The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-09 00:00:00

TELEGRAPH TO ALEXANDRIA.

Mr. CRA.WFORD asked the First Lord of the Trea-
sury whether her Majesty's Government bad entered
into any arrangements for extending the Mediterranean
system of telegraphs to Alexandria ; and whether any
arrangements bad been concluded, or are now under the
consideration of her Majesty's Government, for bringing
India into telegraphic communication with this countty
by way of Egypt and the Red Sea, or by any other
route

Lord PALMERSTON said that as yet her Majesty's
Government had not been able to make final arrange-
ments for continuing the telegraph to Alexandria.
Several communications had taken .place between the
Government and the different parties interested, but as
yet the Government had been unable to make final
arrangements. As yet no definite proposal had been
made to the Government for carrying the telegraph by
the way of the Red Sea to India.
CHAPEL OF THE BRITISH EMBASSY, PARIS.
Mr. WISE asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer
whether the 2,0001. advanced from the fund for Civil
Contingencies, on account of the purchase of a chapel in
Paris, had been repaid ; and what course her Majesty's
Government had taken with reterence to the decision of
the House of Commons declining to confirm the contract
made by the British ambatsador. Whether it was true
that certain British residents at Paris had offered to
purchase the said chapel, and that her Majesty's govern-
ment bad declined to resign the purchase condemned
by the vote of a large majority last session. (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said no
offer bad been made to the English Ambassador at Paris
to exonerate her Majesty's Government from the liabi-
lities they had incurred. One mode of doing so had
been made to her Majesty's Government, but it could
not be accepted without certain conditions being at first
complied with requiring the Consent of the French Go.
vernment. 'Some local difficulties surrounded it, and
should they receive a favourable answer the matter
would be arranged.
GENERAL ASHBURNHAM.

Mr. WARREN asked the First Lord of the Treasury
whether it was true that Gen. Aehburnham proceeded
from China to India in pursuance of instructions from
home, and whether he bad since returned to Eng'and,
and, if so, under what circum,tances, whether volunta-
rily, or whether he had been recalled ; and, in the Litter
case, whether there be any otjection to state on what
grounds ? •
Lord PALMERSTON said it was well known that
General Ashburnham was sent out to take the command
of the forces intended to operate against Canton, but
which were diverted from their intended destination by
the commander-in-chief to reioforce the troops for India,
in consequence of that, and there being no probability
of his active service being required before Canton, he
was permitted to go to India to see if he could be
actively employed there; but finding no opportunity
of active employment in the field opening to him
commensurable with his rank, he thought it better to
return to this country, and place his services at the
disposal of the Commander-in-Chief.

Ger. PEEL rose to address the house, when he was
called to order by

The SPEABiR, who said that the house was always
disposed to bear explanations relative to the honour and
character of individuals, but the gallant officer must
confine his remarks to Explanations.
Gen. PEEL then, addressing the house as the friend
of Gen. Ashburnham, read a statement from the gallant
general, accounting for his return home, similar to the
statement made by the noble lord the First Lord of the
Treasury.
The subject aen dropped.
VOTE OF THANKS TO THE ARMY AND
NAVY IN INDIA.

Mr. DISR A ELI rose to a point of order. When
the noble lord (Palmerston) gave notice of his
motion on Thuraday, it was concluded in general
terms in a vote of thanks to the army and navy, but on
the notice appearing on Saturday in the votes he found
it included a vote of thanks to the Governor-General.
He urged that the noble lord had not given proper notice
of his intention to do so. The noble lord if he intended
to have proposed a vote of thanks to the Governor-
General of India ought to have given notice of it, and
have given the house an opportunity of discussing the
whole of that noble lord's Indian policy, and if neces-
sary have a call of the house, that a fair verdict might
be taken on the motion. (Rear, hear) Ile asked if
the noble lord was justified in the course he now pro-
posed to take. (Hear, hear.)
The SPEAKER said the original motion was of a
general character and not specific, the terms of which he
then held in his hand. (Cries of "No army," and
"Navy only.") The particulars of that notice had been
placed in the vote', and he had no hesitaton in saying
that ample notice hL.d been given of the terms of the
motion to be submitted to the House.
Sir J. PAKINGTON said that he understood the
notice to have been specific and not general. (Hear,
hear.) No one bad the least idea that when the noble
lord gave notice of motion that he intended to include a
vote of thanks to the Governor-General of India.
(Hear, hear )
Lord PALMERSTON said that tine roles of the house
did not require notices to be given. He might have
proposed the vote without notice. (Hear. hear.)
The SPEAKER ruled that the noble lord was in
order.

Lord PALMERSTON then proceeded. to say—l rise to
perform a duty at once painful and gratifying to the person
who has to perform it, and which I am sure will excite in
the minds of all hon. gentlemen mingled feeling of pain
and gratification. The occasion on which we are assembled
is one in which the house is called on to take into consi-
deration the great events which have taken place during
the past year in India, events which in all parts of that
county have called forth those distinguished qualities
which characterise our race, and which never in the his-
tory of the world were more eminently displayed. The
event which have occurred, namely, the groat mutiny
which extended to almost the whole of the Bengal army
and to a small portion of the armies of the other presiders.
cies, -was wholly unexpected, and was foreseen by no one
before it happened, although there have been many pro-
phets after the fact who say that they could have foretold,
but never did foretell it before it happened. Some of those
who were acquainted with the Sepoys were aware that in
certain localities and in certain regiments there were dis-
contents, but those who best knew the Sepoys reposed the
greatest confidence in their loyalty and fidelity. Sir C.
Napier, who six years ago was at the head of the Bengal
forces in a paper from which I read an extract last session
described, in 1849, the native troops as proverbial for their
fidelity. It is true, in that letter he says that Lord Har-
dinge, who was not so well able to judge by experience of
the Indian soldiers, and who judged them more by the
ordinary roles of human nature, thought it was not expe-
dient that large bodies of native troops should be collected
together for military exercises, lost they should bo tempted
to enter into conspiracies, hut Sir C. Napier distinctly
said ho had no such apprehension, and that he could rely
on any number of native troops who might be brought to-
gether in masses 'for purposereof military instruction, The
great mutiny, which begun by small degrees and extended
itself to a large range of country, and though an immunise
military force, took India by surprise. Some officers who
were bast acquainted with the character of the native
troops had such a belief in their fidelity, that up to the last
moment they would not believe in their revolt, and fell
victims to that belief. This great event coming unexpect-
edly, and taking the military and civil service of the crown
in India by surprise, gave them greater opportunities than
if they had received some warning of showing the energy,
self-reliance, and perseverance which they have shown on
so many occasions. Unfortunately though we have to
rejoice in many triumphs and successes of our troops over
superior numbers, it would be unworthy of this house, argil
contrary to the feeling of the country, if we did not on this
occasion pay a tribute to the great men who have fallen.
I will not go into the question of private feeling and sorrow,
for we have only to look at great public service done to the
country ; but in passing a vote of thanks to the living, wo
ought to pay a passing tribute to those their country has
lost. We have lost many—some who had given proofs and
promises of future distinction, and soma who by their active
achievements had shown themselves to be a credit and an
honour to their country. (Hear.) The first I shall men-
tion was one who was among the first to perish—the late
Gen. Anson. Immediately on the outbreak of the mutiny
he assumed the command of all the troops he could collect,
and hastened towards Delhi. Gen. Anson has been repre-
eented by those who are-little acquainted with the facts as
having delayed the occupation of Delhi, by waiting for a
siege train which was not required. So little were people
informed with regard to India, that there were some persons
who believed that Delhi was an open town, and that you
had nothing to do but to walk into it; and they did not
know that it was surrounded by fortifications which re-
quired the use of a battering train. General Anson fell a
victim to disease at an early period of the operations, and
was succeeded by Sir Henry Barnard in the command,
who marched at once upon Delhi, and displeye during
the time that his life was preserved high qualid ties as a
General. He in the first instance gained a great advantage
over the Sepoys outside the town, upon which some officers
would have paused, having gained a great success after a
long march ; but General Barnard saw that if he allowed
the Sepoys to occupy a certain position before the town
he would have to undertake two sieges, one agains,
that advanced position and another against the town itself.
General Barnard, therefore, pushed on, an I gained pos•
session of that position, and so obtained favouraMe ground
for his operations against General Barnard in a
short time fell a victim to his great exertions, and was
succeeded by Gon. Wilson, who, more fortunate, was able
to bring the siege to a close. The list of those distinguished
men who fell by disease or the sword in the operations that
have been going on Would be too long for me to mention
now. There aro many whose names mention whose
actions have been placed before the public view, but letii
not be supposed that there are not others whose names I
do not mention who aro not equally worthy of public gra-
titude and the thanks of this house. (flear, hear.) Sir

Henry Lawrence was a man whose great services we all
know. (Hear.) He held for many years distinguished
positions iu the civil and military service, and he was one
whose loss every one must deplore. (Hear, hear) General
Nicholson—(hear)—was an officer of the greatest merit,
whose services, if he had lived, would have been of the
greatest value to his country. Sir Hugh Wheeler—(hear)
--who in the midst of his arduous efforts to defend Cawn-
pore lost his life, was one of those who, if he had been pre-
served, would been enabled to perform important services.
Then I need only mention the name of General Havelock
—(hear)—to remind the house of the loss which the country
has sustained, and of the deep grief and lamentation with
which his loss has been received by the country. (Hoar,
hear.) General Neill—(hear)—was an officer whose loss
must be deeply felt. (Hear.) Lieutenant Willoughby--
(hear)—was distinguished early in these events by the
daring act of blowing up the magazine at Delhi, and who,
having escaped from that danger, afterwards fell a victim
either to disease or to the enemy. Lieut. Salkeld's—(hear)
—name is prominently distinguished for heading.the bold
achievement of blowing open the gates of Delhi, in coin-
pany with Lieutenant Howe, both of whom unfortunately
fell. Thera are many others who fell whose names I could
mention, but which I forbear from adding to the
painful list; but whilst referring to those who still live,
we do not forget those who have perished in this war, and
we associate their memory with the bitter recollection of
what brilliant services they might have performed for their
country if. they had survived. There is one consolation in
the matter, and that is that the display of manly qualities
has been so great, and so universal, that we may hope th,t,
many of those who have hitherto had no opportunity of
distinguishing themselves, if they have that opportunity,
will so conduct themselves as to be equally entitled to the
gratitude of their country. I now come to those who
happily are still living. I will state the resolution which
I propose for the acceptance of the house. In the first
place, it contains that which is usual on all great occasions,
and that is to give the thanks of the house not only to the
officers of the military and naval services who are entitled
to those thanks, but to those persons who are at the head
of the civil government, and who by their arrangements
and by the means which they have provided for the mili-
tary service have contributed to our military successes.- I
pr, pose that the thanks of this house shall be given not, only
to the officers and men of the two services, but I propose
to'add another resolution of which I was not able to give
notice, but with regard to which I am sure no point of
order will be urged against me, although it is a departure
from the general practice and has been proposed on a sud-
den. I am sure that every one will feel that when we are
thanking the army and navy for their services we ought to
acknowledge the services of those persons, of whom there
are a great number, who were not in the military service,
but who in the defence of posts co-operated with the mili-
tary and who are equally entitled to our thanks. (Hear.)
An objection has been taken to the first resolution which
includes Lord Canning, the Governor-General ; Lord
Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay ; Lord Harris,
the Governor of Madras ; and Sir .John Lawrence,
the Commissioner of the Punjaub. If these different
officers bad not performed the services which they
did perform, and if they had not shown the greatest
diligence in providing the means to enable the mili-
tary commanders to take the field, and to accom-
plish so much before a single man had arrived from Eng-
land, we should not now be able to point to Delhi taken,
Cawnpore relieved, and the garrison of Lucknow saved.
Lord Canning, when first the mutiny took a serions shape,
and after it had assumed a formidable magnitude, knowing
that a very long time must elapse before any largo rein-
forcements could arrive from England, set himself to see
whence reinforcements were to come by means of which
the revolt was to be suppressed. Lord Canning accord-
ingly wrote to Lord Elgin, strongly urging on him to per-
mit the force.which had been placed at Lord Elgin's dis-
cretion for supporting his proceedings in China to be ea.
verted from that service, and sent on to India. Lord Elgin,
with a promptitude and zeal which was highly honourable
to him, consented, and sent the force on which he had de-
pended for carrying out the duty on which he had been
sent to the other end of the globe, and, feeling the import-
ance of putting down the rebellion in India, sent every '
man of that force thither, and postponed to an indefinite
period his operations in China, and gave up the means he
possessed of enforcing his negotiations in that country.
Lord Canning also had resort to the governor of the Cape,
and, although there were symptoms among the K ffir
population which gave him some uneasiness, Sir G. Grey
sent troops, horses, artillery, and moneys and everything
that'he could send to assist the governor-general. The
governor of the Mauritius did the same thing. Sir Henry
Ward, the governor of Ceylon, pursued the same course.
Sir H. Ward and the governor of the Mauritius stripped
their respective colonies of troops to ar extent which
nothing hut such an emergency could have justified, and
took on themselves a responsibility which did the highest
honour to their public spirit. (Hear, hear.) Lord Canning
also took measures to send to Persia, the Mauritius, and
Australia, for horses to mount the cavalry and equip the
artillery which was expected from England. Lord Canning,
knowing that when the troops from England arrived there
would be a difficulty in sending them from Calcutta up the
country, and-knowing, from experience, that the bullock•
carts, the animals and vehiclesof thepeaaantry, were taken,
as was the custom, by coescription, and that theeseasantry,
therefore, hid them and carried them away, and that it was
difficult to obtain the means of transport—Lord Canning,
I ray, wisely resolved to pay the peasantry for the use of
these carriages, and the result was that so far from their
beingno means of transport, after the arrival of 20,000
troops a great number of bullock-carts were obliged to be
sent away which had been brought to the railway station
by the people in the hope that they would bo employed.
I say, then, that Lord Canning is justly entitled to the
thanks of this house. Lord Canning has been the object of
many attacks, and I will give a specimen of the attacks to
which he has been subjected. I have not seen the extract
to which I allude, but I am told that there appeared in a
Calcutta paper,-when Lord Canning appointed a particular
officer to- the staff in the expedition to Persia, a statement
to the effect that Lord Canning had crowned all his
former foljies by appointing a worn out red-tapist to a
post for the duties of which he was wholly unfit, and that
he was only fit to sit at table with his dinner before him."
I do not remember the exact words, but it was something
of this insulting description. Now who does the house
think was the man represented ? Why no other than that
distinguished man General Havelock: ("Hear," and
cheers.) I hope therefore that the house will not be led
away by reports and paragraphs iu the Calcutta papers. I
entreat the house to look at the services which Lord Can-
ning has performed in providing the means by which our
officers have obtained their successes, and I am sure that
no right feeling man will refuse to include him in the vote
of thanks which I am about to propese. The same thing
may be said, in a lesser degree of Lord Elphinstone, and
of Lord Harris, who to the utmost of their power gave
assistance to the Governbr-General, and who stripped their
Presidencies of troops and sent every disposable man
to the scene of action. As to John Lawrence's ser-
vices—(" hear," and loud cheers)—he has by his ability
and judgment not only kept the Punjaub tranquil,
but havitg organised a force of Sikhs, the very men
who not long ago were so hostile to us, he sent every Euro.
peon soldier that he could collect to Central India, by which'
means so much was enabled to bo done. I hope the house
is too sensible of such services to refuse to concur in the
first resolution which I have to propose. I should have
mentioned Mr. Frere, who-is included its the-vote, a man
whose services are so well known that it is i-carcely neces-
sary to recur to them. Then the second resolution confe-s
the thanks of the house on the different generals who are
named therein. I think when I mention the name of Sir
Cohn Campbell—(6heers)—that no man will say that any
warmth of approbation which the house could express
would be greater than his services. (Cheers) Sir Colin
Campbell has displayed the highest qualities' of a soldier.
The alacrity with which ho left England for India was
characteristic of his country, of his extraction, and of his
military capacity. He was asked if he would take thecorn-
maud in Indio, and when he could start; and his reply
was, "To-morrow morning." He waited for no prepara-
tion, nor for any military equipment, saying that he weld
get all he wanted at Calcutta, and he did not lose one hour
before he departed. On his arrivaltt Calcutta, Sir Colin
Campbell placed himself in the house of the Governor-
General, and whatever may have been reported to tlee
contrary, the most perfect harmony, esteem, and good-will
prevailed between him and the Governor-Genera down to
the latest hour; and I know that Sir Colin Campbell has
written to the Governor-General, expressing his deep sense
of the public services of Lord Canning in the course of this
war. Sir Coal Csuspbell is a man of rare merit, combining
with the greatest intrepedity and courage that caution and
that power of adapting means to an end which. are calcu-
lated to effect objects in was-with the least effusion of blood
and the least possible loss of his troops. It is a quality
which his groat predecesor the Duke of Wellington emi-
nently possessed, .and which renders the exertions of an
earns, doubly powerful on the day of battle. Sir Colin Cam p-
bell in his advance on Lucknow displayed the greatest
strategy, and the meaner ill which he extricated that crowd
of women and children, and sick and wounded, from their
perilous position, showed a military ability which has never
been surpassed. (Cheers.) 'Anti when ha came to
Cawn-
pore and attacked the Gwalior force, instead of rushing on
without preparation, he waited until everything.wae duly
prepared, and the result was such as completely to justify
his foresight. It must be a great consolation to the country
that we have so great an officer as Sir C. Campbell has
shown himself to be; and I must say that we must all feel
it to be a great satisfaction when wo know that there are
among us men who, when great actions are to be performed
aro found equal to the situation, and who by their de€ds
entitle themselves to the applause and gratitude of the
country. Then there is General Wilson. (Hear, hear.) Ho
came accidentally into the command of the force before
Delhi, iu consequence of the unfortunate death of his two
predecessors, and he showed that the officers of the scien-
tific branch of the service are not less capable of command-
ing armies, and producing great and glorious results. The
skill which he showed in variousengagernentsand the talent
ho exhibited in conducting the siege, end the judgment ho
displayed by not attempting the assault until the forces at
his disposal were sufficient to command success, entitle
Gen. Wilson to the gratitude of the country and the thanks
of this house. Gen. Outram is also mentioned by name in
the resolution. General Outran), after showing great abi-
lity in the Persian expedition, returned to India and was
appointed to a command which entitled him to supersede
General Havelock, who bad been earning those laurels
which now can only crown his monument ; but General
Outra,u3,. showing a spirit of chivalry—(hear, hear) which
was equal to his ability, declined to take the command
i from General Havelock before he had earned the highest
distinction which be sought, and he served under him as a
volunteer' telling him, " Until you have succeeded in
relieving Lucknow, the object of your repeated endea-
vours, I will not step in and deprive you of the glory
to which you are so eminently entitled. (Loud cheers.)
It is pleasant to find such. distinguished commanders en-
dowed with such generosity as Gen. Outrun so nobly dis-
played. Then there is Gun. Cotton, who has done such
good service, and Gen. 11. Graut--(hear, hear)--and officer
of great distinction and ofgreat promise, who has performed
a'rett
that
dhceo
nwrielrl achievements,gloryl nagndc
of afted
to his
se -hei
yb
profession,r
hi
hope
enon
nrotim whose time
hisuue acnou°nrtraya.-
(Hear, hear.) Then there is Gen. Chamberlain, who
per-
formed good service at Delhi, and Col. Greathei. (Hear,
hear.) I came these, because the names of all those wh
have distinguished themselves cannot
tion, yet it would be a great
suppression o- f feelingifmoest-
of thorn were not mentioned; although I cannot mention
them all. There is Col. Jones, of the 31st Foot, who was
distinguished at Delhi ; Col. Campbell, of the 32,1, at the
same place ; Col. Jones, of the 6Jth, and Col. B. Smith
piear, hear)--the engineer who had the Merl. of conduct-
ing the operations under Gen. Wiesen at Delhi, and of
placing, a
battery within 50 yards of a wall that was
breached—an exploit worthy of all admiration. Them
there are Lieut.... Rayner and Lieut. Collis, who co-operated
with Lieut. Willoughby in blowing up the magazine at
Delhi. There is Gen. Woodburn, of the Bombay army,
and Brigadier-General Stuart. Thou there is General V.
Cortlandt—(hear, hear)—who has performed important
services in the Punjaub. Theme is Gen. Burn aired Cel
V. Eyre- -(loud cheers ) —who performed a most important
service; and Gen. Inglis -(loud cheers)--a name for ever
wowei.ele, in the gallant and enduring defence of Luck- I
now. (Cheers.) I may montion the name of another man,

