The Sun.
London, England, 1858-01-27 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 27, 1858.

NOTICE OF DIVIDEND.

BANE OF DEPOSIT,
No. 3, PALL-MALL EAST, LONDON.

Established A.D. 1844.

The WARRANTS for the HALF-YEARLY INTEREST, on De-
posit Accounts, to the 31st December, are ready lbr delivery, and
payable daily. _ .

Daily. Daily.
A.ll P.N.
From Easton Station .. 9. 0 5. 0
P.M.
Arrive at Manchester .. . • .. • . 1.45 9.55
„ Huddersfield .. 3.45 10.50
Daily. Daily.
A.M. P.M. P.M.
From Huddersfield .. • • .. 9.15 4. 5
From Manchester .. . 10. 0 4.15 • •
P M.
Arrive at Euston Station.. .. 2.45 9. 0 10.45

Children under 12 years, half fa
Tickets, Bills, and every inform

the Euston Station, and at

,res. Tickets not transferable.
'salon can be had in London from

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ham-street. cadilly.
Universal Office. 90, Borough. Universal Office, 33, Regent-
65„kldgate. circus, Piccadilly.
Bolt-in-Tun. 64, Fleet-street. Old White Horse Cellar, 155, Pic-
George acid Blue Boar, 269, High cadilly.
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Or at Mr. Marcus's Office, Crosby-hall Chambers, Bishopsgate-street.
N.B.—Day Tickets, at a Single Ordinary Fare and a Half for the
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Express Fares between Euston Station and Manchester are not
charged, and all Trains convey First and Second Class Passengers at
the Ordinary Fares-355. first class, and 255. second class.
Euston Station, December 3d, 1857. By Order.

NAVAL AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE.

Prince Adalbert, Lord high Admiral of Prussia,
proceeded to Portsmouth yesterday forenoon, ac-
companied by Admiral Sir G. Seymour, K. d. 8.,
Commander-in-Chief of that port, to make an in-
spection of theships and Naval Arsenal. His High-
ness and escort arrived at the dockyard about a
quarter past 11 o'clock, and proceeded to the Ad-
miralty-house to breakfast, at which Sir George
presented Rear-Admiral Martin, the superintendent
of the dockyard, who joined in conducting the
Prince over the establishment. Capt. G. H. Sey-
mour, C. 8., Flag Captain, was also m attendance.
The first ship selected to exhibit to the Prince Ad-
miral was her Majesty's gunnery-ship Excellent.
His Highness embarked at the north stairs of the
dockyard in the barge of Sir G. Seymour, and on
board the Excellent was received with all the hon-
ours due to his rank by Captain Hewlett, C. 8,,
and his officers. Shot and shell practice, exc., (co-
vering a space of about half an hour's firing), was. I
exhibited, and all the other features of war sea ser•
vice afloat gone through. The Prince next went on
board the Victory, which is refitting in No. 3 dock
in which venerable ship he seemed mush interested
—thence he walked to the ships in progress of con-
struction on the building slips—the Bacchante,
51; Royal Frederick, 121; Prince of Wales, 131 ;
Duncan, 101 ; Victoria, 121 ; all screws except the
Royal Frederick, and all except the latter in vari-
ous stages of advancement. From these the Prince
was conducted to the steam factory, over which he
was also attended by Mr. Murray, the chief engi-
neer of theyard, who ponitedout and eaplalued the
more important features of its capacity. The Marl-
borough, 131'. guns, screw three-decker, was the
next object visited, in No. 7 dock, adjacent. This
ship is fitting to join the first class of the steam
fleet in reserve, and is expected to be the ship com-
missioned to relieve the Royal Albert as flag for the
Mediterranean command. From the Marlborough
the Royal visitor was conducted round the
steam basin, in which are lying the Duke of
Wellington, 131; the Royal Sovereign, 131 : the
Caesar, 91 ; the Algiers, 91 ; the Arrogant, 47 ;
and the Perseverance, 6, all screws, fitting out for
the steam reserve, and the Sphynx, 6, paddle-
sloop, under refit. This concluded the royal per-
ambulation, and the Prince returned to the Ad-
miralty-House, which he left about 3 o'clock for
town.
The Queen's yacht squadron, under the command
of Capt. the Hon. Joseph Denman, will leave
Portsmouth this morning at daylight. They com-
prise the Victoria and Albert, Osborne, and Fairy.
They will be joined in the Thames by numerous
other vessels.
The Prince Adalbert intended to visit the Vic-
toria and Albert in Portsmouth harbour, and also
the Diadem frigate at Spithead, but time did not
admit of it.
The examination of candidates for the Royal
Military College at Sandhurst will take place at
Burlington-House to-morrow and the two following
days, before the Council—Major-General Cameron,
Major-General Portlock, and Coexaminations of applicants for d
ilr.eActdcdoimsomn.issiTohnes
the
are
Tahiev of
oi appointed
inf ogr the
01
isnt ,tna2de
n,
tasn dw
e3rd e
madeproximo.
at
Admiralty yesterday
Mate.—J. W. G. Dawson to the Victoria and Albert
Midshipmen.—H. G. Fitzgerald and B. Fletcher to
the Calypso.

