The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-15 00:00:00

THE VOTE OF CENSURE,

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The Earl of SHAFTESBURY rose to move the
following resolutions :--
" 1. That it appears from papers laid upon the table
of this house that a despatch has been addressed by the
Secret Committee of the Court of Directors to the Go-
vernor-General of India, disapproving a proclamation
which the Governor-General had informed the Court he
intended to issue after the fall of Lucknow.
"2. That it is known only from intelligence that has
reached this country bj correspondence published in
newspapers that the intended proclamation has been
issued, and with an important modification, no official
account of this proceeding having yet been received ;
that this house is therefore still without full information
as to the grotteds upon which Lord Canning, lam acted,
and his answer to the objections made to his iiitenda
proclamation in the despatch of the Secret Committee
cannot be received for several weeks.
3. That under these circumstances this house is
unable to form a judgment on the proclamation issued by
Lord Canning, but thinks it right to express its disap-
probation of the premature publication by her Majesty's
Ministers of the despatch addressed to the Governor-
General, since this public condemnation of his conduct
is calculated to weaken the authority of the Governor-
General in India, and to encourage those now in arms
against this country."
The noble earl said it had almost always been his in-
variable rule never to interfere in any political question,
and he had departed from this rule with great reluctance,
because it obviously more suited his comfort and capa-
city, and because his sympathies were with the great
body of those who formed the Government of the noble
earl. But the gravity of the question had rendered it
necessary that something should be done, and he
called God to witness that this had been his
only motive in coming forward at the present moment.
He had not been in his present course actuated by
any political feeling or feelings of personal ani-
mosity to the noble earl (Derby). He could not con-
sider the noble lord (Ellenborough) alone culpable for
what he had written—for what he had written the
Government had written— (hear, hear)— what
had published they had published—(hear, hear)—
and he did not think that any separate responsi-
bility existed, but that it extended to the whole of
the Administration. The step taken by the
noble earl (Ellenborougb) in retiring from office
rendered it absolutely necessary that something
should now be done, because it was considered by
some persons that by that retirement no further
responsibility was attached to the Government
for the publication of the despatch. He con-
sidered that the question under discussion, which
at one time had been only politically important bad now
become both politically and constitutionally important,
and the retirement of the noble earl from office had
not altered the case in the slightest, as both morally
and logically it remained entirely the same, and he
could not consent to throw on the noble earl the
sole responsibility of publishing a certain document
which had led to this question being brought forward.
If they had reason to find fault with a Governor-General
it was their duty to recall him, and not degrade him. If
Lord Canning had acted like Warren Hastings he ought
to have been impeached here for high crimes and misde•
meanour, and another sent out. But what greater folly
could there be than to injure the office in India, and
make it merely showy and lofty (Hear, hear.) They
could not govern India now as formerly, for a great
change had taken place in the native mind, which was
alive to inquiry and drew its own conclusions. By this
despatch the Government bad takes away the essence of
power from the Governor-General, and left him only the
externals, and they would find that the people of India
would not bow down to it. The noble lord then moved
the resolutions.

The Earl of ELL ENBOROUGFI—I so la'ely re-
ceived your lordships' indulgence when I stated shortly
and clearly the circumstances under which I resigned my
office, that I think I shou:d trespass most unwarrantably
upon your attention if I were, although invited by the
noble earl, now to repeat what I then addressed to your
lordships. I distinctly said that in common sense I alone
was responsible for the publication of this letter, because
I alone knew that it was about to be published ; and
there is not a common jury in the united kingdom which
would not scout as absurd a charge against any man for
an act of which he necessarily knew nothing. (Rear,
hear, and a laugh.) The noble earl has had the goodness
to read for your lordships' edification a considerable por-
tion of that letter itself, commenting as be went on. I
shall not follow the noble earl through those details.
With respect to much of what the noble earl said I shall
only observe this—that all the facts stated are in the
blue-books before Parliament, and are as accessible to
all the world as anything that is known to the public of
this country. All that is not in the blue-books is equally
known to the whole people of Uncle. This letter states the
ground on which I (and I believe all the world came to
this conclusion) was of opinion that the war in Owls
bears more the character of legitimate war than of rebel-
lion. (Hear, hear.) But I must be allowed to read
two passages i❑ the letter which the noble earl has ab-
stained from reading. They are these, not unimportant

