The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-15 00:00:00

DINNER •TO THE 37th KENT YOLUN-
TEE,RS.

After the review of the 37th Kent Rifle Volun-
teers, last Thursday, the battalion marched down
into the town, and thence to Baker's Cross, where
a large marquee with its long line of roof sur-
mounted by numerous flags, was a welcome object
to the hungry volunteers. The tables, laid to
accommodate about 450 guests, were loaded to
repletion with substantials to appease and
delicacies to tempt the appetite ; whilst ' the
numerous array of wine bottles gave promise that
there would be no lack of " bumpers" to drink the
after-dinner toasts. Flowers and evergreens were
tastefully disposed about the canvass walls and roof,
while " Welcome Volunteers," " Invicta," and other
appropriate mottoes caught the eye. This magnifi-
cent feast had been provided with princely liberality
solely at the expense of Major Bell. The arrange-
ments generally were admirable, every one of the
400 volunteers taking his seat without trouble or
confusion. In addition to the whole of the battalion,

Major Bell and his lady, Mrs. Bell, had also invited
the following guests, who occupied a raised table
along one side of the tent :—Lord Sydney, Lady
Sydney, Rev. E. Moore, Lady Harriet Moore, A. J. B.
Beresford-Hope, Esq., Lady Mildred Beresford-
Hope, H. Hoare, Esq., Lady Mary Hoare, E. Hus-
sey, Esq., the Hon. Mrs. Hussey, Gathorne Hardy,
Esq., M.P., Mrs. Hardy, Sir John Herschel, Bart.,
Lady Herschel, Captain Ruxton (Adjutant); Mrs.
Ruxton, Marcus Stone, Esq., Miss Ellen Stone,
Miss Bertha Stone, W. C. Morland, Esq., Mrs.
Morland, R. Tooth, Esq., Mrs. Tooth, Col. Luard,
Rev. H.Harrison, Rev. J. Edge, Rev. John Twells,
Rev. W. Rumsey, Rev. A. Eden, Rev. H. Jeffreys,
Mi. Maclean, Mr. Elsted, Captain Weller, Captain
Tweedie, Captain Ruxten (Chief Constable of
Kent), Mr. E. Wilson, Dr. Jobson, Mr. Young,
Mr. Piper, &c.
Dinner having been succeeded by a plentiful
dessert, the chairman, in very eloquent and patriotic
speeches, of which, however, we have not space to
give even an outline, proposed the usual loyal toasts,
which were drunk enthusiastically.
The CHAIRMAN, in next proposing the health of

" Lord Sydney, Lord Lieutenant of the County,"
pointed out in forcible terms the great advantages
which England derived from a territorial aristo-
cracy.
Viscount SYDNEY returned thanks, and concluded
by proposing, in complimentary terms, the health
of their hospitable host, Major Bell, and " Success
to the 37th Kent Rifle Volunteers."

The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm, the
cheers given in honour of the Chairman continuing
for several minutes.

