The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-04 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1858.

People are looking with considerable anxiety to
the statements that may be made by Members of
the new Administration to their respective consti-
tuencies, respecting the policy about to he adopted
by the Government in reference to many important
questions now before the Legislature. We have
already had the revelations given by the Premier
to the House of Lords—but, ex necessitate, no
announcement could be made ix the representative
branch of the Legislature—all who had accepted
offices of trust and emolument under the Crown
having vacated their seats, and been obliged to
obtain a renewal of confidence before they
could offer explanation to Parliament respecting
their views and intentions in ofLe. It was on
the hustings, therefore, that the first intimations
could be given of the course about to be pursued.
And there, too, it would be ascertained whether
the electors wore disposed to accord a fair trial to
those now interested with the control and manage.
ment of national affairs.

Four of these elections have already taken place,
in each of which Vie candidates have been re-
elected without opposition. The most im-
portant was unquestionably that for Droitwich,
in which Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, an influential
and leading member of the Cabinet, and
responsible head of an important depai tment
of that " glorious service," which is our proudest
boast and best defence, has
.Ideclared his opinion
not merely to his constituents but to the entire
community. Every sentence that he delivered
will be " wafted on the wings of the press," I
throughout the length and breadth of the land, 1
and will carry with it as much authority as if
spoken in the House of Commons. The speech
of Sir JOHN PAKINGTON will, therefore, be eagerly
perused by all classes. As might be anticipated,
it follows closely in the track of that of the First
Lord of the Treasury. There are, however,
even clearer, and we may add, more satis-
factory indications of the future policy of
the Government than were given by Lord
DERBY. He recognised the unequivocal
decision of the nation on the Chinese difficulty,
although adverse to his own impressions, and the
vote he bad given, and acknowledged that the late
Ministry resumed their functions in May last, at
the head of apparently as powerful a party as
ever supported a Cabinet in the House of Com-
mons. The Indian rebellion which, to a certain
extent, distracted the public attention from the
affairs of China, was gracefully alluded to, and he
declared that " he was not disposed to be severe
on the late Government for the part which they
had taken under most difficult and most
teyuvefOrrfseceonn3icaierrcumthsattanc::.
eientl '
y alive to the ma
they under-rated it magnitude
nising the duty wirea:ad
danger has, however
and the extraordinary yalnol"'ur be'
gallant solliers—in a great
.4. I: e did not, how-
they had been suffi-
gra.uue of the danger
were too slow in reco 1-
tehvaolvod on them." Theip
to -Providence,
degree
and skill
of cur
and we may reasonably hope to wit• nies7tZle away
1
speedy
restoration of peace and tranquillity, tog,,th 1
with the re-establishment of British supremacy
in the disturbed districts. Ho also bowed to the
decisive majority in the House of Commons,

which decided that this is a proper time to
legislate for the future government of that
important empire—that " the East India Com-
pany should be superseded, and the authority
of the QUEEN asserted in that distant depen-
dency." He has also confessed what we
most strenuously asserted in 1853, that the then
Government committed a great error in not avail-
ing themselves of the opportunity afforded on the
renewal of the Ct..arter to transfer the Government
from the Company to the Crown.
He also alluded briefly, but in terms to afford
reasonable hopes, that the all-important question
will fairly be grappled with—to the late com-
mercial crisis, and the strong feeling left in the
public mind, that " there must be something un-
sound in the laws regulating the banking interests
and the currency of the country to admit of the
occurrence of these periodical convulsions, each
of which proves to be more alarming, and more
violent " than its predecessors," and it is the
duty of Parliament and of the Government to
address themselves seriously to the question,
whether it is possible,
.by any human wisdom, to
prevent the recurrence of such disasters." This
is, indeed, cheering, and must afford sincere gra-
tification to the monetary reformers of all classes
in the community.
On the Conspiracy to Murder Bill, as
well as on the reform question, he closely
follows in the wake of his official supe-
rior. On the former points be avowed the in-
tention of ascertaining whether the law is
really defective. A trial is impending that will
test its sufficiency, and on the result the course
to be adopted will be decided. Under no cir-
cumstances, however, will the right of asylum be
surrendered, or in any degree abandoned.
The Reform question will also be considered,
but no pledge is given as to what will be the
result. On that important topic, the observa-
tions we offered on Tuesday respecting Lord
DERBY'S Ministerial explanation, are altogether
applicable to the speech of the Right Honourable
Baronet. There is, consequently, not the slightest
necessity for repeating them here, as they
must be fresh in the memories of our
readers. He, however, avows that he is not
to be fettered in his political actions by the
opinions which he entertained a quarter of a cen-
tury since. We may, therefore, reasonably anti-
cipate that a satisfactory measure will be brought
forward. But if " 'twere done well, 'twere well
it were done quickly ;" and procrastination on
this important topic will be a serious error on the
part of the Government.
On the Church-rate and Educational difficulties
we have at least as favourable prospects from the
present as from the late Administration. On the
whole, the speech of the First Lord of the Admi-
ralty adds to our hopes that Lord DERBY'S Go-
vernment will offer acceptable measures, and that
it should not be condemned without having full
opportunity of being heard in its own defence,
and of bringing forward the measures of progress
and amelioration that are already by no means
faintly shadowed forth.

