The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-04 00:00:00

which decided that this is a proper time to
legislate for the future government of that
important empire—that " the East India Com-
pany should be superseded, and the authority
of the QUEEN asserted in that distant depen-
dnscty .'
He has also confessed what we
m
strenuously
' asserted in 1853, that the then
depen-
dency."
Government committed a great error in not avail-
ing themselves of the opportunity afforded on the
renewal of the Ckarter to transfer the Government
from the Company to the Crown.

He also alluded briefly, but in terms to afford
reasonable hopes, that the all-important question
will fairly be grappled with—to the late com-
mercial crisis, and the strong feeling left in the
public mind, that " there must be something un-
sound in the laws regulating the banking interests
and the currency of the country to admit of the
occurrence of these periodical convulsions, each
of which proves to be more alarming, and more
violent "than its predecessors," and it is the
duty of Parliament and of the Government to
address themselves seriously to the question,
whether it is possible, ;by any human wisdom, to
prevent the recurrence of such disasters." This
is, indeed, cheering, and must afford sincere gra-
tification to the monetary reformers of all classes
in the community.

On the Conspiracy to Murder Bill, as
well as on the reform question, he closely
follows in the wake of his official supe-
rior. On the former points be avowed the La-
tention of ascertaining whether the law is
really defective. A trial is impending that will
test its sufficiency, and on the result the course
to be adopted will be decided. Under no cir-
cumstances, however, will the right of asylum be
surrendered, or in any degree abandoned.
The Reform question will also be considered,
but no pledge is given as to what will be the
result. On that important topic, the observa-
tions we offered on Tuesday respecting Lord
DERBY'a Ministerial explanation, are altogether
applicable to the speech of the Right Honourable
Baronet. There is, consequently, not the slightest
necessity for repeating them here, as they
must be fresh in the memories of our
readers. He, however, avows that he is not
to be fettered in his political actions by the
opinions which he entertained a quarter of a cen-
tury since. We may, therefore, reasonably anti-
cipate that a satisfactory measure will be brought
forward. But if "'twere done well, 'twere well
it were done quickly and procrastination on
this important topic will be a serious error on the
part of the Government.
On the Church-rate and Educational difficulties
we have at least as favourable prospects from the
present as from the late Administration. On the
whole, the speech of the First Lord of the Admi-
ralty adds to our hopes that Lord DERBY'S Go-
vernment will offer acceptable measures, and that
it should not be condemned without having full
opportunity of being heard in its own defence,
and of bringing forward the measures of progress
and amelioration that are already by no means
faintly shadowed forth.

In regard to explicitness, Sir FITZROY KELLY
has unquestionably surpassed all his colleagues.
We have given him all the commendation for
it, but we must beg his attention to that particular
shortcoming which renders all he concedes of but
little value. We are led to notice this defect
more precisely because, a fact, and a strong one,
corroborative of our opinion appears in our paper
this very day.
What does lair FITZROY tell us he is prepared
to concede in the way of Reform I
First--To extend the suffrage to all educated,
intelligent, and independent persons.
Secondly—To include all towns above the rank
of villages in constituencies; meaning by
that, we presume, electoral amalgamation.
Thirdly—To render the apportionment of
Members in regard to population more
equal as between counties and boroughs.
Now possibly Sir FITZROY K HUT means this for
genuine liberality. He may have studied Repre-
sentative Reform so little as to think that these
form a batch of great concessions for which the
people ought to be most grateful. Or it may be that
the Attorney-General has better knowledge, and is
really aware that he is proposing a Reform which,
for want of one small addition, might prove worse
than worthless. However, we will take him for
an honest three-point Reformer. The carriage
looks well, and seems as if you might drive it
four-in-hand and ten miles an hour—but, the
builder has forgotten a linchpin—and, the riders,
why, of course, they will come to grief.

Sir FlTZROY—don't forget the linchpin ! But, if
indeed you do think of it, and yet don't put it in,
we shall be obliged to indite you for electoral man-
slaughter ! We will, however, suppose the Attorney-
General imagines he shall find a great many persons
"qualified by property or by education to exercise
the franchise with independence and intelligence."
We don't know these numerous unenfranchised
men of independent property, but we do know
that a large proportion of the farmers and trades-
men now possessing the franchise dare not vote as
they wish. We will call a witness soon. Some
device is wanted which shall make a Mali of
good sense and tolerable education electorally inde-
pendent, even if his means be but moderate. we
might then have a fair extension of suffrage.
Does not Sir FITZROY know how to do it ?

Next comes the amalgamation of small, even very
small towns, with others, so that Lowestoft should
share in the representation as well as Yarmouth.
Well, this sounds somewhat liberal. At least the
constituencies would not be so small as they now are
were the system of Districts of Boroughs extended.
The inhabitants of all these small towns, however,
almost without exception, are not independent ;
they live under the influence of the country gen-
tlemen and the chief farmers around. The trades-
men in them must almost all of them oblige
somebody by their vote if they had one. The
linchpin is wanted again ; the wheel looks a good
one, and itlis not so bad ; but, for want of the
little mechanical device it will run off and upiet
the coach.

And then the more equal apportionment of
members to population or voters. Meant, of
course, to give more members to the counties—
the rural districts being, compared with the towns,
so noted for education and intelligence, or at least
for order and submission to their rightful supe-
riors. Now, we do not object to a fair proportion
between the number of voters and the representa-
tives—only, then, deal fairly by London, Manches-
ter, and Birmingham, as well as by Dorsetshire
and Rutland. But again, we want the indepen-
dence to make all fair. The third Lord MONEY-
SCRIVENER, and Lord FITZACRES, descended from
ancestors mentioned in Doomsday book, divide
half a county between them. Does Sir FITZROY
propose that two or three more members should
the landlords
be unconditionally handed over to them, on pre-
- -.43' Votesw of
\tence of making the proportion between the num-
-134,, r of voters and of representatives more nearly
sentatives or equal? Need
ask him
uly
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uhnde
oi
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means to break clown