not indeed belonging to the army, but who is to be found
wherever fighting is going on and he can get into it, and
that is Capt. Peel, who is distinguished for his courage
equally on sea and on land. (Cheers) I beg to move--
"That the thanks of this house he given to the Right
Hon. Viscount' Canning, Governor-General of the British
Possessions in the East Indies ; the Right Hon. Lord Har-
ris, Governor of the Presidency of Madras ; the Right Hon.
Lord Elphinstone, Govei nor of the Presidency of Bombay ;
Sir John Laird Mair Lawrence, G.C.8., Chief Com-
mis loner of the Punjaub ; and Henry Bartle Frere,
General Commander of Scinde, for the energy and ability
with which they have employed the resources at their com-
mand to suppress the widely-spread mutiny in her
Hajesty's Indian dominions.

"That the thanks of this house be given to his Excel-
lency General Sir Colin Campbell, G.C.8., Commander-in-
Chief in India ; Major-General Sir James Outram, G.C.B ;
Major-General Sir Archdale Wilson, Bart., K.C.8.; and
Major-General John Eardley Wilmot Inglis, K.C.B. • for
the eminent skill, courage, and perseverance displayed by
them in the achievement of so many and such imeortant
triumphs Over numerous bodies of the mutineers. '
"That the thanks of this house be given to the other
gallant officers of her Majesty's army, navy, and marines;
and also of the Hon. East India Company's seririce, for the
intrepidity, the patient endurance, and other high military
qualities which have masked their discharge of those ardu-
ous duties which they have so successfully performed.
• "That this house Both highly approve and acknowledge
the high courage, the devoted loyalty, and the brilliant
services of the non-commissioned officers and men of her
Majesty's military and naval forces ; of the European
troops in the service of the Honourable East India Com-

pany ; and of the great body of those native corps through-
out India who have remained faithful to their standards ;
.tnd that the same be signified to thorn by the commanders
of the several corm, who are desired to thank them for
their gallant behaviour."

I am happy to say that many portions of the Bengal army
have been faithful to its allegiance, and that in the town
of Lucknow, where some of the troops were solicited to be
faithless to their homes and to join the mutineers, they
romained loyal to the last, and resolved to shed the last
drop of their blood in defer.ce of European lives. (Cheers.)
In the Madras army there waa hardly a defection, and in
the Bombay army the defection was only slight. It is due
to a large portion of the Indian troops that their fidelity
should be acknowledged and rewarded with the thanks of
this house. I would &so move a vote of thanks of which I
have not given notice, but -which I trust the house will at

once accept, and that is, "That this house cloth highly ap-
prove the courage, self-devotion, and exemplary conduct
of the persons who, though not holding military rank, have
nevertheless performed military servipes throughout the
districts in which they were resident, and that these reso-
lutions be transmitted by Mr. Speaker to the Governor-
General of India, and that his lordship be requested to
communicate the same to theseveral officers referred to
therein." (Cheers.) I think we should not be doing jus-
tice to the feelings of the country if we did not include
these indivi teals in our vote of thanks. (Cheers.) To
name them would be impossible. There are many amongst
them who have performed the most heroic actions, who
have shown the greatest military capacitY, who have not
only resisted superior numbers with courage and perse-
verance, but also with the greatest possible skill. (Cheers.)
I will only add, that all parties, whether brought up to
he military or naval professions, or whether occupy-
ing civil positions, have always been found equal to the cir-
cumstances in which they were placed, have also risen
with the occssion, hate been adequate to all etntigevies,
and have always done honour to themselves and to the
country which has given them birth. (Loud cheering.)
The SPEAKER having put the first resolution, convey-
ing the thanks of the house to the Governor-General and
the other gentlemen therein named,

Mr. DISRAELI said—Sir, in recording the unprece•
dented,lnstre which surrounds our gallant troops I must
still express my regret that on the present occasion the
noble lord should have unnecessarily introduced into the
discussion elements of controversy. (Hear, hear.) I quite
agree with the.noble lord in his view of the conduct of the
most distinguished individuals during the last year in
India. Ido not think there is any one instance in which

character has been so remarkably exhibited, and in which
individual energy has shone with so much lustre. The in-
cidents of story are epical, the narrative reads like an Ho-
meric poem, and every scene produces a hero. In those
remarkable events there are two incidents which in import-
ance, attract considerable attention, and it is curious that
in those two instances our countrymen are placed in an
exactly contrary position. In one they were besiegers and
in the other they were the besieged, and in both cases they
achieved complete success and gained immortal glory.
(Cheers.) Between the siege of Delhi and the siege of
Lucknow there is, however, a passage which ought never
to be forgotten on an occasion like the present; and that is
the connecting link between them--the march of Greathed
—worthy I think of Caesar. (Cheers.) The noble lord has
very properly reminded us that on an occasion like the
present, when we are called upon to express the thanks of
this house for the heroic services of our countrymen in
India, we should not forget those who have departed—
those who have deserved, but unfortunately canuotreceive
the expression of our approbation and gratitude. (Hear.)
I was glad also to observe that the noble lord did justice to
one who long sat in this house, and who, I believe, had the
opportunity been afforded him, would have proved per.
fectly equal to the occasion—l moan the sagacious and gal-
lant Anson—(cheers)—who would, I have no doubt, have
gained an illustrious reputation. The noble lord has re-
minded us of the distinguished general who fell before
Delhi, but who, before be fell, had at least the satisfaction
of achieving great results on behalf of his sovereign and
his country—General Barnard. (Cheers.) There are many
rho, having been unfortunately prematurely cut off, can-
not be enumerated on that roll of heroes, such as Nichol-
son, Havelock, and Neill. (Cheers.) There are other die
"tinguished names which aro recorded in the vote. Sir J.
Oatram was not more distinguished by his chivalry than
by the generous sentiment which placed him under peon-
liar circumstances in a subordinate position. (Cheers.)
There ie one gallant officer whose name appears in the last
resolution whose gallant conduct in the defence of Luck-
now has not only excited the" feelings of all Englishmen, -
but has created, from peculiar circumstances, great interest
in this house. lam sure, however strong may have been
the general feeling of the country with respect to the un-
happy position in which the gallant Inglis wasplaced, many
a heart which thr, bbed for his beleaguered fqrtress atLuck-
now in this house will to-night with peculiar pleasure join in
the vote of approbation of his gallant services. (Cheers.)
The noble lord has described with great happiness the che
r-cter of the commander-in-chief. Sir Colin Campbell has,
I believe, only one fault—a courage too reckless for his
country. I believe that a union of personal valour, so emi-
nent, so prudent, has seldom been equalled in the annals of
the history of Great Britain. (Cheers.) The noble lord has
referred to the conduct of the other branch of her kfajesty's
service, and although it would appear somewhat singular in
a war with India the services of her Majesty's navy would
be needed, still by that happy destiny which seems to con-
nect the glory and daeger of our country with the existence
and services of that eminently national and popular branch,
even in this strange war with India the services of the navy
have been most distinguished. Those who remember the
early career of Capt. W. Peel in the Crimea will not be as-
tonished at his achievements in India, and at the manna
in which he brought up the heavy artillery through lands
where there were no roads, and before the astonished eoun-
tenances of enemies who counted upon the absence of such
means of, attack. (Cheers.) These are subjects on which one
can treat with complete satisfaction, and in which we can
all most cordially agree. However awful was the course of
events during the last yeir, howeser troubled and however
gloomy our prospects may in some degree be at this moment
every one must feel that the nation which produces such
men as these ie a nation cot destined to be a cteclining
empire. (Cheers.) I wish the noble lord had permitted us •
this evening to give a unanimous vote with respect to the
actions of the heroes to whom we are under such great e_nd
deep obligations. It is not merely the (Avers of her bins
jesty's troops who have distinguished themselves. There
has been a degree of energy on the part of the common
soldiers which cannot be stifflciently praised, lad even an
elevation of sentiment and purity of feeling which the
country will always appreciate. I can conceive in the
trying moments of many of these illustrious men, from
the highest general to the rank and file, why on some
occasions they exhibited such a sentiment and such
conduct---I can conceiv, in the hour of trial an I struggle,
that what animated them to each determined valour and
energy was the possibility that they might obtain the ap-
probation of their sovereign and their country. We know'
from the confessions of many warriors that what-has -sus-
tained them in the hour of battle was thehopeof thefavonr
of their sovereign and the vote of thanks of this house.
Who can tell what might have been the feelings of a man •
like General Inglis with regard to this influence? We know
it was so in the case of General Havelock. Perhaps at the
darkest and most trying moment the vision of the vote of
the House of Commons might have °ems over hie feelings,
and sustaiued him to the hour of his triumph. This shows
how important it is that votes of this kind should not be •
degraded. (Cheers.) When lam told, if I make an oh'
servation on the manner in which votes are brought for.
ward, that it is the usual form and the usual precedent
thank certain persons whose actions have been meritorious , •
and some whose conduct iu the opinion of others has bees
little meritorious, I think we ought to take care how WC
make such a proposal a mere form, because you will not
honour those who receive thanks if they are endues-Int -
but you will destroy the distinction to those who hais
their lives or at least perilled their lives, in order to merit
and obtain them. (Hear.) Let me express myself distinctly
with regard to the first vote. There are amongst the noble-
men and gentlemen whose names are mentioned some re
specting whose services there can be no question. Tor
stance, Sir John Lawrence, who on every occasion has
shown that he possesses the highest qualities, and that he
has exercised theni without any personal feeling. So far as •
o3e can judge frem the course of events, the conduct of tho
Governors-General of Bombay and Madras is deserving of
thanks. So far tie lam able to obtain information, Lord
Elphinstone is particularly entitled to our thanks, because
I believe that it is owing to him that troops were obtained
from the Cape. (Hear, hear.) lam not desirous of enter'
ing into a controversy with respect to the conduct of Lord
Cunning. I think her Majesty's Government ere
fectly right in proposing a vote of thanks to Lord Canning.
if they think he deserves it, but I also think that a/such a -
subject due notice ought to have been given. It should
net be considered a mere form—it should not have been •
surprise. After alf that has occurred and all that has been
said, I think the friends of Lord Canning ought not te:
desire to see a vote of this kind surreptitiously carried.
have never brought any charges against Lord Cannivg.
But if the noble lord challenges us to-night, I must
oa-
press my opinion, which is not influenced by prejudice at
factious motives. I think there are passages in the seri;
duct of Lord Canning which require mat explanation suet
a vindication which we have nut yet heard. lam not zr
pared to say that explanations cannot be given, or that
vindication may not be made; but I sin Y'Vo
pared to say this—we ought not'to vote these thanks 4.
~Lord Ossining, and Lord Cauning ought not to deign
_a„
accept them, unless the house has arrived at the clear °bug.
eiction that his Excellency merits a testimony •sf 134_,T
approbation. No doubt the mutiny in-India took 01°. •
hely by surprise, and of course Lora Canning had told.to
noble lord so • but some more satisfactory explausrla,
ought to have 'been given than those which had been vtub,
doted by the noble lord. There are passages of policy on of
part of the government of India which demand the"! 0 ,
careful investigation before the house can be so 1113Wirs...
to commit itcelf to the approbation of con Ina which seems
wards they may consider it their duty tot mpugn. W.° woos
some information as to the negotiations between the
vernor-General and the ruler of Nepeul. That matter
oil;
entirely involved in mystery. Why were the negotiate
..4,
enn
with the ruler of Nepaul to bring his troops into O
discouraged? Why were they afterwards condole ,t`;s
Why were they afterwards renewed ? It is possible
iserd Canning may clear up these points, but surd'lvot,
e
conduct requires explanation, and we ought not
our thanks to him before we have ascertained these tofact
I should like to know the motives which induced
Canning to order the troops from Rangoon, and then T:07;
termand thew. It is possible that part of his pro