BALLOT DEMONSTRATION AT AYLESBURY.

(From the Aylesbury News.)

On Wednesday evening a meeting was held in the
Castlewstreet Lecture-room, for the purpose of hearing
addresses from several gentlemen connected with the
Ballot Society, and for promoting the adoption of vote
by ballot in parliamentary elections. The attendance
comprised many of the leading inhabitants of the town,
but the room was chiefly filled by the working classes,
who evinced the most lively interest in the proceedings,
every part of the room being densely crowded. We
1 understand that it had been intended to ask for the use
of the County-hall, but that the object of the meeting
was not considered, to come within the scope of the
regulations laid down for the guidance of the Visiting
Justices ; although certainly it is not easy to' conceive
what harm could bare resulted had the use of the more
public room been granted.
Mr. JOHN GIBBS was called to the chair, and said the
object of the meeting was to promote the extension of
the franchise, protected by the ballot. For his own
part, he would not accept an extension of the franchise
unless it were protected by tbs. ballot. It was now all
bat universally admitted that every man ought to have
a vote who was capable of forming an opinion on the
common affairs of life. When he began his political
career, half a century age, there was an objection raised
that the mass of people were too ignorant to be entrusted
with political power ; but, thanks to the strides which
education had made since then, that objection was every
day losing its force. Bat, whoever might be entitled to
vote, what harm would it do to protect him by the bal-
lot ? Some people said they did not want it ; thal every
man's vote would be known even if they had it. If
people chose to wear their cockades and proclaim the
candidate of their choice, no one would binder them- ;
but- if a luau wished to give an honest vote without
. .

