The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-05 00:00:00

1858.

NO,.

AP RIL

THE.BALLOI:--MEETING AT HERTFORD.

(From t,se Hertford Mercury.)
On Thursday evening a public meeting was held at
the Town Hall, for the purpose of hearing a deputation
from the Society for Promoting the Adoption of the
Ballot. The attendance was numerous, and included a

large party of Tories, some of whom had evidently deter-
mined, if possible, to prevent the speakers from obtain-
ing a hearing. Mr. Joseph Newman was called to the

chair.
The CHAIRMAN said, the subject of the ballot had not
been fully discussed ; and he had taken an active part
in inducing the deputation from the Ballot Society to
come down to Hertford, with the full belief that the
more the subject was brought under discussion, the more
friends and supporters would the ballot system obtain.
The opponents of the ballot should have an opportunity
of addressing the meeting, if they chose to do so, and tie
hoped that every speaker would have a fair and impartial
hearing. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. E. C. WHITEHURST (vice-chairman of the
Ballot Society) then rose to address the meeting. He
said we had the happiness to live under what was
called a representative Government, and the whole
theory of the constitution was this—that each ono of
the people of England was present in Parliament by
his representative, consenting to the taxes he is
to pay and the laws by which he is to be governed.
That was the theory, bat what was the fact? Every-
body did not possess a vote, and many of those who
did possess the franchise possessed it more in name
than in reality. It was computed that not more than one
man in six possessed a vote, and therefore there was
great need of an extension of the franchise, which was
admitted by the leaders of all parties. But, perhaps,
not more than one in six of the electors was free to vote
for the man he thought best fitted to represent him in
Parliament, for there were so many influences at work
to prevent a man from freely and conscientiously exer-
cising the franchise. That being the case, the mere ex-
tension of the franchise would be of very little use ; and
the practical conclusion which he desired to bring before
the meeting was that no extension of the franchise
would be satisfactory, and really increase the free power
of the people, unless it was accompanied with the sys-
tem of voting by ballot. This was a question not to be
settled by loose or random assertions, but it was a
question of fact ; and he would read to the meeting
some extracts to show that it was admitted by various
parties that there were a very large number of persons
who were unable to give their vote; freely and honestly,
without regard to the wishes or feelings of their land-
lords, their customers, their creditors, or their em-
ployer;. He ',would first read the confessions of a de-
feated candidate for the county of Leicester. This gen-
tleman was a Tory, and an opponent of the ballot. He
said, "I contend it is contrary to the spirit of the
British constitution that a few large landed proprietors
are to combine together to return any one they choose
for a constituency that cannot be called a very small
one." That gentleman seemed to think that landed
proprietors might choose a representative for a
small constituency, but he (Mr. Whitehurst) differ-a
from him on that point. The defeated candidate
went on to say that he had received communica-
tions from tenant-farmers stating that if they could
have done as they wished, he would have been
returned at the bead of the poll. At the last election
for South Northamptonshire, the Tory candidate, who
vas elected, in returning thanks, said, "Let me first
return my thanks to those 1983 voters who have brought
me in as their representative ; and next those voters who
gave me their good wishes, but said they could not vote
fel. me." He then went on to it ustrate the undue in-
fluence which had been used, by saying that while at
one of the booths ho saw a voter, who had promised
him, vote for Lord Henley.
Mr. BLAOKABY (a shoemaker, formerly an extreme
Radical—latterly a Conservative).—The question—the
ballot.
Mr. WHITEHURST—I am afraid the gentleman who—
A VOICE—Take no notice of him, Sir ; he's a luna-
tic. (Loud cheers and laughter.)
Mr. BLAOKABY—I believe—(interruption, laughter,
and cries of " order")—l did not intend to insult the
speaker ; I simply called his attention to the question
before us. If he wants to go from Land's Ead to John
o'Groat's to tell us what is the meaning of the ballot,
then I fun a lunatic. (Laughter.) But, sir (addressing
Mr. Wbiteburst), I will wait till you have dune your
rhodomontade, then I will answer you. (Laughter.)
Mr. WHITEHORST —I promise that when I have
finished my remarks, which the gentleman calls rhodo-
montade, he shall have an opportunity a addressing the
meeting as long as the meeting choose to listen to him. I
shall go on to show that various forms of in'irnidation
prevent the people of this country from recordieg
their votes at elections freely and independently ;
then, that the ballot would cure the evils of intimi-
dation ; and lastly, notice some of the objections
to the institution of the ballot. And I can
assure the gentleman who interrupted me that I mean to
go from Caithness to Cornwall, to show that wherever
there is an election, a large number of the electors are
coerced.—Mr. Whitehurst then proceeded to quote
various authorities to show the prevalence of intimida-
tion in some form or other, when he was interrupted by
some of the Tories ; upon which he said he should like
to know what was the objection to the badot entertained
by those who interrupted him. Did they deny the exist-
ence of coercion and intimidation? Did they think the
ballot would not care that evil ? Was it wrong to vote
in secret ?