May be explained or triumphantly defended, bet I see in
it incontiatency and incoherency; and to vote thanks to a
Governor-General to whose policy on the surface I must
impute great public disaster and misfortune is most unrea-
sonable ant impolitic. (Haar.) Ttie noble lord tells us
thst Lord Canning has been perticaleily successful in for-
warding troops throughout the ceuntry, and says that news-
13aPert are not to be trusted, and that private letters are not
to be attenrie.l to. The noels lard is in possession of official
desprechee, but we have no keowledge of them, and must
gain our information iu the best manner we ran. Having
given the most careful attention to th subject, lam un ter
the impression that there was a larnw:tablefkfieiene ,n
transport Service, and that on the ',rival of the troy opsth at
Calcutta they found that no preparations ha I been made for
their reception. In November an official telegraphic des-
Patch was received announcing the arrival of the troops,
and stated that there were no means of forwarding them
thllP the country. The charge against Lord C toning was,
at he did not take the steps that
were absolutely requi-
site, and neon evhich thefortune of the carnpeign depended
--and that by his neglect we are about rei enter into a third
campaign. MWe want to know wy be no to Madras for bullocks when they might theredid havet beensend oh-
tairted.
There are many other matters which ought to be
answered satisfactorily, but without inquiry we are called
Upon to pass a vote which would prevent us hereafter from
criticising the conduct of his lordship. I should like to
know the motives which influenced Lord Canning in sup-
Pressing the English press in India. (Hear.) I am con-
vinced, from the information which I possess, and which
dues not come from anonymous writers in the Calcutta
Papers, that that was an unnecessary step, and that it has
entailed great mischief upon our interests. Ido not wish
the house to collie to any decision on this subject on an
occasion like the present ; but I say that it is monstrous
to call upon us to come to a vote which will preclude us
hereafter from canvassing the conduct of Lord Canning.
It is of the utmost importance that the house should come
to a calm decision, and not be estoppel from future criti-
cism on the conduct of a minister who has had to deal with
these remarkable events, and as to the manner in which
he treated them. (Hear.) Then we ought to know some-
thing as to the relations of the government of Calcutta
And the kingdom of Oude since the rebellarn commenced.
it, am informed that since the commencement of that rebel-
Ilea the most considerable persons in the kingdom of Oude
have been attempting to negotiate with the government,
And would have been desirous to assist in a settlement,
Which in my opinion would not only have been for the
Advantage of England, but one which principles of jus-
tice demanded. lam told that this negotiation was
"intrienced long before the war; that Lord C tuning, as
Ive are well aware, knew considerably before the capture of
Delhi that its fall was certain, and that it was in the power
of the government of India not only to have accomplished
'the fall of Delhi, but at the same time to have pacified
Oude. (Hear, hear.) That is a most important consider-
ation. But if hereafter any hon. gentleman should bring
,forward a motion on this subject—on the very pivot, per-
haps, of which the fortunes of India depend—he will be
precluded from discussing the matter, anti will be told by
the mee • s
in
mer, "You cannot bring forward such a proposi-
tion, because the house has unanimously the :ked Lord
Canning for his conduct." (Haar, hear.) I make these
observations not for the purpose of committing the house
against Lord Canning. lam not commit lug myself
against Lord Canning. lam prepared to listen with can-
dour to any defence that may be offered for him ; but I Fry
let us have the opportunity of bringing forward the
charges in a complete manner, and miming to a decision
4Pon them, but do not let the house in this surreptitious
Manner be precluded from exercising its highest functions,
and lose the opportunity of expressing its opinion ea to
t_Lhe direct or indirect cause of any disasters which may
'Fave occurred, and of any dangers which may be impend-
lueg• (Rear, hear. ) I wish to end a course which
suall not be' invidious to Lord Ca recommg
nn to teat
I want eat
the
with fairness. Ido not wish to take his name out of
category of the illustrious persons in which it appears.
It What I wish the noble Lord to do is to postpone this vote.
a cannot be invidious or offensive to Lord Canning to do
Prob
if we postpone the vote to Sir John Lawrence, who
d:__ ably deserves more than any other mean. whether soh
,Ler. sailor, or civilian. (Cheers.) I say let us give an
Inil/ions vote of thanks to the army and navy, and all
ithose parties who are named in the other re- &whoole.
and ear.) Let the noble lenl po,tpone the first resolution,
give a fair notice of his intention to bring it forward
some other time, and if we do give a vote of thanks to
the cj,
:g.overnor-General, let it be given in a manner, gretify-
to the Governor-General. Let not mail go out
ith the information that a vote of th ..nk. has been
Will
through the House of Common.. (Hear, hear.)
111 that reward him ? Will that sustain him in hie
labours? Will that add to hie moral iefluence in Cal-
!tate ? No. There is not a gerttlernen in the house who
would not consider a vote of thanks under such circum-
stances worse than nothing. Instead of b drig held forth
1,l!a vote to a statesmen who has deserved well of his
'3l9ltitry, it would look as if he had been made the stalking
11t rae of party (Hear.) Let the conduct of Lord Can-
wt; be fully discussed, and if it be explained in a manner
thueleh will bring conviction to a candid mind, I will be
to pat person to vote an unqualified approbation of his
ract, (ar.) It is notorious that tere has ee a
ti!etnorial Bent to this country signed by twoh thousandn of
Most considerable Europeans in Calcutta, respecting,
4uatconduot of Lord Canning. Ido not in any way con-
hetet ~.1113'self with the charges contains in that memorial.
anal: Must say they proceed from parsons of high charactteer
table nee, and that if the document had been on the
e ere •
their plight have discussed the charges, and ascertained
tielr truth. That document was for,. arded for presenta-
oileit t° her Majesty, but inasmuch as it was not tranls:
le eee' in the usual form through the Governor-Genei a
h•__"8110t considered authentic, and has been returned to
1,10,n_ in order that it may be presented in the usual course.
grenr if our countrymen residing in distant parts have
'" grievances to allege against their governors and have
other
ray th means of bringing them before persons in. a. ut.ho-
parli, an by memorialising the sovereign and petit. n.rnt rig
Pee t, I think if we avail ourselves of formalities to
10,,Z., the complaint being heard, the parties cornelein-
ei: eve great reason to be dissatisfied. I hope, under the
te`tolnistances, that the noble lord will postpone the first
will "ion, but if he will not consent to that suggestion, I
-,,,.r00ve the previous question. (Cheers.)
.11r. I,III3OI7CHERE regretted that the right honour-
have gentleman who had last addressed the house should
safe done so much to divert the house from the real issue
jA2re and to place the vote in a false position. Her Ma-
it"'l's Ministers did not ask the house to concur in a vote of
eral approbation, civil and military, of the Governor-
eher I.conduct. Had such been intended, it mightjustly
L_ a 4
,4Ve been stated a surprise, and it would have been an iin-
't°P9r thing for the Government to hay proposed. The
Itletion before the house had no reference to Lord Can-
nes civil policy, but only his military policy in directing
ma superintending the military operations in India. The
i",,° n before the house was ire accordance with former
ii.,ecedents, and did not bind the house in the least to the
1,4,-,,ternor-General'e civil policy, respecting which there
:1,--"nlY was a diversity of opinion. To adopt the course
he:°Poaed by the right hon, gentleman would be to imply
fture on many deserving men, which he felt certain the
totlrdser,had no desire to do. Referring to the civil policy of
to dels'aneing, he said that the Government were prepared
•-',41 it. It was not a proper time then to discuss it.
eibilpiaidual had been patposition of greater reepon-
Inaij 91an had Lord Canning. (Hear.) He went to
pre, W„lth a mind full of desire by peaceful means to un-
bar: l'ee condition of India. He bad scarcely got there
calm e.,hts tremendous storm burst, which he met with
rag°ictlgnity, a wisdom, and a c rolness, that inspired coo-
ks n all around him (Hear ) He felt certain that, the
Lord c
it wo„, anning's Conduct Was inquireti into, the more
'ld be seen that he hed acted in a manner becoming
as-eat,
eelstatesman entrusted with the direction of so great
vote +thimble an empire. (Hear, hear.) He asked for no
rest ahOProval of I ord Cennirte, a !ministration. but
ernie "')use ahauld not &Par froer that ancient and
kitur -"Led course it had hitherto taken t.n occasions of this
*Quid when the house was about te vote, as he knew it
Proho,.°te, their unanimous and cordial thanks and ap.
tilers 'IV in the name of the country, to those gallant red-
'44414%; tin tthe hour of peril and difficulty had shown
aloe Yto th would add another page of imperishable
Would annals of British history, he hoped the house
gneern not forget the courageows corel uct of the civil
With,:trr, Who had directed and superinte.»ded these efforts
atai for
moment that 11 he interpreted into a
ricot t
oalleit "18 OWn conduct or the glory of England. He
13`)urse -P" the house to grant this vote, and adopt the
fGovrecornmeaded by the right hon. gentleman. The
erittnent h
ord -° repeatert, would be ready to defend
of the f "-.4 8 conduct when required, and as an instance
th a ac report
• lated relative to
that had been circulated e Governor-General, he said that he had seen a private
falett_ternafrom Sir Colin Campbell, in which he spake ot the
havre or-General in the hizhest terms. Nothing could
take:een more satisfactory than the intercourse that. had
ie high between them, and SirColin.expresse himself
`stens, , Free of the admirable qualities the Governor-
% ssai Possessed as a mart of business, a gentleman, and
cri-r, an. (Hear, hear.)
lord ,w• PARINGTON deeply regretted that the noble
- the head of her Majesty's Government, declined to
accept th
,ion e suggestion offered to him with so much modern-
the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucking-
No .41re. Re contended that the terms of the resolution
touiu,ged the house to the approbation of. Lord Cauuing's
bold"et, the words being that the thanks of the house
be given to Lord Canning, " for the energy and
11°.
With which he has employed the resources at his
„turnand to quell the rebellion in India. In the absence
17 any report or documents to guide them, they were
urought to the irresietable conclusion, from the best iufor-
Illation that could be obtained, that Lord Canning's career
,'%d not been marked by that energy and ability the Go-
..lerninent would have them believe, bat by vacillation, in-
l'cision, and a great want of stet-san& ke capacity and
igour requisite for the efficieut diseherge of his duties.
~tte did not for a moment deny that Lord Canning h rtl
ed for the best, that he had boon placed in a positien of
ii.74,t difficulty, and that great allowances ought to be
hilwa for the unexpected emergency in which he found
horll„:cif invelved, but he submitted that the votes of that
foe-e? ware not to be complimented away as a matter of
did tie It was the duty of the house to take care that they
well accord their vote except in cases where the parties
deserved the honour, and he wished Lord Canning, as
;me man, might be able to prove Lis title to the great
Irk,: °this distinguished father. (Hear. hear.) Ho hardly
atee-,,„a/lYthing so painful as to be obliged to take an
Wili"h°ll to the course now pursued by the Government,
etic-.,waLl.tinfair both to the house and to Lord Canning.
his totie J:he noble lord ought on Thursday, when he gave
4catellt ' ted its
Q.of motion, to have fairly and openly a •
vet 5. instead of attempting, as he had done, to obt.ain
t*ie!? f thanks for the Governor-General by surprise,
t,ei en;onue could only attribute to the noole lord's fear that
• tee }, °cement would not have been favourably received
v 4,4147,46- (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet corn-
;Vote, k oat the house were called upon to agree to the
414 Li•cin as they did that a memorial, signed by 2,000
4°‘' UialPe'rsons in Calcutta, had been forwarded to the
kit erncnent
which r Praying for the Governor-General'se recall,
11 its had been
orerturne on account of an in.ormality
their hPreaentation bon. members would have had it in
heliallth as an official document on which to proceed.
"gent i„j"red, however, it had been received by the Govern-
toresePrcPer form t'llrough the Governor-General—
• ite 'DA ~k,%IERSTON
said
f"IMNGTON said that was an additional argil-
aderliVavolir of Postponing the vote. He (lorded that
the h„ circumstances, without a full explanation, that
Ome---"e eottltl
r- en(),.,„ General had
~ur,e to a vote that the
,caool ktPnoral hrscr done ail could to diseley the
,keak.oesir that Unhappy the out-
country in en; pressing
14440 was difficult to arrive at a fair opinion on the
isiete.l9 Without a reference to dates.
eenr;cl that on the 10th of May the maTsstri
e( ;en the 11th • rautse
10 °la the ie„ Delhi was captured by the rebels ;
Meerutwulwould
~N 1 de '!,11 the revolt at Lucknow. On the '2lst a
,hail e4),ll_t,tion went up to Lord Canning and offered
Zroopa tlatc, as volunteers to defend Calcutta, that.the
'.l4t the 05.,ut he despatch. d to the disturbed districts,
iiasOre cariuny riot only met with a decided refusal from
ttbeke foribAt but the refneal was accompanied with a
A'reseiu,„
__ ?dee imputation it was alleged they were
the i„°,_nt againet the loyalty of the Bengal army. "It Of tray another offer WM made from, be be,