being exposed to injury ;n that account, the ballot

would enable him to do so.. The ballot was not a party
question—it was as much needed now to protect
the Conservative as it was half century ago to
protect the Liberal. Some years ago, when he went oa
a political mission to a town in this country, he was told
he could not have the large room at the inn for their
meeting. 'out in one corner of it he spied the Ballot-box
which was used by the magistrates at their meetings to
prevent illefeerng and enable them to give their decisions
wholly unbiassed by any considerations. If the landed
gentry, who were independent of everybody, used the
ballot in their own deliberations, did not the tenants and
trades people, who were dependant on them, need it still
more ? He would not occupy more of their time, but
at once introduce the speakers.
Mr. E. C. WHITEHURST, Vice-President of the Ballot
Society, then rose, and said—Her Majesty's Ministers,
in the speech which they put into the mouth of the
Sovereign at the commencement of the session, have told
us that attention will be called to the laws respecting the
representation of the people, with a view to determine
what changes may safely and beneficially be made. I
ant here with my friend, Mr. Campbell, to ask you to
come to the conclusion that the adoption of the ballot
would be a safe and beneficial change. I shall lay before
you the reasons why I teink it would be both safe and
beneficial. But first let me address myself to the
question whether the ballot is needed to repress undue
influence at eleotiore, whether the present system does
give an unfailing and accurate expression of the public
opinion, or, whether the balance of influences ? This is
a question of fact, and on this pellet I have the misfortune
to differ from one of your representat.ves—and an abler
advocate, a batter lawyer was never sent to Parliament
by any constituency than the Attorney-General. But
the hoc, and learned gentleman has said to me, on more
than one occasion that the feeling in favour et the ballot
is dying out. I took leave to tell Sir Richard Bethell
that I thought the ballot was the most popular of all
points of reform with the people of this country, and
that no Reform Bill would ever be carried which did
not include it. I think so, because every measure of
reform must be carried by a pressure on our representa-
tives, and that pressure must come from those who
already have votes. The Reuse of Commons will never
be in a burry to reform itself, and I don't think there
will ever be a strong and united pressure from the elec-
t,rs, unless there is something in the bill that directly
affects them. Experience may be our guide here—we
hid a Deform Bill proposed by Lord John Russell in
1822, and ar.other in 1854, neither of which contained
the ballot. They were not taken up with enthusiasm,
and they were withdrawn ; and the same fate will attend
any measure that may be proposed by Lord Palmerston
of which the ballot does not form a part Now, if the
Attorney-General is right in saying tbat the people do
not care for the ballot, it can only be either because the
undue influences I have spoken of no longer exist, or
because they do not think the ballot would cure the
evil, Let us look only at the results of the very lent
election for this county. Did not the Conservative and
anti-ballot candidate complain bitterly of undue influ-
ence ? As a strarga I have. PO personal
.knowledge of
the matter, buti befievii that undue influence was brought
to bear both against Capt. Hamilton and against Mr.
Cavendish, and it was the balance of influences that
caused the return of Mr. Cavendish instead of Captain
Hamilton. (Cheers.) In the neighbouring county of
Northampton, what has taken place I Yon know here
is a resolution passed every session against the interfer-
ence of peers with elections, and yet Lord Lilford, a
Whig nobleman, took upon himself to tell Mr. Hunt,
who aspired to represent the county as a Conservative,
that he did not think him qualified by property and
ao k ine
rtheth e o
men p lni en
to of Lord Lilford, has a sufficient
law gives the right
whomthe position, and " requests that his tenantry may not be
canvassed in his favour." So that unless a candi-
date,number of acres, or a sufficient balance at his'
h
Then there was a Tory nobleman, the
of
who also has large estates, and te
of choice shall not even be asked to vote for him.
lf
re-
ceive a circular that "Mr. Payne (the steward) will feel
much obliged by Mr. -- attending the election on
firs tenants' ofßu
c-
Monday next. Mr. Hunt as the Duke's good wishes."
Perhaps the Duke was not cognisant of this. I am 'not
one to indulge in tirades against the aristocracy, but