Mr. G. SnlSON—lt's wrong, most decidedly wrong.
No man ever had a right to vote, unless he voted openly.
Mr. WIIITEERMST—Then it comes to a question of
secrecy. I wit], answer that presently ; hut fir,t I will
fasten your attention to the question, whether the ballot
would prevent intimidation. (Loud cries of " Yes,"
" Ne," and interruption.)
The CHAIRMAN said there appeared to be a large num-
ber on each side of the question ; but he begged the
meeting to give the gentleman who was addressing them
a_fair opportunity of expressing his views.
Mr. BLACSADY rose amid laughter, hisses, and in-
terruption.
The CHAIRMAN called him to order.
Mr. BLACKABY—I wld be heard.
The CHAIRMAN—Give me your name, sir.
Mr. BLACKABY—My name is Blaokaby, sir. (Laugh-
ter.)
The CHAIRMAN then nut it to the meeting whether
they would hear Mr. Blackaby or Mr. Whitehurat. The
meeting decided by an almost unanimous show of hands
to hear Mr. Whitehuret.
Mr. BLACKABY—I am addressing you, sir, as the
Chairman. (Interruption, hisses, and cries of " Turn
him out.")
Mr. HOWARD COLEMAN said if Mr. Whitehuret
would confine himself to the question of the ballot he
should be glad to hear him ; but he must not be sar-
casticand personal in his remarks.
Mr. WIIITEHLMST was about to proceed with his re-
marks, when
Mr. BLACKABY again rose' and said—This subject I
appreciate more than anybody in the room ; but I want
elucidating. on the subject. I don't want to go from
Land's End to John O'Groat, because this question
is simple in its substance. (Laughter, interruption, and
cries of "order)." I maintain, to all intents and purposes.
(Renewed interruption.) I made use of the word rho-
domontade—and so it is, for rhodomontade means stuff.
(Loud laughter.) And of course—(interruption, during
which Mr. Blackaby sat down.)
Mr. WHIT RIIIIRST —I assumo now that those gentlemen
who are opposed to the ballot adrint that intimidation
does prevail, and I will grapple at once with the objec-
tion stated by the gentleman on the leftband side of the
room (Mr. Sims*. lie objects to the secrecy or the
ballot. What is there wrong in secrecy ! We are in
the habit of doing many things in secret. We are in
the habit of excluding the interference and prying of
our neighbours in affairs which we think they have no
right to interfere with. We seal our letters when we
send them to the poet, and no ono has any more right to
know what his neighbour's vote is than he ha' to open
his letters on their way to the post. What do you want
to know how a man votes for ? if you want to turn
him out of his farm, or put an execution into his house,
then you may want to know how he votes. But other-
wise, why do you want to know how a man Votes !
Mr. SIMSON—You never will know if he votes in
secret.
Mr. WHITEHIII:ST—ExactIy, nor should you. Just
as I would prevent a man go:ng to my banker's to know
what balance I have there, so I would prevent him
from knowing how I vote. I ask you again—Why do
you want to know how a man votes !
A Voice—So as to put the screw on. (Loud laughter.)
Mr. li. COLEILAN--Is not the screw put on before he
votes ? I have known it put on by the Whigs in this
town. Don't be too hard on the Tories.
Mr. WHITEHURST—I believe it is the regular practice
of all parties—Tories, Whigs, and Radicals—to put on
the sinew. I believe that wherever there are men who
have power of controlling voters—whether bankers,
attorneys, the millowners of Lancashire, or the land-
owners f Ilertfordshir.3—that power will bo used to
forco a man to vote in a particular way, or to punish
him for gi•ing an honest vote, contrary to the wishes of
those in whose power he is, Now, then, I c +me back
to the question of secrecy. Are there no other persons
in this country who vote in secret ? The members of a
Court Martial, at the commencement of the proceed-
ings, take an oath not at any time, or on any account, to
divulge the vote or opinion of any member of the Court
Martial. You know the opinion of the whole Court
Martial, just as you would know the result of a whole
constituency ; but you don't know how each member
has voted.
Mr. BLACICASY—Because their deeds are evil.
Hr. WHITEHURST—The gentleman quotes Scripture ;
but I will remind him that the man who votes in secret
may, if he chooses, proclaim how he has voted, and may
" sound a trumpet before him as the hypocrites do."
(Laughter, and interruption.)
Mr. BLACKABY--I suppose when you made that
remark—(interruption)--I consider when you make a
personal remark upon one individual in a nieetine,
you inmlt the whole body. I want to know whether
you intend that remark to reflect upon yourself or upon
this body ? If you were a wise Mau—(interruption) I
won't be put down. If you are a gentleman confine your-
self to language that is riot insulting to any community.
Mr. NV URST —I meant ti apply the remark to
whom it is applicAble, and there is en old saying—those
whom the cap fits let them wear it. (Cheers and lauehter.)
Mr. BLACKABY then sat down, observing—i'lf you
make any more personal remarks, I shall rise again."
(Laughter.)
Mr. WHITEHURST—Tim rnentlemo.n has closed his very
eloquent remarks with the word that we often see
on hatchments--" Resurgarn," I shall rise again.
(Laughter.)
Mr. BLACKABY immediately started to his feet, amid
rears of laughter, folio Ned with hissee. lie sai.i—l
pledge myself only to melee one more remark, and I. will
leave it in the bosom of that gentleman. (Laughter.) I