lieved, the whole of the European residents, which again
met with a refusal in an abrupt and offensive manner,
telling them, at the same time, the outbreak was only par- ,
tial, and that the disturbances were nearly quelled. It,
however, subsequently transpired that on the 9th of May,
two days before the first refusal of the loyal inhabitants of
Calcutta, Lord Ca sling had written home speaking of the
al orating events at Meeret and Delhi, and the da ,g=-runs
state of the whole native tinny in Bengal- (lle,or ) He •
did not mean to say it was L eff Carming'e duty to hold
the same 1 inguage to the deputations thet he did to the
Court of Directore, but it wis perfectly clear that his an-
swers wore injudicious to them, seeing that the Bengal
army had revolted on the 9th. On the 12th of Juno, a
little more than a fortnight after, Lord Graining was
obliged to accept the offer that he had befotecontunielionaly
and offensively rejected. (Hear.) Another and more
set ious instance f vacillation on the pert of Lord Canning
wan with reference to Nepaul. Delhi, it will be remem-
bered, was captured by the rebels on the 11th of May, and
no sooner was it known at Nepaul than an offer was sent
to burl Canning of the assistance of a large Ghoorka force,
which he accepted, and by the end of May they had nearly
arrived at Lucknow. On the 27th of June the first man.
sacre occurred at Cawnpora, and in the middle of July
those horrible events in connection withthe well of Cawn-
pore. What, he asked, was it that caused Lord Canning,
in May, when the Ghoorka force was so near Lucknow,
to change his mind and send them back, but in the end
Lord Canning was obliged, the same as in the case of the
volunteers, to send for them back again. He had no wish
to he harsh with Lord Canning, and Le should be thankful
to find he did not deserve the censure that had been cast
upon him ; but ho feared that it was upon the vacillating
conduct of the Governor-General at Calcutta must rest tha
blame of those unhappy events at Cawnpore and Lucknow.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. V. S ITFI : No, no.
Sir J. PAKINGTON said no one would more heartily
rejoice than himself if it were proved otherwise. The
right honourable baronet then referred to the occurrence
of a lager date at Dinapore. Remonstrance after rercon-
etrauce, both public and private, were made to the Go-
vernor-General to disarm the regiments, in vain. Deputa-
tions of influential merchants waited on him, but with no
more success than the Calcutta Volunteers yet a week
from that day had not elapsed before the revolt took place,
au i the horrible scenes with which they were so familiar,
took place at Arrab. Allahabad was also a most important
military position, but Lord Canning had left there none
but native troops, notwithstanding remonstrances from
every quarter. Ho also thought it highly uuadvisable in
Lord Canning to supress the English press in India, and
that the distinction drawn between the English and native
press most impolitic. With these sentiments he could not
agree in the whole of the vote of thanks now proposed.
The opposition had passed no censure on Lord Canning,.
feeling that the Government of India ought not to be em-
barrassed at a critical mexaent. But it was quite a dif-
ferent thing to approve the conduct of Lord Canning in tke
manner now proposed. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. R. 1). MANGLES was anxious to express his
earnest thanks both to the military and civil service in
India, for their conduct during the late emergency, and
c i not sit silent un ler the imputations which the right
hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire had cast
upon the conduct of the Governor-General. The right
hon. gentleman had said that the votes of the House of
Commons would be "degra, red" if the vote of thanks to
Lord Canning were allowed to pass.
Mr. D i SRA. la' i,I said the hon. member was in error in
attributing this phrase as appl.ed tea Lord Canning.
Mr. 1-IANGL ES (in continuation) said that a careful
study of the conduct of the Governor-General ha I i rought
him to the cenclueion that throughout Lord Canning hal
acted with remarkable vigour and energy. Lord Canning
hood frost' the fist endeavoured to procure troops from all
available sources, and the right hon member for Droit-
wirch was quite in error with regard to the dates on which
the Ghoorkas left Nepaul. The fact was that when the
disaster toms place at Lucknow, these troops had not left
Nepaul. The right hon. gentleman was in error with regard
to other dates. But if persons in this country relied on in-
formation derived from Calcutta, they would be woefully
deceived, for no capacity could b, too great for the diges-
tion ef news corning from that source. Virulence and in-
ju•tice hed been heap (3,1 upon Lord Cant& g by a portion
of the population of Calcutta 'ruder the most trying cit.-
cutrweetices ; ant all this ill-feeling ha I arisen from the
spite of the press at being curbed in the expression of their
hostile son tionents. A o ongst other delusions in this coun-
try was oae which attributed a difference between Lord
Caunieg and Sir Colin Campbell. This rumour had no solid
foendation. Such difference certainly could not arise out
of any charge that Lord Canning had neglected the corn-
misseriat of the army, or lost any opportunities for facili-
tating the passage of troops to the scene of the mutiny. In
the rob 'since of any imputation on these important heads,
he contended that the governor-general most richiydeeorved
the thanks of the house for that portion of his conduct with
regard to which no difference of opinion existed. The hon.
member then referred to some remarks which he had used
at the India Hens°, which were _supposed to cast a reflec-
tion on the military conduct of the late General Barn rrd
before Delhi. On the contrary, he thought that officer
had acted, with considerable skill in the military system he
had pursued, and he gave this explanation in order to re-
move a misapprehension which he believed had arisen in
the mind of a lady nearly connected with the late general.
(leer, hear.) With regard to the conduct of the troops,
both Queen's and. East India Company s, great as was the
praise which they deserved for their valour in action, and
amid the horrors of the siege, perhaps more than anything
else which redounded to their credit was their wonderful
endurance under the burning sun of India. (Hear, hear.)
Nor could too much praise bo awarded to the civilians con-
nected with the East India Company, who had lavishly
exposed their lives in the service of their country. (Hear.)
Colonel SYKES believed that amidst difficulties which
Lord Canning ha o ha-1 to encounter from the European
pop elation he had acted with judgment an 1 perseverance,
and also in a spirit of humanity characteristic of a Chris-
tian gentleman. The Governor-General had become an
object of dislike in Calcutta, because he fearlessly put a
check upon proceedings on the part of Europeans which
were disastrous to our rule in ludia. Much had been said
on the subject of the memorial scut to this country. But
how would hon. gentlemen, if they occupied.a position
such as that filled by Lord Canning, relish an attack of
this kind being sent over from India to this country, with-
out the opportunity of contemporaneously refuting the
charge? The humblest native of India could memorialise
the Crown, but the memorial must first pass through the
hands of the Indian Government, He entirely concurred
in the whole of the vote.
Mr. WA.LPOLE thought the house was placed in an
awkward position. (Heger ) The house did not wish to
deny a vote of thanks for the brilliant services performed
by the army, but on the other baud, it did not wish to de-
grade a solemn vote into a matter of form. After reading
the whole of the papers he was of opinion that Lord Gin-
ning deserves the gratitude of the country -(hear)--for
although here and there fault mightbe found with his acts,
he thought upon the whole he had acted with wonderful
calmness and forbearance. (Rear.) It was unfortunate,
however, that pending the memorial which had been for-
warded to this country, the nob e for I the first Minister of
the Crown had chosen this particular ti set for voting the
thanks of the House of Commons to the Goveruor-General.
But the house ought to consider the effect which the denial
of such a vote of thanks would have upon our present
position in iedia—(he or), —and be should suggest to his
right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire the
withdrawal of his amendment. (Hear, from the ministerial
benches). Tire house had b -en told by the Secretary for
the Colonies that this vote of thanks would net pledge
the house to any opinion as to the general policy of the
Governor-General, and under these circumstances, if his
right boo friend persisted in moving the previous ques-
tion, he should feel constrained to vote against bite. (Hear,
hear, from the ministerial benches.)
Admiral WALCOTT highly eulogised the gallantry of
the Indi is army throughout the late operations.
L ,rd J. RUSSELL trusted that the temperate recom-
mendation of the right Iron member for Cambridge Uni-
versity (Alr. Walpole) would bre followed. (heer, hear.)
It might, have been prtereut to have postponed a vote of
thanks to Lord Canning, but there could not be a doubt as
to the expediency of presenting the thanks of Parliament
to the army of India. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the
conduct of Lore Canning had been much misunderstood.
The atrocities committed by the sepoys aroused a natural
and a deep spirit of resentment, and it could not be con-
cealed that if these atrocities were themselves dreadful, the
revenge at first taken was carried to a very great extent,
If Lord Canning had yielded to very natural feelings in
the way of retaliation, it might have beers found impossible
to hold India ; but that noble lord, withstanding clamour
and exposing himself to an odium which nothing but a
calm cuescieuce and a sustained wisdom could have en-
abled him to withstand, issued a proclamation, which
certainly had been much misunderstood, but the spirit of
which was that the innocent should not be punished with
the guilty. What was called the " Clemency Proclama-
tions" had also been much misunderstood, as that ap-
peared as a complement to other proclatuations
which had previously laid the groan Iwork for mea-
sures of repression. He could prove that the course which
the noble lord then took was a very proper one, and one
which would hereafter produce great benefit to the country,
It was his conviction that the conduct pursued by Lord
Canning was such as to reflect the highest credit upon his
humanity and decision of character. (Hear, hear.) In
conclusion, the noble lord trusted that the right honourable
member for Bucks would not persevere in his motion.
An HON. MEMBER bore the highest testimony to the
gallantry and devotion of the late Colonel Neill, who was
a native of the county which he had the honour to repre-
sent.

Mr. BENTINTCK deeply regretted that the course pur-
sued by her Majesty's Government should have forced the
house into the umpleasant and ungracious position of ap-
pearing to dissent from a motion which gave thanks to
Lord Canning, and thus preventing the resolution being
raised with that unanimity which was always shown in
these cases. There were positive charges against Lord
Canning, and under these circumstances, and with the
strong feelings existing in this country respecting the state
of affairs in India, he thought it was most unfair to call
upon the house to offer any opinion with respect to the
merits of Lord Canning's conduct, before these questions
had been thoroughly and completely investigated. The
right hon. gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies (Mr.
Labonchere) had contended thatthe resolution only pledged
the house to an opinion of the military part of the couduot
of Lord Canning, but he was perfectly unable to see in
what manner one portion of the conduct of the noble lord
could be approved, while other parts might be loft open to
discussion, and perhaps censure, ou some future occasion.
He was strongly of opinion that there was to be found in
the papers already before the house abundant materials
for finding fault even with the military conduct of Lord
Canning, the errors connected with which had, in more
than one instance led to some of the worst features of the
proceedings in India. If the right hon. member for Buck-
inghamshire proceeded to a division, he should give the
amendment his support; but if no division took place on
the subject, be should outer hie protest against bein; de-
barred in future from expressing any opinion on the con-
duct and policy of Lord Canning. (Hear.)
Mr. S. HERBERT gave his unqualified support and
approval to the resolution proposed by her Majesty's
Government. (Hear, hear.) lie considered that it would
have been most inspropor for the Government to have
omitted to include the name of Lord Canning in the vote
of thanks now before the house. They were not called upon
by that vote to express any opinion with respect to the
general policy of the Governor-General in India, and ho
wculd therefore decline to enter into any of the topics
which had been referred to by the right hon. baronet the
member for Droitwitch and the right hon. member for
Bucks with respect to the annexation of Oude, and various
other matters.

Sir J. PA:iINGTON explained that he had not made
an v allusion of the sort.
Mr. DISRAELI said that ho had only referred to the
conduct which had been pursued since the breaking out of
the mutiny in connection with °nth,.
Mr. S. HERBERT accepted the explanation, and found
in the conduct of Lord Canning additional cause of appro-
bation that ho had not entered upon such matters while the
great and absorbing object of attention was that of con-
quering back a country in open mutiny. He conteutaca

that the claim to the thanks of the House of Commons for
Lord Canning rested upon his much maligned proclamation
and the admirable manner in which the arrangements had
been made for conveying the army from Calcutta to the
disturbed and revolted districts. (Hear, hear.) From the
terminus of the railway, a distance of 400 miles, the army
bad been; conveyed with great rapidity, and with every
consideration for the health, comfort, and convenience of
the troops. These matters appeared very slight when com-
pleted, but they involved great difficulties in the details
necessary for carrying them into effect. All those details
hod been carried out with the most complete success, and
for this the thanks of the House of Commons were fully
due to Lord Canning. He had heard the stories against
Lord Canning as others had done, but day by day they
melted away like snow in the sun, and it was found that
they had not the slightest foundation. For the future,
any story which was dated from Calcutta would put him
at once upon his guard in receiving it. He gave his sup-
port to the motion of the Government without qualifica-
tion and without reserve. (Hear, hear.)
Sir C. NAPIEC suggested that the name of Sir W. Peel
should have been introduced into the vote of thanks. He
was a most gallant and useful man, and had shown himself
of great value in India, as he had done before in the Cri-
mea and in Syria.
Mr. WILLOUGHBY supported the motion of the Go-
vernment, an l paid a deserved compliment to the merit
and courage of the army and navy, which had maintained
the reputation of England before, the world. With respect
to Lord Canning, he thought that noble lord had acted
with great circumspection and commendable foresight.
Sir DE LACY EVANS recommended the withdrawal
of the amendment, on the ground that Lord Canning, hold-
ing as he did the office of Governor-General of India, and
carrying on the most important duties, it would be attended
with the most serious consequences if his hands were
weakened in any manner by the omission of his name
from the resolution. (Hear.) With respect to the military
part of the subject, he regretted to see that only three
names of general officers were included in the resolution,
in addition to the name of Sir Colin Campbell. Perhaps
the noble lord might have been told that it was according
to custom that it should be so. He wished, however, to
know why such should be the case ? There had been a
groat many brigadier-generals, such as Hope Grant, Cham-
berlayno, and others, who had performed brilliant services
No doubt it was very gratifying that they should be
alluded to in the noble lord's speech, but those references
would go into "Mansard," and not into the " General
Getters," to be conveyed to the army in India. (Hear.)
His contended that this was a complete departure from
custom, leaving out the brigadier-generals. There were
not less than 00 officers of the rank of brigadier-generals,
who had received the thanks of the House of Commons,
but there was not one mentioned on the present occa-
sion. (Hear, hear.) Then, again, reference had been
made to the case of the gallant Sir William Peel.
Surely, if there was a red-tape system for omitting officers
of that rank, such routine might have been very grace-
fully broken through on this occasion. (Hear, hear.) If
the noble lord did not consent to enlarge the list of the
names included in the resolution, he should feel it his duty
to move the thanks of the house to officers of lower rank
than thee, mentioned, whose brilliant and noble deeds had
ren iered them worthy of honour and distinction, and the
thanks of the British House of Commons. (gear, hear.)
Many gallant officers had died—fallen in the execution of
their duty. It was true we could not now give them our
thanks ; but it would be comnetent for the House of Com-
mons to record its gratitude to such men for their noble
gallantry and valour. (Hear, hear.) So far as the mili-
tary aspect of the question was concerned, he was not dis-
posed to take a gloomy view of the present state of the
affairs of India, for he considered that the neck of the mu-
tiny had been broken by the capture of Luba, and there
was really no reason for supposing that the whole affair
wou'd not soon be brought to a successful termination,
(Hear, hear.)

Mr. KINNAIRD felt that, in voting on this question,
he was doing so perfectly in the dark, and thought it most
important that the house should have some further infor-
mation on the subject of Lord Canning's conduct.
Lord C. HAMILTON deeply regretted that the Govern-
ment had taken the course which they had done on this
occasion. The introduction of the name of Lord Canning
had been nio,t unfair, not only to the noble lord, butto the
Howse of Commons itself. The eminence of the position of
the noble lord had prevented the house from obtaining the
knowledge requisite for the house to come to any deed-don
upon his merits and claims to the vote of thanks now be-
! fore the house. The Government had in his opinion placed
Lord Canning in a most unfair and improper position, as
by this hasty step he had been prevented from enjoying
that right which every Englishman had a claim to, viz., a
full and fair trial before he was judged. Whatever course
might be adepted, the result would be that Lord Canning
would feel considerable annoyance at what had taken
place. Considering the painful position in which Lord
Canning had been placed, he thought it was most unfortu-
nate that the proceedings of to-night, whether in accord-
ance with the resolution of the noble lord, or in the spirit
of the amendment of the right hon. member for Bucking-
haeishire, could only be considered as most unsatisfactory
to that noble lord. (Hoar.) While unwilling to form any
hasty opinion respecting the conduct of Lord Canning, he
deprecated at the same time the wholesale denunciation of
the Europeans of Calcutta, which lead been made by some
hon. members in the course of the debate. (Hear.)
Lord H. VANE asked what would have been said if
upon the present occasion the name of Lord Canning had
been omitted by the Government? Would it not have
been thought that the Government itself had ceased to
have confidence in that noble lord, and had passed a slur
upon him by the omission of his name ? He was inclined
to give a vote of thanks to Lord Canning because he had
completely refuted all the calumnies which had been ut-
tered against him at Calcutta ; and as the greater part of
these charges had been refuted, they might fairly suppose
that the noble lord would be able to give a satisfactory
answer to all other charges which might be brought against
him. The house was at present only called upon to give a
specific vote for a specific purpose, endive should cordially
support the resolution.
Mr, DRUMMOND denied that the motion would be an
approval of all that Lord Canning had done in the course
of the mutiny. One of the compaints against Lord Cata-
niag was that he did not foresee the mutiny. Why, if ho
had done so, he would have been the most extraordinary
man living. He (Mr. Drummond) was ono of those who
would never believe anything in the Indian press. The
Indian press had been the real cause of this mutiny. The
statements in the Indian press were generally simple false.
hoods. Lord Canning had been the victim of anonymous
slanders in the English press too. He (Mr. Drummond)
would answer them, but not anonymously ; - for he in-
tended to name the writers at the fitting opportunity. The
people might talk of the undoes, but they had a Jugger-
naut of their own.
Mr. HENLEY believed that Lord Canning was one of
those men who had the great courage to be just. The
charges which ha .l been made against Lord Canning
were not based upon sufficient foundation to justify the
withdrawal of tho proposed vote, and he (Mr. Henley)
hoped there would be no division upon it. Lord Canning
had been placed in unparalleled difficulties, and he had
dealt with them successfully. Whether any other man
could have dealt with them better was not then the ques-
tion. The proposal was a vote of thanks, and that vote
was deserved.
Mr. VANSITTART must enter hisprotest against voting
thanks to Lord Canning for energy of conduct. Hie con-
duct had been greatly condemned both in England and
India, and therefore he (Kr. Ve.nsittart) could not vote for
this resolution. It was au insult ta the country to couple
Lord Canning's name with Sir J. Lawrence.
Colonel THOMPSON said that if Lord Canning had had
his way the present mutiny would never have taken place.
He was one of those men who for two hundred anti fifty
years bad made India an honour to She British Crown.
Lord Canning had had to contend with a class of men
called immigrants, who had carried the sentiments of the
slave states of America. The Indian army had been in-
sulted. The Indian soldier enlisted upon the understand-
leg that his religion should be respected. How had it been
respected ? Why, by fillips the mouths of the soldiers
with hog's-lard. Suppose the Connaught Rangers were re-
quired to spit on the Host—what would be the conse-
quence? He had merely risen to say that the conduct of
the Governor-General had been most just all through those
transactions.
Mr. TOWNSEND hoped the right hon. gentleman
would not press his amendment.
Mr. DISRAELI said he would not do coif is was under-
stood that the vote was not to be taken as apprising of the
policy of Lord Canning.
Lord PALMERSTON said ho did not so consider it.
The amendment was then withdrawn and the resolution
was agreed to.
Sir F. SMITH thanked the noble lord for having so
specially noticed the garrison of India. The defence of
Lucknow was one of the most brilliant achievements in
tge annals of warfare. There was [ne instance of men
defending a fortress with four breaches, and with an army
outside of 20,000 men.
LADY HAVELOCK'S ANNUITY.
The report of the committee was brought up, and a bill
founded thereon was ordered to be brought in.

