The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 6, 1858.

ITEYMOUTH and CHANNEL ISLANDS
STEAM PACKET COMPANY (Limited).)
DAY PASSAGES.—Shortest Sea Route to Guernsey and
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MINERALOGY.—KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.
PROFESSOR TENNANT, F.G.S., will com-
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and will begin on FRIDAY, October 8, at Nine o'clock A.M.
They will be continued on each succeeding WEDNESDAY
and FRIDAY, at the same hour. Fee, £2 2s.
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GUILDHALL, sth October, 1858. The
Committee for Letting the City's Lands will MEET
at Guildhall, on- WEDNESDAY, the 13th October inst., at
One o'clock precisely, to receive Proposals for Leases of a
House and Premises, No. 40, on the North side of Chiswell-
street, and a House,"l'o.-1, on the West side of South-street,
Finsbury.

Plans a the property may be seen, and forms of tender
obtained, upon application at the Architect's Office, Guild-
hall. FERDINAND BRAND, Comptroller.

BOARD AND RESIDENCE. A Superior
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this would be found a desirable residence. Terms moderate.
References to be exchanged. Address, J. P., Wright's
Dairy, Granby-street, ifampstead-road, N.W.

GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH,
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AND PRONOUNCED BY HER MAJESTY'S, LAUNDRESS to by
THE FINEST STARCH SHE EVER USED.
Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, &c., &c.

GEORGE HOBSON begs to call the attention
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255. Also his New Partridge Mixture Shooting Coats.
Excellence with Economy.
GEORGE HOBSON, 57, Lombard-street.
Established 1796.

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AN ACT OF GRATITUDE.-5,000 Copies of
a Medical Book for Gratuitous :Circulation.—Gtouon
Thomas, Esq., having been effectually cured of nervous de-
bility, loss of memory, and dimness of sight, resulting from
the early errors of youth, by following the instructions given
in a Medical Work by a Physician, he considers it his duty, in
gratitude to the author, ' and for the benefit of nervous suf-
ferers, to publish the means used. He will therefore send
free, to any address, in a sealed envelope, on receipt of a
directed envelope, enclosing two stamps, to prepay postage,
a copy of the medical work, containing every information re-
quired. Address, G. Thomas, Esq., Craven House, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne.

CONTRACT FOR BRUSHES, BROOMS, HAIR
PENCILS, AND TOOLS, ETC.
Department of the Storekeeper-General of the Navy,
• Somerset-place, 4th Oct, 1858.
THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the
OFFICE of LORD. HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED
KINGDOM of GREAT • BRITAIN and IRELAND, DO
HEREBY. GIVE NOTICE, That on TUESDAY, the 19th
instant, at Two o'clock, they will be ready to treat with such
Persons aS may be willing to Contract for supplying her
Majesty's several Dockyards with BRUSHES, BROOMS,
HAIR PENCILS, and TOOLS, &c., under a Contract for
twelve months certain, and afterwards until the expiration
of three months' warning.
Patterns may be seen, and a form of the • Tender, a sche-
dule of the articles, and the conditions of the Contract
obtained at the said office. No Tender will be received
after Two o'clock -on the day of treaty, nor will any be
noticed unless the party attends, or an Agent for him duly
authorised in writing. •
Every Tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the
Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words
"Tender for Brushes, Brooms, kc.," and must be delivered at
Somerset-place, accompanied by a Letter signed by Two
responsible Persons, engaging to become bound with the Per-
son tendering, in the sum of £5OO, for the due perform-,
ance of the contract.

LORD CANNING'S REPLY TO THE
ELLENBOROUGH DESPATCH.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

East India House, Oct. 5, 1858.

Sir,—l am directed by Lord Stanley to forward
to you for publication the accompanying despatches
from the Governdr-General of India.---I am, &c.,

GERALD C. TALBOT.