whether or no, how could
any tenant of the Duke of
Buccleugh give an honest and independent vote? Mr.
Hunt himself, who would op pose the ballot through
thick and thin, says that tie) votes "varied according to
the circumstances of the lecality," that is to say, that
Mr. F. Vernon had a majority in those districts where
Lord Lilford's and Lord Firawilliatn's estates lay, and
Mr. Hunt had a majority where the Duke of Buccleugh
hal influence. The Conservative and anti-ballot member
for North Northamptonshire says that the votes given
do not represent the wishes of the voters ; that he would
have been twice elected before bad it not been for the
intimidation practised by the master manufacturers over
Conservative,
ae Kent
nE,
their workmen. But the evil is not confined to landed
lotr oehf r
:ode
orvpvopet andee
the
ho tenantoefrahnaa hares
independenteoivh
eoayun Id al way
proprietors or manufacturers. I have here a letter from
a clergyman landlord :—"The oLject of this letter is the
laecntclownilllvhnetepefnyrosuiarrevvli.kße midydseeill.f, aLgaonodd.
if we go to a new lease, that will be one of my stipula-
tions." Now, I have had something to do with leases :
in some counties they reserve the metals, in most, they
s vote on the same side, and
of
frabb partridges.n t ,nbnuet nI g
Bt neverroo But
t yeteld
liwkhieleina rohdoemno
heap
nearer home. Was your last borough election alto-
gether free from undue influences ? Was it only his
• vote
ih;ser niu right the
Chinn qu(Nestni,o:n.t)haAt
teenletasMt rm. Lr.ayLaairydartdo
did cot think so ; he told you that you owed the loss
° l
about.
of one of your Liberal members to a far more de-
grading and abominable cause than that. (Cheers.)
[The speaker here read a report of Mr. Layard's speech
on the steps of the County Hall, at the close of the poll].
Well, again, not very far from the borders of your
county is the Borough of Windsor. How was it that
what, is called the Castle party, who usually support the
ministry, all turned conservative within 24 hours, and
plumped for the Tory candidate ? And don't let it be
said that such influent 'tire confined to small constitu-
Wcoenstliotoukencuy butpn; Manchester as a large and
in a certain mill there, there
posted up the following notice-,-" True hands in this
mill are requested to vote for Potter and Turner." And
after that, in other mills, the notice ran -" The hands
in this mill are requested to vote for Gibson and Bright.'?
Onee l e r "—( cb manufacturereereand htegtit
ofmacheir‘nes, who -thought he bad
male great improvement in the "Patent Screw Pro-
, p—sent off his men in an
omnibus to vote under charge of a foreman, and, having
deposited them at a public-house, the omnibus came
back for another load. I leave you to judge whether
there was freedom of election there, 1
Again, in Lanark,
previous to 1852, the tenants of the Duke of Hamilton
were to a man all Tory, and since then, somehow or
other, they have become to a man all Whig. Now it
does happen that there was a new Duke in 1852, who is
a Wbig, whereas the old Duke was a Tory. Again, in
Ayrshire—and in election matters you are always " put-
ting up" a Duke—in 1854,
the Duke of Portland was
a Tory and all his tenants were Tory. But it became
whispered that the new speaker was to be Mr. Evelyn
Denison (a relative of the Duke), and forthwith
the tenantry set a Palmerstonian member to Parlia-
ment. As I am at issue with one of your representa-
tives on a question of fact, I have thought it right to
give you the means of judging whether or no the
necessity for the ballot is dying out. (Cheers.) I
could mention other cases. In East Cornwall, the
Conservative and anti-ballot candidate congratu-
lates the yeomen on having beaten the landed
gentry, for they had Lords to fight in every quarter
You have heard, again,
(Cheers.) of the Marquis of
Waterford, whose politics in his youth seem to have
been of the physical force school. (Laughter.) Well,
his tenantry '
,approached" his lordship in an address
which
was only a great deal too servile, requesting that
he would " be graciously pleased to permit them to re.
cord their votes according to the dictates of their con-
sciences." The reply is an intimation from the agent
that his lordship would wish them to vote for Mr.
Clark and Sir Henry Bruce."—At Staley bridge, one of
the largest unrepresented boroughs, the working men
were so conscious of the evils of undue influence in
municipa • l elections, that they sent a deputation to Lon-
don at their own
cost,
tourge on Reformers that the
extension of the suffrage without the ballot would be a
delusion. In Ireland the representation has been ex-
tended since 1832, viz., in 1849, and the reports from