EAST INDIA LOAN BILL.
Mr. V. SMITH proposed to move the second reading of
this bill n )w, and postpone the committee till next week.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY hoped the right hon. gentle-
men would lay before the house a statement of Indian
finance.

Mr. V. SMITH was understood to say he would do so.
The bill was then read a second time.
THE REFUGEE QUESTION.
Lord PALMERSTON then rose and said--I rise, pur-
suant to notice, to move for leave to bring in a bill to amend
the law relating to conspiracy to murder. From time to
time circumstances arise which lead to the necessity, or at
all events to the expediency of revising particular law, and
I think the house will concur with me in thinking that an
event has recently happened which does render it expedient
that this house and Parliament should revise the particular
branch of our criminal law to which my notice relates. A
conspiracy has been found to have been carried on, and
partly in this country, for the purpose of committing an
atrocious crime. That conspiracy has led to most disastrous
consequences. Providentially, the particular consequence
aimed at did not take place ; nevertheless, a great disaster
occurred, and a sensation of indignation and disgust has
been spread over the whole world. The naturalconsequence
of that act has been that, as the parties concerned in that
diabolical attempt issued from this country, foreign na-
tions, ignorant of our laws and unacquainted with the spirit
of our constitution, have thought there was an indiffer-
ence in this country to the commission of crimes of this
atrocious nature, and that so far from entertaining those
feelings with which human nature must regard such a
project and such an act, but that on the contrary, the
people of England were disposed to protect and favour
attempts of this kind. An expectation prevails on the con-
tinent generally that the Parliament and Government of
this country should take some steps to place it in the power
of the Goverruneni on mere suspicion to remove aliens from
this country. It is, I think, needless for me to say that it
is not the intention of her Majesty's Government to pro-
pose to Parliament any measure of that !kind. (Cheers.)
We are as sensible, as every one else must be, that there
may be cases in which men who entertain criminal pro-
jects may with advantage be removed from this country ;
out any law which would give the Government such a
power would be so liable to abuse, would so infringe on
the general principle by which the shores of the United
Kingdom are open to the people of all nations who may be
compelled from political or other causes to seek refuge
there, and who, so long as they conduct themselves peace-
ably, are entitled to remain ---I say, a measure of that sort
would be so liable to abuse that any Government would heal-
tate long before it made any such proposition, and Parlia-
ment would no doubt be disinclined to adopt it. (Hear.)
Such a measure, therefore, was out of the question. (Hear.)
But her Majesty's Government finding that an offence of
a particular nature has been committed, viz., that they
have reasons, strong reasons, to think that a conspiracy for
the commission of murder was partially concocted in this

country, they were driveu to the consideration of what should pass, farewell to the liberty of every one seeking a
was the state of the law with regard to that particular refuge in this country. (Hear, hear.) The people of this
offence. In the first place, I wish to meet an objection country had established its character centuries ago. They
which many persons entertain to this consideration of the had hitherto maintained it unsullied, and he deeply re-
law being taken up at all. It is said by many persona that ' gretted that it should be impugned by a bill of this kind
great irritation has been expressed by foreign nations, and at the dictation of a foreign stat. He cordially supported
that there is supposed to be on the part of foreign Govern- the amendment, and trusted that the bill would be with-
nomts an opinion fouedel on a mistaken assumption that drawn, for if any amendment should be considered neces-
England is indifferaet to such matters, and that this has sane, it could be much more conveniently wade in the bills
caused, especially in France, the issuing of addresses from of the Solicitor-General. (Hear.)
military bodie i, which have be ia published in the slioni- , Mr. BOWYER said the objection to this bill appeared to
be that it had been suggested by our ally the Emperor of
tear, and which are considered to be offensive, and that in '
consequence of this we should be prevented taking stein' the French, It
was a new doctrine in civilised Europe thet
interest of this country require to be taken. I confess I
le concerning
n thecer aing
governmentt h eaffairsako.f
is founded. If it is a thing right in itself that we
the suggestion. It was too much to say that the French
should make an alteration in our law, because that
Government was not at liberty, in au amicable manner, on
law is defective and is capable of improvement, it is no
reason that we should abstain from doing that which in
our legislation we think right because other nations. in a a great emergency, to bring before the Government of Euig-
,
moment of passion, or perhaps of fear, have done what we ' land matters affecting the security of the French Govern-
think wrong. lam glad to say that with regard to the mont, and the security of the life of that person who, by
particular addresses of the military bodies in question, to the votes of the French people, had been placed on the
which objection has been taken on a recent occasion, I throne of that kingdom. That appeared to be all that the
have this to observe, In the first place, if the people of French Government had risme. There were some phrases
France are ignorant of the spirit of our constitution, and in the despatch of Count Waleweki which might be misuse.
unacquainted with the current curse of our legislation, derstood by persons not perfectly cognisant of the niceties
we also are ill-informed of the course taken in France with of the French language; but reading the whole of that
reference to the matter to which we have taken objection. despatch he could not conceive a more unobjectionable, in-
It is only within a few days that I have been informed of
offensive, and proper communication—(" Oh, oh," and
the fact; but it has been stated to me that it is the prac-
' laughter)—to be made by one ally to another and a neigh-
tice for addresses to be presented by military bodies to the boar. The question was whether, because certain French
head of the government of France on all occasions of colonelshad epoken in aninjudicious andobjecte n .ble man-
public moment, and that that practice has prevailed for ner, the house would refuse its assent to a bill which was
the last 60 years. When events of public interest have in accordance with international law and with the criminal
occurred, whether good or bad—whether congratulations law of this country. The house was not asked to interfere
were to be offered or strong opinions expressed—it has not with what was galled the right of asylum. It was not
been considered inconsistent with military discipline in the asked to alter any principle in our law, but only to alter
French army that every regiment, or even detachment, a penalty, and make it adequate to the offence which it
should present an address to the head of the government. was intended to punish. The house was not asked to alter
There is nothing, therefore, in the fact of addresses having any principle of the constitution. It was only asked to
been received and published which implies any departure make the law more effectual to repress crimes against the
from the ordinary practice in France. Bat there were in peace and the safety of other nations. Supposing the
some of the addresses in question passages at which in this house should refuse to pass the bill, in what manner could
country offence was taken, and at which, if it was fitting it more effectually give a colour to the unjust and absurd
that we should examine very narrowly what passes in a imputations of the French colonels? (Oh, oh, and laugh-
foreign country, offence might justly be taken. Her
Ma. ter.) Several cases had been brought forward by our ally
jesty's government thought fit to inform the French go- in which the law had been foun I ineffectual for the pre-
vernment of the unfortunate effect which these addresses vention of crime. (Oh, oh.) It had not prevented crime,
had produced in this country, and I am happy to say that and therefore it had not been effectual to prevent it. That
my noble friend, Lord Clarendon, has received a eeeratch was logic. (Laughter.) It appeared to him it would be
from the Minister for Foreign Affairs in France, in which utterly undignified not to do what was right merely be-
ie is stated that Lord Cowley having communicated to the cause it might be founded on what somebody else had re-
French government the bad impression which had been commen led. It had been said that if the bill should pass,
produced by that circumstance in this country, Count the belief would be entertained that it had been carried
Walewaki has directed the French ambassador here under the menace of a foreign power. Now, foreign tea
to state that the practice referred to has long been esta. tons knew this country well enough to be aware that it
blisbed in France, but that if, in a few addresses out of was not to be moved by the menace of foreign power--
many
hundreds, passages have been printed to which oh- that if anything was done it was done be' ause it was just
jection has been taken in England, the appearance of those and expedient; and to refuse that bill merely on account
passages has arisen entirely from the inadvertence of those of what people might say would be undignified, unworthy
who had in charge the publishing of those addressee —(oh, of the Government of the country, unworthy of the house,
oh, and cheers)—and he has been ordered to say, cm the and unworthy of the dignity of the British nation. His
part of the Emperor of the French, that he regretted that hon. friend bad descended to the arguntentunt ad ltominent
such a circumstance should have occurred. (Loud cheers.) against the Emperor of the French. That was always a
As far, then, as au objection to any revision of the law is bad argument; it ranked little higher than a schoolboy's
founded on these recent addressee, I think the objection l tee vogue. But it was an argument always disagreeable
ought to be removed by the handsome manner in which Ito the power to whom it was addressed. His hon. friend
they have been disclaimed. (Cheers.) I now come to the said Louis Napoleon went to Boulogne. That, however,
proposition which I have to make. Orr examining the state was not a parallel case to the present. Louis Napoleon
of the law, it appeared that the law of England treats was not a pretender : he went to assert his right to the
conspiracy to commit murder simply as a misdemeanour, throne of France ; he held himself entitled to that throne
subject to the punishment of imprisonment for a short under an organic law to the empire. (Laughter.) He was
time ; that is, punishable on the same level and in the same not successful. (Loud laughter.) The Emperor Napoleon,
manner as any other kind of cujepiracy. In another part when he want to Boulogne, wont openly, in mid-day. He
of the United Kingdom, namely, in Ireland, we find that risked his life, and his friends risked their lives. Had he
the law is more severe ; for conspiracy to murder there is succeeded, he would have done a most heroic action. (Great
made a capital offence. It appeared to us, that while on laughter.) What parallel was there between the case of
the one hand the law in England was too slight, and the the Emperor and that of the recent attempt ? But let the
punishment not adequate to the deterring from crime, on house consider the bill on its merits, and ask what it
the other hand the law in Ireland, which was passed at a sought to do. It was in accordance with international law
former period, was more severe than was necessary for its and with English law. He would refer to a great authority
purposes ; and that it would be an improvement to make on the subject—Vattel. Mattel said in effect that one
the 1 low of the United Kingdom uniform, by reducing the conspiring against a foreign state in another country ought
penalty in Ireland and increaing it in England. What we to suffer exemplary punishment. The law of England
propose, therefore, is, that conspiracy to commit murder said the same. The house was not called upon to make
shall be declared to be a felony, punishable by penal Beryl- any now law. No doubt any person who conspired in Eng-
tilde according to the nature of the offence, and in the die- land was already punishable. (Cheers.) They were only
cretion of the court which tries the offender, for any period going to deal with the question of punishment. (Hear,
ranging fe oin a period of net less than five years to a period hear.) Was it not absurd to think that while breaking
which shall be for life. That is, that penal servitude for into a house was punishable by transportation an attempt
life shall be the maximum and five years the minimum, to take the life of a foreign sovereign could only be mot by
(Laughter.) Or it may be punishable by imprisonment fine or imprisonment. He certainly thought that the law
with hard labour, for any period not exceeding three years, required amendment in this particular. While on the sub-
The la v will apply to conspiracies carried on by persons in ject he could not but say that ho thought that those who
this ceuntry, whether British subjects or foreigners, to had the control of the police did not act with that promo-
, commit murder on any other persons, whether British sub- titude which they might do in matters of this kind. He
jects or foreigners, and whether residing in this country or load been informed that in cases of conspiracy the London
out of it. The la ,v will be universal, and will apply to police were entirely at fault. He would remind the house
all parsons conspiring, and to all persons with rasp .et to of the case of Foschini. He had been told that that in-
whom the conspiracy is formed. Of course, if in this dividual hal been fixed upon to put certain other persons
country such a couspirasy succ:eds, and the person con- out of the way. (Laughter.) Yet he had managed to
spired against falls a victim to it, the conspirators will be evade the English police. And he had been told that the
accessories before the fact, and liable to our law. With body recently found at Waterloo-bridge was that of a French
respect to conspiracies agaicet, personsout of this kingdom, detective who had been seized, and killed, and cut up in
wo propose that a conspiracy to commit murder shall be this country. (Loud laughter.) In concluding, he could
treated in the same way as if it was a conspiracy to mur- not but express the hope that the house would consent to
der in the United Kingdom. The bill will be short one, passing this bill.
It provides, in the first place, "that if any person shall, Mr. FOX said that the hon. and learned gentleman who
within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, had just sat down Lad told the house a very long story of
or in the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Alderney, or the incapacity of the English police, but he thought that
Man, conspire against any other person or persons, being it might be matched by a story of the incapacity of the
within or without the sail United King--lone or the said French police. On the recent occasion that portion of the
islands, to commit murder within or without the domi- affair which took place in this country, and which is to be
nions of her Majesty, they shall be guilty of felony, and constituted a conspiracy, was perfectly open; machines
on conviction thereof shall be liable to penal servitude for were manufactured in Birmingham, and Col. Dixon was 1
life, or for five years or to imprisonment with hard labour made acquainted with a new sort of missile. The whole
for three years." Then it provides that "every person thing was above-board until the projectiles went to Paris ;
who within the Uniteil Kingdom, or within the islands of when they arrived there how did the French police act ?
Jersey, Guernsey, Sark, Alderney, and Man, shall incite (Hear, hear.) The atrocious attempt—for most atrocious
or solicit any person within or without the said United it certainly was—which had just occurred might be called
Kingdom or the said islands, either to commit murder on the occasion for this mandate from France ; but he thought
any person or persons either within or without her Ma- it could not be called the cause. They had for a long time
jesty's dominions, shall he liable, on conviction, to the heard of the murmuring at the right of asylum in this
penalties above named." Then it is provided, that "any country. These murmurs had been heard from Austria,
persons charged with felony under the provisions of this Italy, France, and Naples. There had been a continual
act may bo apprehended, punished, and otherwise dealt feeling for putting down, if possible. Therefore, be said
with in all respects in any county or place in which they this might be the occasion ; but it was not the cause of this
may be found, in the same manner as in any other felony bill being required. They must look further for that.
charged or committed in that county or place i . and in pro- There were those who did not object to wale through
ceedinge ureter this act for murder alleged to he committed slaughter to the throne, and it was only in the common
in any foreign country, the said murder shall be construed course of events that they should be hurled with slaughter
to be a kitting of any person, whether a subject of her Ma- from that throne. (Hear, hoar.) He did not think
jesty or not, in the same manner as if the person so killed that they had any right to call upon their neigh-
had been murdered in the United Kingdom. (Hear, boors to keep watch and guard over their personal
hear.) The fifth clause merely repeals the Irish act. safety. (Hear, hear.) Assassination was not natural
That is therefore the bill which I wish to propose, to this country; it did not grow hero ; assassins might
I ask the house to increase the punishment lor Conspiracy occasionally go out from England, but they had first come
to murder in Great Britain and to diminish it in Ireland, into .Eoglaud. (Hear, hear.) They bai come from those
and to make ono uniform law on this subject for the whole governments which made assassins. (Cheers) If a man
kingdom. I think that this will be an improvement ill the were treated with cruelty and harshness the spring of
law of this country ; and I think at the same time that it kindness would be dried up within him. A man
is due to the character of this country, a great crime who might otherwise be a good subject would become an
having been attempted the arrangements for which were assassin. It was a very practicable opera-ion. (Cheers
partly made in this country, that
as faras we can go with- and laughter.) His objection to this bill was that it made
out doing violence to the principles of our constitution, an alteration in the law in compliance with external pros-
we should show our feeling with re and to a late occur- sure. There might be refugees capable of plotting assassi-
ranee, by a revision of the particulagr law which relates to nation : he believed them to be but a small number.
that particular offence. Is Inv perhaps be said that as There were others who were looking out for better times,
yet our former law has not been ineffectual—(hear, hear) and others again who seemed to have abandoned all hope
—because no proceedings have been taken under it. But that such days would over arrive. What wou'd become
can any man say, the object of our laws being to deter of those people if that bill passed ? Their feelings of sects-
from the commission of offences, that by increasing the rity would be disturbed. They would not be reached by
penalty attached to an offence you do not add to the tie- this bill ; they were not people to conspire ; but they
terti',g motives against the offence? Therefore, although would no longer receive hospitality in that sense in which
it is possible that the crime in question is scarcely known this country ought to afford it to them. They would
in this country, and our law as it stood has not been ap- if this were clone to oblige France to-day, what might not
plied, it Call hardly be said that we aro not adding to the be done to oblige Austria to-morrow—(cheers) —and Naples
security against the offense by adding to the punishment on the following day ? (Cheers ) °sloe begun; there was
which is intended to deter from its commission. I cannot no kn ,A i di; where it might stop. They might go on from
but persuade myself that increasing the punislnuent at the step to step until there was nothing to distinguish them
discretion of the court to the penal servitude which I have , from other countries. And let the house look to the ex•
meetioue - in
cwhhaerre aster,, theyt
that
tn
ath aaticlh
the bill will have a wholesome effect, in ample this house would set to other nations. If England
be no
eiVahl,,v,urtohpesenudpoolfi
teaching those who may wish to make this country a place gave way, what could we expect Belgium to do? What
wouldWhabt
crestsitud iicoc t crimes of a
e thatSwitzerlandthere ?
they cannot do so without i‘tvhwiochulda
subjecting themselves to the liabilit to a severe punish- politicalexile could find rest. Anti, moreover, wo should
merit. I now move for leave to briny in bill for the pur- have lowered ourselves to the position of a secondary
g a.
pose of amending the law 1 •re atine to coos insoles. power, and should have been the first to lead the march of
The question leaving been feeble states in the downward progress of infamy. (Loud
g put
Mr. KINGLAKE moved the 'e
cheers.)
"That this house whilst sy 'Rowing amendment es--
e Mr. GILPIN would rather that an amendment had not
nation in its indignant abhomjanthisias, s •th the French wi
late atrocious ' been moved to the motion of the noble lord, but that it had
attempt on the life of the Emperor, and
thea anxious on a pro- I been met by a downright denial to receive such a bill in
per occasion to cousider any defectsr. which may be shown ( that house. He hoped that in saying this he might not be
to exist in our criminal law, the amendment of which might I misunderstood—he objected to assassination from his very
tend to defeat the repetition
of such offences deems inex-
pedient to make any special enactment in '"
compliance with many generations. It had been the law of England through
the demand of Count W
ahewski, in his despatch of the a groat variety of circumstances affecting England itself,
20th of January, until further information is before us, and affecting the continent of Europe. It was deemed
and the communications between the two governments sufficient many years ago, when the present Emperor of
subsequent to the date of that desatch." (Cheers.) The France was a refugee hero; and he found no fault then
people of this c ,untry, as a moral labhorred the with the law of England with reference to refugees. As
crime of assassination, w• • hPeop e, ..
which was in fact an invasion of they had before heard, Louis Napoleon planned a descent
the fair strife to which they were accustomed. (Laughter.) on the shores of France when France was as much our ally
As a thoroughly practical peeple, too, they abhorred asses- as she was at the present moment ; he not only planned
siltation, and treated it with a great deal of hearty con- that attempt, but committed with his own hands the crime
tempt ; and for this reason, that they were accustomed to of assassination. And long after the committal of that
despise those who • invariably failed intheir attempts. crime he was received with open arms by England ; he
(Laughter.) If the law officers of the Crown had told the was protected by England, and he found no fault with the
house that the law required
amendment or if the noble law of England then. Well, he was not about to revile
Lord had spoken as a scientific man, and not politician, the Emperor of the French. (Laughter and cheers.) He
bending under pressure from abroad,, he (fir, Kinglake) hoped that in stating facts which none of the laughers
should have been happy to give hisopposite could deny he was not descending - for it would
attention to any !in-
gestion for the improvement of the law • direction, be a descent to him, or to any member of that house--
But how stood the case? It
was
not unnatural
in thatthe
that he was not desceudine to revile the Emperor of
indignation of the French people shouldnnnatural that
turn in some France. It was enough for him to know that he was the
measure ageinst this country,
-so which the parties had chosen of the people of France. He believed that the wig-
gone. (" Oh," and " Hear.") ene
The result was
despatch
done of this country was best consulted by not interfering
which had been placed in the hands of hon. a
bers but with, foreign states; and it was not for him to find fault
to which the noble lord had made no allusroenmln'that with the Emperor of the French so long as the French
despatch the government were called upon to alter the in- themselves tolerated him. But the next ()ejection that
ternal administration of this law, Now his objection to he hail to the bill was that it was not real. There was
legislate on this occasion was of the simplest description. an expressive word—" sham"—which might be well ap-
He declined to alter the municipal law of England on plied to this bill. He did not mean to impugn the
the suggestion of any foreign potentate. (Cheers.; Either motives of the noble lord, but he considered this bill a
the measure proposed by the noble lord was a piece of law sham. If it went no further than was at present pro-
reform, or it was a political action suggested from abroad, poQed it was unreal —it would not effect its purpose.
If it was a piece of law reform, it ought to have been Those who had watched the criminal jurisprudence of this
suggested by the law officers of the crown. But if it country knew well that it was not by aides severity that
was a concession to the pressure upon the noble lord, he they could make conviction or detection of a crime more
declined to concur in an; such legislation, (Hear, hear.) certain ; and sure he was, that unless they took one very
It did so happen that the votes contained notices of motion wide step further in the course of legislation, to please the
for the revision of this very law. On Thursday
last
a no- Emperor of the French, by admitting French espionage
tics was given by the Solicitor-General of his intention to into this country, this law would be a dead letter. (Hear.)
introduce several bills, amongst which was a
bill for con- It might deceive the Emperor of the French, and the noble
solidating, improving, and amending the criminal law ; a premier himself might be deceived by it, but to all intents
bill to consolidate and amend the statute law of England and purposes, unless they were prepared, which he trusted
relating to offences against the person ; and Tre bill to con- they never would, to sacrifice on the altar of expediency
solidate the statute law of England and Irelane relating to the great and glorious principles which had distinguished
accessories and abettors of indictable offences. If it were the English nation, this bill would bo a dead letter. He
not intended to make this legislation exceptional, why not hoped there were those who with him would oppose it in
comprise it in the bills of the Solicitor-General? But, psr• every stage. (Cheers.) Did the noble lord suppose that
haps, that would scarcely satisfy the exigencies in which the this would be the last of the bills of this kind he would be
noble lord was placed. (Laughter-) After quoting a con- called upon to introduce ? There might be other monarchs
siderable portion of the despatch, the hon. member said he —the King of Naples, for instance, though he hardly
did not think aright for the House of Commons to legislate would, for he was not strong enough—but there might be
on an appeal couched in such terms. (Hear.) They had other monarchs in Europe, as strong as Louis Napoleon,
been told that the despatch had not been answered. He who might ask for alterations is our law. He
bemaintained
proposed that the answer should be given by the house there that the wish of a foreign monarch ought not to the
believed that those
and then. He had great confidence in the abilities of Lord standard of our law. (Cheers.) He
.the
()ice
of
an to
Clarendon, but he believed it was not in the power of who oosed this bill would be supported
hbgentlemen
on. yv
human ingenuity to write so good answer that de- the country. He recollected, and
(Hear.)
spatch as that which
• would be involved in a simple voteof on both sides of the house might probably recollect, certain
the house of Commons, and therefore he trusted the house acts of a certain Home Secretary, about which the people of
would accede to the amendment which he had proposed. England were not slow to express an
illustriouso exiles, and
opinion—acts which
Mr. HADFIELD,in seconding the amendmentasylum
, expressed did compromise the right of
ed men to roll on the scat%
of
his decided objection to the measure, the effect of which which caused heads of noble m
such was the reception
gu
ilty wool-I be to render two suspected persons talking together folds of clown-trodden Italy ; and
repealed. In another
to a
guilty of conspiracy, and subject them. . severe penalty, given to acts like these that they were rep •
opinion expressed by a noble
This was an invasion on the constitution of the country plane there had been a strong
would besyrupathised with
which he hail little expected from the present government. lord, an opinion which hehoped
of the house. A noblelord regarded
It had been the pride of Englishmen that this country andadopted bybothsi e
to whom he (Mr. Gilpin) used
afforded an asylum to the lovers of liberty all over too world, as the leader of
a partywords, and they had found an echo in
But under this bill there would be no safety for them. If these true English
mind. Not for the security of the sove-
they had enemies abroad, and the spy system was set in everyEnglishFrance,of or for all the sovereigns of Europe twenty
motion, they night be watched and. convicted of conspiracy ieign
would I consent to violate in the slightest
• • Tee Lord Chief Justice had stated that times over,
on mere suspicion.
the sacred right of asylum for foreigners by which
ire his opinion the present law
lwas t
atiowas n quite sufficient for degreetstary
has always been characterised. (Hear, hear.)
every purpose, and that an.llaoferthe
oar
noble lord. He was And that speaker was Lord Derby. He would only read
There was danger in the bill
extract more, an extract from the speech of Lord
it in the highest degree, If it ono short
4usPiciotio and jea'omis of

