The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-10 00:00:00

DIPLOMATIC MISMANAGEMENT.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, THURSDAY MORNING.
DR. CI7LLEN'S LATEST.

Dr. Callen has just issued a long and dreary let-
ter—not a pastoral—addressed to the Catholics of
the diocese of Dublin with a view of directing their
attention to the necessity of protecting the orphans
of R- man Catholic soldiers from the risk of being
tampered with by those under whose care the pre-
sent system places them. The Royal Hibernian
School in the Park has been selected as the battle
ground for the fresh archiepiscopal charge. Here
is his sketch of that admirable institution :
" The Board of Government, the Commandant, the
Major—in fine, all the officers, about 20 in number, are
Protestant, with the single exception of one sergeant.
The professors or masters and the Chelsea monitors, 14
in number, are all Protestant. The books, too, used in
the school have been compiled in great part by a Pro-
testant parson. Thus, Catholics are excluded from the
slightest interference in the management of_ the institu-
tion ; and the only privilege that is conferred on them
in regard to it is the honour of contributing their
portion of 8,0001. per annum, paid to the school out of
the public taxes of the country. Catholics pay their share
of the annual grant ; Catholics send their sons and
brothers and relatives to fight for their Queen and coun-
try ; Catholic blood was shed in torrents at Alma and
Delhi ; Catholic soldiers were among the first he
and t
bravest in every battle where the English flag was un-
furled ; but they seem to be considered unfit to take any
part in the direction of an institution supported by them-
selves and the public for the education of their children."
As a consequence of the religious element con-
versions to the Protestant faith had become some-
what numerous—in four years they had run up ta
17. Dr. Cullen insists that there must be a change
in the system, or there can be no safety for the
lambs of his flock, and for these reasons :
"1. As all the officers and superiors and masters are
Protestant and men of rank and station, the poor Cathu
lio boys, who know no one outside the boundaries of
their school, are led to think that the profession of Pro-
testantism is necessary in order to acquire respectability,
and that Catholicity is something to be condemned and
despised, just as if there were not great Catholic officers
and generals and Kings and Queens, and Catholic Em-
perors in the world. Bat snob things of course are not
to be told to the poor boys of the Hibernian school,
whose associations lead them to think that Catholicity,
which contains in itself everything that is great and no-
ble and sublime, is something low aad degrading when
compared with Protestantism.
"2. As all the masters are Protestant and oftentimes
not only ignorant of the doctrines of Catholicity, but
hostile to them, they can scarcely fail, whether designedly
or not, to give a sectarian tinge to their lessons and to
impress false principles on the minds of their pupils.
"3. The continual use of hooks, such as those em-
ployed in the Hibernian school containing anti-Catholic
doctrines, cannot fail to produce a bad effect on the minds
of children not sufficiently instructed to understand the
snares that are laid for them, or to unravel the sophistry
with which their faith is assailed, just as breathing con-
tagious air necessarily, though insensibly, brings on dis-
ease and death. The books referred to not only produce
evil by the direct inculcation of error, but also by the
suppression of truth. A Catholic boy, after going
through the Rev. Mr. Gleig's course of history used in
the school, would scarcely know that there was such an
institution in the world as the holy Catholic Church, or
the Roman Pontificate, or that those who profess the
holy Catholic faith amount to 200,000,000, and consti-
tute the population of some of the moat civilised and
powerful kingdoms and empires on the earth ; and,
while acquainted with all the claims of Protestantism
to be considered the source of all modern enlightenment
and progress, be would remain in profound ignorance
of the inestimable services that have been rendered by
the Catholic Church and its pontiffs to the arts and
sciences, to literature, and to everythirg that raises and
ennobles the human mind.
"4. The Catholic boys must be exposed to the
greatest dangers from their continual association with
Protestant companions, especially as tbe.e last are more
numerous and more favoured with the smiles of their
superiors and the distinctions of office, and thus placed
in a position to look down with pity or contempt on
their comrades diff,ring from them in religion. Nothing,
ton, more natural for boys than to talk about the religi-
ons instructions given to them by their chaplain. I fear
that catholic boys cannot be much improved by learning
the lessons of piety delivered in the Protestant churches
of this country. Every week for the last five years I
have seen the themes cf the sermons to be preached in
several churches placarded on the walls of the city, or
printed in the columns of Saunders's newspaper."

