The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-20 00:00:00

(From the Daily News.)

All honour to M. Emile 011ivier. Amid the silence and
stupor that benumbs France—the fawning fl tteries of a me-
naced press, a .d the abject prostration of a servile legislature
—this brave and honest citizen has manfully stool forth to
protest in the names of violated justice and outraged society
against that monstrous law of " Public Safety," which sur-
renders up the lives and liberties of Frenchmen to the uncon-
trolled despotism of irritated power. A law of " Public
Safety"— its very name makes the blood run cold. Sixty-
Isiir years vanish like a dream, and we are face to face again
with that horrible tribunal, where suspicion was proaf, and
accusation guilt ; where there was but one stop from the
groundless charge to the merciless sentence and the inevitable
doom. Two periods of history have hitherto been infamous
for a law of " Public Safety :" the gloomy despotism which
Tiberius inaugu•ated at Rome, and the fantastic tyranny
which Robespierre enthroned at Paris. Is it possible that
Napoleon 111. can be mad enough to dream of making a third
experiment of the same sort on the patience of mankiud ? If
not what are we to say to a law like that which i now no-
minally under discussion in the Corps Legislatif—a law
which, without the forms ot public trial, punishes with an
exile that in its severity is tantamount to death, al: those
who " excite publicly in any way whatev:r," who " prac-
tise manoeuvres, or keep up intelligen'es abroad "--a
law which, absolutely without any .kiwi of £•ial,
renders amenable to the Facile sentence those who
have been already condemned and punished for oft-m-
-ess connected with the political troubles of 1848, 1849,
and 1852. In the worst days of the Roman despotism,
in the darkest gloom of the Terror, a viler mask was never
devised for screening, under the guise of law, the lawless ex-
cesses of Power; and it is to the Potentate by whom, and for
whom, this instrument of oppression has been invented, that
Lord Palmer ton would concede the privilege, never granted
before to any foreign ruler, of dictating innovations in the
old common,law of free England. M. 011ivier, in his admir-
able and couraocous speech, points out with dignified and
temperate firmness the various objections to this most n on-
strous p oject of law. He accuses ir, and with justice, of
vioiating all the principles that civilised nations are agreed
to consider as of the essence of sound penal legislation. It
violates the great principle of the separation of the executive
and judicial powers. The Government arrests, the Govern.
went tesecutes, and the G .vernment judges. It leaves the
fortines and liberties of French citizens at the absolute mercy
o: the agents of the Executive. It violates al those forms
which the uniform experience of ages has shown to be the
only safeguard for the administration of justice. There is to
be uo publicity, no cross examination of witnesses, no speech
for the defence ; everything is to be conducted in secresy.
Again, it vi lates one of the first maxims of all criminaljuris-
prudence in this respect, that it contains no precise definis
tion of the offence; everything is vague and uncertain,
everything is left to the widest latitude of isterpretation.
What is a "grave fact ?" what is, or rather what is not, a
" practising of manoeuvres," and a " keeping up intelligence
abroad ?" Who is to pronounce what does or does not come
under the words " exciting publicity in any way whatever 1"
The cold and gloomy hypocrisy of Tiberius, that sapped the
liberty he pretended to worship, never threw a more fatal
drag-net over Rome, by his natal law of lame majcstates, than
this " Public Safety" Bill would throw over France. No law,
as M. 011ivier truly and courageously declared, has over b ea
proposed which violates so many fundamental principles.
" We are told," continues this brave man, "that the law is
only meant to attack red-republican socialists and enemies of
or :er. But who can bo sure that he may not be obnoxious to
its provisions? When Danton established the revolutionary
tribunal, he thought he was clearly comprised in the excep-
tion, but shortly after his own head fell on the scaffold."
and Addressing
truth
of
which h
t hehi Imperialc
asrarely
Government,been
s surpassed,
sassetdrta. mu e bli ov
rl neexs
s
claims, " You have governed this country nine years ; you
are at peace with all the world ; you have au immense army,
an able police, an enormous revenue, strategetical roads
through your capital, and fortresses at all convenient places.
No liberty exists, The greatest of all—that of the Press— is an-
nihilated, and yet you come to ask for laws of public safety.
Do you not fear that the country may say, ' I have sacrificed to
you my liberty, my franchises, my traditions, the conquests
of my blood—all that made me glorious among nations,
for the sake of a little tranquillity, and you now ask for more
—where will you stop I' " Heroic words--words of truth
and soberness ; words worthy of a freeman ; words that
ought to kindle a blaze of resistance in a free nation. What
effect they may have in France rests with the future. They
canuot fall altogether idle. In Milton's phrase. they are
"like the fabled dragon's tee' h, which being sown up and
down may chance hereafter to spring up armed men." For,
tli:s enact wait what the years may bring forth. But one
thing is certain. Tney ought not to be withont their weight
in England. They ought to make Englishmen deeply p
before they entrust a reckless Minister with the power of
altering the la-vs of Ecgland to suit the caprices of one who
is thus violating all law and justice in Franco.

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