of that organised body, who are banded together to keep
down liberty and to keep it under the heel of the despot, in
the very face of a body thus trained, thus armed, thus ac-
coutred in every possible way for the purpose of keeping
down a nation, these things were prepared, and thrown near
ap odhecne of
a hea s
it n turns n s
for upsohne
the Emperor, to the great d
nger of his life. AU this, I say,
was done. in spite of his ten ific police. And then, when his
ush
ea:it:l2el says,te tOhelia,ebluntenE,
andgla you
dnitsu
ought to altar your police law." (Hear) And why di, I say
that the Emperor of the French calls Eaglancl. " a den of as-
sassins ?". Because that expression has found its way into
the Montteur. It would have not found its way there but
for the permission of L.mis Napoleon.- (Hear, hear.) He is
answerable for everyth ng there said, and I fix upon him the
responsibility c f insulting my country. (Hear hear.) That he
t c—lie of allmen upon earth—should dare to insult England
—he who has partaken of our hospitality, who has been shel-
tered by our fostering power. What, after all this, has he
done ?by
he sets a bright example to England There was a
man who conspired
to kill England's great hero, the late
Duke of Wellington— (hear)—there was another man, who was
great but fallen in his greatness —and no one act of kis life was
I think, so thoroughly inconsistent with that greatness as
his leaving a legacy to the man who had attempted
to assassinate the Duke of Wellington. (Hear, hear.) Tho
only explanation of, the only excuse for, that deed, was that
the great Napoleon's mind was shaken
to the foundation. I
do not believe that he would in his ri ht senses have perpe-
trated so infamous an act. But the man who has received
the protection of England, who has come here after attempt.
fug crime after crime against his native land, that man when
he had climbed to the height of power at which he has now
arrive', what did ho do but pay to this intending assassin the
wages of his intended dirty actiou. (" No," from Mr.
Bowyer.) Oh, I have heard the hon. and learned gentleman
defend the King of Naples, (Great laughter.) This man
(Cantillon) is now living in Paris, and it was publicly and os-
tentatiously ann nince4l that the present Emperor of the
Frengh had paid him the legacy which was left him by the
great Napoleon for attempting to cut off the Duke of Wel-
lington. (Hear, hear.) When these panegyrics are thus
profusely scattered in the English House of Commons over
the Lead of Louis Napoleon, I hope the house will recollect
this fact. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, if it wore necessary that
this alteration should be made in the law, I now come to ask
if tkis is the right time? (Hear, hear.) And now, sir, I will
address myself to the noble lord ; End I will ask him how i
is that he is in his present position. (Laughter.) He is
there because the people of England believed him to be the
enemy of despotism in Europe. (Hear, hear, and Oh.) Yes,
that is the reason the noble lord is there. I recollect saying
before the noble lord came into office that he alone might
constitute v. ministry—that with a row of cyphers by his sic')
he might be the prime minister. So popular was he with
the peep! e if England that I said he might go into the streets
and select whom he liked for colleagues ; and in order to
prove the truth of w'lat I stated the noble lord has pretty
well acted upo it. (Loud laughter and cheers.) But such,
sic, was the character of the noble lord. The people believed
that he was a thorough Eoglish minister, and that the des-
pots of Europe trembled before him. It was thought that
the dignity, the honour, and the name were safe in his keep-
ing ; but how has the noble lord fulfilled the expectation of
his country ? (Cheers.) Why, an offence has been com-
mitted iu France, for which the French police alone are
responsible, and the Emperor of the French turns round and
insults the people of England —nay more, he not only in-
sults them, but by his satellites be threatens them, (Hear.)
The noble lord tells us to-night that ho has got a despatch
which says that the Emperor entirely disclaims the publica-
tion of those letters. (Hear.) I should like to know the date
of that despatch. (Hear.) I should like to know if it has
not arrive" since last Friday ? (Hear.) I should like to
know if it has not arrived in consequence of a certain state-
ment made in the Count de Persigney's ear ; and if, in fact,
the noble lord has not told the Emperor that there is rising
a feeling in the people of England that he has insulted them.
and that they resent the indignity which he has cast upon
them ? (Cheers.) We are told that the-Emperor isaccustomed
to receive letters like these to which I am referring; that he
has gone through many occasions like tine present. (A
laugh.) I never said anything against the French army
addressing to him any letters they liked, but there is nothing
said about their publishing them on those former occasions
in the Aroniteur. (Hear.) How came those letters there
They came there by the order of the French Emperor.
(Hear.) Why, in a country which no man dares to say that
his soul is his own, do you mean to tell me that any minister
would dare to publish anything but what the Emperor liked ?
Do you think that the Count de Morny or the Count de per-
sig,ny wont Ido anything offensive to the Emperor ? Not
a bit of it. They receive their inspiration from the Tuileries.
The great god on those occasions is Louis Napoleon ; and it is
he, speaking through his minister, who has insulted the people
of En laud. (Cheers.) He asks that our laws may be altered
so as to tunish those who sent the assassins over. What does
he mean by that ? Does he mean to say that the people of
England send anybody to assassinate people anywhere ? Do
we not know that Mr. Fox told the first Napoleon thatthero
was a conspiracy against his life ; and do you think that we
are different from our ancestors? God knows that we are
degenerating fast —(laughter)—but I do not think we have
yet sunk so low that we would send anybody to assassinate
either an enemy or a so-called ally. (Hear, hear.) The people
of England are a brave people. They put down one Napoleon,
and they are not afraid of another. (Cheers.) We are told
that Louis Napoleon is our ally. Is it the business of one ally
to traduce another ? Does it show a friendly spirit to charge
an ally eith an atrocious act like that of which we have been
accused? for I distinetlyreiterato that Louis Napoleon is alone
answer .blo for these insults upon the people of England.
(Hear) I say that this is not the time when the House of
Commons ought to consent to alter the law, even supposing
for the moment that the a teration was a good one, which I
deny. There have been times in our history when a noble re-
sistance has been made to formidable foreign foes ; and if the
shades of those who have passed away still retain any particle
of human feeling, how must the shades of those wh r resisted
Philip 11., Louis XIV,, and the first Napoleon look down
upon a House of Commons employed at the dictation of a
French monarch in altering our laws. (Cheers.) If we submit
to such an indignity, God knows how we shall be degraded.
I say that for the people of England to alter their laws in
consequence of a foreign threat is a humiliation not only to
us but to mailtiud at large ; and because I regard this bill as
a humiliation and a degradation, I oppose it on its first intro-
duction. I say that as freemen, and as the protectors of the
oppressed in Europe, we ought at once to throw it out with
tine ignominy it deserves. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. W a MIEN was nnclerstood to move the adjournment
of the debate. (Cries of "Divide," and " Adjoutu.'')
L"rd PALMERSTON— I had hoped that we might have
come to a decision upon this question to-night ; but if there
are other gentlemen who wish to speak —and the subject
is no doubt one upon which many may desire to express their
opinions—in that case I should not object to the adjournment
of the debate, (Hear, hear.)
The debate was accordingly adjourned tilt this day.
THE BANK COMMITTEE.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in moving to
nominate the committee, gave an explanation of the reasons
which hid caused him to alter the list of names from what it
originally stood. In consequence of the noise occasioned by
members leaving the horse the details were not heard, but
the right hon. gentlmarr said that the alteration had been
made in order that there might be more commercial men
upon the committee,

