The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-15 00:00:00

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dit must fail if that war should sq cons
your lordships to bear in mind what woe,
tion of this country if we were unable to •
security of India the funds absolutely necessary
rying on the war. It is with a view to these gr
tions—the future amount of force required, . the
future means of carrying on the war—that I earnestly
desire and entreat your lordships to consider upon what
principle we shalt act towards the people of India. I
am satisfied that in the two passages I read to your lord.
ships I stated the two principles upon which alone you
can proceed, and I feel assured that if your lordships or
the other House of Parliament should by your votes
:str lahBpaptro
upon the resolutions now proposed to you and to tie
IndiaaHoml et
t oco
nf believeea n° nd n policyounoefe
dthe n prof
youclve induce,
the
es approveyoul Tyco ualnd , the people of
cha-
racter. yoltrionwimll
aoycelaiasivoensiunecleneddiead a i
nwar
warsof a
purelysocial
poli-
tical
cha
against princes, but I speak the language of all
those who know India best when I tell yon that in a
social war you must fail, for you will unite all men of all
creeds against you. I earnestly adjure your lordships
to avoid that great danger ; and when I urge upon you
clemency as the rule of the conduct of your Government
I only adopt the advice I have myself derived from tie
greatest men who before our appearance in India domi-
nated in that country, and of the greatest men who have
illustrated our own history. (Loud cheers.)
The Duke of ARGYLL said it had been argued by
many that the question before them was a personal
question, and that because Lord Canning was a mem-
ber of the aristocracy, counting many friends on
both sides of their lordships' house, a deep feeling of
excitement had been raised with reference to the present
di,cussion. Now, he could not agree that the interest
which they felt in the discussion arose from any such
cause. No doubt there was a time when Lord Canning
did require support in their lordships' house and through
the country—for Lord Canning's great capacity was not
as yet fully appreciated—but that time was passed, and
he must cangratu'ate the early friends of Lord Canning
upon the complete triumph that he had gained.
(Cheers ) Let it be remembered that Lord Canning
was the first to raise his voice in favour of justice and
mercy. (Cheers.) He would venture to predict that
in future times the adrninistiation of Lord Canning in
India would be remembered when the administration of
England by the noble earl opposite would be utterly
forgotten. He had heard it said that this was a mere
party move. Now, he was nos one of those who de-
precated party organization ; on the contrary, he
heartily wished that at the moment they had in both
houses such a complete organisation as would ensure to
them what they otherwise never would have, namely,
an honest Government and an effective Opposition.
(Hear, hear.) Bat the real truth was, that on both
sides of that house a conservative feeling prevailed•—a
feeling favourable to all governments. Nevertheless,
their feelings bad been roused on that occasion because
they believed that the Government of India had been
materially weakened, not merely by the publication of
but by the sending of the despatch. Now, the Govern-
ment had pleaty of time to consider whether or not the
despatch should have been published—they had at least
the whole of Fri lay, upon which, by-the-bye a council
was held by reflection—and if they were of opinion
that its publication would be dangerous they ought even
at the eleventh hour to have gone down to the house
and declared that out of consideration far the public
service they were unable to keep the promise which had
been prematurely made. And the fact was there were pas
sages iu the despatch quite as obnoxious as those which
had been suppressed. But no, the Government wanted to
make political capitel oat of tee despatch, teed therefore it
was made public. Every one of the Cabinet were reepon-
bible for the publication of the despatch; and it was im•
passible to read it without seeing it was intended for
pu licaeion. Besides. nothing could be more accurate
than the statements in the despatch, especially that con-
temned in the paragraph relating to the annexation of
Oude. Now, did the noble lord mean to reopen th whole
question of the annexation of Oa.le ; for if he did, the
Cabinet of Lord Palinereton, and trot merely Lord Dal-
fameeie, must beheld responsible for that measure. He
could not held feeling that in this affair the Government
had committed as uieay mistakes as it was possible for
them to commit ; and that, for the sake of calling dis-
credit upon Lord Dalhousie, they had indirectly cast
censure upon the Crown. (Cheers.)