FOREIGN DEPARTMENT SECRET,
ALLAHABAD, June 17, 1858.
TO THE HONOURABLE TAB SECRET COMMITTEE OF
THE HONOURABLE THE COURT OF DIRECTORS.

Honourable Sirs,—l have the honour to reply to
your despatch No. 1,954, of the 19th of April.
That despatch condemns in the strongest terms
the proclamation which on the 3d of March I di-
rected the Chief Commissioner of Oude to issue
from Lucknow. s _ _

2. Although written in the secret committee, the
despatch was made public in. England three weeks
before it reached my hands. It will in a few days
be read in every station in Hindostan.
3. Before the despatch was published in England,
it had been announced to Parliament by a Minister
of the Crown asp•.eoliveying: disappiwAl; iii (Iveg
sense of the policy indicated by the Governor-Ge-
neral's proclamation. ,Whether this description was
an accurate one or not Ido not inquire. The tele-
graph has already . 14.41%60,4 over the length and
breadth of India.
4. I need 'scarcely tell your honourable committee
that the existence of such a despatch, even had it
never passed out of the records of the secret depart-
ment, would be deeply mortifying to me, however
confident I might feel that your honourable com-
mittee would, upon re-consideration, relieve me of
the censure which it casts upon me. Still less ne-
cessary is it for 'me to point out that the publica-
tion of the document, preceded as it has been by an
authoritative declaration of its meaning and spirit,
is calculated to increase the difficulties in which
the government of India is placed, not only by
weakening the authority of the Governor-General,
but by encouraging resistance and delusive hopes
in many classes of the population of Oude.
5. So far as the despatch, and the mode in which
it has been dealt with, affect myself personally, I
will trouble your honourable committee with very
few words.

No taunts or sarcasms, come from what quarter
they may, will turn me from the path which I be-
lieve to be that of my public duty.
I believe that a change in the head of the govern-
ment of India at this time, if it took place under
circumstances which indicated a repudiation on the
Part of the government in England of the policy
which has hitherto been pursued towards the rebels
of Oude, would seriously retard the pacification of
the country. I believe that that policy has been
from the beginning merciful -without weakness, and
indulgent without compromise of the dignity of the
government. I believe that wherever the authority
of the government has been established it has be-
come manifest to the people, in Oude as elsewhere,
that the indulgence to those who make submission
and who are free from atrocious crimes will be
large. I believe that the issue of the proclamation,
which has been so severelycondemned wasthoroughly
consistent with that policy, and that it is so viewed
by those. to whom it is addressed. I believe that
that policy, if steadily pursued, offers the best and
earliest prospect of restoring peace to Oude upon a
stable footing.

6. Firm in these convictions, I will not in a time
of unexampled difficulty, danger, and toil, lay down
of my own act the high trust which I have the I
honour to hold ; but will with the permission of
your honourable committee state the grounds upon
which those convictions rest, and describe the
course of policy which I have pursued in ;dealing
with the rebellion in Oude. If when I have done so
it shall be deemed that that policy has been errone-
ous, or that not being erroneous, it has been feebly
and ineffectually carried out, or that. for any reason
the confidence of those who arc responsible for
the administration of Indian affairs in England,
should be withheld from me, I make it
my respectful but urgent request, through your
honourable committee, that I may be re-
lieve I of the office of Governor-General of India
with the least possible delay.
7. I desire to say, that I shall in that case resign
my great charge into the hands of the hon. Court
of Directors, with a deep and abiding sense of
gratitude for the generous support, the unreserved
confidence, and the considerate courtesy which I
have at all times received from them.