that country lead me to believe that, so far from
strengthening the voice of the people, the extension of
the suffrage has only tended to the increase of lordly
power. I say, then, let us hesitate before we accept so
doubtful a boon as an extension of the suffrage without
the ballot. For, if the expression, of the people's will
be defective, then the only authority t.y which laws
ought to be made is not only corrupt, but perverted.
Having a House of Commons almost exclusively com-
posed of men of property, what more natural than that
they should make laws mainly f'or the benefit of
perty I And these, moreover, -beinechiefly men;_con;
fleeted with the landed aristocracy, what more natural
than that, instead of the Government being, as in
Holland, in Belgium, in America, open to all, it should
be confined to a few families, with now and then a
man sprung from the people to give a popular flavour
to the compositior. There was one mac known to
you—the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli. lie was
once the. Radical candidate for Wycombe, but he
found, to use the language of the ring, that
"that cock wouldn't fight ;" and since then he
became a member of the•most Tory Government we have
had for many years. Then again, another gentleman
known to you, :Mr. Bernal Osborne, has given in one of
his speeches a description which I think applies most
accurately to himself. "If you find a representative of
a large constituency in such (ministerial) company, you
may be sure that his principle have suffered a change,
and that his patrons have treated him as gypsies are said
to treat the children they steal— disguised him in
order to, pass him off for their own." (Laughter.) Now
would the ballot destroy or lessen this undue influence
at elections, and so destroy the monopoly of power by
the two aristocratic divisions—Whig and Tery t As
far as mechanical arrangements for protecting the eecrecy
of the vote go, we have a most complete answer in what
has been stone in Australia. I am sorry that Mr.
Staysley, who could him explained these things to you -
from personal knowledge, is detained in Ireland ; but I
have herb- a plan of the BaHbt room in the colony of -e
Victoria. [A. large plan was here exhibited, and the
speaker pointed out that the voter receives his paper in
public, in the presence of the scrutineers, in order to
prevent personation, but be votes (by striking out the
names of those candidates whom he does not wi-di to
be elected) in private.] Now, the Times tell u', and
truly, that this is not a question of philosophy but of
fact, and we have three large Anglo-Saxon c inunities
which poeseas the ballot, from whose experience we may
judge. Now, to illustrate the fairness which the Times
always manifests towards opponents, let me give you
one instance. Shortly after the arrival of Mr. Nichol-
son in this country, there appeared in the Times extracts
from the Adelaide Weekly Dispatch, containing the
broadest assertion of the utter and complete break-down
of this miserable system. Now, Mr. Nicholson bad
never heard of the Adelaide Weekly Dispatch. I en-
quired of other gentlemen long resident in the colony,
I searched at places where the colonial papers are
filed, but I cannot find it, and my conviction is that
the passage purporting to be from the Adelaide