Hawkesbury in 1802 :—" Our Government neither have
nor want any other r rotection than what the law of the
country affords, and though they are ready and willing to
give to every foreign government all the protection against
offences of this nature which the principles of their laws
and constitution will permit, they never can consent to
remodel their laws or to change their constitution to gra-
tify the wishes of any foreign power." He thought that
the only answer we should give to Count Walewski would
be that while we heartily regretted the criminal attempt
that had been made, we rejoiced that it had not succeeded,
but that it was wholly foreign to the custom of England to
modify its laws for the purpose of pleasing any foreign
power. He felt satisfied that to oppose this bill and to
defeat it would best suit, the reputation of the noble lord
at the head of the Government ; to oppose it was a duty
they owed to the country, to the character of that house,
and to the dignity of the Crown.
Sir J. WALSH said there was an obvious distinction
between the right of asylum and the abuse of that asylum
for the concoction of crime, a distinction which the bon.
gentleman who spoke last appeased entirely to lose sight
of. This right of asylum was dear to us, and no foreign
power who had any knowledge of the spirit of the consti-
tution of England would ask us to forego it. There was
nothing extraordinary in our enforcing stricter penalties
against those who abused our hospitality. The Emperor
Napoleon was the truest and most faithful friend of the
English alliance that had sat on the throne of France since
1815. And he was to be admired in hie private capacity.
When ho lived in this city ho mixed in the highest, and
with others in an obscure position, and since ho had ar-
rived at his present position be had never forgotten any
who had rendered him a service, or even been courteous to
him in his adversity. He was a faithful ally during the
war with Russia, which was most unpopular in Frauce. A
monarch who had thus been faithful to his engagements,
who had escaped a violent death, when tho whole country
was excited, had a right to come to his friend and ask fur
protection. He did not ask them to give up the right
of asylum, but he asked for protection, leaving to us to
devise the means. He agreed with him, and he hoped that
this bill would be effective for its purpose.
Lend ELCHO said he felt himself in a difficult position.
He was unwilling to vote either for the bill or the amend-
ment. The question was not one of papers. The hon.
member objected to the bill because we had been asked to
legislate by the French Government. If there was a suffi-
cient cause for legislation he did not think that the simple
fact of the French Government asking it was a sufficient
ground for their not doing it. And with regard to the in-
troduction of other papers, he could nut see that other
papers would elucidate the matter. But there were
two other points. One was the state of the law, and the
other was as to the time at which the Government proposed
to make this change. He was no lawyer, and it would be
presumption in big to state what was the law; but the
greatest doubt prevailed in the minds of the most
eminent legal men as to the state of the law.
They had the Government bringing in a bill, no
doubt on the advice of their law advisers. Oo the
other hand, Lord Campbell an i Lord Brougham expressed
their opinion that the law as it at present stood was
sufficient. Still further they had Count Persigny, in that
well-known speech at, the Mansion-house, stating that the
law was considered by some French lawyers to be suffi-
cient, and by others to be insufficient. Therefore, it ap-
pealed to him that they ought, before they legislated, to be
satisfied that the law was insufficien,! and that it bad been
proved to be so. The noble lord who introduced the mea-
sure did not say the law was insufficient. He only said it
had not been brought into operation. That did not prove
that the law was insufficient, and it appeared to him that
they should be acting too hastily, and without further in-
quiry they should pass the measure proposed. He came
now to the question of time, and it appeared to him that
that was importance. What was the exact time chosen to
bring forward this question? Why, on the very first day
of the session immediately after they had heard of the
speech of Count de Moray on the very filet night of session
the noble lord at the heal of the Government came down

to the house and gave notice of this measure. That notice,
too, was given concurrently with the threats in the
Mansur. Taken per se, there was, perhaps, nothing ex
traordinary in these addresses, as it was the custom of the
French army to make such addresses on such occasions ;
but their publication in the Moiiitcur invested them with
great importance. They must have been sent by the com-
manding officer of the district to the French War-office,
and afterwards communicated by the War-office to the
Minister; and ho had seen it stated in a newspaper that
an officer who had signed one of the most violent of
them had since received the decoration of the legion
of honour. (Hear, hear.) If they legislated at such a
moment Es the present, when the public opinion of
Europe was directed to this subject by the addresses in
the Mansur, and by the despatches, there would be
an universal impression that they had legislated
hastily and under compulsion. (Hear, hear.) It was al
Yery well to talk about publi. opinion in France, bull
there was a strong public opinion in England as well, and
wherever they went, they heard men saying that they
ought to be very careful how they touched the question of
the right of asylum. He thought the most reasonable
course would have been to pass a resolution to this effect,
that the house abhorred and detested the crime to be at-
tempted to be committed against the person;of the Empe-
ror; that whilst it was prepared to maintain the right of
asylum inviolate, it wasalsoprepared to amend thu law if

it were inmfficient ; and that inasmuch as some lawyers
declared that the law was, others that it was not, suffi-
cient, a commission should be appointed to inquire into
the subject, and report as soon as practicable.
Mr. ROEBUCK—Sir, although I am very much in-
clined to move the adjournment of the debate, yet, as it is
desirable that the matter should be brought to a conclu-

sion as soon as possible, I will throw myself on the indul-
gence of the house, and, even at this late hour, state my
opinions on this very important question. It a:Tears to
rse that we have before us two questions—first, does the
law require any alteration ; secondly, is this the right
time and mode for making it. Now, I will confine myself
to than two questions. And, first, I would ask, does the
law require any alteration? But before I address myself
to that question, I would ask the house to consider with
me the real position of our coautry at the present time.
The whole of Europe, with the insignificant exceptions of
Belgium and Sardinia, is, at the present time, an ject to
dtspotisw. (Hear.) The two ishuds of Great Britain and
Ireland are the only spots in Europe in which freedom of
language and freedom of action still exist. We are an
oasis in the desert. That desert has grown from day to day
and from hour to hour, within my recollection, Despo-

tism has been daily narrowing the sphere of liberty in
Europe, and we are now in the proud position—though I
will s►y that it is for the human race a lamentable one—
we are in the proud position of being the sole depositari.s
of liberty in Europe. (Hear, hear.) If England were
stricken down to-morrow, do you think Belgium and Sar-
dinia would exist for a day? (Hear, hear.) Well, then,
Sir, I say that, for the sake of mankind, it becomes us
duly to consider what we are asked to do, lest we should
do anything to circumscribe the liberty of England. This
country is at present the asylum of all oppressed people—
not, as has been said, that people of every description may

. .
come to England, fur England has entered into treaties to
give up criminals ; but we do not give up political crimi-
nals ; that is the great distinction. Such, then, sir, is our
position ; such is the position of Europe ; and it is at this
time that we aro called upon to alter the law of England.
It has been our boast for ages that we have given au asy-
lum, a safe asylum, to every political offender; and mark
the words, " political offender." (Hear, hear.) What,
then, sir, is the present state of the law ? It is this, that
conspiracy is a crime. Conspiring to do an illegal act, or
conspiring to do a legal act in an illegal manner, is a crime
according to the law of England. There is only one case
in which the crime of conspiracy is erected by the law of
England into a capital offence, and that is the case d high
treason. Conspiring to kill the sovereign is the crimo of
high treason. The crime doos not consist in killing the
sovereign, but in conspiring to kill the sovereign. As has
been stated already in another place, it is well known to
every lawyer that in the case of those who, in the days of
Charles the Second, were celled " the rer'icideS," and who
were indicted for bringing King Charles the First to the
block, the indictment was for conspiring to kill the king,
and the cutting off his head was laid as an overt act. That
is the sole case in which conspiracy has been erected
into a capital offence by the law of England. Our law
of conspiracy is this—that whatever:crime men conspire to
commit, the mere conspiring is a mere misdemeanour,
punishable with fine and imprisonment. Now, sir, let me
be understood. Two men come together, and they con-
spire together to kill A. B. If one of them only killed A.
8., then the one who conspired and did not kill him may
be indicted as an accessory before the fact; but if they
have only conspired, the conspiracy is a misdemeanour
punishable by fine and imprisonment. Such is the law.
Now, such being the law, what has occurred to induce us
to alter it? For a long period we have gone on from time
to tine ameliorating, that is rendering less cruel the law
of England. We have learnt by experience, that in order
to make a law efficient, you must make discovery certain,
and the infliction of punishment certain; and awe have
. .

found that when punishments are severe, there is great
difficulty first in discovering crime, and next in bringing
men to justice. I will take the case of forgery. The
punishment of that offence has in my time undergone a
complete change. I recollect hearing when I was a youth
of many persons who were at that time executed fur the
crime of forgery. At length it became almost impossible,
not merely to find out forgery, but to convict a forger.

we then went back tS the very—origin of the disease, gnti
we ameliorated the law ; we rendered the punishment less
severe, and thereby increased the efficiency of the law,
mating the crime more certain of deteCtion, and there-
fore the punishment more certain of being inflicted. Now,
Sir, the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) asks us to pur-
sue a contrary course. He says " there is a *rime
which, with a mild punishment, we have been unable
to find out," for th It is the real state of things—
and, therefore, I ask you to increase the punishment.---I
ask is that right? A great crime has been perpetrated.
What was done in England ? I will suppose that
c«,rtain people conspired together in England to kill the
1 Emperor of the French. We have 'io evidence of that yet.
I (Hear, hear.) Noue whatever. (Hear, bear.) No man has
1 been tried yet; there is nothing before the world except the
vague statements which have appeared in the newspapers.
We know that a crime has be :n committed, -but we know
nothing certain as to the persons who committed it ; we
know not where they concocted the crime; we know not
whence they obtained the means of perpetrating it. But I
will take the statements in the newspapers. I will suppose
that the crime was concocted in England. Then what was
1 the overt act ? I will suppose that it was going down to
Birmingham, and getting made there ce:tain grenades or pro-
jectiles. The man who made them received the order
openly, and when he went to Enfield he spoke of them in
such a manner as to show that he knew nothing about the
i .
purpose to which they were to be applied. As soon as th e
attempt made at Paris I.Leamo known here, his attent • n was
called to the circumstances, and it was suggested to him that‘ls
he had made the projectiles which were thrown under the
Emperor's carriage. Now, sir, was there anything there
e
which an increased severity
onfhment could have
brought to light ! Supposing that p
under the present law,
any man who conspired to kill the sovereign
have been guilty of felony, would that have rendered the dis-
covery of the crime one whit morn
If you tell me that the severity of easy?(Hear, bear.) y
punishment would
the
have induced those persons not to c
you to go with me across the t co the crime, I ask
wa
carried to its consummation ; tleel-. There the crime was
with death, and though the punishmentire the crime was punishable
in the face, these men committed the crime.
According to the reasoning (Hear, hear.)
of the
the crime not havinc, been
noble lord (Lord Palmerston)
the punishment of torture
prevented by the fear of death,
threelilw
ought to be added to the exist-
ing punishment, I say
as it present stands in to way
prevents discovery, and the law as it is proposed to be altered
would in uo way facilitate discovery.
thing that is wanted. The Emei.ol ofDtihsecovery is the only
French points to
th it in the despatch that has been laid upon
the table. Ho
asks that you should alter your law of police, in other words,
that you should introduce the French police, I ask what the
Freuc a 2.olice, aid on this occasion; Wily, in the very face

Mr. CAYLEY was understood to deprecate the exclusion of
thck gentlemen for whose names ethers had been substitute&
Mr. GREER opposed the nomination of the committee at
that period of the evening, and said that, if necessary, he
would move the adjournment of the house.

Yr. BENTINCK protested against the exclusion of county
members from committees of this description.
Mr. ICITE said he had been placed on the committee last
year as represents' ive of a large joint-stock bank ; if ho was
uow left off some person connected with the same Interest
ought to be placed on it.

Mr. E. BALL compla:ned that there was not a sufficient
represent Abu of the agricultural interest; he was surprised
to find his own name omitted, but he was informed that it
was not considered that he took much interest in subject.
He left the matter in the hands of the house, but he thought
he had not be n treated with courtesy.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER disclaimed any
personal feeling in the matter; ho had proposed the name of
the hon. member for Liverpool, as it wasttonsidered desirable
to have some gentleman connected with commerce.

Mr. CAlRDsaid the inquiries of the emunittee were to be
extended to the Irish au I Scotch banks, and their interest,
ought t be rep', sented on it.
Lord J. MANNERS thought no case had been made out for
the omission of either of the hon. members.

Mr. GREER moved that the debate be adjourned.
Mr. PRICE said his name had been proposed as a repre-
sentative of the banks of issue. He had no wish to displace
any hon. member, but ho thought some members connected
with these banks ought to be placed on the committee.
After some further discussion,
The CHANCELLOR of tho EXCHEQUER said he had no
objection to strike out the names of Mr. Price and Mr. Hors.
fall, and replac3 Mr. Tito and Mr. E. Ball ; that would make
the constitution of the committee the same as last year. '
The motion for the adjournment was then negatived, and
the resolution that the committee do consist of 25 members
agreed to.
The follow:ng members were then nominated on the com.
mittee :—The Chancellor of ate Exchequer, Mr. Disraeli, Sir
James Graham, Mr. Spooner, Sir Charles Wood, Mr. George
A. Hamilton, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Cayley, Sir Francis Barinv,
Mr. Vance, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. Blackburn, Mr. Wilson, Mr.
Weguelin, Mr. Hawkey, Mr. Hope Johnstone, Mr. Ennis, Mr.
Puller, the Earl of Gifford, Mr. Fergus, Mr. John L. Ricardo
Mr. M. Tucker Smith, and Mr, Glyn.
MARKE IS AND FAIRS (IRELAND) AND CLERKS OF
PETTY SESSIONS (IRELAND).
Mr. H. HERBERT obtained leave to bring in bias relating
to the abo'e suljects.

COMMITTEE ON THE TRANSPORT OF TROOPS TO
INDIA.
Sir DE L. EVANS having moved the appz.intment of
CO: mittee,
S r J. PAKINGTON moved that the committee should be
limited to nine in number.

The ammdment was negatived without a division, and the
fol owing members were nominated on the /committee : Sit
Po Lacy Evan., Viscount Goclerich, Lord Stanley, Sir John
Pakington, Mr Hor-man, Sir Edward C.ilebrooke, Sir James
Elphinstone, Mr. Alder ey, Sir Charles Na-ier, Mr. Osborne,
Air. J. Vivi.n, Mr. Erng, Mr. Willoughby, Mr. Crawford,
and Mr. Seymour. Po xer to send for persons; papers, and
records. Five to be the quorum.
ACCT DEN rs ON RAILWAYS.
Mr. BENTIN(K nominated the select committee as fol.
lows:—Mr. Bentiuck, Mr. Lowe, Mr. Crossley, Mr. William
Hodgson, Mr. iilackburn, Lord Adolphus Vane Tempest,
Mr. Hume, Mr. Frau is Scott, Mr. Kendall, Mr. Geo. Clive,
and Mr. Jackson, Power to send for persons, papers, and
reeor :s. Three to be the quorum.
Agreed to.

GAOLS AND HOUSES OF CORRECTION. •
Mr. BOWYER obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend
the 4th Gao, IV,, c. 64, for conso;idating and amending th•
laws relating to gaols and houses of correction.
The house adjourned at ten minutes after one o'clock.