will quote one ps.ssage—and that is fr im one of the most
celebrated poets that ever lived. (Interruption.) The
gentreman has made remarks upon me because I am a
plebeian. (Laughter) Mr. Blackabv 41:10,, began to
repeat the lives in a pompous, oratorical manner, wb lob
was thoroughly appreciated by the meeting With up-
lifted arm, and solemn tone, he proceeded. The
passage is—
" Did I unjustly seek to raise my fame
On the piled ruins—
(Loud laughter and interruption.) Haonah Moore is
the poet or the poetess. She said—
" Did I unjustly seek to raise my fame—
(Laughter, and cries of "order.") I pledge myself to
finish with this expression. Hannah- Moore said—
" Did I unjustly---..
(Renewed bursts of laughter.) If I wait for a week—
with all the shorthand writers here—l Tvi!l finish it.
The gentleman thought proper to make a remark upon
me because he thought I was a plebeian—that is a
humbly born individual.—(Laughter.) But the poet
said---

•
"Did I unjustly--
(much laughter.) It is worth hearing, and I will have
it out. It's only four lines. I say again—now don't
make a noise this time. (Renewed laughter.) I will
fini.h with these four lines. I say again—l wish you
would hear it. (Great laughter and interruption.)
The CHAIRMtN in erooseri, and said such disorder was
not creditable to Hertford.

