The Sun.
London, England, 1867-12-05 00:00:00

SYMPATHY WITH THE POPE.

A meeting, to which admission was had by ticket,
was held last evening in St. James's-hall, to express
sympathy with the Pope. The room, including the
upper gallery, was crowded in every part, and the
proceedings throughout were of a most enthusiastic
character.

Archbishop MANNING, who was cheered again and
again by the upstanding audience upon taking the
chair, said—About this time last year a meeting was
held for the confraternity of St. Peter, but this year
they had deviated from their intention to hold a
similar meeting on account of an event which he
must characterise as an outrage and a sacrilege.
(Cheers.) The present meeting,which was one of the
Catholics of the diocese of Westminster and South-
wark, and not of the entire country, was called for
the purpose of expressing sympathy with the Holy
Father at the outrage and sacrilege which had been
levelled against his sacred office. Every Catholic,
when he heard of the events of the last two months,
must have felt an indignation that could hardly be
restrained ; and he for one felt that it must be the
desire of every Catholic to have an opportunity of
giving utterance to his feelings. Such an opportu-
nity was nobly taken advantage of in Dublin, where
an example had been set which English Catholics
ought to follow. In a short time about 11,000 sig-
natures had been received asking for the present
meeting. We had lately heard a great deal about
Italian government, Italian unity, national aspira-
tions, non-intervention, the Governments of
Cavour, Ricasoli, and Rattazzi ; but there wa.s a
person who had hitherto not been invited to speak.
That person was named the other day for the first
time for many years in a despatch of the French
Foreign Minister—it was the Catholic world. (Loud
cheers.) They had been living in a cloud of
abstractions and personages not known to them,
while one most intimately known to their consciences
and hearts had hitherto not expressed his judgment
and will. They were a small number, it might
be, in England, but as the base of their operations
they had a Catholic nation at their side. The
King of Prussia, the other day, with that grave
common sense which characterised the German race,
said very wisely that he trusted the Roman question
would be settled in accordance with the legitimate
desires of his Catholic subjects, and in a way which
would secure the dignity and independence of the
head of their religion. As Catholics they could not
forget that they were six millions more or less of the
population of Great Britain, and he could not but
think that the legitimate desires of such a number
of subjects of Queen Victoria ought to be heard.
He trusted that the Catholic nation of Ireland would
not fail to express its sense of what was due to the
desires of the Catholic people, and to the dignity
and independence of the head of their religion. He
was no politician, and, having a divided flock, he
had considered it his duty to be politically perfectly
neutral. If it ever became a question of principle he
would engage in any contest which it might require,
and he would say at once that he considered a ques-
tion of principle to be anything which touched the
free exercise of the Catholic religion in the people,
and the dignity and independence of the Holy
Father. The purpose of the meeting he took to be
to begin such an expression of opinion as might
traverse England and Ireland, be taken up in
France, Prussia, Bavaria, in all the Catholic and
half-Catholic countries of Europe, in our colonies,f
and in the United States, so that the voice o.
the Catholic world might be heard at last
(Cheers.) Their object was, first, to deny that
Rome was the capital of Italy, and to declare
that it was the capital of Christendom ; secondly,
to deny that the Italian nationality might
absorb the patrimony of the Church, and therefore to
affirm that the patrimony of the Church was sacred,
and ought to be guaranteed by Christian Europe;
thirdly, to deny that if the Pope was protected by
any Christian power, he was thereby a vassal of
that Power, and to say that it was the duty of every
Christian Power to protect, if need be in war, the
head of the Christian world. (Cheers.) Their purpose
further was to say that every Catholic on earth had
a right in Rome as the head of the spiritual world ;
more than this, they had a right in the temporal
condition of the head of the Church, and of the state
he held ; and though the head of the Church—the
Sovereign Pontiff Pius IX. —as he had heard him
say again and again, did not value the title of sove-
reign, nor the possession of territory and revenue,
except as a condition of the free, independent, and
efficacious exercise of his sacred ministry, though
he counted all temporal things as Peter counted
his boat and nets ; nevertheless he considered and
declared that it was his duty to lay down his life
rather than abandon the charge committed to him.
(Applause, and " Three cheers for the Pope !")
They were in that hall also to affirm that, as all
Catholics throughout the world had rights in Rome,
they had a right to protect the Christian order of
the world, and the head and centre of that order,
against the twofold antagonism of a blasphemous
and sacrilegious revolution—(" Bravo," and cheers)
—and national aspirations in the way of which were
two barriers set up, not by man, but by God ; one
being the mandate, " Thou shalt not covet thy
neighbour's house ;" the other, " Cursed be he who
retnoveth his neighbour's landmark." (Cheers.)
They were able now to say that the oppressed sub-
jects of the Holy Father—those degraded, miser-
able, abject people—(laughter)—had no desire at
all for the liberators of Monte Rotondo. (Cheers.)
This was confessed by the organs of their own press.
(The chairman here read an extract from La Ri-
forma, showing that the opponents of the Papal arms
received no help from the people, and proceeded.)
And that help was not forthcoming, because those
who did not receive it profaned the sanctuaries of
God, the vessels, the altars, and the blessed Sacra-
ment, and because, as murderers and blasphemers,
they went breathing slaughter and blood against
the priests and servants of the most High
God. (The chairman then read two letters from
Italy, showing that it was the intention of the
Garibaldians to sack all the churches and massacre
all the priests—the mention of Garibaldi, or Gari-
baldians, being now and at allsubsequent occasions
received with groans and hisses.) He was sur-
prised to find that M. Geroult had the barbarism to
say two days ago, in the Corps Legislatif, " Leave
the Pope to protect himself, and in a fortnight the
Roman question will be settled." (Hisses.) We
bad been told in our own newspapers that the
English Government was the best in the world—
(loud groans)—and that the Government of Rome
was the worst. (Renewed execrations, and three
cheers for the Pope.) As an Englishman he would
accept the first part of the sentence, leaving it how-
ever perfectly free to everybody in the room to
exercise his undoubted right of private judgment.
(Laughter.) The second portion of the sentence be
utterly denied. The Government of the Holy
Father he maintained to be an irreproachable, just,
and merciful Government, and no insurrection or
sedition could be committed against it, and no po-
litical rising could be perpetrated without incurring
the sin and condemnation of rebellion. (Loud
cheers.) He read with inexpressible surprise the
other day in a public newspaper, written with
great power and intellectual culture, that the re-
gard shown to Pius IX. was purely personal, that
the temporal power of the Pope was domed after
his lifetime, that it was well known that nine-
tenths of the cardinals were Italians, and that at
the next election they would save their hats by
throwing ovaboard the tiara. (Hisses.) He read
this statement as a proof of the way in which men
of great intellectual power became utterly blind
when they attempted to deal with subjects
beyond their sphere. If any one imagined
that any conclave of cardinals, at any
time, would elect any man who would become
subject to any civil prince, and give up the
absolute independence of the Vicar of Jesus Christ,
and who would for the sake of peace abandon the
patrimony of the church, those persons were more
deluded than it was hardly possible to imagine.
There was one succession amongst the rulers of the
world over which the providence of God maintained
h is special protection. Empires and kingdoms
might dissolve themselves, but the succession and
office of the Pontiff no human hand could take
away. Unless the peace of the Church on earth was
secured by Christian nations, no nation would have