The Earl of CARNARVON believed that his noble
friend the late Preii lent of the India Beard was perfectly
a• le to justify the language of his despatch against the
taunts of the noble duke. There might be a despatch of
such a character, that it was better not to publish it ;
but under a parliamentary constitution it was better to
have the freest publicity. If it was publicity in India
that was objeced to, then it was in the power of the
Governor-General himself to suppress it ; but if it was
the publication in Ergland that was meant, then the at-
tack ought not to come from those who had always been
in favour of publicity. There were two publications, one
of which was the necessary correlative of the other—
the proclamation and the despatch. But it was in the
very nature of the proclamaVon that it should be a public
document; while the despatch would never, but for an
accidental misunderstanding, have met the public gaze.
It comes to this—that the present was a combined attack
on one indisidual, and as he had admitted his responsi-
bility, it would be ungenerous for the house to pees the
resolution. Thera had been a second copy of the pro-
clamation, in which there was a modification, and it
was said that the Governor-General had reasons for his
conduct, which were as yet unknown to us. But the
question was not what was in the mind of the Governor-
Geseral, but what was the effect on the minds of the
people of India. It was said that there were exceptions
in favour of certain individuals, but that made the
matter worse. If there bad been no exceptions specified,
a certain nurober would have felt that it could not apply
to therm brag innocent. But the mention of these
names excluded that hope, and gave to the confiscation
an effect of reality which nothing could efface. To those
who had been faithful the proclamation gave oaly the
enjoyment of what they already had, and oily six per-
soos were to be thus rewarded. With those exceptions,
the whole population was included in one sweeping
clause cf ceufiscation. This would drive many to dis-
traction. Than there were the disbanded regiments of
sepoys, and a numerous class of men who, carried away
by a blinding fanaticism, by a mistaken loyalty to the
royal family, had committed themselves before they were
awa.re of taie. This proclamation excluded the hope of
recoeciliation, as it would throw on them the onus pro-
beudi of their innocence. If it was to be acted on wholly,
it would be monstrous ; if, in part, where was the justice
of taking one man's land away from him, and sparing at
all ; and if it was not to be acted upon, it was impolitic
to make threats which were not intended to be enforced.
What had occurred was not the fault of Government or
any member of the Government, but of the right kon.
gentleman who received a private letter, and did not
communicate to the Government a message referring to
a public matter. (Hear, hear.) However, he did not
regret it ; he rejoiced that the despatch had gone forth
in the words of Lord Ellenborough, as " a message of
peace and pardon to the people of India." He con-
aemneel the policy of confiscation, and pointed to the
evils that had arisen from it in Ireland. He called on
them to support the policy of justice and of mercy, and
not to sanction that of severity and the lust of power.
The Duke of SOMERSET said the Government had
at first tried to make the house believe that the publica-
tion of the despatch hal slipped out by accident—ques-
tions were suddenly a,ked, and must be answered at
once. Now, it came out that it was not an accident at
all—(bear, Lear, and laughter)—but that they ought to
consider it as a sort of anti-proclamation. (A. laugh.)
Had the President of the Board of Control sent out this
anti-proclamation in defiance of the Cabinet, that they
should no .w say they were nut responsible for it ? (Hear.)
After throwing overboard the India Bill they had thrown
over the India Minister, thus showing a disposition to
clear the decks as soon as they could. (A. laugh.) The
despatch was most unwise, and had the noble lord been
in opposition, and such a despatch been sent out by those
in office, he would have felt it to be most prejudicial to
our interests. It condemned the annexation of Oude
clearly, decisively, and in the strongest 11Ingetage. The
noble earl said that Oude bed been uniformly faithful to
the treaties. The proclamation in 1851 referred to the
treaties in which the Sovereign was bound not only to
pay tribute, but also to maintain good government. We
were bound to make that condition, because it was by
our aid that he was supported from without, and from
within by our defending him from external attack, and
our resident assisting hind in the government of the king-
dom. We had all along been remonstrating with him
for not maintaining good government, and when our re-
inoroitrances were not heeded we annexed tee territory.