I hava nothing more to add upon the personal
part of this question.
8. But before I speak of the proclamation, I beg

to call the attention of your: hon. committee to cer-
tain paragraphs of the 'despatch before me, which
arc pregnant with a signification fi.r more momen-
tous than the censure of any recent act or policy of
the Governor-General of the day. .These para-
graphs are numbered from 10 to 14 inclusive, and
I believe that I shall not misrepresent their import
by describing it as follows
9. They begin by pointing out a doubt whether
the British Government was justified in taking
possession of the kingdom Of Oude. The doubt is
pointed out, but is not resolved, nor is a distinct
opinion expressed upon it.
10. Certain facts are then referred to which,
though they do not directly affect the question of
our right to take possession of Oude, are cited as
leading, in conjunction with the doubt above men-
tioned, to the conclusion that the hostilities which
the people of Oude have been :carrying on against
us have rather the character of legitimate war
than that of rebellion, and that the people of Oude
should be regarded with indulgent consideration..
11. It is altogether beyond my duty to discuss
whether the course pursued by the British Govern-
ment in taking possession of Oude was a lawful and
justifiable one, still less does it belong to me to say
what line of conduct the British Government ought
to follow if it be now determined that that course
was not lawful or justifiable. But as to the indul,
gence due to the people of Oude, your hon. coni-
mittee will, I am sure, do me the justice to admit,
that no misgiving as to the character of our deal-
ings with the Oude State was necessary to
induce me to declare, , without, any injunction'
from yourselves, - that the talookdar and land-
owner of Oude must be viewed in a very
different light .from that in which rebels
in our old provinces are to bo regarded. I found
sufficient reason for this in the facts that theallegi-
ance of these .men when they broke into rebellion
was little more than a year old, and that they had
become British subjects by no act of their own;
that our rule had brought loss of property, upon
many of them, and upon some an unjust loss ; and
that it had diminished the importance and arbi-
Irary Rower of all. I considered these facts to be a
palliation of rebellion even where hoStility to us
had been most inveterate, and therefore I put aside
altogether the punishments of death, transporta-
tion, and imprisonment ; and whilst marking those
who had rebelled with the penalty which in India,'
as elsewhere, has been again and again recognised
as a fitting punishment of rebels—namely, the for-
feiture of their rights in the soil, I promised indul-
gence to those who should Imake prompt submis-
sion.

I felt the considerations of policy' and merey, and
the newness of our rule,, prescribed this course. I
recorded this in a paper already in the hands of
your hon. committee ; and I hope before closing
this despatch to show that the indulgence has been
accorded promptly and liberally.
12. But it is my- first duty earnestly to beg your
hon. committee to consider the effect Which will be
produced upon the province of Oude when it shall
become, generally known that the British Govern-
ment speaks hesitatingly of its right to rule that
country. , I cannot but fear that it will make a tur-
bulent and warlike people more impatient than
ever of subjection to authority and order ; I fear
that it will furnish a pretbxt for resistance to the
government, of which many bad spirits will not be
slow to avail theinselves now and hereafter.
13. But more especially do I fear its . immediate
effect. It cannot have escaped the notice of your
hon. committee that, although the rising against
our authority in Oude has been almost general, al-
most universal, it has been singularly devoid of a
national character. Except for the purpose of re-
ducing our garrison in Lucknow, and . afterwards
of holding the city against us, there appear, to
have been no common cause amongst our as-
sailants. Since the capture of Lncknow we have
had against us the party of the Begum and her
son, claiming to represent the royal family of
Oude ; the party of the IVloulvie, a Mahomedan
fanatic ; the party of the Nazim, an adventurer
without rights or property in the province ;
,the
sepoys, who have passed from one leader to ano-
ther according as they have been able to extort the
highest pay; and. a number of the talookdars and
zemindars, some few of whom, at the head of bands
of their own, have plundered and oppressed their
enemies, and those whom they believed to be our
friends, whilst others generally of less influence
have been tempted or coerced into joining the ranks
of the Begum or the Moulvie.
There is little concert or cohesion between any
of these parties. Indeed between those of the
Begum and the Moulvic there has been not only
complete separation, but open hostility.
14. I cannot think that this want of unity will
long continue, if it shall once become manifest that
the British Government hesitates to declare its
right to possess Oude, and that it regards itself as a
wrongful intruder into the place of the dynasty,
which the Begum claims to represent. I believe
that this would draw to the side of the Begum
many who have hitherto shown no sympathy with
the late ruling family, and it is just what is want-
ing to give a national character to her cause.
" 15. An uncompromising assertion of our autho-
rity in Oude is perfectly compatible with a merci-
ful exercise of it, and I respectfully submit that if
the Government of India is 'not supported in
making this assertion, and in declaring that the
recent acts of the people of Oudo are acts of rebel-
lion, and that they, may in strict right be treated
as such, a powerful temptation will be offered to
them to maiatain their present struggle or to
renew it.