SHIPWRECK IN conx HARBOUR.

The Cork Examiner of yes+erday says :

".The barque General Sale, Captain Fotter, from
Sutherland to New York, 20 days out, put into Queens-
town yesterday evening in a leaky condition. At 4
o'clock yesterday evening she fell in with the brig For-
tuna, Captain Wilton, bound frora Liverpool for Monte
Video, with a general cargo, in a sinking state, off
Roterta's Head, within four or five miles of the Cork
Lighthouse, the captain and crew, consisting of
sight in all, having just left her in the long boat.
They were taken on board the General Sale, and the
pilot of the latter having stated that he would get the
Fartuna into Queenstown in three-quarters of an hour
if ate could be kept afloat so long, four men volunteered
t I go on board her from the General Sale ; but when the
boat reached the place where it was supposed she was,
not a sign of her could be seen, so that it was supposed
that she mint either have gone down or ashore, in either
c .se becoming a total wreck."

DUBLIN, FRIDAY EVENING.

Col. Browne, the Commissioner of Police, under-
went a long erimination to-day, as a witness for
the police, before the magistrates of College-street
office, when the following incident occurred.
During the progress of the cross-examination of
Col. Browne by Mr. M'Donough, reference had
been made to the " engagement'' within the Col-
lege, and the Colonel said it had been lost and won
at the time the Rev. Mr. Stubbs asked him to
withdraw the police.

"Mr. M'Donough said, lost and won 1 won by
you, you mean ?
" Colonel Browne—No, lost by me.
" Mr. M'Donough—Lost by you ?
" Colonel Browne—Yes, lost by me. No one
has lost so much by it as I have done. I have lost
peace of mind, and have suffered a great deal of
anxiety. I have likewise felt deep regret ; there-
fore I say I lost the engagement.
" Mr. IVl'DonoughZl am happy to hear that
word'` regret.'
"-Colonel Browne—l shall regret it as long as I
live. lam very sorry that Mr. M‘Denough, cir-
eumatanced as he is here, cannot now hear me give
expresion to my feelings. ,
" Mr. M‘DonoughZl assure 37)u, Col. Browne,
I never discharged a m' re painful duty in my life.
" Colonel Browns—And yet I am sure, Mr.
ll'Donr ugh will not be displeased with me if I say
that I have regretted this occurrence. I the ught of
my men, whom I had considered to have been for
an hour or two subjected to ill-treatment by the
young gentlemen, and I was more annoyed to see
them so treated thanl had there been 50 dozen of
stones showered on myself. They, on their part,
were irritated at stones being thrown at me. I take
the responsibility of all that occurred on myself. I
gave the order and am accountaVe for everything
that happened. It is not because two or three of
the men may have acted, and, no doubt, did act,
intemperately, that the gneral police should be
punished. The whole concern ought to be thrown
upon me, and I hope the collegians will cast it on
me and forgive me. I thought that good feeling
existed between my men and them, and stil think
that there did. I feel regret for what has been
done—regret wYch will go along with me to my
grave, and I now say that not the police or any in-
dividual of the force, but myself alone, ought to
bear the conAequencea of what has occurred.
" Mr. M‘Donough—After that expression of re-
gret, Col. Browne, I, as a gentl-man, shall not ask
you another question. (Sensation, and expressions
of approbation from the collegians in court.)
" Colonel Browne, whoa eemed completely over-
come by his emotions, quied the court, and the
proceedings for the day terminated.