That annexation was confirmed by the BritishhGeorve ebrenl
rebels
of But the noble lord sympathised !
fore. If this was done to secure the peen of 1
of Oude, and raid their resistance was lwegieithim\tediwa,arit-
h d been
no no confiscation in n
was a bad way. The noble lord said that there a
d;a since the Norman conquest.
He thus held up
when he said, y lords,
emulation, onNlactri
Normans ns ruled over the Saxons
to reprobation what on a former,i‘l occa-
sion be held up to
you hold India as th
in England." (Laughter.) He would shy one word
on
oi -General. Some months
li
behalf
c)
ng ae
time Governeamatn st
he did the Gov
notfeeseaotrwith suf.
because
it was bd .
ficie He had then said that he desired
et energy.
not .to excite hatred between the races, but to act
with justice not with revenge, and when they came
to hear his reasons for the proclamation, they would
doubtless find that he was still acting from the same
motives. Tne proper course would have been, not to
send such a despatch as that, but a letter of advice to
act in accordance with that policy. The concluding ob-
servationsof the nc,hle duke, which were wholly inaudible
to the reporters, excited much amusement amongst those
noble lords who were near enough to hear.

[Pluot 4D. STAMPED 51) .]

have explanations. I ask, why have we not expla-
nations now ? (Cheers.) Explanations should pre-
cede or at least accompany a measure of this great sin-
parlance, and not follow it—if they do follow it at
alt—
at the interval of a mont. (Hear.) But what time
had Lord Canning to communicate to the Government
here respecting the policy he intended to adopt t. Lord
Canning directed the Commander-in-Chief, when he re-
tired from Lucknow, to leave a garrison in the Alum-
bagh. He then intended, as soon as he could get to-
nether a sufficient force, to attack and take Lucknow.
Upon that measure he determined entirely on political,
not on military grounds. He took upon himself the
whale responsibility of that measure. A general, acting
on military grounds, would first have obtained full pos-
Eessien of his own country, would ihave cleared Ruhil-
cund, have pacified Bsreilly, have restored tranquillity
to Berar. Lord Canning, on the contrary, overruling
all stratagetical considerations, and in search of what
civilians call the prestige, which has nearly been our
ruin in the course of the last year, insisted on the con•
centration of all our ferns.: for the attack on Lucknow.
He knew he would have Lucknow. The movement on
that place commenced on the 4th of March. Sir Colin
Campbell had arrived at Cawnpore, and bad completed
his victory there three months before that time. Why
did not Lord Canning communicate meanwhile to his
friends here ? Is is possible that be should not have
thought over what he should do when he got possession
of the place ? I say he ought to have communicated his
then prevailing intentions, and have sought the opinion
of the Government so as to act with their approval cn
such an important measure. (Hear.) But-since then a
month has elapsed. Why have we not now an explana-
tion ? My lords, there is no explanation. There are some
things which cannot be explained. Confiscation is one
of these. It is incapable of explanation. It stands
in all its naked deformity—the most cruel punishment
which can ever be inflicted upon a country. (Cheers.)
If there were to be confiscation, however, surely it
should have applied only to the gul-,y. (Hear.) Who
ever heard of inflicting punishment so universal as to
strike every man in a country, innocent as well as
guilty ? My lords, we have in India now 21 regiments
rf disarmed Sepoye. We have three regitneut of Native
Cavalry and three of Irregular Cavalry disarmed—alto-
gether 27 regiments. The position of these disarmed
regiments has justly been a sulaject of the deepest anxiety
to the Government of India. It is necessary to keep
British troops to wa'cli them. There are 2,000 or 3,000
of them within a night's march of Calcutta, where quite
recently a panic was actually occasioned by them. Of
these troops one-half are in Oade. They cannot be en-
gaged in the rebellion. They have beea almost math
dened by the attacks made on them in the course of the
mutiny, and which they have learned from the news--
papers. They have been threatened with hanging, with
being blown from guns, and trey are now under a panis,
hardly knowing what they are to do. But imagine the
position in which they will be placed if they read the
proclamation ! What must be their feelings whets, while
disarmed and incapable of committing any act against
the Government, however indgeant they might be at
the dishonour they had sustained,—what must be their
feelings, I say, whon they find that all their property is
at once confiscated, ar.d that they have not a home to
go to ? (Cheers.) More than this,—the Mahornmedan
mosques, the Hindoo temples, all arts supported by the
lend of the country. Tile whole of this, however, is
confiscated ; the whole means of maintaMing both re-
iigiens are unwisely, rashly taken away. All the pro-
vision for objects of charity, fur orphans and widows, '
is swept away. Nut ono singly exception is made, save
of ly in the case of the six individuals u:eetioned in
the preclamatior. Such things are enough to tend-
den every man thretaehout the country, and there', re
I thought to myself—" I will write, and at the earliest
passible moment after that proelamation is pal).