16. I now proceed to. offer some remarks upon
the proclamation, and I believe that the spirit in
which the proclamation was conceived and has
been.aeted upon will be best ihowii the. follow=
ing statement.
11 When in JanuaryTlaij,"---alicinfjlieliine at
which the army of the Comm... a nder:iniChia began
to eondentrate tiporr LneknOW,' I left
.I:4lbutta for
Allahabad, one of my chief motives for doing so
was the obtaining full, accurate, and recent infor-
mation in regard to the temper and disposition of
the chiefs and people of Oude, the extent to which
they felt themselves aggrieved by the Government,
how far that feeling was just, the nature of the in-
fluences at work amongst them, and other points
requiring consideration, before a decision could be
taken as to the mode of dealing with the province.
These were matters upon which formal references
and reports would have thrown very tardy and ina-
dequate light, seeing the condition to which our
archives and official establishments .had been re-
duced, and therefore, in addition to the information
received by Government from the usual civil and
military sources, I sought information and opinions
from those who, having filled posts within the pro-
vince and upon its frontiers, had had opportunities
of becoming personally; and in some cases inti-
mately acquainted with the talookdars and zemin-
dam, and their followers..
18. The conclusions at which I arrived were-
-Ist, that all question of punishing with death, or
even with transportation or imprisonment, rebels
who, however inveterate and unceasing their hosti-
lity had been, were free from the stain of murder,
should be set aside. I need not at present defend
this decision, although at tie time it was very far
from meeting with general approval.
19. 2dly. That the one declared punishment for
rebellion should be the confiscation to the state of
proprietary rights in the soil.
I have already said that this is a punishment
which has been repeatedly enforced against rebels
in India, as well by native rulers as by the British
Government; it is one which admits of being easily
tempered and relaxed with more or less lenity, ac-
cording as consideration of policy or mercy and the
past or future conduct of thepersons to be punished
may permit. It in no way affects the honour of the
most sensitive rajpoot or brahmin. It would pro-
vide Government with the means of rewarding in
the manner which is most acceptable to the natives
of India the services of those who should be found
to deserve reward. It would tend to the final set-
tlement of many of those disputes respecting landed
rights which has been the source of so much strife
and animosity in Oude.
20. Finally, I came to the conclusion that if a
proclamation were issued on the capture of Lucknow
(a point upon which I entertained doubts up to the
last moment) it should be one not threatening con-
fiscation as a possible contingency, but declaring
it ; pointing out, however, the means by which re-
laxation and indulgence would be obtainable ; and
further, that no attempt should be made to indi-
cate the measure of relaxation and indulgence
which might be conceded in particular cases.
21. I will offer a few words in explanation of
these last points.
I believe that the issue of proclamations is not
the surest or safest mode of influencing the natives
of India. The experience of the past year has fur-
nished examples of the ingenuity with which the
meaning of such documents can be perverted or
their language misrepresented by the enemies of
the State ; and it is a fact, several instances of
winch have come to my knowledge of late, that the
word of an English officer of the Government, even
though a stranger, is more trusted than a printed
paper. I should, therefore, hate preferred to take

