change of Governoreniq
and the popularity which the late Chancellor of 01°
Exchequer is gaining for himself in the present ses-
sion will, we trust, be but the harbinger of his future
success.