The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-11 00:00:00

ITALY AND THE POPE.

The supporters of the Italian Government com-
pletely forget two things—namely, the engage-
ments contracted by Italy, and the sovereign
rights of the Holy Father. If Italy had been faith-
ful to those engagements —had she merely observed
her own laws had she arrested or dispersed the
bands of Garibaldi, instead of providing them with
arms and stores, and reinforcing them with her
own soldiers—had she done all this, the bravery of
the Pontifical troops, which General Menabrea
himself admits, would have disposed of these in-
vaders, and France would not have to send a single
man to the Roman States. Can Italy plead the
violation of her own engagements in defence of
her conduct ? The present state of affairs is the
direct and inevitable result of the dishonest con-
duct/of the Rattazzi Cabinet, and Italy must take
the consequences. It is not because Victor Em-
manuel has not prevented and repressed, as he had
solemnly promised to do, the aggression of the
Garibaldians, that his own usurpation becomes
legitimate. On the contrary, it is still more
odious, " becausel ying and dishonesty ag-
gravate the infamy of the crime." One
may admit, in excuse for the Garibaldians, their
personal disinterestedness, and the dangers they
faced ; but what shall be said of a Government
that steps in to profit by the acts of the very ad-
venturers it disavows? The September Conven-
tion, the main object of which was to keep the
Italians from the Roman States, cannot,.in any
manner whatever, be alleged by them in justifica-
tion of their invasion ; and if France can do that
which the Italians are prohibited from doing,
the only reason is, that Italy has not
kept her promise. Besides and above that
Convention, there is the sovereignty of the '
Holy See, whose rights are as much entitled to
respect as those of any other sovereignty. The
Pontifical State constitutes for Italy, as well as
for France and for all Europe, a foreign State,
fully independent ; and its territory cannot be in-
vaded and occupied without a complete disregard
of international laws. Does the Italian Govern-
ment imagine that it has towards the Pope and his
subjects a particular situation, and other rights
than France, than Austria, or than any other
Power? This is a pretension which it would not
dare to put forward, because it would not be ad-
mitted by any Government in Europe. Some time
since it pleased the Italian Parliament to decree
that Rome should be the capital of Italy. Is it pre-
tended' that any right is derived from so absurd a
declaration ? If there be such a right, the door is
open to every species of ambition. Between the
Roman populations and the populations of Tus-
cany or of Piedmont there are no more affinities
of language, of manners, of usages, of institutions,
than between Lyons and Geneva, Paris and Bras-
sels. The French Chambers would in vain resolve
that Brussels and Geneva should be the chief
towns of two French departments. That resolu-
tion would be utterly worthless ; it would give
the French Government no right, and no Euro-
pean Government would attach value to it. The
sovereignty of the Pope is, then, intact ; it is as
complete and as absolute as that of Belgium and
Switzerland. The presence at Rome of Ambassa-
dors of all the Powers is itself the recognition of
that sovereignty. The Pope acted as a Sove-
reign when he expressed to France his desire to
be protected by her against the enemies whom
the bad faith of Italy has raised up against him ;
and he acted in his capacity of Sovereign by
not desiring the presence of the Italian army in
his territory. France is in the Roman States
through deference towards the Pope, and in con-
formity with his rights as a Sovereign. Italy can-
not be there but by a violation of those rights.
There is then no parity whatever between occupa-
tion by the French troops, and the occupation by

the Italians. French intervention is legitimate,
because it is sanctioned by the Sovereign ; Italian
intervention is sanctioned by nothing—it is merely
usurpation and violence. The assimilation which
General Menabrea tries to establish between these
two interventions is the most complete:disregard of
e Pontifical sovereignty; it is an insult to the
Pope, and it is an outrage flung in the face of
France. It is the act of the malefactor who has the
pretension to be the equal or the honest man, and
who says, "I have assassinated the person you
are giving succour to—come, let us join hands."
Neither by the -law of nations nor by the laws of
honour is a joint intervention admissible. It
cannot be tolerated by France, inasmuch as it

would be the negation of the sovereignty which
our troops are going to Rome to defend ; and
it would be just as well to sacrifice the Pope
at once, and without hypocrisy, as to acquiesce
in the destruction of his rights. We hold for
certain that a joint occupation will not be tole-
rated ; that the Italians will be called upon to
evacuate the Pontifical territory, and that our
protest against their presence will, if necessary,
be supported by arms. We have as our guarantee
the attitude of the Government from the very
first day, the clear and precise declarations of its
Minister at Florence, the engagements it has con-
tracted towards Pius IX. and all Catholicity, the
effect produced on the public at large, who ask
whether the limits of patience are not exceeded.
! the Italian troops cannot remain on the
Roman territory in presence and by the side of
the French troops ; for their presence would belie
our words, and would be the destruction of that
which our soldiers have accomplished. It must
never be said that all France has been moved to
its depths, that Catholic Europe has turned
Sits
eyes towards her, and that 20,000 French soldiers
are sent to Rome with the approbation of the
country, merely to witness a moral Castelfidardo,
in which right, sworn faith, the word of the Em-
peror, and the honour of France are sacrificed
to Italian cupidity.—Presse.