in Onde a course which was afterwards taken:in
Rohilcund, and to place instructions in the hands of
the officers atto elied-t6. the columns which marched
through the country, leaving-it to ,them to carry
out those instructions, and to explain, in each' dis-
trict through which they passed, the spirit in which
the Government desired to deal With the. people.
But I knew it-to be very probable that no columns
would be available for the purpose in Oude, and
that in that case much time might elapse before
English officers would be able to penetrate the pro-
vince. I therefore had recoarse to a proalamation,
which might be disseminated by native agency.
22. That • proclamation was made to declare the
confiscation, and not threaten it, because the na-
tives of India, while they attach much weight to a•
distinct and actual- 'order of Government, attach
very little to_a vague threat, whether- conveyed by
proclamation or otherwise ; whilst it might safely be
assumed that the spirit in which the clause treating ,
of indulgence would be acted upon in the districts
which should be recovered would gradually become
known throughout the province and have a conci-
liatory effect.
Precaution was taken against perversion and mis-
translation by publishing in the first instance none
but vernacular versions of the proclamation.
23. I have said that the .proclaMation should
not attempt to point out the different measures of
indulgence which would be- conceded in different
cases. This, and some other precedinc, observations,
will be best explained by a brief reference to the
recent condition of the talookdars and other land-
holders, as regards their rights in the soil.
24. When we assumed the government of Oude
in 1856, the greater part of the province was held
"by talookdars, who represented its aristocracy.
They have been called the " Barons of Oude," but
this term applied to them as a class is misleading.
Some had received titles from the kings of Oude, for.
services rendered, or by court favour. Some few
are the representatives of ancient families ; but the
majority are men distinguished neither by birth,-
good service, nor connection with the soil, who
having held office under_ the native government as
Nazims (i.e. governors) or- chuckladars (i.e. collet
tors of government rents), or having farmed the
revenue of extensive tracts, had taken advantage of
the weakness of the native government and" its in-
difference to all considerations of justice so long as
it received revenue, had abused the authority con-
fided to them by that government, and by means of
deeds of sale, sometimes extorted by violence, some-
times obtained by fraud, had beeome the nominal
proprietors.andthe actual possessors of the villages:
or the
,majority of the villages, which formed what
they called their talookas, estates. .
25. Owingto the ascendancy WhiCh the men of
-this cla-S-s acquired, the weakness of the native govern.;
mentithevenality of the courts, and theltbsence of
justice-, the:condition of the actual oceupanti of the
.soil of the proV.ince was one of unparalleled 'depres-
sion. Their rights had ceased -to exist, or were
reditced to a mere shadow; they' 'could get no
protection from. • the government; they were
completely in the power of the talookdars,
and, were subject to every kind of oppression,
tyranny, and exaction. In .nuraberless..instances
they -were compelled by the • talookdars to .execute
-deeds-of sale, alienating whatever-proprietary right
they nominally possessed; and they lost but little
by the act, for the .practical' itiition of proprietary
right-they had scarcely known.. .......
26. Such being the condition of things in Oude,
the government-of-India,, perhaps. with -more of-chi-
valrofiS justice than-political. prudence,' determined
at once to reinstate these proprietary occupants of
the soil in what were believed to be their hereditary
rights; and to restore the. ancient village communi-
ties ; and upon the annexation of- the country, the
Chief Commissioner was instructed to make the
settlement of the land revenue with the proprietary
occupants of.-the Soil,- to -the exclusion of 'Middle
men. This instruction was carried into execution
in some districts with -undue haste, harshly and
upon insufficient evidence ;- and where this took
place, injustice was done to the talookdars, some of
whom were deprived of villages which had long
been attached to their talookas, and their titles to
which were not satisfactorily disproved.
. The injustice might, and probably would, have
been corrected in making the revised, settlement ;
but this does not excuse or palliate the wrong,

