The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-09 00:00:00

4 SP
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LOIIDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 9, 1858.

Lord PALMERSTON, in obedience to the orders
of Count WALEWSXI, last night introduced his
promised bill for increasing the pains and penalties
of the law against those who are charged with
abusing the hospitality they have received, by
being concerned in conspiracies to commit murder.
He has very artfully concealed his object, by
making the new law applicable to all parties, whe-
ther Englishmen or foreigners ; and all offences,
whether intended to be committed in this country
or abroad. It would, therefore, seem to be
merely one of the promised measures of law re-
form, not. produced by any extrinsic influence or
coercion.

But, unfortunately, the cloven foot is percep-
tible in every stage of the proceedings. It is
palpable that the measure introduced with such
indecent haste—to which the promised Reform
Bill and other questions in which the coramuniey
at large felt deep interest were postponed—was
brought forward at the special instance and re-
quest, if not at the dictation, of a foreign Govern-
ment If—as Mr. KINGLAKE clearly pointed
out—it were merely a legal reform intended to
Drovide for a deficiency or shortcoming in the law
of the land, why was it taken out of the hands of
the law officers of the Crown, the proper parties
to bring it forward ? This view of the case is
!tx*ilgthened and corroborated by the fact that the
4olieitor-General has notices on the books for mea-
sures under which it might properly be included.

Surely it would come within the purview of the I
bill, to consolidate and amend the statute law of
England and Ireland relating to accessories to,
or abettors of indictable offences. But such a
course would not be sufficiently degrading to
England. It would not be rendered notorious to the
world that we had swallowed our leek at the dic-
tation of the French Military Fluellens with
sufficient humility. It was necessary that the
Premier in person should bring forward the mea-
sure as a virtual admission of our guilt, and public
apology to our justly offended Ally (!) This is
the only point of view in which the matter can
fairly be regarded, and we need not say how
degrading and humiliating it is to this country
and its inhabitants.

Mr. ROEBUCK put the matter in the best and
clearest light. He showed that there were two
questions to be considered. First, does the law
require any alteration ? and, secondly, Is this the
right time and the right mode of making it ?
Should either of these be answered in the negative,
the bill should be unhesitatingly rejected, at its
very first stage, and leave for its introduc-
tion, promptly and decisively refused. But both
points were established beyond the possibility of
doubt or difficulty. On the former we have had
the high authority of Lords CAILPEELL and
BROUGHAM, who spoke clearly and unequivocally
on the point. It was shown that any conspiracy
to do an illegal act, or even a legal act, by illegal
means, was a heavy crime and misdemeanour
which rendered the guilty party liable to severe
punishment. If the offence be committed, the per-
petrator must endure the penalty, whatever it may
be, if murder, one may be indicted as principal, the
other as accessory before the fact. But should
the attempt fail, the conspiracy or mere intention
is still penal, although in a less degree ! A pro-
longed term of imprisonment must be endured
by the would-be murderer, and where the charge
is clearly established, that will unhesitatingly be
inflicted.

What, then, we ask, is the avowed object of the
measure! It is said to be intended for prevention
rather than punishment, to afford the utmost
possible security to our neighbours against similar
efforts. But the magnitude and stringency of the
penalty has seldom deterred from crime. What
has invariably proved most effectual has been a
lighter punishment combined with a greater degree
of certainty. Those who are prepared to brave
the guillotine, to risk their lives on a desperate
chance will not be deterred, because they may
be sentenced to the hulks, or even perpetual
banishment from this country. Very little be-
nefit can result, even should the bill receive
the legislative sanction, beyond the satisfaction
afforded to the insolent sabreurs who seized with
avidity the opportunity of venting their spleen
against "perfidious Albion." Whether we ought
" to eat dirt" at their dictation is another point
on which there will not be much difference of
opinion amongst true-hearted Englishmen, no
matter what may be their political feelings or
sentiments.

As to the second question—whether this is the
right time, or the right mode of making the alto.
ration—there can be still less doubt. We have
already alluded to the insolent addresses which,
by their insertion in the official jon rnal, were
practically sanctioned and adopted by the
Estrutou himself. The tardy and inadequate
apology offered, when the all but unanimous
opinion of public journalists showed how deeply
we felt the insult, can not be regarded as
sufficient amends, while the truculent colonels re-
main uncensured, and the Moniteue unwarned.
Even the despatch of Count WALEWSZI is couched
in sueh peremptory terms that, with Ministers
who entertained proper self-respect, it should de.
feat its own object. The only answer should be
that given by a British Minister at the beginning
of the present century—viz., that the English
Government can never consent to new model their
laws, or to change their constitution to gratify
the wishes of any foreign power ; and that while
it seeks not to interfere in the manner in which
the people or territories of France should be go-
verned, it will not tolerate or sanction any inter-
ference with the internal affairs of the United
Kingdom.