peace in itself. Unless this Roman question were
settled there would be a perpetual strife. No Chris-
tian country would be at peace while the head of
the Church was being outraged ; and if there was to
be peace in Great Britain, it would only be by
satisfying the profound religious sympathies of that
vast proportion of British subjects who were vitally
and intensely united to that revered head. No
people, Christian but not Catholic, could be at rest
until this matter was lifted from the contest of re-
volution to that dignified and just treatment which
the head of the Christian church might demand from
the hands of Christian statesmen hnd princes ; and
Christian civilisation itself was at stake, for he be-
lieved no kingdom, empire, or people could violate
the rights of the holy Catholic Church, or the head
of that Church, without incurring these three con-
sequences—first, that the civil power would dese-
crate itself ; secondly, that the act of violation
would generate all manner of disorder within itself,
as in Italy at the present moment; and thirdly, that
any people or government entering into conflict with
the Christian Church and its august head would be
smitten with a supernatural blight, and all its capi-
tal, and industry, and appliances of worldly pros-
perity would suddenly be found to rust, and be out
of gear, while the busy hands of millions would
refuse to work, from some mysterious illusion
of their own, and would become discontented,
famished, and dangerous. Let England take care
how she entered upon such a career, for certain it
was that if we entered into conflict to try strength
with the Church of God we should fail. No king
nor emperor had ever yet tried strength with the
Roman Pontiff who had not been abased. There
was in history no instance of king or conqueror for
a thousand years who had been able permanently
to dethrone the vicar of Jesus Christ, thus fulfilling
the words of Christ Himself, " He that falleth upon
that stone shall be broken ; but on whomsoever it
shall fall, it shall grind him to powder." (Pro-
longed cheering.)
The Rev. Dr. GRANT, Bishop of Southwark, said
they all admired the Pope for the manner in which
he had defended his position. He had suffered
chiefly from his anxiety to adhere to principle and
govern kindly. On his election he granted an
amnesty to many who immediately after conspired
to dethrone him. He promoted internal improve-
ment, and would have granted a constitution but
that he was asked to proclaim a republic. The ne-
cessity of maintaining the independence of the Holy
See we might understand, if not from the indepen-
dent position of our Judges, from that:of the district
of Columbia, which, as Mr. Maguire had pointed out
in his work, was the supreme arbiter of all the States
of the Union. He concluded by moving the first
resolution, as follows :

" That we heartily sympathise with the Supreme
Pontiff Pius IX. in his present trials, and hereby
proclaim our abhorrence of the unjust and wicked
attacks that have been made on his temporal sove-
reignty, which, legitimate in its origin and beneficial
in its action, is entitled to the respect of all Chris-
tians, and is necessary for the free exercise of the
sacred mission intrusted by God to the successors
of St. Peter."