27. The mutinies broke out. It might have been
expected that, when insurrection first arose in
Oude, and before it had grown to a formidable
head, the village occupants who had been so highly •
favoured by the British Government, and in justice
to whom it had initiated a policy. distasteful to the
most powerful class in the province, would have
come forward in support of the government who
had endeavoured to restore them to their hereditary
rights, and with whose interests their interests were
identical. Such, however, was not the case. -So
far as I am yet informed not an individual dared to
be loyal to the government which had befriended him.
The village occupants as a body relapsed into their
former subjection to the talookdar, owned and obeyed
his authority as if he had been their lawful suzerain,
and joined the ranks of those who rose up in arms
against the British Government. The endeavour to
neutralise the usurped and largely abused power of
the talookdars by recognising the supposed pro-
prietary rights of the people, and thus arousing
their feelings of self-interest, and evoking their
gratitude, had failed utterly.
28. The time arrived when it became necessary
to consider how the 'province should be dealt with
upon the re-establishment of our power and autho-
rity in its capital. On the one hand was the patent
fact that those whom we had desired to benefit, and
had to our thinking benefited, did not value the
rights which- we had restored to them, and that far
from splitdiN, up- in. Vence sgf !they rights, and in
isuPP9rf. of -the government which had been- the
means of reviving them, they had acted in complete
subordination to the talookdars, and had been no
lesq forwird Thin these latter in= their efforti to '
subvert the authority of that governthent and fo
expel its officers ; on the other hand was the no
less certain fact, with but few honourable excep-
tions, all the talookdars, many who had not suffered
in the smallest degree by our fiscal measures, and
some who had benefited by them, having been
allowed at the settlement to retain all, or nearly all
the villages composing their talookas on reduced
assessments, had taken up arms against the British
Government, had either themselves participated, or
had sent their retainers -to aid in the relentless
, attacks on the Lucknow residency, had forcibly re-
sumed the occupation of their talookas, and had in
many ways manifested their malignant hostility to
the British Government.
29. In these circumstances, to have recalled the
condition of things which existed immediately be-
fore the. rebellion, thereby renewing the experiment
which had been attempted in 1856, and restoring
the occupants of the soil to the position of pro-
prietary landholders, which they had but Mist
proved themselves wholly unfit and unprepared to
maintain, would have been to court failure, and on
the other hand to have reverted to the state of
affairs as we found them upon taking possession of
the country, and thus to have acknowledged in
the talookdars after they had, as a- boly, ri,,en in
arms against us, and helped to subvert our autho-
rity, rights which had been denied, and in most
cases justly denied, when our power was unques-
tioned and unresisted, would have been to concede a
victory to rebels, and to put a premium on insur-
rection, a course which would haVe lowered the
character of the Government and destroyed its
influence, not only in Oude but throughout India.
30. Regard being had to the history 'of tenures
in Oude; to the failure of the efforts made by the
Government in 1856 to set up- those who were
believed to be the hereditary proprietors of the
soil ; to their unworthy reception of the benefits
bestowed upon them ; to the rebellious spirit mani-
fested by nearly_all the talookdars of the province,
and to the inconceivable difficulties which would,
have attended the adjudication of claims to pro-
prietary right in the circumstances that have been
briefly described, and which would have hampered
the administration at every turn ; the surest, the safest
the most politic, and a thoroughly j.ust course, seemed
to be to declare the proprietary right in the soil (to
whomsoever appertaining, for all classes as such
had sinned equally) confiscated, and to reserve to
the Government the right of disposing of, it as
might seem fitting, at the same time notifying the
intention of the Government to show indulgence
to those who should tender immediate submission
and throw themselves upon, its mercy.
31. I apprehend little difficulty, and, so far as
experience has gone, little has, I believe, been
found in explaining to the talookdars and land-
owners with whom our officers have come in con-
tact, that the " confiscation" does not necessarily
operate as a permanent deprivation of their rights,
but that it places in the hands of the Government
the power of punishing those who shall still persist
in rebellion, after life and honour have been a-
ranteed to them ; of rewarding those who shall
promptly come forward and give their support to
the Government and to the cause of order ; of sub-
stituting in any case of restoration the undeniable
title derived from the will of the Government, for
the doubtful title which alone could be advanced by
the majority ofthose whom the order affected; andoi