THE DANGERS WHICH THREATEN THE
SOUTH GERMAN STATES.

Under the title—" `Warning for the Preserva-
tion of South Germany from extremest Dangers,"
a memorial addressed to the representatives of the
people in South Germany, has just been pub-
lished at Stuttgardt, by Moritz Mohl, a deputy
of the Wiirtemburg Chambers. This interesting
pamphlet will not fail to excite great attention in
the press and in the political world. The writer
pronounces in the most decisive manner against
the domination of Prussia in South Germany ;
and his work fully confirms the statements of
an article in the Kreuz Zeitung (a Berlin Conserva-
tive paper), which were much spoken of at the
time, as to the strong antipathies against Pr ussia
which prevailed everywhere in the populations
of South Germany. This was especially true of
Wiirtemburg ; and to this popular feeling, though
in more measured language than that of the
writer of the Kreuz Zeitung, Moritz Mohl has given
a forcible expression.

Mohl begins with the mission of Prussia to:the
domination of Germany, and inquires whether
Prussia have the strength to incorporate the whole
of Germany. He has strong doubts that such a
question could be answered in the affirmative.
To attain such end would only be possible were
Prussia resolved to call the whole of Europe to the
field of battle and wage a war with its enemies
to the death. But in the Luxemburg affair Prussia
showed that it had no such inclination, far less
would it be able to do so now when the Austro-
French alliance proposes to prevent by force its
entrance into South Germany. Mohl, however,
.does enter further on this point ; he is much more
concerned with the question—What must we in
South Germany do ? llas Prussia a right to sub-
ject us ? Is our welfare compatible with such a
subjection, and what ought our plan of action be at
the present moment ?

The Nationalists and Liberals demand the en-
trance of South Germany into the North German
Confederation. That by such an arrangement the
Federal States of Austria, with thirteen millions of
men—that Austria, as a Federal ally, with a popu-
lation of thirty-five millions, would be lost to Ger-
many, and would become the natural enemy of
Prussia ; that Luxemburg and Limburg are already
lost as German lands ; that the " eternally undi-
vided Schleswig-Holstein " threatens a complica-
tion of its own; that the banks of the German
Rhine—which, before the splitting up of Germany.
by Prussia in 1866, were an inviolable and uncon-
ditionally secure possession of Germany—now for
the first time since fifty years stand in constant
jeopardy of being torn away. All this does not
make the Prussian faction in South Germany hesi-
tate for a moment as to whether the Prussian
project is in reality a national one, or whether,
rather, it has not already led, to an immense ex-
tent, to the splitting up and diminution of Ger-
many—Germany which henceforth threatens with
the most terrible wars, and, whatever their issue
may be, with immense losses to that united Ger-
many which possessed, before 1566-70. But were
Prussia to be worsted the Rhine provinces will be
lost, and should Prussia succeed in breaking Aus-
tria to pieces, which could only come to pass by the
help of Russia against France, Russia would pene-
trate in the most dangerous manner into Central
Europe, and-sacrifices would have to be made by
Germany, and permanent dangers would arise such
as could never have been conceived before the
events of 1866.

The German Bund certainly left many things
undone ; nevertheless, under its sway Germany
enjoyed for half a century peace and tranquillity.
Nobody had dared to attack Germany undivided,
and Prussia might have secured for itself, by
" its reforming energy," a good position in the
Bund. Things have come to a different pass "by
blood and steel." The South German States have
been fined forty-seven millions of florins ; the
Northern States, although they did military service
in the field, have been visited with the loss of their
independence. All this may be popular in Prussia ;
it is not so in South Germany, which has no desire
to become the future inheritance of Prussia. In
South Germany the difference in race and land is
so great that they could endure only with the
greatest reluctance a union with Prussia. " The
South German States," says Mohl, " are by na-
ture fertile, thickly peopled, highly cultivated, and,
comparatively speaking, rich countries. The im-
posts are moderate ; indeed, many of the com-
munes in •Wiirtemberg and Baden pay from the
proceeds of rich forests, or grazing lands, not
only the communal imposts due from the citizens,
but also a part of the taxes due to the State ; and
they, moreover, provide them with wood for fuel,
or give them a share in the net proceeds of the
communal income." Thousands of communes are
in a position to give up to their citizens and to
widows portions of land for cultivation, to be held
for life. The large income which the State pos-
sesses is spent in South Germany in the most ex-
emplary way ; to this the high state of cultivation
attests. Further, the land belongs in South Ger-
many, with the exception of a moderate fraction to
the peasant, to the commune or to the State
therefore, to the man who, in the sweat of his
brow, tills the ]and, and to civil society, and not
to an army of feudal landed proprietors. Hence in
South Germany a free people and a free constitu-
tion ; hence a fresh, joyous mind, and a happy mode
of life, among populations which are purely Ger-
man, and have German sentiments and German
hearts on this account, and on account of the
beauty of nature. South Germany is the land of
German poets, and of German talent in general,
both artistic and literary.—Kolnische Blatter.