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" We desire to see British authority in India resting
upon the willing obedience of a contented people. (Loud
cheers.) Government cannot long be mainift ained by any
force in a country where the whole people is rendered hos-
tile by a sense of wrong, and, it were possible so to main-
tain it, it would not be a consummation to be desired."
(Hear.) Those are the principles by which I stand.
Those are the principles upon which I say the Govern-
ment of India should be c inducted. (Cheers.) And I
feel, indeed, that the question before your lordships to.
night is one far more important than anything affecting
merely the existence of an Administration. It is practi-
cal:), this—Shall the Government of India be conducted
on the principles of severity which appeared in that pro-
clamation of Lord Canning ! (Cheers.) I hoped, when I
wrote that letter, that the proclamation never would be
promulgated. I had every reason to believe that the
strongest representations were made to Lord Canning
against its promulgation by persons the most entitled to
make such representations. (Cheerce) I was in hopes
that these represenaaeions would prevail. But this, at
any rata, I know—that if that proclamation were pub-
lished it was absolutely necessary, in my opinion, that
immediately there should appear a letter to undo the
mischief, to mitigate the danger which must arise from
the proniulgaton of principles of such excessive seve-
riv. Your lordships have been referred to the restrain-
ing clause in the proclamation. What has that clauseset
forth ? It says that persons who support the Govern-
ment shall obtain the restitution of their property. Why?
Because the confiscation took the whole of it away.
Now, there is the greatest possible difference between
confiscation iu Lord Dalhousie's proclamation and con-
fiscation in that of Lord Canning. 'The former was pro-
spective ; it was denounced against those who should
hereafter beceme rebels. (Hear.) The confiscation in
Lord Canning's proclamation is retrospective, and it
strikes a whole people. (Cheers.) I have been in-
formed, and I have no doubt of the fact, that, however
strong this expression of " the proprietary right" may ap-
' pear to yuur lordships, in the language of India its
strength is greatly increased by any possible translation.
But, my lords, consider what is confiscation. It has net
been known in Europe to this extent for 800 years. The
only example of anything resembling it is in the time of
William the Conqueror. True, we have had confiscation
in Ireland. It is said that large portions of that country
have been confiscated three times over. But has the re-
sult been peace ? Has the result been prosperity ? Do
not all those who have considered the subject trace to
confiscation all the disasters which have occurred in that
country ? (Hear.) In India, however, confiscation is un-
known. No Mahommedan conqueror has ever perpe
trated that which is perpetrated through Lord Canning's
proclamati n. Whatever have been the changes of dy-
nasty, the t for u of war has swept over village comniu-
nitie,, and the property of individuals from the lowest to
the highest. The wise conquerors of India have changed
little but the rule. They have left everything standing.
And on that account it is that they were enabled to es-
tablish a permanent Government. ;(sheers.) The noble
earl has thought fit to allude to what I did in Sciude.
My lords, in Scinde I struck the rulers to the ground
because they had been guilty of treachery against the
British Crown, because they had attacked the British
Resident Minister immediately after the conclusion of a
treaty of peace. But I confirmed to every man his pro-
perty, and that was the secret of our strength in &Undo
and of the permanent tranquillity of that country. There
has not been one hand raised against the British Go-
vernment since the battle which destroyed the last of
the Ameers who were contending for the sovereignty.
In two months that country was subdued, and at the
presenttnoment B
there is not a portion of the d wrhritish em-
pire in India which is more faithful than Scin
e. yd.
It is faithful because property has respected.
(Cheers.) resp
(Cheers.) My lords, we are told that we ought to form
no opinion with respect to this proalannitlon until we