in regard to explicitness, Sir FITZROY KELLY
has unquestionably surpassed all his colleagues.

We have given him all the commendation for
it, but we must beg his attention to that particular
shortcoming which renders all he concedes of but
little value. We are led to notice this defect
more precisely because, a fact, and a strong one,
corroborative of our opinion appears in our paper

this very da►y.
'What does Sir FITZROT tell us he is prepared
to concede in the way of Reform t

First—To extend the suffrage to all educated,
intelligent, and independent persons,
&cowlly--To include all towns above the rank
of villages in constituencies ; meaning by
that, we presume, electoral amalgamation.
Thirdly—To render the apportionment of
Members in regard to population more
equal as between counties and boroughs.
Now possibly Sir FITZROY KELLY means this for
genuine liberality. He may have studied Repre-
sentative Reform so little as to think that these
form a batch of great concessions for which the
people ought to be most grateful. Or it may be that
the Attorney-General has better knowledge, and is
really aware that he is proposing a Reform which,
for want of one small addition, might prove worse
than worthless. However, we will take him for
an honest three-point Reformer. The carriage
looks well, and seems as if you might drive it
four-in-hand and ten miles an hour—but, the
builder has forgotten a linchpin—and, the riders,
why, of course, they will come to grief,

Sir FlTZROY—don't forget the linchpin ! But, if
indeed you do think of it, and yet don't put it in,
we shall be obliged to indite you for electoral man-
,hughter ! We will, however, suppose the Attorney-
Gene ral imagines he shall find a great many persons
"qualified by properly or by education to exercise
the franchise with independence and intelligenc-.”
We don't know these numerous unenfranchised
inen of iudependeut property, but we do know
that a large proportion of the farmers and trades-
men now possessing the franchise dare not vote as
they wish. We will call a witness soon. Some
device is wanted which shall make a m,th of
good sense and tolerable education electoraiiy inde-
pendent, even if his meios be but moderate. We
might then have a fair extension of suffcage.
Does not Sir FITZROY know how to do it ?

Next comes the amalgamation of smell, even very
small towns, with others, so that Lowestoft should
share in the representation as well as Yarmouth.
Well, this sounds somewhat liberal. At least the
constituencies would not be so small as they now are
were the system of Districts of Boroughs extended.
The inhabitants of all these small towns, however,
almost without exception, are not independent ;
they live under the influence of the country gen-
tlemen and the chief farmers around. The trades-
men in them must almost all of them oblige
somebody by their vote if they had one. The
linchpin is wanted again ; the wheel. looks a good
ono, and it:is not so bad ; but, for want of the
little mechanical device it will run off and up.,et
the coach.

And then the more equal apportionment of
members to population or voters. Meant, of
course, to give more members to the counties.--
the rural districts being, compared with the towns,
so noted for education and intelligence, or at least
for order and submission to their rightful supe-
riors. Now, we do not object to a fair proportion
between the number of voters and the representa-
tives—only, then, deal fairly by London, Manches-
ter, and Birmingham, as well as by Dorsetshire
and Rutland. But again, we want the indepen-
dence to make all fair. The third Lord MONEY-
scRuENER, and Lord FITZA.CRES, descended from
ancestors mentioned in Thomsday book, divide
half a county between them. Does Sir FITZROY
propose that two or three more members should
count the 18.n.dlerodf
bet unconditionally handed over to them, on pre-
tence of making the proportion between Vie num-
b©r of voters and of representatives more nearly
want fewer
their own ?it
; or
in.stead
equal'? seed we •qk
have any
votes 4, him whether
.t t
oninindorteherneptrl:
ctioenuutattter:
,only as voters,
u t 1
means to break down