REFORM CONFERENCE.—A conference of delegates for
the metropolitan districts and provinces—but how ap.
p tinted we know not—was opened yesterday at St.
Martin's Hall, to consider the terms of union between
the working classes (i. e., a body of Chartists who do-
signate themselves as snob) and the middle classes with
regard to the terms to be accepted in the forthcoming
Reform Bill was inaugurated at St. Martin's Hall yes-
terday, N% hen Mr. Lucroft was elected chairman for the
preliminary business, Mr. Alderman Livesay, Rochdale,
treasurer, and Mr. Bubbs, Bermondsey, treasurer, a
finance committee of five being also appointed. After
some minor regulations as to the length of time to be Alb.
1 )wed to speakers, the meeting adjourned until two
o'clock, when a discussion took
of reform, such EU universal suffrage, and the
awnotat be
perty qualification for members, which
place on various points
of
of the
conference are to be made known as a general nt:;7017.
uselcsi to report, as the result of the deliberaittions
on Thursday ; to whom the duty
the conference will be
confirming the proceedings o
confided. duty of confirming

FRO VID ENT CLERKS' MUTUAL LIFE Surely it would come within the purview of the
ASSURANCE ASSOClATlON.—Established 1810. bill, to consolidate and amend the statute law of
TsrsTxxs.
Thomas Baling, Esq., M.P.
I Wm. Geo. Prescott, Esq. England and Ireland relating to accessories to,
ThmsoSankey, Esq., M.P. I Baron L.N. de Rothschild,3f .P.
Then
Seventeenth Annual General Meeting of the above Association Or abettors of indictable offences. Bub such a
was held at the London Tavern, on the 3d instant, when the fellow-
IDS statement of the business for the year 1857 was exhibited:— course would not be sufficiently degrading to
New Policies issued-688 for .. .. £116,665 England. It wouldnotbe rendered notorious to the
Now Annual Income .. • . .. 3,150
Total Ditto ~ • ' 23.900 world that we had swallowed our leek at the dic-
Amount added to Capital .. .. 15,200
Total accumulation after providing for all claims, and tation of the French Military Fluellens with
after two divisions of profits .. .. 98,000
The Report and Accounts (which may be had at the Office, 15, sufficient humility. It was necessary that the
Moorgate-street), were unanimously adopted, and thanks were voted Premier in person should bring forward the mea-
to the Board of Directors.
sure as a virtual admission of our guilt, and public
, apology to our justly offended Ally (!) This is
the only point of view in which the matter can
fairly be regarded, and we need not say how
degrading and humiliating it is to this country
and its inhabitants.
Mr. ROEBUCK put the matter in the best and
clearest light. He showed that there were two
questions to be considered. First, does the law
require any alteration ? and, secondly, Is this the
right time and the right mode of making it ?
Should either of these be answered in the negative,
the bill should be unhesitatingly rejected, at its
very first stage, and leave for its introduc-
tion, promptly and decisively refused. But both
points were established beyond the possibility of
doubt or difficulty. On the former we have had
the high authority of Lords CAMPBELL and
BROUGHAM, who spoke clearly and unequivocally
on the point. It was shown that any conspiracy
to do an illegal act, or even a legal act, by illegal
means, was a heavy crime and misdemeanour
which rendered the guilty party liable to severe
punishment. If the offence be committed, the per-
petrator must endure the penalty, whatever it may
be, if murder, one may be indicted as principal, the
other as accessory before the fact. But should
the attempt fail, the conspiracy or mere intention
is still penal, although in a less degree ! A pro-
longed term of imprisonment must be endured
by the would-be murderer, and where the charge
is clearly established, that will unhesitatingly be
inflicted.
What, then, we ask, is the avowed object of the
measure? It is said to be intended for prevention
rather than punishment, to afford the utmost
possible security to our neighbours against similar
efforts. But the magnitude and stringency of the
penalty has seldom deterred from crime. What
has invariably proved most effectual has been a
lighter punishment combined with a greater degree
of certainty. Those who are prepared to brave
the guillotine, to risk their lives on a desperate
chance will not be deterred, because they may
be sentenced to the hulks, or oven perpetual
banishment from this country. Very little be-
nefit can result, even should the bill receive
the legislative sanction, beyond the satisfaction
afforded to the insolent sabreurs who seized with
avidity the opportunity of venting their spleen
against " perfidious Albion." Whether we ought
" to eat dirt" at their dictation is another point
on which there will not be much difference of
opinion amongst true-hearted Englishmen, no
matter what may be their political feelings or

WM. THOS. LINFORD, Secretary._

A third division of profits, to the 31st of December last, will take
place as soon as the calculations, which are now in the hands of the
Actuary, are completed.

-HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.—
2XTRA PERFORMANCES.
This Evening (Tuesday), Feb. 9—Thursday, Feb. 11.
THE BOHEMIAN GIRL.
THIS EVENING, Feb. 9, will be repeated, for the 2d
time in England, LA ZINGARI, being the Italian version of
Balfe's Opera of The Bohemian Girl, by Idadlles. Piccolomini
and Sannier ; Signori Bellctti, Violetta, and Ginglini.
To conclude each Evening with the succes.sful Divertisse-
ment, by M. Massot, entitled L'HYMENEE, by Madlles.
Clavella, Morlacchi. and Pasquale.
Prices :—Pit Stalls, 12s 6d; boxes (to hold four persons),
pit and one pair, V. 2s; grand tier, 3/. 3s ; two pair, 1!. 55.;
three pair. 15s ; gallery boxes, 103; gallery stalls, 36 6d ;
pit, 3s 6d; gallery, 2s.

THEATRE-ROYAL, TRE-ROYA DRIIRY-LANE,
Lessee, Mr. E. T. Smith.

THIS EVENING,- will be performed the new comics
drama, A LUCKY HIT.
After which, TWO HEADS BETTER THAN ONE.
Followed by the new grand pantomime, LITTLE JACK
11ORNER.
Commence at 7.

THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee—Mr. J. B. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING, to commence at Seven o'clock, with
THE RIVALS.
After which, a new comic Christmas Pantomime, entitled
THE SLEEPING BEAUTY IN THE WOOD; or, Harle-
quin and the Spiteful Fairy. Harlequin, Mr. A. Leclercq ;
Columbine, Miss Fanny Wright ; Pantaloon, Mr. Mackay ;
Clown, Mr. Charles Leclercq.
Orchestra Stalls (which may be retained the whole of the
evening). 6s. each. (No charge for booking.)
First Price. g. d. Second price. s. d
Dress Boxes 5 0 Dress Boxes 3 6
Upper Boxes 3 0 Upper Boxes 2 0
Pii 2 0 Pit 1 0
Gallery 1 0 Gallery . 0 6

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Proprietor, Mr. Charles Kean.

THIS EVENING, will be performed Skakspere's Pray of
A MIDSUMMER-NIGHT'S DREAM.

After which, a new grand ,omie Christmas Pantomime,
entitled HARLEQUIN WHITE CAT ; or, The Princess
Blanche Flower and her Fairy Godmothers. The Princess
Blanche (White Cat), Miss Kate Terry ; Harlequin, Mr. Cor.
mack ; Clown, Mr. Hnline; Pantaloon, Mr. Paulo ; and
Columbine, Missile. Adams.

THEATRE ROYAL, AD EL PHI.
Lessee—Mr. Ben. Webster.
THIS EVENING, will be performed the new drama,
THE POOR STROLLERS, in which Madame Celeste, Mr.
B. Webster, Paul Bedford, and Mr. Wright will perform.
With the Farce of
THE SPITALFIELDS WEAVER.

ROYAL.LYCEIIM THEATRE.—SoIe Lessee
and Manager, Mr. C. Dillon.—
Grand Combination of Attractions—Eighth Night of a new
Domestic Tale, by Westland Marston, Esq.—Leigh Hunt's
highly successful play—and the gorgeous Spectacle, Lalla
Rookh.

THIS EVENING, will be performed Leigh Hunt's new
Play, LOVERS' AMAZEMENTS. Supported by Messrs.
Charles Dillon, J. G. Shore ; Mesdames Charles Dillon and
Woolgar.

After which (Bth time), a domestic tale, by Westland
Manton, entitled A HARD STRUGGLE, sapportid by
Messrs. C. Dillon, Barrett, J. G. Shore, Mesdames Charles
Dillon and Conquest.
To conclude with the Burlesque and Pantomime, LA LLAH
ROOKH, and the PRINCESS, the PERI, and the TROU-
BADOUR ' • or, Harlequin and the Ghebers of the Desert.
Supported by Mesdames Charles Dillon, Buckingham White,
Eliza Webb, Maria Ternan, Esther Jacobs, and Woolgar ;
Messrs. Barrett, Calhaem, Holston, Poynter, and J. L.
Toole. Clowns, Messrs. T. Matthews and R. Stilt ;
Harlequin, Mr. J. Ricketts; Pantaloon, Mr. A. Stilt ; Sprites,
Herr Zeleski and Sons ; Columbines, Misses Malcolm and
Lees. Gergeons Feast of Lanterns.—Fenton's Grand Trans-
formation Scene.
Doors open at half-past 6, to commence at 7.
"Sozoftitce open from 11 to 5 daily.

STRAND THEATRE.—lmmense Success.--
THIS EVENING, will be performed
a comic drama, entitled FALSE CONCLUSIONS.
After which, JOHN STREET, ADELPHI.
Followed by the Latest Edition of THE LADY OF
LYONS; or, Twopenny Pride and Peany-tence.
To conclude with a new and screaming Farce, entitled A
WOMAN IN MY DUST HOLE.
Boxes, 20.; Stalls, 3s. ; Pit, ls. ; Gallery 6d. Half.
price at Nine. Commence at Seven.

OYAL SURREY THEATRE,
111.1 Lessees, Messrs. Shepherd and Crsswick.

THIS EVENING, will be performed an original English
Play, RIGHT AND WRONG.

After which, QUEEN' MAE ; or Harlequin Romeo and
dalliet. Clown, by the Surrey Buck; Pantaloon, Mr. Brad.
bury.

CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road.—
OPEN EVERY EVENING.—The follow-
lag company of Vocalists are engaged for the performance of
S Sections from all the popular OPERAS, MADRIGALS,
CHORUSES, GLEES, DUETS, drc., viz. t,--Miss Russell,
Mrs. Badzey, Madlle. Marietta, Miss Brunell, Miss Ray,
Madame Bartoletti, Miss Montague, and Madame Marietta;
Herr F. Jonghmans, Mr. Henshaw, Russell Grover,
S. Jones,' J. Barker, W. Melling, Senor Antonio, E. L.
Rime, Mr. Tisulgey, Mr. Edwards, Mr. Bell, and Mr. Ber-
nard; Messrs. W. T. Critchfield and E. Mackney. Piano-
forte, Mr. Cecil Hicks ; harmonium, Master Williams ;
Director, Herr F. Jonghmans. Commence at Seven o'clock
precisely. Suppers, dm., until twelve o'clock.

Mr. AUGUSTIN BRAHAM will appear every Evening.

sentiments.
As to the second question—whether this is the
right time, or the right mode of making the alto.
ration—there can be still less doubt. We have
already alluded to the insolent addresses which,
by their insertion in the official journal, were
practically sanctioned and adopted by the
Extrmton, himself. The tardy and inadequate
apology offered, when the all but unanimous
opinion of public journalists showed how deeply
we felt the insult, can not be regarded as
sufficient amends, while the truculent colonels re-
main uncensured, and the Moniteur unwarned.
Even the despatch of Count WALEWSKI is couched
in such peremptory terms that, with Ministers
who entertained proper self-respect, it should de-
feat its own object. The only answer should be
that given by a British Minister at the beginning
of the present century—viz., that the English
Government can never consent to new model their
laws, or to change their constitution to gratify
the wishes of any foreign power ; and that while
it seeks not to interfere in the manner in which
the people or territories of France should be go-
verned, it will not tolerate or sanction any inter-
ference with the internal affairs of the United

Kingdom.
The discussion will be resumed this evening,
and we earnestly trust that the result will be
such as to maintain the honour and prestige of
Great Britain, and to prevent the imputation of
yielding to threats, what we would not concede to
justice. Louis NAPOLEON is, as we have re-
peatedly explained, the last person who should
urge such demands, and he may be one of the first
who would have bitter reason to regret any un-
worthy concession on our part.

"SUN" MAP OF CHINA.

SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND.

On Wednesday, the 10th of February, we
shall print an Outline Map of China in The Stcn.
The capture of Canton may be expected by the
next mail from China, so that our readers will
see the contiguous position of surrounding
places.

Orders received by all news-agents, and at The
Sun Office, 112, Strand. Price only 4d,, stamped
bd. by post free.

WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
TEIS DAY—Morn., 12 rain. aft. 10—Even., 56 min. aft. 10
TO-MORROW—Morn., 39 min. aft. 11—Even., 0 min. aft. 0

THE WEATHER—SUN OEIIOE, FEBRUARY 9.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHA.DIC.
41—highest sines noon yesterday.
35—lowest this morning and during the night.
40 —this day at noon.

BAROMETER, 30.12,
WLND, S.E. ; fresh, with fine cold weather.

3

•

The nation cordially and unanimously concurred
in the motion, of which notice had been given,
that the thanks of both Houses should be given
to Sir COLIN CAMPBELL, Sir JAMES OUTRAM, Sir
ARCHDALE WILSON, and Sir JOIN EARDLEY WIL-
MOT IN-OLIS, and the other officers of the army,
navy, and marines, for the eminent skill, courage,
and perseverance displayed by them in the
achievement of so many and such important
triumphs obtained over numerous bodies of muti-
neers, and also to the native troops who had
remained faithful to their standards. Such pro-
positions would be carried by acclamation, and
without a dissentient voice, not only in either
branch of the Legislature, but in any assembly of
Englishmen throughout the length and breadth of
the land. But it certainly was not prepared to
have the name of Lord CANNING smuggled in, and
to have an approval of his policy snatched by a
discreditable dodge. The modus operandi was
not merely unfair, but it was eminently injudici-
ous. It introduced an element of dissention where
unanimity was especially desirable, and detracted
from the honour and value of the vote in favour
of those on whom the nation was desirous of be-
stowing the highest honours. To Lord CANNING
himself it was, under the circumstances, but a
sinister compliment. Before it was carried, the
Premier was obliged to declare that he did not
consider the House bound by the vote to approve
of Lord CANNING'S general policy. That will be
a matter for future inquiry and consideration;
and we must say it would have been far better in
every point of view, if the expression of opinion
had been reserved until that searching inquiry had
taken place, and that calm and attentive consi-
deration been bestowed on the subject.
It is but too notorious that the English inhabi-
tants of Calcutta, and of other parts of Bengal,
who are untrammelled by official ties, have been
greatly exasperated by his proceedings. He has
forwardea an explanation, which may be regardei
as his defence against the grave accusation pre-
ferred against him. But surely an opportunity
should be afforded to those patties of substantiat-
ingtheirst a t ae
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interested. Audi alteram partem, is a sound and
wholesome principle; but while we would give Lord
CANNING the full benefit thereof, we should also
display similar fair play to his opponents.
It was quite manifest that there was not the
slightest occasion for prejudging the question, or
introducing the name of Lord CANNING in any
way into the discussion. The brilliant triumphs

k"P

LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 9, 1858.

Lord PALMERSTON, in obedience to the orders
of Count WALEWSIEI, last night introduced his
promised bill for increasing the pains and penalties
of the law against those who are charged with
abusing the hospitality they have received, by
being concerned in conspiracies to commit murder.
He has very artfully concealed hia object, by
making the new law applicable to all parties, whe-
ther Englishmen or foreigners ; and all offences,
whether intended to be committed in this country
or abroad. It would, therefore, seem to be
merely one of the promised measures of law re-
form, not produced by any extrinsic influence or
coercion.

But, unfortunately, the cloven foot is percep-
tible in every stage of the proceedings. It is
palprble that the measure introduced with such 1
ingieceht haste--to . which the promised Reform
:Bill and other questions in which the community
at large felt deep interest were postponed _was
brought forward at the special instance and re-
quest, if not at the dictation, of a foreign Govern-
ment. If—as Mr. KINGLAKE clearly pointed
out—it were merely a legal reform intended to
provide for a deficiency or shortcoming in the law
of Vats land, why was it taken out of the hands of
th e law officers of the Crown, the proper parties
to bring it forward ? This view of the case is
strengthened and corroborated by the fact that the
Solicitor-General has notices on the books for mea-
urea under which it might properly be included.

achieved by soldiers and sailors—the capture of
Delhi—the relief of Lucknow, the numerous
victories obtained by GREATHED, GRANT,
SHOWERS, CHAMBERLAIN, EYRE, PEEL and
others not only justified, but imperatively
demanded such a tribute and testimonial of appro-
bation, and, we may add, of admiration. The
withholding it would have been an unmerited
slight, which would have greatly—we shall not
say discouraged, for nothing would have dis-
couraged our brave troops—but which would
have proved that their almost superhuman exer-
tions and indomitable courage had been duly
appreciated by Parliament. But there was nothing
of the kind with respect to Lord CANNING. So
far as he was concerned the vote was altogether
uncalled for and inopportune. The proper time
would have been when the war was brought to a
close, and the British supremacy completely restored
throughout the whole of Hiudostan, or when,
through failure of health or any other cause, he
was compelled to resign his high position and re-
tire into private life; then his conduct might have
been fairly and impartially canvassed, and the fiat
of the British Parliament impressed on his exer-
tions. Then the expression of publio opinion would
be unalloyed ; then it would be truly satisfactory.
As it is, without in any degree improving his
position, the step that has been so injudiciously
taken materially deteriorates that which should
ever be regarded as the highest reward of a public
man, the object at which all should aim, although
few could hope to attain so high an honour.