Major BELL, after having briefly acknowledged
the compliment, continued—lf I were asked to ex-
plain what this assemblage of volunteers meant, I
would say it is the expression of opinion of the
middle classes of England that England is worth
defending. (Cheers.) But if England be worth
defending, England may be worth attacking. And
when we consider what England is—a little island
lying in the Northern Sea, yet exercising an almost
boundless influence on the destinies of the world—
we can understand why it may be the object and
the interest of other powers to attack England.
(Hear, hear.) Look at the boundless wealth of
England—look at her vast colonial possessions—
look at her unrivalled trade—all these things con-
stitute an object of envy to many foreign powers.
(Cheers,) England exercises an amount of influence
entirely disproportionate to her territorial extent.
That fact is in itself an offence to those who wish
England ill. (Hear, hear.) The successful invasion
of England would lead not only to the temporary
humiliation, but to the dismemberment of England.
Recollect that amongst foreign powers England has
no real friends. England stands in the way of the
objects and ambition of many foreign powers.
(Cheers.) But for England, France would exercise
an uncontrolled supremacy in Europe ; but for
England, Russia might be omnipotent in Asia ;
but for England, the whole continent of America
would belong to the United States. (Cheers.) A war
with England, therefore, might lead to a coalition
against England, and a war against England, if suc-
cessful in its issue, might lead to the absolute dis-
memberment of England. (Hear, hear.) Eng-
land is not like France, a territory compact
and self-contained. The power of England
is spread all over the world. England is
weaker at home than anywhere else ; and, there-
fore, those who strike at England will strike at her
heart. (Hear, hear.) If an invasion of England
succeeded, recollect that immediately would follow
a suspension of that by which England lives—
credit. Recollect that the vast mass of the popu-
tion of England is no longer connected with the
cultivation of the soil. The great mass is centred
in the towns of England, and the towns of England
depend on credit. Suspend credit, which would be
the effect of a successful invasion, and it would in-
volve an annihilation of all the springs of industry.
(Cheers.) You have not merely bloodshed, you
have famine. If an invasion of England proved
successful, there would be an end of the British
Empire; there would be an end to the labours of a
thousand years. (Cheers.) Look at the state of
Europe. Europe never was in a more disturbed
state than at the present moment. We happen to
live next door to a potentate who is under the in-
fluence of " ideas ;" and his " ideas" take the form
of the annexation of his neighbour's territories.
(Cheers and ironical laughter.) Now, ideas are apt
to become formidable in so far as they as they are
likely to resolve themselves into action. (Hear,
hear.) If we study history, we find that " ideas"
were as paramount in past times as they are in the
present. If you study the history of Rome you will
find that for 700 years the Roman people harboured
the idea that they were born to rule the universe,
and the fact that they did harbour it led to its rea-
lisation. Every Roman was a soldier, and we find
that when the atrocities that the Romans perpe-
trated amongst their neighbours led to what may
be called a combination against Rome, this " idea'
enabled them to resist successfully even the genius
of Hannibal, the greatest captain of his age ; for al-
though he held possession of Italy for 16 years, he
could not subdue, in the minds of the Romans, that
idea. The Itomans believed they were born for
universal conquest, and, in virtue of that idea, they
achieved universal conquest. So, in comparatively
modern times, we find the influence of an idea
prevailing in Russia. It is now nearly a
thousand years ago that the Muscovites, as they
were then termed, began to entertain the idea that
their destiny was to obtain possession of Constan-
tinople. In the year 865 the Muscovites besiegsd
Constantinople, and within to o centuries they made
four attacks on the city of the Crescent. The
" idea" that animated them a thousand years ago
animates them still. They still believe that it is
their destiny, one day, to become possessors of Con-
stantinople. if we turn to the history of France,
we find that, more than 2,000 years ago, Brennus
and his Gauls took possession of Rome; and the
ambition of France in the present day seems to be
to take possession of Italy. (Cheers.) We have
witnessed, within these few months, the annexa-
tion of Savoy and Nice to the territories of France.
And what was the pretext P That in 1798 Savoy
belonged to France ! If that pretext be good for
one thing, it may be good for another. The Chan-
nel Islands once belonged to France. Why may
not France, by virtue of the same plea, claim that
the Channel Islands be restored to her? Nay, more,
England itself at one time belonged to the Normans,
end the Normans came out of France. Why, then,
should not France claim the whole of England,
from Kent to Caithness ? (Cheers.) We have
heard that France required the annexation of Savoy
because she was afraid of Italy. If France be afraid
of Italy, may not France profess to be more afraid
of England ? (Cheers.) And we, too, have been
acting under the influence of " ideas." For the last
forty years we seem to have cultivated the idea
that wealth could protect itself. We have pro-
claimed, for the last forty years, that England was
onlysv
becoming richer and richer day by day, and we
have only now awakened to the fact that wealth
alone will not protect a country. (Cheers.) We have
discovered at last, and a marvellous discovery it is,
that our army and navy cost money; and because
they cost money, some would call on the people of
England to disband their soldiers and sailors. If
th
at argument
not the
i h
thingsr anything,
whichcost money.o co
s thets armymn e y why,h
and navy
e
administrationaret at
of ojustice
then, should we not dispense, not only
with the army and navy, but with the whole
system by virtue of which justice is administered
in this country. (Cheers.) We have been told by
some men, the so-called friends of peace, that it is
a pity to irritate France by a display of martial
preparations. If that argument be worth any-
thing, it may be worth something more. Why
should we irritate burglars and housebreakers by
a display of laws for the protection of oar lives and
property ? (Cheers.) Depend upon it nothing is
so costly as a display of national weakness—
nothing is so ruinous as the preparation to submit
to national disgraee. (Loud cheers.) If you try
it by the vulgar money test, nothing is so econo-
mical as the determination to defend the honour of
the country. (Loud cheers.) The country which
is prepared at all times to defend its honour will
rarely be called on to fight for its existence.
(Cheers.) If, on the other hand, a country should
be found indisposed to stand up for the maintenance
of its honour, rest assured that that country does
not deserve to belong to the great comity of na-
tions. (Cheers.) Nor will it long maintain its
rank, for aggressive neighbours will soon discover
that the country which is not prepared to fight for
its honour, will not long be prepared to fight for
its existence; and the country not prepared to fight
will soon have little left that 1,5 worth fighting for.'