Weekly _Dispatch was'icoecected, forged, and printed, in
Printing-house-equare, and never was in Australia at
all. But I will read extracts from papers which are
published in Australia. The Melbourne !Jerald states
that the result of the first election by ballot bad not
only proved most satisfactory, but hail won ever many
persons who hitherto had eeen opposed to it. The
returning officer at St. Ki.da, although opposed on
principle to the ballot, bore testimony to its effect in
preserving order, and said that there had been less
noise in the polling booth than in a place of worship.
Otberextracts, from the Melbournetlge, from the Geelong
Observer, go to show that canvassing is altogether put an
end to (and I never could see any benefit from it, except
to make a candidate acquainted with all the corruption
of the body he is to represent), and that no man is
liable to have a mortgage foreclosed because of his vote.
One of the scrutineers for Victoria told me that a
friend of his, one of the candidat, s, was in an agony of
suspense all day, believing that the election was going
against him, but at the close he was at the head of the
poll by 300 votes, so that, in this case at least, the
ballot did prevent the votes from being known. Again,
the ballot increases tho .number of voters. In one
case, out of 8,000 electors, 2,000 voted before the ballot
and 5,000 after. Ia one subdivision every voter except
one polled, and in another the successful candidate was
elected only by a casting vote. These account. contain
another item that will he interesting to anti-ballot niem-
here. The ballot decreases to an enormous extent the
expense of elections. You all know the jockeying that
goes on in the large hour of the poll. Now, one correspon-
dent tells us he believes that in Victoria the election did
not cost so much for all the candidates together as it used
to cost a single eendidate. Depend on it, so long as elec-
tions are such expensive affairs, so long will your members
reimburse themselves by selling themselves and you
to the Minister of the day. (Cheer!.) Well, let us
look now at some of the objections to the ballot, nut,'
we are told, that somehow or other a Beanie vote will be
known. How so, if.he likes to keep his own ceunsel
Well, then, it is said to be uo-English. Why Is :it
tin-English to avoid !insulting a man by telling him he
is unfit for the highest honour that a community can
bestow lit un-English to keep the amount of your
balance at the bank, or the amount you return to the
Income-tax Commissioners ? It is not us-English to-
rtes( your letters, and Sir James Graham found to his
cost, when he interfered with that practice, that English
feeling was the other way. (Cheers.) Well, there is
another; objection which Lord J. Russell every year, ip
his peculiar ttyle of elocution, with his hand under his
coat-tail., enunciates in the. House of Commons—namely,
-that the exercise .of secret and irresponsible power is en-
bonetitutional and dangerous. Why, what is the Cabinet
reveal
s i
to en :of Courts Martial are bound by an oath not to
doing this week, but deliberating in secret how. to make
the beat of the Indian affairs, and bow to evade the
promise of a Reform Bill which Lord Palmerston was
rash enough to make 1 I don't find fault with their
meeting in secret, bat I say, " What is sauce for the
goose
Or,
to
gander." (Cheers.) Again, the
officers
oah saucenke vote
nantoh for
too-butte :d f
exercise
tre h
anye
s o
t member—andinstance—who
tenant
aequally
i
uf
asrallmyma
eoi
rr everymeicipmotirawtiaeNiViyr:ft dutyt srueeiqtp,h, l
pro-
vision,
-
voron
the journalist, and whose power is more secret and
-irresponsible ! No man hath seen the Times at any time.
The Times is an invisible, impalpable mysterious essence
—not one in a thousand of those who form their opinions
by the Times' leaders know by whom they are written.
But does this mysterious irresponsible power subvert
the good government of the country ! I ask to
whom is the voter to be responsible? Is he re.ponsible to
the rest of the community ? But at every election the com-
munity consists of as many elections as there are candi-
dates and to which of these, more than the others is he to
be held responsible It is said, that as long as five men
out of six are without vote-, the sixth ought not to
exercise that trust without being held responsible.
The other day, at Tavistock, a working man put this
question to me in the strongest shape. He said, "If
we combine with the middle classes, they will naturally
chocpe one like themselves, who will take the income-
tax off their own shoulders, and put other burdens on
ours. Ought we not at least to know hew they vote ?"
I say the remedy is to extend the franchise, not to leave
the voter open to any influence that may be brought to
bear, for if the workiug men club together to make the
electors vote in a particular way, then they are virtually
the electors, and the men to whom the law gives a vote
are disfranchised. I say free the voter from all control,
whether a peer or a working man. Well, then, there
is the moral argument against the ballot—and ono can-
not but wish the aristocracy were as careful about their
own morals as they are about the morals of the electors.
It is said that men would promise to vote as their land-
lord or customer wished, and then break their promise.
Now, the first immorality is not here, far it is a moral
duty binding on every man to vote only for the candidate
whom he honestly believes to be the best. Suppose a
man were summoned on a jury, and his landlord asks
him to give a]particular verdict in a case in which he is
interested. The man says, " Ees, zcr, I wull." He never
ought to have made the promise ; but if, yielding to the
weight of evidence, he, in the secret deliberations of the
jury (for juries deliberate in secret), goes fur a verdict
the other way, true, he has broken his promise, but he
has kept his oath, and he has done the thing that in his
judgment walls right. We have heard a great many
, lachrymose prophecies about the ballot. We are told
the Crown and the ballot cannot exist together, but
' they do exist together in Holland, in Belgium, in Sat-
' dinia. "The ballot will lead to the downfall of the
Church." The Church will exist, with or without the
ballot, as long as she maintains her hold on the affec-
tions of the people, and if she loses that hold, the sooner
she ceases the better. " The ballot would destroy the
landed aristocracy." I soy the ballot would compel the
aristocracy to become the leaders of the people by the
force of their virtues and their talent, and not merely
by right ofltheir broad acres. I say the ballot would be
an eminently Conservative measure ; that all institu-
tions we value would be more deeply seated than ever
in the hearts of a united and loyal people—suited and
loyal, because no man could dare to doubt that our
institutions rested on the immutable, unshaken founda-
tions of pubic justice. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. JAMES CAMPBELL (a member of the Ballot Com-
mittee) said this was a question in which every man
st th
could be of use, because one great argument again
ballot was, that the people did not want it. Nowti,oenvere
yr
i
Englishman knew whether he wanted proteod.
Ile s o
had
whether he saw around him those who d
and, though he sae:
himself contested three boroughs,
dation in
little of bribery, yet there was intim' d
very a thousan
form, and, beyond this, there were
every social courtesies,
" undue influences," in the shape of
to
wine a
man
and personal friendships, which tended i
to vote contrary to his convictions. One gentlemay of
; considerable influence said to himinfluence, it is silly
• ,
"If we had the
•
ballot it would not diminish our
the attorneys who get the benefit of the present system."
And yet that gentleman would not on any account join
the Ballot Society. What would people say of him if
he did ? In one case, a voter's wife implored him net
I
to canvass her husband, knowing that he had always
voted on that side, and that his livelihood would be
endangered if he did so again. In another instance, a
wan in a public situation was compelled, under the pres-
sure of the screw, to vote against him; but he said, " I
will make up for it, for I will put the screw on the men
• under me, whom they cannot touch, to vote the other
L. way." (Laughter.) The speaker then commented on