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( From the Daily News.)
The opinion of the late Law Officers of the
Crown, as disclosed in the " Cagliari Correspon-
dence," are not creditable to the judicial research or
to the logical acuteness of their authors. Fortu-
nately for the character of English jurisprudence
abroad, it has not been exclusively represented by
Sir Richard Bethell, Sir Henry Keating, and Sir
John Harding. Dr. Philiim.ore and Dr T wiss have
redeemed the credit of their profession and their
country. They have shown that the law of nations
is still competently studied and adequately ex-
pounded by the practitioners in that Court which
was once raised to the highest point of judicial re-
nown by the celebrated decisions of Lord Stowell.
Sir John Harding, as Queen's Advocate-General,
still retains his place as one of the legal
advisers of the Foreign-Office ; it does not, we
trust, follow, that he will retain his opinions.
Many matters of fact, which he was content to re-
gard as doubtful, have since been cleared up beyond
the possibility of dispute. Increased materials,
more minute inquiry, and more mature delibera-
tion, present an obvious and not ungraceful means
of wisely receding from an untenable position. The
successors of Sir Richard Bethel! and Sir Henry
Keating have an easier task ; nor can we help feel-
ing some confidence that Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir
Hugh Cairns will advise Lord Malmesbury that the
capture of the Cagliari on the high seas was, under
all the circumstances of the case, a clear violation
of international law, and that, by an unavoidable
consequence, all that followed on such illegal capture
—the condemnation of the ship, the detention, im-
prisonment, and trial of the crew and engineers—
have been acts done in contravention of maritime
right.
It would, of course, be out of place in these
columns to enter upon the labyrinth of a legal argu-
ment, but one or two of the points involved in the
opinions of the late law officers admit of treatment
so comparatively simple that we shall readily be
excused in drawing attention to them. The first
material reference to the law officers upon the
legality of the seizure of the Cagliari was contained
in a despatch of the 17th of last December (No. 70
of the correspondence). The object of this commu-
nication is to ascertain how far certain statements
contained in papers sent with the despatch "would
bear her Majesty out in contending that the pro-
ceedings adopted towards Watt and Park have been
illegal, on the ground that the Cagliari was not
captured in Neapolitan waters." The papers re-
ferred to are (No. 66) an abstract of the depositions
of some of the crew of the Cagliari ; a chart
showing the position of the vessel when captured ;
and a letter from Mr. Yates Brown, our then
Consul at Genoa (No. 68), showing how he had
elicited the evidence, and stating a few addi-
tional facts. Assuming the correctness of the chart
and the truth of the depositions, two points were
clear beyond dispute on thb face of these papers :
1. That the engineers had acted under compulsion ;
2. That the place where the vessel was captured
was on the high seas, and beyond the territorial
jurisdiction of Naples. With regard to the circum-
stances of the capture, the substance of the state-
ments was this,—that the captain announced his
intention of sailing for Naples, "to report what
had occurred ;" that he sailed in that direction ac-
cordingly, and was thither bound when the two
Neapolitan frigates came in sight ; that on seeing
them, he gave orders to take iu sail and ease steam ;
and that, on one of the frigates firing a blank shot
at him, as a signal to heave to, he lowered his beat
and went aboard her. There he was detained ;
the Cagliari was boarded, and her papers examined;
after which she was seized and towed into port.
Such were the facts.