have explanations. I ask, why have we not exola-
I
nations now ? (Cheers.) Explanations should pre-
cede or at least accompany a measure of
this great im-
portance, and not follow it—it they do toilow it at ell—
at the iuterval of a month. (Hear.) But what tone
had Lord Canning to communicate to the Government
here respecting the pslicy he intended to adopt ? Lord
Canning directed the Commander-in-Chief,
i when he re-
tired from Locknow, to leave a garrison n the Alum-
' bagh. He then intended, as soon as he could get to-
oether a sufficient force, to attack and take Lu.eknow.
Upon that measure he determined entirely on political,
not on military grounds. He took upon him•elf the
whole responsibility of that measure. A general, acting
on military grounds, would first have obtained full pos-
sesi n of his own country, would ;have cleared 1.1 ,hd-
cund, have pacified Bareilly, have restored trarquill ty
to Berar. Lord Canning, on the contrary, overruling
all stratagetical considerations, and in search of what
.
civilians call the prestige, which has nearly been our
ruin in the course of the last year, insisted on the con•
centration of all our forces for the attack on Lucknow.
He knew he would have Lucknow. The movement on
t bat place commenced on the 4th of March. Sir Colin
Campbell had arrived at Cawnpoee, and had completed
his victory there three months before that time. Why
did not Lord Canning communicate meanwhile to his
friends here ! Is is possible that he should not have
thought over what he should do when he got possession
of the place ? I say he ought to have commit icated his
then prevailing intentions, arid have sought the opinion
of the Government SO as to act with their approval , n
such an important measure. (Hear.) Bat since then a
month has elapsed. Why have we not now an exalara-
tioe ! My lords, there is no explanation. There are some
things which cannot be explained. Corffscation is one
of these. It is incapable of explanation. It stan•ls
in all its naked deformity—the most cruel punishment
which can ever be inflicted upon a country. (Cheers.)
If there were to be confiscation, however, surely it
should have applied only to the gulty. (Hear.) Who
ever heard of inflicting punishment so universal as to
strike every man in a country, innocent as well as
guilty ! My lords, we have iu India now 21 regiments
ref disarmed SePUys. We have three regiment of Native
Cavalry and three of Irregular Cavalry disarmed—alto-
gether 27 regiments. The position of these disarmed
regiments has justly been a subject of the de Test anxiety
to the Government of India. It is necessary to keep
British troops to wa'cle them. There are 2,000 or 3,000
of them within a night's march of Calcutta, where quite
recently a panic was actually occasioned by them. 01
these troops one-half ate in Oude. They cannot be en-
gaged in the rebellion. Tuey have been almost mad-
dened by the attacks made on them in the course of the
mutiny, and which they have learned from the news-
papers. They have been threatened with hanging, with
being blown from guns, and tt.ey are now ueder a penis,
hardly knowing what they are to do. But imagine the
position in which they wil be placed if they read the
proclamation I What roust be their feelings when, while
disarmed and incapable of committing any act against
the Government, however ind-gnant they might be at
the dishonour they had sustained,—what must be their
feelings, I say, whon they find that all their property is
at once confiscated, and that they have not a home to
go to ? (Cheers.) More than this,—the Maboininedan
mosques, the Hiudoo temples, ail are supported by the
land of the country. The whole of tone, however, is
confiscated ; the whole means of triaititaining both re-
iigions are unwisely, rashly taken away. All the pro-
vision for objects of charity, for orphans and widows,
is swept away. Not one single exception is made, save
only in the case of the six individuals ireetioned in
the proclamation. Such things are enough to mad-
den every man tier ,ughout the country, and tberefere
I thought to myself—" I will write, and at the earoQst
possible moment after that proclamation is pnb-
lished I ail! send my letter as an andidote, that
the public may know they arc to be ruled with justice
and clemency." (Loud cheers.) My lords, consider
now what is our actual position. We have taki n Luck-
now. The hot weather is coming on. When we heard
last it was the most severe, the most clamorous period
of the year. Are we occupying Oude I We have lint a
man to occupy any part of the Country. The proclama-
tion is a nullity, except as to tbs effect produced on the
mind., of the people. The Commander-in-Chief has now
marched into Bercilly wits the half of li;s troops. One
brigade has gone to Azirogbur to relieve the detachment
under Colonel Milnuan which is shut up there. The
Goorkas are gone home. Another brigade remains in
Lucknow. Between the right and lef, of cur position
there is an interval of 400 miles ; and the centre of that
position, Oude, in which we held only this larger gar-
rison—the brigade at Luckno w—has, as I firmly be-
lieve, been converted into a Rea of fire by Lord Catinirg's
proclamation. (Cheers.) Surely it was necessary for
me, whose duty it was to do what I a mid to pree, rye
the tranquillity of India, to repair, if possible, these
great evils, and to send out a message of pence and
mercy to the people of that country. (Renewed cheers.)
I am told that in so doing I our weakening the autho-
rity of the Governor-General. My lords, my despatch
weakens his authority for evil ; it strengthens bin
greatly for all purposes of good. (Hear, hear.) I truet
when he receives it be will think it batter to part with
evil counsels. Ido not believe that Lord Canning him- ,
self was the author of this proclamation. it is contrary
to what I have heard of his conduct and i f his feelings.
(Rear, hear.) I believe it to have proceeded from other
sources. I believe that he has placed himself in the
hands of men who have learned nothing and have for-
gotten nothing—who imagine that after this drea lful
convulsion they can re-establish as it stood civilian au-
thority in India. This is a great error, and it is of the
uttnest importance Lord Canning should feel tha• justice
and clemency and consideration for the people of India are
the governing principles of those who are at the bead of
affairs here, and also the principles which it is abso•
'tritely necessary he should adopt. (Hear, hear.) But I
am told that this letter will tend to encourage resistance
on the part of the people now in arms against us. lily
lords, I should meet such a charge with an indignation
I could hardly express did I not feel its utter absurdity.
(Hear, hear.) Why, I was the first in this house who
warned your lordships that the daneer was corning, who
advised you to prepare fur it, to set the country in arms,
and to be ready to engage in a great and a perilous war.
(Hear, hear ) Was it probable, having given you that
advice a year ago, that when I became in a measure re-
sponsib e for the war in India I should do any act which
would en -ourage the resistance of the very men I had to
oppose ? But consider for a moment what is the position
of these armed men in Oude under the proclamation and
the measures which it wiil render n cessary. They were
men aho bad b -en figh in; with the rope round their
necks. My object was to remove that rope. (Cheers.)
They were men who had been fighting without hope.
I wished to give them hope. The pr iclaination lift them
without hotnes—without land which would enable them
to subsist. I gave them the hope of returning to their
homes, to their villages, to all the comforts of their
families. That was the object of my letter. \Vas that to
encourage resistance, or to give the only hope of salva-
tion to the people? In a previous letter which Was pub-
lished I distinctly used the word "amnesty." It is my
firm belief—and I have heard it of many and from many
in India—that there is no hope of ultimate success but
by an amnesty. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the son of a
great and noble friend of mine—the late Duke of Wel-
liegton—has had the goodness to put into my Lands this
evening an unpublished leaf from some additional letters
of that noble duke, in which I find these words, which,
although referring to a comparatively unimportant mat-
ter, show distinctly the naiad with which he regarded
subjects of this nature,—