Colonel VAUGHAN seconded the resolution. This
was a time, he said, when an English Catholic was
called upon, in self-respect, to proclaim his principles.
He protested against the ungenerous, one-sided, in-
consistent course adopted by too large a portion of the
press and the unthinking public on this question.
The Irish-American Fenian raid upon Canada and
the shooting of a policeman on his beat provoked
indignation ; but the commission of such atrocities
in the Papal States callei forth different sentiments
—there was no indignation for the Garibaldian
miscreants described in the letter read by the chair-
man. He could not understand how an English
gentleman could have a code of honour for private
conduct and another code for foreign politics.
However, Englishmen were beginning to be unde-
ceived. The gallantry of the Papal army—(cheers)
—the loyalty of the Romans—(cheers)—the defeat
of the Garibaldians, and the ignoble conduct of
Italy had, he hoped, undeceived Englishmen.
(Cheers.) He attributed the manifestations of
lawlessness in this country to the influence of our
sympathy with revolution abroad, and thus ac-
counted for the Fenian proclivities of Radicalism ;
and he concluded by paying a tribute, based on re-
cent personal observation, to the serenity of the
Holy Father, and the earnest piety of his Zouaves,
in speaking of whom we were apt to forget the
ennobling influence of religion on the character of
the soldier.

The Earl of DENBIGH moved the second resolu-
tion, as follows :

" That in the name of Catholicity we protest
against the sacrilegious attempts made by the Go-
vernment of Victor Emmanuel to usurp the States
of the Church, and to reduce the Sovereign Pontiff
to the condition of a subject of an Italian Kingdom.
We invite all Christians of every nation to rally
round the throne of the Vicar of Christ to assert
his rights, and to aid him, by every means at their
command, to defend his States, the common inhe-
ritance of the whole Catholic Church."
As an Englishman he felt ashamed of the words in
which recent events in Italy were referred to in the
Queen's Speech. As a Volunteer he protested
against Garibaldians being called Volunteers any
more than we should call housebreakers volunteers.
On the authority of an English gentleman wbo,
passing through Florence, was detained for a short
time by the Government, and was imprisoned in a
house opposite to a recruiting office, he asserted
that Italian soldiers entered the office in their
uniforms and came out in those of the Garibal-
dians. An illegal and unjust war was murder.
Burke said a sign of a nation's decadence was the
lenient designation of crime. We now called ban-
ditti " volunteers," and a wrong " an accomplished
fact ;" but we spoke of the Pope's defenders as
" mercenary cut-throats," notwithstanding the fact
that many were members of the noblest families in
France and Europe. On the ;field of Mentana a
wounded Papal mercenary, being offered water, said
"No, give it to the Garibaldian by my side ; he
needs it more than I do." (Cheers.) Before Men-
tana, a Dutch Papal Zouave, who had killed 14
Garibaldians, fell exhausted, and was pierced by
the bayonets of 17 Garibaldians, called " patriots."
Such facts, which he vouched for, showed the ani-
mating spirit of the Pope's defenders and assailants.
He admitted the bravery of Garibaldi, who was the
"lion with the ass's head." There was to be a
Conference to consider whether an honest man
should be plundered. It would be a piece of jug-
glery, for the Pope must be independent, and a
guarantee would be useless, judged from the past,
and given by Italy—(laughter)--France, and Aus-
tria, who had no money to spare. He repudiated
such a thing as a nationality, and said he was nothing
but a Catholic—an Englishman, if they pleased,
but a Catholic first. (Cheers.)
Mr. Justice MERRY, formerly of the Supreme
Court of New South Wales, seconded the motion.
Lord ARUNDELL of WARDOUR moved the next
resolution, as follows :
" That, while we here congratulate all Catholics
on their loyal attachment to the Holy Father, and
ou the proofs they have given him of their sym-
pathy and filial affection, we solemnly protest
against the calumnies and unjust attacks to which
the Holy Father is subjected to day by day."

Anticipating that the English Government might
be called upon to express an opinion in connection
with the impending Conference, he urged the
importance of impressing the Government with
the unanimity of the Catholics as to the necessity
of maintaining the temporal power of the Pope.
Mr. F. W. PROSSER seconded the motion, and
maintained that the bulk of English Catholics were
loyal to the Pope. There might be a base minority
that were not, but they were very few. He charac-
terised much of the professed Liberalism which
opposed Catholicism as insidious infidelity.
Sir CHARLES CLIFFORD moved the fourth resolu-
tion, as follows :

" That we hereby convey to the officers and
soldiers of the Papal army and to their gallant allies
the expression of our gratitude and admiration for
the courage and devotedness displayed by them in
the defence of the patrimony of St. Peter, and for
the heroism with which they have discomfited its
irreligious and revolutionary assailants."
He maintained that English Catholi s were loyal,