An Eastern paper says that through most of the
year, in parts of California, the inhabitants can have straw-
berries and cream in the morning, and before n3on a sleigh
ride. The Pacific Railroad affords the necessary facilities
for the latter.
LADVERTISEMENT.)—Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring
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to the most disordered or enfeebled, removing speedily and
effectually indigestion (dyspepsia), habitual constipation,
diarrhoea, haemorrhoids, liver complaints, flatulency, nervous,
ness, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds, influenza-
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health of the Holy Father is excellent, especially since, aban-
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Elizabeth Jacobs, of Nazing Vicarage, Waltham Cross, Herts,
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a..••••
THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE.

The present state of Europe is similar to that
which existed in 1847, at the time of the Sonder-
bund, only the evil now is immeasurably graver.
The legitimate and popular Governinents of Fri-
burg and Lucerne, attacked by the revolutionary
free corps, who were speedily supported by the
regular troops of the Confederation, had on their
side right, justice, the will of the people, and the
faith of treaties. They were also under the pro-
tectorate of great powers as much interested as
themselves in their triumph, or rather in their
deliverance. France and Austria, from whom they
demanded succour, feared the Revolution,' and gave
them nothing but empty words. M. de Metter-
nich wrote fine despatches, haughty enough, which
were the last of the kind; the decrepit Government
of Louis Philippe did not venture so far. The
Sonderbund was conquered, and with it Monarchical
and Conservative Europe. Austria received a
blow, from which it may not recover, and which,
in twenty years, has rendered it even liable to
fear the fate of Turkey. The fate of the French
Government is known. Whether it fell becauso
it was not attacked, or because it was not sup-
ported, does not matter. When Governments fail
to answer their purpose, they lose their natural
defenders. There is no conspiracy against them ;
they are not attacked ; they are supported, indeed ;
but no one feels any concern for such Governments
They become feeble, difficulties multiply, a shock.
comes, and they fall. The Government of Louis
Philippe—why, is not known—disgusted the bour-
geoisie, which had created the citizen King, and
which he, in his turn, had crowned. They held
banquets out of opposition to the Government.
M. Barrot banqueted with M. Baroche, and M.
Theirs allowed these banquets to be held. His
health was drunk. Whilst these politicians were
giving vent to their after-dinner eloquence, and
M. Guizot kept repeating-441t is nothing," 1,500
or 2,000 demagogues, the half of whom were en-
rolled among the agents of police, took possession
of Paris, struck down the throne, the Government,
and the Chambers, and set up a Republic in
France. Everybody was in great alarm. M. Barrot,
M. Baroche, and M. Thiers, and the Republicans
were alone amazed. The Government to-day IS
better prepared and more on the alert than it was
then. Every one is convinced that -it would put
down very promptly, and with great vigour, any
Republican rising in the streets of Paris. This is
the chief cause that there is no rising to put down.
There is no room, therefore, to predict in France,
—if as a consequence of the fall of Rome that
terrible event should come to pass—the sudden
shock which followed the fall of the Sonderbund.
Nevertheless, there are many things which time
will not settle—many difficulties which will be
multiplied: The Revolution will not sleep upon
its triumph, neither in Italy nor elsewhere. It
will fill up the measure of its iniquity—it will have
means enough at its disposal. It is always a great
misfortune for a Government—one of the gravest
political evils—not to know how, not to be willing,
or not to be able, to protect right. If Austria
collecting its forces, and appealing to the preli-
minaries of Villafranca—had not tolerated the fire
crime of Piedmont against Papal sovereignty—it
would have to-day amongst its possessions the
Quadrilateral the more, and in its annals the battle
of Sadowa the less, which would have been as much
use to us as to her. If Italy had observed the
stipulations of Zurich, or if she had been compelled
to do so, King Victor Emmanuel would not have
been forced to throw himself against the Church,
and would not have had the other day, his 10th
of August in the Pitti Palace, and might have
enjoyed a more peaceful reign, perhaps a longer--•
certainly a more honourable one. If France be
mindful of its word, given on the 15th of Septem-
ber, and secures all which that word compelled her
at least to preserve, she will find again the days 0f
1852 ; if not the cycle of great catastrophes, is
open, and there will be seen in the world, deeper
than has ever yet been seen, the abyss of winch
Shakspeare speaks—that abyss, of sovereign power i
overthrown, into which all are flung, and which s
filled with blood. God will always protect his
Church. It will live for ever. It will give to the
world its highest excellencies, its greatest virtual
its noblest souls, which will never succumb to the
ignominious violence of tyranny. But the nations
—what will become of them ? May God protect
France ! Univers.