Upon these facts Sir R. Bethell, Sir H. Keating,
and the Queen's Advocate-General are unanimous
in thinking that they do not constitute a case of
forcible capture, but of a voluntary surrender ; and
on this ground they arrive at the general conclusion
that the detention of the prioeuers is legal, and
that the British Government can make no demand
for !heir release. Upon this extraordinary opinion
it is unnecessary now to offer any comment of our
own. In the first place it is inconsistent with the
ground taken by the Neapolitan Government
itself, which has throughout treated what took place
as a forcible capture, and on that ground condemned
the Cagliari as a prize. Both facts—the fact of
capture, and the fact that such capture took place ,
on the high seas—are so succinctly comprised in
the statement of Capt,in Rodriguez, the com-
mander of the Tancreli frigate, by which the
Cagliari was taken, that it may be as well to cite
his words : "The capture of the Cagliari took '
place on June 29, 1857, on the high seas, twelve
miles distant from and to the westward of the
Island of Capri." Such is the camment supplied
by the Neapolitan admiessions. Tile comment of
common sense has nowhere been more vigorously
expressed than by Mr. Hammond himself, the
Under Secretary for Foreign Affeies, who in his
very next communication, by direction of Lord
Clarendon, to the Law Officers (No. 77. Dec. 24,
1857), thus happily states the result of their unani-
mous opinion :—" To say that the captain and
crew of the Cagliari voluntarily gave themselves
up on the high seas te two Neapolitan frigates, who
had fired to bring the Cagliari to, and were pre-
fared to sink her if she did not surrender, is a
mockery and abuse of terms." We are quite con-
tent to leave that portion of the opinion in which
all three of the Law Officers concurred to this veiy
just censure of the Foreign-office.
There is another portion of the opinion as to
which the Law Officers differed, which will require
a little more attentive consideration. The first
paragraph of Sir R. Bethell's opinion is in the fol-
lowing terms :—" The vessel and crew, having been
engaged in lauding a body of armed rebels on the
Neapolitan territory, might be lawfully pursued
and seized, and if the arrest took place within Nea-
politan waters the crew might he lawfully tried in
a Neapolitan court of justice. But if the capture
and arrest took place out of Neapolitan waters,
then, although the seizure was justifiable, the
Neapolitan tribunals would have no jurisdiction
to try, nor the King of Naples any authority to
punish, the persons arrested, who, being the
subjects of a friendly Power, must, on requi-
sition, be given up to that Power, in whose
courts the trial must be had and justice ad-
ministered. If, therefore," he add., "it was
clear that the Cagliari was forcibly captured
when on the high seas, out of Neapolitan waters,
the Britsh Government might lawfully demand the
delivery up of the two engineers." Fr omthis por-
tion of &r Richard Bethell's report his colleagues
dissent, "for," say they, "we are of opinion that
if the seizure was justifiable, under the circum-
stances stated, then the Neapolitan tribunals would
have jurisdiction to try, and the King of Naples
would have authority to punish, the persons arres-
ted." Now, it requires only a very elementary
knowledge of the first principles of maritime law to
sea that the confusion here arises from the amb;gu-
ous meaning of the word "seizure." "Seizure"
may mean either one of two widely different things:
" arrest" or "capture." The " arrest" of the
Cagliari, under the circumstances, for the purposes
of examining her papers and ascertaining her '
nationality, though on the high seas, was perfectly
lawful. The "capture of the Cagliari on the high
seas, after such examination, had shown that her
papers were regular, and that she was a vessel of
a fri ndly Power, sailing under herproper national
flag, was wholly unlawful. If the word "seizure"
is taken to mean "arrest," then it tides not at all
follow that because the seizure was justifiable the
Neapolitan courts would have jurisdiction to try
or the King of Naples to punish, the persoes so
arrested. Such a consequence would only follow
from the fact that her c rpture was lawful; in outer
words, that she was rightfully seizedei
Advo-
cate-General erasa
pirate or as an enemy's ship. The Queen's
and Sir H. K, atiog subsequently
indeed committed themselves (Report of January 1,
1858, No. 81) to what, after the opinions of Dr.
Phillimore, Dr. Twiss, and the Sardinian jurists,
must be called the untenable and exploded opinion' I
that the Neapolitan frigates had, under the circum-
stances, a right not only to arrest the Cagliari, but
also "to capture Ler beyond the territorial juris-
diction *f Naples." Sir Richard Bethell is not
committed to this extent. If there had been a cap-
ture of the Cagliari on the highseas, he admits
that such capture would have been illegal, and that
everything
clone in the detention and trial of the
the
prisoners would baorveebrenemnewnitthwoouttiljdurhiasdviecteoenil
and that the British G
prisoners.
the facts
His error was an err came
ut
e • ,
c admissionsa pt re a
conclusion that
entitled to demand the restoration .
doeonft thee •
not on the law. He o t
pthoeinftacotns statedwiiich,
afterditl amount
explicit
competent even for
to the contrary, it is no longer
tl.e Neapolitan jurists insist.
ntohteiarmo
What a.contrast to all this tnYstilleaeion and a ra
biguity is presented by the Report of the Sardinian
Commission of Inquiry. There is no confusion of
terms he' e. Atter admitting (No. 92) that the de-
tention of the Cagliari, her visitation, and the inter-
rogatory of her captain, crew, and passengers by tee
Neapolitan commander were, under the circure-
i stances, necessary, and therefore jusl;itiable, they
add
:—"There and at that point the power of the
Neapolitan Government ought properly to have
ceased and determined. But instead of that," they
r prize.
go on to observe, " the Rear-Admiral (Rue b t')
proceeded to treat the Cagliari as a lawfule
r,
She was taken in tow by the Ettore iea
(the Tancredi's consort) ; 'Capt. Sitzia was detained9'ea
on hoard the Taneredi. - Arrived at Naples, the
1 Cagliari was treated as prize, and her captain and
crew were imprisoned and subjected to a trial as
criminals, and subsequently the Cagliari was con-