, -
[PRIORI 4D. STAMP,ILD 51:' .1

Mr. DimeMt speech at the Aylesbury election, iao
which he'iaid, "l` Is the Lond Lieutenant of the County
to have no meow weightethan the poorest labourer !"
Why, the labourer, whose little all might be ruined by
unwise law or over-taxation, was just the man who
needed a voice in the Government. In oonclasion, the
speaker urged that not a day should be lost in agitating
(his question. Lord Palmerston, (a minister most able
at tricking the people out of their rights), was about to
bring forward a Reform Bill, and he would offer just as
litge as the apathy of the people led him to think he
might safely do. If the franchise were extended and
Government continued corrupt, . the world would say,
"This is the fruit of your democracy," whereas it was 1
the fruit of a vicious mode of voting, and for tbat evil
the ballot was the only and sufficient remedy.
Mr. ROWLAND DICKINS rose to support the adoption
of the ballot, observing that there was no place in Great
Britain where it might be more truly said that the result
of an election was caused by the balance of . influences
than in Aylesbury. He moved—
" That this meeting desires to express its satisfaction
at the announcement in the Queen's speech to Parliament
that the attention of the Legislature will be called to the
laws, which regulate the Representation of the People,
with a view to consider what amendment may be safely
and beneficially made therein. And this meeting, at the
same time, desires to record its conviction that no
extension of the Franchise will be
:satisfactory unless
accompanied by the Vote by Ballot. That copies of
this resolution be forwarded by the Chairman to Lord
Palmerston. to Sir Richard Bothell and T. T. Bernard,
Esq., the Members of Parliament for this Borough, and
to the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, C. G. Da Pre,
Esq., and the Hon. W. G. Cavendish, the members for
this County."
Mr. JOSEPH Slum seconded the resolution;
Mr. JONES then addressed the meeting at some length
in favour of the Ballot.
- Dr. LEE was aniioei to express his conviction that
all other measures of Refornflvould be perfectly useless
without the ballot. The *Refortner# address, which had
been signed by 31 members of Parliament, included the
ballot as its second point—and another, to which he had
formerly been opposed, but which he was now prepared
to agree to—triennial Parliaments. It was possible that
we might soon have a new Parliament, and he hoped
that an effort would be made to return three good
Liberals for the county. (A Voice—" We'll try for the
borough.") It was time to give up the degrading system
under which two Tories and one Whig entered into an
understanding to return one another. The points on
which candidates should be especially questioned were
the ballot, Church-rates, and Jewish Disabilities, and he
wiebed another meeting to be held soon, in order that
rnoasuree might be taken to carry out the views of the
electors en these points. (Cheers.)
Mr. ACLAND (formerly of the Anti-Corn-Law League)
said be thought there was little danger in asking too
much of Government, but he would rather have the
Ballot with the present franchise, than the extended
suffrage without the ballot: He was in the county now
as an electoral agent to try if the county could not be
rescued frooi the hands of the Tories, but the ballot
would do away with the need for electoral agents—
(laughter) --and the sooner the better.

Mr. JOSEPH DE FRAINE, as a non-elector, was anxious
that the movement for the ballot should not hinder the
agitation which would give votes to men in his position.
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously,
amidst loud cheers, Mr. Whitehurst remarking that he
should tell the Attorney-General the demand for the
ballot had not died out in Aylesbury.
A vote of thanks to the chairman and the deputation
closed the proceedings.