fished I sill send my letter as an andidote, that
the public( may know they arc to be ruled with justice
and clemency." (1,,m.1 My lords, consider
now what is our actual position. We have talon Luck-
now. The hot weather is coming on. When we beard
last it was the most severe, the moat dangerous period
of the year. Are we occupying Oude ? We have not a
man to occupy any part of the c unary. The proclama-
tion is a nullity, except as ta the effect produced on the
minds of the people. The Commander-in-Chief has now
marched into B_ircilly with the half of his troops. One
bri-4a-lo has gone to Azitnghur to relieve the detachment
under Colonel Milman which is shut up there. The
Goorkas are gone home. Another brigade remains in
Lucknow. B-Aween the right and left of our position
there is an interval of 400 miles ; and the centre of that
position, Undo, in which we hold only this larger gar-
rison—the brigade at Luckno a —has , as I firmly be-
lieve, beets coeverted into a sea of tire by Lord Cannirg's
proclamation. (Cheer:.) Surely it was necessary for
we, whose duty it was, to do what I ceuld to preserve
the tranquillity of India, to repair, if possihle, these
great evils, and to send out a message r f pence and
mercy to the people of that country. (Reeewed cheers.)
lam told that iu so doing I sun weakening the autho-
rity of the Governor-General. My lords, my despatch
weakens his authority for evil ; it strengthens him
greatly for all purposes of good. (Hear, hear.) I tru-t
when ho receives it he will think it better to part with
evil counsels. Ido not believe that Lord Canning him-
self was the author of this proclamation. his contrary
to what I have heard of his conduct and ef his feelings.
(Hear, hear.) I beli--ve it to have proceeded from other
sources. I believe that he has placed himself in the
bands of men who have learned nothing and have for-
' gotten nothing—who imagine that after this dreadful
c "avulsion they can re-establish as it stood civilian au-
thority in ludia. This is a great error, and it is of the
uttnest importauce Lord Canning should feel tha. justice
and clemency and consideration for the people of India are
the governing principles of those who are at the head of
affairs here, and also the principles which it is abso•
lute,y necessary he should adopt. (Hear, hear.) But I
am told that this letter will tend to tncourage resistance
on the part of the people now in arms against us. lay
lords, I should meet such a charge with an indignation
I could hardly express did 1 not feel its utter absurdity.
(Hear, hear.) Why, I was the first in this house who
warned your lord-hips that the dancer was coming, who
advise I you to prepare fur it, to set the country in arms,
and to be ready to engage ir, a groat and a perdous war.
(Hear, hear.) Was i', probable, having given you that
advice a year ago, that when I became in a measure re-
sponsib'e for the war in India I should do any act which
would encourage the resistance of the very men I had to
oppose ? But consider for a moment what is the position
of these armed men in Oude under the proclamation and
the measures which it will rend( r n cessary. They were
men vho had h=en w.th He rope round their
reeks. My object was to remove that rope. (Cheers.)
They were men who had been fighting without hope.
I wished to give them hope. The proclamation left them
without homes—without land which would citable them
to subsist. I gave them the hope of returning to their
homes, to their villages, to all the comforts of their
families. That was the object of my letter. Was that to
encourage resistance, or to give the only hope of salva-
tion to the people? In a previous letter which was pub-
lished I distinctly used the word " amnesty." It is my
firm belief—and I have heard it of many and from many
in India—that these is no hoists of ultimate success but
by an amnesty. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the son of a
great and noble friend of mine—the late Duke of Wel-
liegton—has had the goodness to put into my bands this
evening an unpublished leaf front some additional letters
of that noble duke, in which I find these words, which,
although referring to a comparatively unimportant mat-
ter, show distinctly the mind with which he regarded
subjects of this nattire,—

" I am for the principle of amnesty, as referable to all
inferior agents ; I have recommended it strongly to the
I'eshwah's durbar, and I am convinced that if it had been
adopted at an early period the critical circumstances of the
present moment would not exist. It is the principle upon
which we have settled Mysore ani the ceded districts, and
that upon which we have made our way to this place.
