The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-09 00:00:00

THE BALLOT.

Mr. FL BERKELEY said he rose pursuant to notice
to move for leave to bring in a bill to cause the votes of
Parliamentary electors of Great Britain and Ireland
to be taken by way of ballot. This was; the anni-
versary of Mr. Grote'e last motion on the question of
the ballot in that house—exactly 20 years ago—(hear,
hear)—for which he had the honour of voting. It was 16
Sears since Mr. Warburton brought fir ward his motion
which he (11r. Berkeley) seconded ; and it was exactly
10 years niece he was lucky enough te persuade the
Route of Commons to pass a resolution in its fevour.
Since that time he had met with varied success. Ile
contlived during one sesttien to persuade the house to
permit him to bring in a bill ; but it was so late
in the session that he was unable, after the second lead-
iee, to carry it through. He now proposed to bring in
a bill, which might he strictly called a Corrupt Practices
Prove! tit n Bill (IL-as, hear ) And as the Attorney-
(General La I promised to consider a certain other Cor-
rupt Practices Prevention Act, which had been a com-
plete fii ere, although his bill would be very much die-
honoured, in his opinion, in such company, yet he was
perfectly prepared, it the Government would give h'm
leave to bring in Lill, to place it in the bad company of
the Attorney-General's bill. (Hear, hear.) But be
kuew they would not do so; there was not a chance of
it. Liss of influence was the imaginary spectre which
they raised, and which glared upon the lords and squires ;
and his bill was a terror to their roub. Consequently
they would keep the measure out ef the house as long
as they possibly could. He was persuaded that nothing
but the opinion cf the people, strongly (xpressed, would
cause Parliament to pass the measure ; and it would
eventually be parsed. He founded big advocacy of the
ballot on one single axiom—he might call it an immu-
table principle—that they had no right to create a func-
tionary without giving that functionary adequate pro-
tection in the discharge of the functions of his office.
'New, though the Parliamentary elector could be proved
to be within the category, they refused to apply that
principle to him. Ile was not astonished at that re-
Lisa'. It was no winder that they should deny thw,
ri,;ht to the elector while so largo a proportion of the
members of that house were perfectly independent of
the electors who sent them there, and while the electors
—who by a strange fiction, were imagined to elect mem-
here freely and without influetc :—were actually under
the con.rol of the members whom they elected, tbe:r
li lends( or fat-nil ei. While the House of Commons COD-
-1 titithlneeur
een,dowbt to
waiting
I,t)yien,gawfsi:::.. ttbblyar:ipiri
ner ad;
yt: rwiyvaieccrhaedswet gac,gyotuofiomrreatmit:
doe eonsevde tshe ea oftllis
feat stet.,
ers where,
v, a
o,
,dn d
in w
theho v ;itoe d u 8 ien
ofthat
L whdost eitjust a
the
h e the
r et r.
1 presentation of boroughs an l counties we-it by descent
I and not by election—and while the t 1-cu re were not
ridependent men, hut wire voting machines—so long
' might the people of Blighted expect that the legislation
iemanating from so corrupt a source must be impure—
that lcgislatiog arising from so confined a. source would
be directed to anything but the interests if 'be electors.
What he would venture to say on this importaut phase
of the ballot question Lad been so much better said by a
leading member of that house ten years ago, not speak-
ing on the ballot question, but on Mr. Hume'a mo'ion
for a reform in the representation, that he would (eke
the liberty cif quoi kg from that speech. He lie d in his
hand an extract from the speech of Mr. B. o:borne, at
that time member for Middlesex. He addressed •the
House of Commons and the Whig Minis'ry ; his spsech
was principally in reply to Lord J. Busse% and thus be
spoke —" I find, according to Dodd, that there 'are 42
boroughs still subject to local influence; 33 are under
the direct influence of peers. 16 members in this !Muse
represent 11 Whig peers, and 33 represent 22 Tory peers.
And these 42 boroughs have as n.erih influence in the
house as the cities of London, Dublin, Eiinhurgh, Liver-
pool, and G:atgo,r. But when the noble lord says that
Government ' is not carried on for the benefit of thearis-
to Dd.
Ttotelerraecya,:eh6erme
airsqumisyesainnstwbeisrhaoguLin,,saecacorirsd,i2nsg
viscounts
4 ish peers analthe
misters. There are
a3ifitolgoerdths,er6l27b4aropnerestos,nsancdonl2l,elictoend.
w ts
the
exclusive house,o
f those besides officers4w.4hoare ooffif
ctihael i
yarcmoyt,.
aBroisftothcerancyaviyn,
netted with Government,
ib ibis
di a makingt i
ri
,nt
la
attuthoestenc
twekheihen((
attacking
e tteh3h:3o
atitindivi-
duals. sdtol.
mem-
bers who are under
el( iseu theo "d
system, a m
83y that the power of the aristocracy has increased, is
crae. Lle ta
mi t not
stattacking
increasing, and ought to be diminished. We have heard
t
f fatuity petitions in this house. Why, what
is of tie present Government in
tit the
this somewhat
countryw wholeh
at(
? I a f , undation rests upon family arrange-
ments. Nearly the whole Cabinet are related to each
other by ties of birth or marriage. They form a snug fa-
mily patty. Acid they Eo far differ from another exhibition
called the ' Happy Family,' tba', whereas in the one
case all the animals are distinct in species, in the other,
whilst admitting the treat knowledge and talents in indi-
viduals, you can only account for their ricke.tyoffspring
in leei lotion by knowieg that the parents are le lated
So much for the constitution of the Cabinet. The same
aristocratic element is visible in the sub edieate officers;
look : t the treasury bench in this house—it is occupiedby either 1.1. i scion or all ,ch6s of the great Whig tarro.
lies, chequered here ; rd Viere v,ith ;,erne st-ttistical man
of the people, just to give a pepnlar time to the cots:po-
ii, ion ; and if you finetlib rep, esentA 11..) i f & large libe-
ral c,inst.t it n :y in
presenthi his f(nui funnier
associatesp r i iici plllell company, you way be sure that
easy
e haves
tre
ebteecod mheimsiacsklyg,ipalniedstbatt his
re
to treat stolen children—‘ disfigured him to make
him pass for their own.' In short, turn where you will,
whether in colonial management or diplomacy, it will be
found that f r the most part Government ' has been
eerried on for the benefit of the aristocracy :' but the
noble lord says, the ' Howards end Stan!eys are not to
be precluded from holding situations f allow me to sug-
gest that the ' Howards aced St:alleys' have as good a
right ( Ind no wore) as others to hold places, and it is
8 'mew hat singular that few of the Howards or of the
S•anleya are in public places. There are others there who
nave not such
good claims, and who make a good thing
of them. We do not complain that men of the name cf
the name of nov.latd and Stanley have places, but We