The discussion will be resumed this evening,
and we earnestly trust that the result will be
such as to maintain the honour and prestige of
Great Britain, and to prevent the imputation of
yielding to threats, what we would not concede to
justice. Louis NAPOLEON is, as we have re-
peatedly explained, the last person who should
urge such demands, and he may be one of the first
who would have bitter reason to regret any un-
worthy concession on our part.

The nation cordially and unanimously concurred
in the motion, of which notice had been given,
that the thanks of both Houses should be given
to Sir CoLIN CAMPBELL, Sir JAMES OUTRAN, Sir
ARCHDALE WILSON, and Sir JOHN EARDLEY WIL-
MOT INGLIS, and the other officers of the army,
navy, and marines, for the eminent skill, courage,
and perseverance displayed by them in the
achievement of so many and such important
triumphs obtained over numerous bodies of muti-
neers, and also to the native troops who had
remained faithful to their standards. Such pre-
positions would be carried by acclamation, and
without a dissentient voice, not only in either
branch of the Legislature, but in any assembly of
Englishmen throughout the length and breadth of
the land. But it certainly was not prepared to
have the name of Lord CANNING smuggled in, and
to have an approval of his policy snatched by a
discreditable dodge. The modus operandi was
not merely unfair, but it was eminently injudici- '
ous. It introduced an element of dissention where
unanimity was especially desirable, and detracted
from the honour and value of the vote in favour
of those on whom the nation was desirous of be-
stowing the highest honours. To Lord CANNING
himself it was, under the circumstances, but a
sinister compliment. Before it was carried, the
Premier was obliged to declare that he did not
consider the House bound by the vote to approve
of Lord CANNING'S general policy. That will be
a matter for future inquiry and consideration;
and we must say" it would have been far better in
every point of view, if the expression of opinion
taken
been place,
I had been reserved until that searching inquiry had
andbes t 0 that
bestowed at
onca the calm
andsub
subject
It tive consi-
derationlt is but too notorious that the English inhabi-
tants of Calcutta, and of other parts of Bengal)
who are untrammelled by official ties, have been
greatly exasperated by
his proceedings. He has
, forwarded an explanation, which may be regarded
the grave a
1 n 1 his defence against
accusation pre-
ferred against him. But surely an opportunity
should be afforded to those parties of substantiat-
ing their accusations, and not deciding on an ex
parte statement, and that from the person chiefly
interested. Audi alterara Torten), is a sound and
wholesome principle; but while we would give Lord
' CANNING the full benefit. thereof, we should also
I display similar fair play to his opponents.
1
It was quite manifest that there was not the
slightest occasion for prejudging the question, or
introducing the name of Lord CANNING in any
way into the di4eugion. The brilliant
triumphs

achieved by soldiers and sailors—the capture of
Delhi—the relief of Lucknow, the numerous
victories obtained by GREATHED, GRANT,
SHOWERS, CHAMBERLAIN, E ran, PEEL and
others not only justified, but imperatively
demanded such a tribute and testimonial of appro-
bation, and, we may add, of admiration. The
withholding it would have been an unmerited
slight, which would have greatly—we shall not
say discouraged, for nothing would have dis-
couraged our brave troops—but which would
have proved that their almost superhuman exer-
tions and indomitable courage had not been duly
appreciated by Parliament. But there was nothing
of the kind with respect to Lord CANNING. So
far as he was concerned the vote was altogether
uncalled for and inopportune. The proper time
would have been when the war was brought to a
close, and the British supremacy completely restored
throughout the whole of Hindostan, or when,
through failure of health or any other cause, he
was compelled to resign his high position and re-
tire into private life; then his conduct might have
been fairly and impartially canvassed, and the fiat
of the British Parliament impressed on his exer-
tions. Then the expression of public opinion would
be unalloyed ; then it would be truly satisfactory.
As it is, without in any degree improving his
position, the step that has been so injudiciously
taken materially deteriorates that which should
ever be regarded as the highest reward of a public
man, the object at which all should aim, although
few could hope to attain so high an honour.