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

attaching to the fiat of restoration such conditions of
service, political and military, fealty and good con-
duct, as the altered circumstances of the province
have mule r‘-..sentioi to tie firm cstubliAunent of
our authority.
32. I have now stated the considerations which
led me to frame the proclamation in the form in
which it was transmitted to you.
33. It was sent to. Lucknow on the 3d of March,
and on the 10th I received from the chief commis-1
sioner, Major-General Sir James Outram, a letter
urging a reconsideration of the terms of the pro-
clamation, mainly on the ground that it would
render hopeless the attempt to enlist the talookdars
on the side of order, and would drive them to a
desperate resistance ; and recommending that such
landholders and chiefs as had not been accomplices
in the cold-blooded murder of Europeans should be
enlisted on our side by the restoration of their an-
cient possessions, subject to such restrictions as
would protect their dependents from oppression.
34. This letter and the replies to it, includ-
ing the additional paragraph which Sir James
Outram's opinion of the light in which the
talookdars and chiefs would view the proclama-
tion, induced me to add thereto, are before your
honourable committee.

35. I will not trouble your honourable commit-
tee with a recapitulation of the reasons which ap-
peared to me to forbid the adoption of Sir. James
Outram's suggestion, but lest four honourable com-
mittee should suppose that I was without any pre-
vious expression-of Sir J. Oxitram's opinion 'on-the
subject, -I wish, to state that the unfavourable view
taken by that distinguished officer of the substance
of the proclamation waS a cause of much disap-
pointment to me.
36. A very few weeks previously the chief com-
missioner had sent to the - government of India an
able and elaborate memorandum upon the systein
of civil adininistration to be adopted for Oude after
Lucknow should be subjugated. In this memoran-
dum, dated Jan. 15; 188, are the following pas-
sages :
" The system of settlement with so-called yil.7;
lage proprietors will not answer at present, if ever,
in Oude.

" These men have' not influence and weight
enough to aid us in restoring order. The lands of men
who have taken an active part against us should be
largely confiscated, in order, among other reasons,
to enable us to reward others in the manner most
acceptable to a native. But I see no prospect of
returning tranquillity, except by having recourse
for the next few years to the old talookdaree sys-
tem. * * Talookas should only be given to Men
who have actively aided us, or who, having been
inactive, now evince a true willingness to serve us,
and are possessed of influence sufficient to make
their support of real value." . •
37. Subject .to the understanding that even to
those who had been most active against us, indul-
gence should be extended upon their making
prompt and complete submission, these, opinions ac-
corded exactly with my own, and although I was
aware that there might easily be difference of oyi-
nion as to the mode of announcing and carrying
out punishment by confiscation, it did not occur to
me that any such divergence of views as was sub-
sequently intimated in the chief commissioner's
letter of the Bth of March could =occur bet Ween
us. The belief therein expressed that there
are not a dozen - landholders in the pro-
vince who have not borne arms against us
seemed to go far towards justifying the general and
sweeping terms of the :proclamation to which alone
I expected any objection on Sir James Outram's
part. • -

38. I afterwards had occasion to send my
military secretary, Colonel Stuart, to head-quarters,
and I took the opportunity to explain to the chief
commissioner that I wished him to give the most
'liberal interpretation to the proclamation; that, for
instance, the proclamation left it free to notify to
any talookdar who was deserving of consideration
that if he made submission and supported the go-
vernment, the confiscation of his lands would not
take effect; and that his claims to property of which
he might have been deprived upon the annexation
of the province would be re-heard ; and that in the
case of their having been resumed by him, he might
retain them until the re-hearing.
39. On the 3d of April, najor-General Sir
James Outram being about to take his seat in coun-
cil at Calcutta; Mr. Montgomery succeeded to the
chief commissionership of Oude.
40. Mr. Montgomery had, at my request, done
me the favour of visiting Allahabad before going.
to Lucknow, in order that I might have an oppor-
tunity of communicating unreservedly with him
upon the discharge of his new duties.
" I impressed upon the new chief commissioner
my wish that his dealings with the chief rebels
should be as conciliatory as might be consistent
with the dignity of the Government, and that he
should treat liberally and generously all those who
tendered their allegiance and gave support to his
authority. Mr. Montgomery expressed his inten-
tion to take -this matter into his own personal
management.
41. On the 20th of April the commissioner
wrote to me in an unofficial letter as follows :
" I enclose a memorandum just given me by
Captain Barrow, which will show your lordship
the names of talookdars who have attended in per-
son or by vakeel. Generally speaking, indeed in-
variably, the feeling showed by the men who came
in is excellent. They express great sorrow at the
past, and seem grateful for the consideration shoWn
to them."