demned by an Admiralty Court as lawful prize."
Under these circumstances the Sardinian Commis-
sioners report it as their opinion, " that if the act
of the Neapolitan Government, in overhauling the
Cagliari on the high seas, in visiting her,
in interrogating the captain, crow, and pas-
sengers, is justifiable, yet that the succeed-
ing act of her detention, and that of her
captain, crew, and passengers, is not, and
that such detention is contrary to the law of na-
tions." This is the same conclusion to which Dr.
Twiss and Dr. Phillimore have arrived—it is the
only conclusion, we firmly believe, to which an en-
lightened application of the rules of International
Law, which after all are nothing but the rules of
the most exalted good sense, could possibly lead a
competent, an unbiassed, and an earnest inquirer.
The arrest was justifiable—the capture was unlaw-
ful—the detention and the trial have been without
jurisdiction. Great Britain, which from the first
had a right to demand the instant surrender of the
two engineers, has now a further right, on which,
after the grossly insolent conduct of the Neapolitan
Government, her responsible Ministers are in duty
bound to insist. That right is a right to compensa-
tion for the prolonged and unwarrantable captivity
of these two innocent men. Let us trust that the
duty of ascertaining the international rights of Eng-
land may never again fall on such a triad of pub-
licists as Sir J. Harding, Sir R. Bethel], and Sir
H. Keating, nor the task of vindicating those rights
on such a Foreign Secretary as Lord Clarendon.

(From the Morning Herald.)

The release of Park by the Neapolitan Govern-
ment offers one more testimony to the activity and
energy displayed by the present Administration.
The doctrinaire liberalism of the late Government,
now happily defunct, had completely ignored the
personal interests of the two engineers in discus-
sions on legal quibbles, and the composition of
prose for the edification of diplomatic Europe.
The late Go vernment, iu the Cagliari case, acted like
the physicians of the fable; squabbling ou theories,
the patients were dying before the solution of an
abstract question. Park and Watt were left to
rot in the dungeons of Salerno, while Lord Claren-
don was seeking inspiration for the elaboration of
a pedantic note. The engineers might die ; but
for the late Foreign Secretary their moans were
trifling when compared with the honour accruing
to the establishment of some new principle—the
fellow, probably, to his dogma on belligerent
rights.
But the policy of the present Cabinet differs
widely from that of their predecessors. Not less
capable than the late Government to discuss the
complicated problems before them, their first step
was the practical one of obtaining the release of the
prisoners. A story is told of an ambassador of
Elizabeth who was informed by his Sovereign that
a hundred French heads would fall to avenge the
loss of his. " Not one of those hundred would fit
my shoulders," was his sensible and practical
reply. The anecdote is not irrelevant to the
case of the engineers. It would have been but
small consolation to these unhappy men and their
friends that a slow and lingering death should ob-
tain a diplomatic triumph for a Whig Minister. It
was for Lord Malmesbury to discover the practical
bearings of the question, and to solve that question
in a practical manner. The first object to be gained
was the freedom of the prisoners. This secured, the
discussion of the legal question still remained as
affecting that of compensation. Such was the pro-
blem that lay before the English Government.
The manner in which it has been solved reflects
the greatest credit on the tact and perspicacity of
the Foreign Minister. The release of Park com-
pletes his major premiss. Whatever may betide,
the two engineers are again free men. The capture
of the Cagliari and the competence of Neapolitan
tribunals can no longer affect their health or con-
trol then'. will. With Lord Malmesbury the first
consideration was the safety of the men—the next
the legality of their previous capture. The first ob-
ject has been obtained. The second may now be
discussed at leisure and with due deliberation.
But in this the Ministers of the Crown will permit
no unnecessary delay. By this time the Govern-
ment will have probably received the opinion of
their law advisers. This must determine the course
to be pursued. If that opinion be adverse to a de-
mand for compensation, it would be, as we ob-
served some days since, an act of piracy to put
forward such a pretension. If, on the other hand,
it be clearly laid down that the two engineers have
been subjected not only to a painful but an illegal
imprisontnent, the British Government will not
hesitate to take the necessary steps to obtain repa-
ration for the sufferings of their subjects, and tin-
dicate the honour and dignity of the British name.