Eternal enmity against every patty agent concerned against
us or our allies will never answer."

My lords, that is true wisdom. I followed the noble
duke's advice when I acted as I have told you I acted in
Scinde. The result has been the tranquillity of that coun-
try. (Cheers.) I know, my lords, from history and from
observation, that there is no part cf the world in which
—perhaps from their rarity—juotics and clemency when
united with power have so much influence as in India.
They have been the really effective weapons of all the
great conquerors in the East. It has not been by striking
down their enemies in the field, but by wise and prudent
provisions for the maintenance of property and t f all the
ancient rights of the people, that they have established
and continued their power. They claimed nothing but
rule ; they maintained the people as they found them.
(Cheers.) And now, my lords, allow me very shortly to
observe upon the position in which we stand at present.
During the last 12 months we have thrown upon India
the whole of our disposable force. 'We have—l will not .
say run gi cat risk—but we have gone to the utmost pos-
sible extent iu despatching to India a military force. I
have said, not in this house only, but I also took
_Bini.
occa-
sion to say in a paper which I published, that it i
lengthened
possible for us with cur present military institutionsien to
furnish a sufficient force for carrying
dangerous war in India, but there are,onya
ultimatelynl
dangers which have always been found
of a financial tilt-
fatal to a State. I allude to the dangers of lords, other
equal to the
with the British troops we have is d
fieulty. At the present moment
.tiblen
we had at the cern-
expense of the whole native
armylordships may be sur-
_ipaEinssecannectec;
inencerneut of the war, and your
prised is hear,ofthe native
troop.: redaction in the number
standing the oreat
hdditions to the army in the Pun-
but it really is the fact, that, notwith-
troop.3
numerical strength ef the native artily
have raised lire .
it
Madras, and to the army of IlunibAy
the
jab, to,tnlielaerl)l,gol :yvi lolft
almost to the at which stood when war
how are these expenses to lie met ?
t
year borrowed very nearly 10,000,600/
‘ been fortunate in the receipts trout some itums
com-
menced.
,T ee hba av v
ee thisiNl y lords,
of the revenue ; there was a large balance in the Trea-
..ury ; and with all these advantages we have fur ails
one year been enahed to go forward ; but what have we
to exoect for the future ? Your 1 irdships know well
that there is nothing so delicate or so sensitive as finan-
cial credit. I feel absolutely convinced, unless the Go-
vernment a this country sh, uld impose upon the Go-
vernment of inoia, the principla of clemency as that
which is to guide it towards natives who inay be in what
is called rebellion against them, that war will last for a
period the end of which I cannot foresee. Financial crc-

The LORD GIIANCELLOR—We are very much
indebted to the noble duke who has just addressed your
1 ,rdshir, for enlivening the debate with a little pleasan-
try, but he must forgive Inc for saying that I think he
has not added very much to cur instruction. (Hear.)
No one who had come into this house and who bad lis-
tened to our debate with that attention which its very
interesting character deserves would have supposed that
my noble friend who Las proposed these resolutions to
your lordships had called upon you to decide upon the
policy f the proclamation and the propriety of the de-
spatch ; and he would be astonished to find that the
call had submitted to your lordships a point of the
very narrowest d:scription, and bad called upon you
me rely to express your disapprobation of a premature
publicalion of the despatch addressed to the Governor-
General. (hear, hear.) I cannot help observing in the
outset upon some of the peculiar wording of the resolu-
tions of my noble fiiend. lie does not condemn, nor
, does he call upon your lordships to condemn, the publi-
cat on altogether. What he complains of is the prelim-
. ture ' lication of the despatch—(hear, hear)—to that
publication