A copy of the memorandum is enclosed. It
contains the names of 26 chiefs of note and influ-
ence, in various quarters, some of them at a great
distance from Lucknow, who had either openly
tendered their allegiance to the Government, or
had taken.thc.firdAtcw towards tl.(llpg so. So far
as know, only. one of t'hese-hiiisiverva from-his
•
firsl intention. •
t the' date. of this memorandum little more
than a month had elapsed since the first appearance
of the proclamation in Lucknow.
42. On the 22d of May the chief commissioner
sent me a further memorandum from Captain Bar-
row, which is also under this cover.
It -describes the progress made, and the state of
feeling prevalent.
It is right, however, that I should observe that
of the three powerful talookdars named in this me-
morandum one only (Maun Sing) hag sided with us
actively. Of the other twO, one (Madhoo Sing) is
inactive, and the other (Bence Madhoo) is in arms
against us.
43. From] this: last date the chief commissioner
has furnished weekly reports, which have been for-
warded to your honourable committee in regular
course.

44. :Latterly these have become less favourable.
The rebels, under the leadership, in some cases, of
talookdars, have approached nearer to Lucknow ;
have threatened, and in some places destroyed, the
civil stations which we had established, and have
killed some of the native guards. But I am .not,
neither is the .chief commissioner of Oude, dis-
heartened by a temporary check in the progress
which had b2cn rtinrllv ncliefed.
In a letter received from Mr. Montgomery, as
I am writing, that gentleman says :
" I had settled some 6,000 villages, and every-
thing was progressing most favourably, when a
combination of circumstances prevented the pro-
gress of the settlement." But he adds, " I still say
that the mass of the people are well inclined to us.
I get secret letters and messages, but they dare not
come forward in the face of the armed bodies which
are hostile to us."
45. In an earlier part of tkis despatch I had
occasion to speak of these bodies, which, although
without cohesion and combination, are none the
less capable ofintimidating and persecuting those
whom they believe to be well disposed towards the
Government. They have latterly been greatly-
aided in this by the influx of fugitives from Rohil-
cund and Calpee, who have either joined them or
set up as independent marauders.
46. I never expected it to be otherwise ; I
never expected that with the capture and occupa-
tion of Lucknow the province would become sub-
missive ; and my anticipation of the contrary is
recorded in the letter which, on the 16th of Janu-
ary, the Governor-General in Council addressed to
the commander-in-chief, recommending that his
excellency's operations should, notwithstanding, be
directed against Lucknow. These operations were
carried out with a skill, bravery, and success, which
have won the admiration of the world. But it is
no disparagament of the work of the great soldier
who achieved that success to say that the chastise-
ment thereby inflicted upon the loose bands of
mutineers, rebels, and plunderers, who were col-
lected in and about the city, was not such as to
expel them from the limits of the province, or to
deter "them from persevering in their work of
murder and pillage in other districts of it.
47. It is not in reason that, what with the
pressure of the mutinous sepoys now congregated
in various parts of the province on the one hand,
and the arts and threats of desperate adventurers
acting as leaders on the other, violence and rebel-
lion should not be kept alive ' • and that those who
we well inclined to make their peace 'with the