TELEGRAPH BET WkEN MALTA AND

ALEXANDRIA.

(Front the 7iines.)

The English Government is about, if we are
correctly informed, to enter into a contract with
Austria, by which Austria is to bind herself to con-
struct a telegraphic line from Malta to Alexandria.
The line is so directly for the benefit of England
that she is willing to pay something handsome to
get it done, and so little directly for the benefit of
Austria, that she will not make it unless she is
handsomely paid for it. When the Austrian Go-
vernment have seen their advantage in the construe
tion of public works they have not been slow to con-
struct them themselves, as witness their railways, a
great portion of which have been directly constructed
by the Government. England wants an agency to
lay down a telegraphic line for her, and, instead of
going to the persons, very well known and per-
fectly trustworthy, whose business it is to do such
thing, ehe betakes herself to another Sovereign
Power, and makes that a matter of negotiation
which ought to be one of merely mercantile
tract. If we go no further than this the proceed-
ing is highly objectionable. Governments must
contract for what they want like other people, but
they will do wisely to make their contracts, when-
ever it is possible, with persons who recognise a
jurisdiction to which both contracting parties pay
-obedience. If the English Treasury agrees with
an English company to perform any work for them,
there is in case of non-performance, misconstruc-
tion, or evasion of the contract, a remedy open in
the courts of law, and a tribunal capable of enforc-
ing its judgments in a metho heal and orderly
manner. But when one first-rate Power enters
intojuar,c oanntdr ace,
mater a
floarwayneortsh
e sayr
fi,
rbt
to- r find w
ate o
Power,rk
i
taest
x.re,lpegompp,nonapgsreti
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ayt gnhf
bradtoenhml eifiernsvuwadii mnti
vilgeieicdsihfstuas,i4edli
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itself
iienowjr
Governmentsuniiaretetrh e?
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remedy
m,o ae
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ef-
The remedy is
a
blue-book of unfathomable profiucnd
correspondence,
and
unread-
able dimensions ; and, if this course should not
b, ins satisfac'ion, an appeal to the last reason of
kings—a decision as to the merits of wire or gutta
parcha by the voice of the cannon or the flash of
the sword. Such arrangements are too much in
advance of our time, and should be put off till the
days when Mr. Cobden shall have established his
Courts of Arbitration, and an Amphictyoeic Coun-
cil shall render the same justice to States as the
Court of Queen's Bench does to individutls.
Bu}, waiving this difficulty, we have a right to
ask witty, if we are to select an agent, and that
agent is to be a a rvereign and independe .t Power,
our choice is to fall on Austria? The laying of
an electric telegraph for a distance of some twelve
hundred miles seems a task better suited to an
island like our own than to a great Continental
State possessing only two or three ports iu
the Adriatic Gulf. When Austria has agreed to
make us the line where will she go for the materials?
Nob ;dy can doubt for a moment that she will go to
England. From English engineers she will derive
her plans, from English manufac'urers she will
order the wire ; in all probability, from English
electricians she will obtain the machinery—nay, we
have very little doubt that to English shipping will
be entrusted the duty of laying down the wire that
is to unite Malta with Alexandria. We state this
opinion for the simple reason that the requisite
skill, the requisite gear, cable, and tonnage, can
no oriously be obtained cheaper and better in this
country than elsewhere, so that the transaction
comes to this—that we are about to employ a foreign
country to construct for us that which, after all, we
shall be obliged to construct for ourselves. Those
who have learnt that two sides of a triangle are
greater than the third may possibly think that it
woul I be a shorter, cheaper, more direct, and more
businesslike process, for the English Government
to issue is orders direct to the English manufac-
turer instead of negotiating with the Austrian Go-
vernment to issue the self-same order s. We do not
under,tancl why the pa sago ft Downing-sraTet
to the City is in this particular instance considered
to iits t'irout-,•11 Vienna.

