The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-22 00:00:00

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LONDON, FRIDAY, FEB. 22, 1867.

Last night Lord NAAS moved the second reading
of the Bill for Continuing the Suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, and expressed the
regret which the House felt at the necessity for its
continuance. The noble lord gave most sufficient
reasons for the adoption of the course he suggested,
and informed the House of the particulars of the
manner in which the Government had exercised
the " extraordinary powers" entrusted to them. Last
November it was noticeable that great activity was
discernible among those who promote the Fenian
movement, and strangers were observed to be con-
stantly arriving from America, and inconsequence of
various occurrences a considerable panic was occa-
sioned throughout Ireland. The present Government,
notwithstanding all their care only to arrest the
leaders of the movement, have made arrests to the
number of one hundred and thirty. All this dan-
ger, as it might well have been styled, passed away
apparently, and so great was the confidence felt that
in the month of January the Irish Government
felt justified in informing the Cabinet that
they did not think it necessary for them
to retain the extraordinary powers any longer.
These auspicious prospects were, however, soon
clouded over ; for, first of all, came the mysterious
occurrence in Chester, and next the outbreak in
Kerry, which was fostered by the strangers from
America. Lord NAAS does not believe that any
sympathy for the Fenians exists among the rural
population of Ireland, and this was also stated the
other day by the same speaker. The noble lord ex-

pressed himself very warmly in favour of the course
which the Roman Catholic priesthood had taken
in this matter. No more conclusive argu-
ment need be employed in favour of the proposition
of the Government than that it is only by the means
proposed that power can be vested in the authorities
to deal with those dangerous characters from the
United States who are continually coming over to
introduce their lawless schemes and eonvulse the
peace of the country.
Sir G. GREY made some appropriate observations,
and fully admitted the necessity of the measure
proposed by Government. In fact, the importance
of the matter was so evident that all would have
passed off quietly had it not been for Mr. BRIGHT,
who thought it necessary to give his opinion in no
measured terms. It having been proposed that the
prisoners made under this Act should receive better
treatment than others, Major liNox declared that,
in his opinion, such a step was quite unnecessary ;
and we quite agree with him, for they are in fact
more mischievous offenders than many convicted
under the common law. He also thought that it
might have been better if the Government had
asked leave to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act for
a year instead of three months, because the
people of Ireland regarded it as a protection,
and not as an interference with their liberties.
This was quite enough to put Mr. BRIGHT into a
fury of virtuous indignation, and he accordingly
treated the House to some of his opinions, his
language being couched in terms more dis-
tinguished for force than elegance, and more
calculated to impress a mob audience than to
influence the members of the House of Commons.
Of this latter fact he seemed aware himself, for he
concluded by saying that he had hoped there was no
man in the Imperial Parliament who would have
expressed what he was about to say; and, if he
were out of the House, he would say such " atro-
cious sentiments." To-day Lord NAAS will propose
that the House go into Committee upon the Bill,
and therefore we may fairly presame that in a very
short time the matter will be settled. The Govern-
ment have at least this satisfaction in urging the
ungracious measure forward, that on all sides there
seems to be but one opinion as to the necessity of
the step being taken.