" I am for the principle of amnesty, as referable to all
inferior agents ; I have recommended it strongly to the
s
l'eshwah' durbar, and I am convinced that if it had been
adopted at an early period the critical circumstances of the
present moment would not exist. It is the principle upon
which we have settled Mysore and the coded districts, and
that upon which we have made our way to this place.
Eternal enmity against every petty agent concerned against
us or our allies will never answer."

My lords, that is true wisdom. I followed the noble
duke's advice when I acted as I have told you I acted in
Sciode. The result has been the tranquidity of that coun-
try. (CheErs.) I know, my lords, from history and from
observation, that there is no part of the world in which
—perhaps from their rarity—justics and clemency when
united with power have so much influence as in India.
They have been the really effective weapons of all the
great conquerors in the East. It has not been by striking
down their enemies in the field, but by wise and prudent
provisions for the maintenance of property and ( f all the
ancient rights of the people, that they have established
and continued their power. They claimed nothing but
rule ; they maintained the people as they found them.
(Oneers.) And now, my lords, allow me very shortly to
observe upon the position in which we stand at present.
During the last 12 months we have thrown upon India
the whole of our disposable force. NV e have—l will not
say run great risk—but we have gone to the utmost pos-
sible extent in despatching to India a military force. I
have said, not in this house only, but I also took occa-
sion to say in a paper which I published, that it is im-
possible for us with our present military institutions to
furnish a sufficient force for carrying on a
dangerous war in India, but there are, NV lords, other
mote
dangers which have always been found ulti t
financialw afatal to a State. I allude to the dangers of alengthened
dif-
ficulty. At the present moment the expense
with the British troops we have in Indiais connectec:qual to the
had at the cAn-
lordsbipe may be sur-
expense of the whole native army we
mencement of the war, and 0
the number of the native
standing the great redscti.ou
prised to hear. but it really.y
(mins to the army in the Pun-
isurthe fact, that, notwith-
troops in Bengal,
strength of the native army
have raised the numerical
which it stood when the war com-
menced.jab, to:the army ofth:laaddrdals" and to the army of Bombay
almost to the level at
are
We have this year borrowed very nearly 10,000,000/.
My lords, how these expenses to be met
We have
been fortunate in the receipts from some items
of the revenue; there was a large balaucs in the Trea•
.nry ; and with all, these advantages we have for this
one year been enabed to go forward ; but what have we
to expect for the future ? Your lordships know well
that there is nothing so delicate or so sensitive as finan-
cial credit. I feel absolutely convinced, unless the Go-
vernment of this country should impose upon the Go-
vernment of India the principle of clemency as that
which is to guide it towards natives who may be in what
is called rebellion against them, that war will last for a
period tho end of which I cannot fored:e. Financial ere-