We show-ed on a former occasion that in order to
obtain this very inconveniewntasancicircuitous result.
it ourt
hthaendEsntghleishconGtorovlerwnmhieenhtputtingtao id exerciseout
h o
of v
rs
its communications with the etst
also that it was upon the English Government,
shooed
which guaranteed the interest, and not uporanetna
Austrian Government, which found -the mone,-,
that the ultimate risk of the transqc ion would fall.
We are not straining matters much if we surmise
that the very money which the Austrian Govern-
trent is to advance will probably be borrowed, on
tile faith of our own guarantee, from the capi-
talists of the city of London, and we offer this
opinion mainly on the ground that the Austrian
Exchequer is not supposed to be overflowinl, and
that_or en good Enplish security money b 3
b rowed more cheaply in London than in Vienna,

Even this is not all. The laying down a cable
from Malta to Alexandria is, after all, a hazardous
business in the present state of our knowledge and
experience with regard to submarine telegraphs.
Nothing on the same scale has yet succeeded ; with
the exception of the attempt of the Atlantic tele-
graph, nothing on the same scale has ken attempted.
The contractors rill not like the risk of laying
down a cable of such great value and such conside-
rable length to fall exclusively on themselves. It
is just one of those cases where the gain is incom-
mensurately small compared with the possible loss,
and where, therefore, the principle of insurance is
sure to be applied. The contractors will insure
themselves against the possible loss which may ac-
crue from any accident in laying down the cable,
and for the insurance also they are certain to look
to English underwriters. This makes the matter
complete, and leaves, we apprehend, nothing to be
desired and nothing to be added in the way of folly
and absurdity.
We are about to induce the Austrian Govern-
ment, by some pecuniary subvention or guarantee,
to undertake the construction of a telegraphic line
from Malta to Alexandria. That line will be laid
out by English engineers. Its cable will be made
by English manufacturers, coiled up on board an
English steam-vessel, paid out by English gear,
connected with electric machines made by English
manufacturers, paid for by English capital, and
insured by English underwriters. We are ashamed
to employ ourselves di eAly, and so subsidise Aus-
tria to do it for us. We pay her for the use of her
name ; we are unwilling, seemingly, to appear in
the business ; we fear that we have too much in-
fluence in Egypt, and are afraid of adding to it to
the extent which the control of the telegraphic line
might effect. Having in this country no experience
of business, we are obliged to go to a German Power
to be our managing director in a marine enterprise.
And for what is all this trouble awl "circumlocu-
tion 1" Simply, as it seems tons, to deprive us as faras
we can, of the advantages which we secured by the
possession of Malta and Corfu, and of the power
of controlling and regulating as seems to us best
our intercourse with our immense empire in the
East. Not having capital enough to conduct our
own business, we are forced to go into partnership,
and the terms of the partnership are, that England
is to find the terminus, the capital, the plant, and
skill, while Austria contributes her name, and re-
ceives in return all the management and all the
profits. We wish to know what is the considera-
tion England is to receive for all this, and how it
can be that a contract of this nature, which never
could be proposed in the business of individuals,
can be gravely entertained by the rulers and gover
nors of States and Empires.

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.-April 9.

TRUE BILLS AGAINST SIMON BERNARD.

Shortly before four o'clock the Grand Jury re-
turned into Court, and the Foreman announced
that they had found true bills against Simon
Bernard for the capital offence.