Several r arsons culled out that they had better hear
Mr. Blackaby's poetry and done with it, so that Mr.
Whitehurst's speech might be continued.
The CHAIRMAN then requested the meeting to restrain
their mirth and listen to the poetry.
Mr. BLACYAZY then proceeded, and delivered himsel
of the following lines, the meeting with difficulty hold-
ing in check the risible faculty which had been so
strongly r-xcite-I
" Did I unjustly seek to raise my fame
On the piled ruins of another's name ?
Nay ! I would scorn as hell the bvidious lie—
Such foul deceit—such base hypocrisy."
(Loud laughter.)
Mr. WiiirrEnußsT —The gentleman of the poetry did
me a grievous i• justice when he represented me as having
trampled himidown because he was a plebeian. I assure
him that no such idea ever entered my mind. On the
contrary, so far from taking him to be a plebeian, I took
him for one of the aristocracy. (Laughter, and cries of
"Oh," and " What a bad judge you must be.") And I
was reminded, not of four, but of two lines—
" What can ennoble fools, or sots, or cowards ?
Alas, not all the blood of all the Howards."
(loud laughter, and a cry of "Haven't you another four
lines, Blackaby I") Now then, let us drop this personal
question and come back to the ballot. The Legislature
of this country have given the officers of C .urt Martial
the protection of secret voting, becau-e they are depen-
dent lor their promotion on the goodwill of their higher
authorities ; and it might chance that if a man ha,l
given a vote (honest though it might be) displeasing to
the military authorities, his promotion might be stopped
and his career blasted. And I ask, on behalf of a large
body of electors of this country, that they may be pro-
tected by secret voting from any evil cone,quences to
themselves or their families from the exercise of their
vote. Cabinet Ministers carry on their debates in secrecy.
The newspaper writers, who exercise a great power over
public opinion, who form and control public opinion, who
maintain ministers in office, or write down and put them
out of office, are unknown. And just as I ask, on behai
of the independence of the press—which is necessary to
the good government of the country—that the writers
may be protected by secrecy, so, in order to maintain
the independence of the electors and the indepen&nce
of Parliament, I would ask that the elector should v,te
in secret. I heard a gentleman say just now that no man
ought to vote who can't vote openly. But when you say
that, you are finding fault with the constitution of the
world. There ought to be no gaols and no lunatic asy-
lums, but while there are thieves and tuna ice you nau,t
have such places. Men ought to he independent, +mt
they are not, and the majority of them never will be
while society is constituted as it is. Men ought not to
exercise despotic power ever other, but they w 11 do it.
and therefore I say let the voter be protected by secrecy.
Mr, H. COLEMAN—No man ought to be ashamed of
his vote.

Mr. WHITEHUBST—I grant it, and perhaps you would
say no man ought to be ashamed of the balance at his
banker's. I ask you why you should want to knowhiw
a man votes any more than what balance be has at his
banker's.

Mr. SllASON—Because the one is a public matter, and
the other is private.
Mr. WEITEHURST—I grant that the exercise of the
vote is a public duty ; and for that reason, givo a man
the protection of the ballot, so as not to make him Ein
agaiust his public duty.
Mr. H. COLIEMA.N asked Mr. Whitehurst to mention
any cases in Hertford in which voters had bean made to
vote contrary to their wishes and opinions.
Mr. WHITEHURST said he was a stranger to the place,
and theretore could not mention instances ; but he had
no doubt coercion prevailed here as elsewher,..

£lr. H. COLEMAN—No it dou't. I always vote as I
like.

Mr. A. CrlttEN—No, you don't.
Tins ouservatiM ied to a litt,e ba,ltering between Mr.
Coleman and Mr. Grego, in the course of which Mr.
Coleman remarked, "I can vote as I like, but you