There is not much reason to apprehend that the
new Metropolitan Poor Law Bill will fail to become
law. The general opinion of the House, as ex-
pressed on the second reading, was as favourable as
on its first coming under their notice, and although
there were naturally some exceptions taken to points
of detail the main principles of the bill received cor-
dial suppert. There seems to be a prevailing feel-
ing that the measure, as a whole, deals fairly and
satisfactorily with a question which cannot be much
longer left unsettled, and that any alterations which
may be desirable may be made in committee.
Lord ENFIELD, in opening the debate, very justly
observed, that, in considering the question, the
House had to remember, on the one hand, that
there was a very strong impression that some sweep-
ing reform was required ; while, on the other, the
public mind was very sensitive on the subject of
local self-government. Such is, in fact, the case ;
but the treatment of the sick poor has for some time
been felt to be so unsatisfactory that the public is
at present inclined to err on the side of too much
interference rather than too little. Mr. HARDY has
been careful not to go too far, and is not likely to
fail from unnecessary disturbance of existing
arrangements. The faults of previous administra-
tion were so much in the system itself that nothing
short of a thorough legislative change could mend
matters. So long as the insane, the sick, the dis-
abled, and the aged were kept iu the same building,
and governed under the same laws, as the worthless
able-bodied pauper, it was impossible to combine the
requirements of humanity and justice. The prin-
ciple of classification is ono of the fundamental
principles of the new bill, and we are glad to find
that the metropolitan members in particular are in-
clined to give it their ready support. Many of
them had some suggestions to make or objections to
raise, and Mr. HARDY promised to give patient
consideration to all proposals for:its improvement.
Mr. HARDY'S predecessor at the Poor-Law Board
expressed his approval of the new scheme, and de-
clared his concurrence in its views, purposes, and
principles. "He believed that the extension
of the area of charge touched the very root
of parochial mismanagement. It was a sound
principle that if you extended the area
you weakened that tendency to parsimony
which was so common in parishes, which was so
very often mistaken economy, and only tended to
increased charge, and which did great mischief
among the poor." Mr. VILLIERS added that he
thought the present moment very favourable for
action, as he never remembered such a subsidence
of the jealousy and mistrust with which the Board
was generally regarded. Mr. VILLIERS'S support
was of course very valuable to the new President,
as he is necessarily fully conversant both with the
necessities of the case and the difficulties which
beset any attempt at Reform. There had been for-
merly, Mr. VILLIERS contended, an inclina-
tion to regard the Poor-law Board as pos-
sessed of too much power rather than too
little, and it was not until the case of RICHARD
GIBSON in the Bloomsbury Workhouse, managed
under a local act, drew attention to the neglect
which was possible under all precautions that public
opinion underwent a salutary change. The reports
of the several medical commissions appointed at
different times produced a great effect, and Mr.
VILLIERS spoke truly when he said that the ques-
tion was now ripe for legislation. " There was
but one feeling," said the right hon. gentleman,
" both in and out of the house, that these poor poeple,
numerous as they were, should be treated in a
manner most conducive to their comfort and re-
covery. That the sick poor must be treated dis-
tinctly and separately from the pauperism that had
to be provided for in these workhouses." This is
the great object which every one who has seriously
considered the subject has set before him. It is the
point which all those familiar with the interior of
workhouses have most earnestly and consistently
urged upon the officials. It is one, we believe,
which the majority of the Guardians would
readily admit, since it is not fair to blame for the
non-fulfilment of impossible duties. The original
constitution of the Poor-Law Board did not con-
template the management of huge infirmaries. It
was rather framed for the repression of thriftlessness
and vagrancy, and that object it has, no doubt, been
in a great measure successful in attaining. The
necessities of the times have changed in this re-
spect as in many other respects, and in place of a
host of worthless idlers, anxious to live at any-
body's expense but their own, we have an army of
sick and afflicted persons absolutely incapable of
earning a livelihood. It is with this complexion of
affairs that Mr. TARDY has to deal, and this diffi-
cult task he has on the whole successfully accom-
plished.

Last night, in the House of Lords, they had a
sort of preface to the Reform debate in prospect,
and on the whole wo may say it was a satisfactory
expedient. Lord STRATUEDEN moved a resolution,
to the effect that it is not desirable f(ir all boroughs

to return members by the same qualification, the '
chief object of the said proposition being to prevent
the transfer of the political power to any parti-
cular class. Lord GREY appeared very anxions
that the question of Reform should be
settled this Session, although he truly said
that at present it was not the time for
its consideration. The noble lord suggested that,
in order to prevent the chance of the Resolutions
coming up to their lordship's house too late to pass
this session, the said resolutions might be agreed to
by their lordships before being embodied in the
shape of a bill. We' agree with Lord Lord DERBY
that it is very satisfactory to find the principle of
proceeding by Resolution accepted by the House of
Lords, instead of being condemned as it hadbeen else-
where. As might have been expected, the noble Premier
declined to enter into the merits of the abstract propo-
sition then put before them. He denied that the
character of the Bill described in the Speech from
the Throne was such as to transfer political power
from the middle class to a " numerical majority."
Lord DERBY'S chief desire is, he says, to get the
bill passed quickly through the House of Commons,
and we are glad to find that the noble earl does not
consider that as yet any prospect of a factious op-
position to the Government proposals. Nothing
can be more just than the observation he
made respecting the nature of the discussions
now about to take place. "It will be a most happy
circumstance, indeed, if the two sides of the House,
feeling the necessity for mutual agreement and con-
fidence in reference to•this question, may, in a spirit
of calm and deliberate discussion, resolve to bring
about an early and satisfactory settlement of this
most important matter, in which the happiness and
prosperity of the country is concerned." Earl
RUSSELL, of course, thought it necessary
to make some remarks upon the subject,
and although he did not say much against the
scheme, he at the same time did not say very much
in its favour. The noble Earl tried a joke on the
grave subject, and sought to condemn the course
pursued by Government, by quoting Lord DERBY'S
own description of Lord STRATHEDBN'S proposal.
All we can say is that if Lord RUSSELL'S deprecia-
tion of his ideas on the subject are correct, it is
very strange, for he says that at present he is
absolutely at a loss to know what the resolutions on
reform, which are well known to the public, can mean.
We do not know if this is the ignorance that is bliss,
but we hope that when the,enlightenment of next
week comes the noble lord will not illustrate to
us the truth of the saying that there is none so
deaf as those who will not hear. We hope that
in the House of Lords 2t least there will be but
little delay in the discussion of this important
measure, for really the country cannot afford to be
any longer trifled with.