The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 14, 1858.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.—(Tab Day.)

LITERATURE.

MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

The Life and Correspondence of Charles Lord
Metcalfe. By J. W. Kaye, author of " The Life
of Sir John Malcolm," dec. 2 vols. New edition.
Smith and Elder.
This is a new and revised edition of a work
which appeared some time since, whose favourable
reception by the public, paid due honour to the
memory of an eminent man, and to the discretion
and fidelity with which his able biographer had
performed his arduous task. The career of one so
well fitted to govern, so prominent in the history
of his time, one no less distinguished by the moral
greatness of the man than by the lofty position of
the statesman, is a subject well deserving the at-
tention of his countrymen. The life of Charles
Metcalfe sets a noble example to the youthful can-
didate for distinction. It shows him that rank,
and power, and fame may be attained by worthy
means ; that the same man who possesses the favour
of the Crown may deserve the confidence of the
people ; that he who wins the approval of the great
need not forfeit that of the gocd. In his long
efficial career, living "for nearly half a century
perpetually in the harness of public business," his
uprightness and nobility of nature were as remark-
able as his great talents and inflexible resolution.
"The goodness of his heart and the honesty of his
nature were proof against all trials. From the be-
ginning to the end of his career he was free from
malignity as be was from guile. He could neither
hate an enemy, nor deceive him." The chief por-
tion of his life was, as most readers are aware,
spent in India ; and it adds to the interest of this
valuable work to be able to gather from its pages a
faithful picture of the state of feeling there fifty
years ago, and to learn the opinions of Lord Met-
calfe on the position of our Indian Empire. In
alluding to the alterations and compressions made
in this work, the writer informs us in the preface
that he has judged it expedient to expand one por-
tion of it :—" I confess that I was one of
those who believed that Metcalfe's repeated allu-
sions to the insecurity of our Indian empire, and to
the probabilities of some sudden and disastrous
outbreak, were not in accordance with the general
sagacity and the sound good sense of the man. His
friends, I know, used to smile at this as his weak
point, and in the original edition of this work I
did not speak of it with much respect. People,
however, think differently now ; and, at ail
events, it is curious and interesting at the present
time to observe Melcalfe's prognostications of
the coming storm, and not uninstructive to mark in
what manner he was wont to suggest that we should
prepare ourselves to meet it." He has accordingly
given several passages from Metcalfe's Corres-
pondence, referring to this subject, which were not
in the earlier edition. The latter portion of Lord
Metcalfe's life was divided between the govern-
ments of Jamaica and of Canada. These two
difficult positions be occupied with all the honour
and distinction that his friends could hope for.
Nothing but a strong sense of duty, and of the
claims of the public service upon him, would have
drawn him from the repose where he was seeking
to recruit his failing health, to the thronging diffi-
culties and arduous labour that awaited him as the
head of the Canadian government. As time went
on, and as his presence still seensed indispensable,
the terrible disease that was so FOOD to close his
career advanced with equal certainty. Despite the
constant sufferings he endured, and the painful
remedies tried in vain, he devoted himself to busi-
ness with all his characteristic fortitude. At lenLtb,
when he held the acceptance of his resignation, be
summoned his council and told them that even
then he would maintain his post at the head of the
government, if they really believed it necessary for
the preservation of the tranquillity of the States, so
1 ng as life was left him. With much emotion they
bade him depart, and he returned to his native
land to receive his hard-won honours, but never to
take his seat in that house which had been the day-
dream of his aspiring youth. The numerous testi-
monies of affection and gratitude, the tributes that
came to him from distant lands must have been
more gratifying to him than the honours with which
his services were rewarded. But he was not long
permitted to enjoy them, and a few months after
he returned to England, the ruler of " the three
greatest dependencies of the British Crown" was
quietly interred in the parish church of Winkfield.
The epitaph, by Lord Macaulay, expresses in a
few b ief se itences the honour due to a good and
gentle heart, a great and noble spirit, the kind
friend, the upright man, the wise and conscientious
ruler of many varying races. The following
passage is quoted from the remarks on his de-
parture from India after thirty-eight years' absence
from his native country :
"As I write sixteen years Lave passed away since
&laterite embarked on board the ship at. George. But
his memory is as fresh in the affections of the people of
India as though he had but yesterday departed from
among them. He left behind him a great and a cherished
name. It is a common thing, when it is asked what
Metcalfe Jid for India, to answer that he liberated the
Indian press. The next question ought always to Le,
bow he attained the position which enabled him to libe-
rate the Indian press. lam not likely to underrate the
advantages of a free press. But it is not in this, or in
any one individual measure, that we are to look for the
materials of his fame as an Indian statesman. It was
not what he did at any one time, but what he was con-
tinually doing, that entitled him to the gratitude of man-
kind, Separate acts of s'atesmanship are lost in the
Oneness and completeness of his character as a statesman.
Ile rose by the force and consistency of his personal cha-
racter to the highest post which he could occupy in the
Government of India. He btu' set his face steadfastly,
from his very boyhood, towards the acquisition of vice-
regal power and dignity ; and he attained it, not by any
acts of spasmodic energy, but by a life of sustained err-
neatness, unintermitting laboer, and undeviating integ-
rity. In every situation in which he had been placed he
had acquitted himself well, because he had always ad-
dressed himself to the work before him with a high
sense of the responsibility of his vocation, and a
brave resolution to do what he conceived to be right
with all the power with which God had gifted him,
whatever might be the opinions of others, and whatever
the sacrifice of self. Tbat his abilities were of a high
order is not to be questioned ; but it was not the quick-
ness of his parts so much as the courage and the honesty
which ever employed them in the right direction, that
lay at the root of his success."
"The straightforwardness which so distinguished his
moral, was a coa.piauous feature also in his int 11 ectual,
character. His despatches and minutes were ever re-
markable for their directness of purpose. It was his
wont to make up his mind thoroughly on any given sub-
ject, and to state his views clearly and distinctly, with-
out any gloss of conditions and reservations. Lie was
of too fearless and manly a nature to be continually
thinking of leaving for himself some loop-hole of retreat.
fie did not know what it was: to trim. And he never
left his meaning to be guessed at. Among all the num-
berless letters, despatches, and minutes • hich Metcalfe
wrote during his connection with the Government of
India, I do not remember to have chanced upon an ob-
scure sentence. If language was given us for the con-
cealment of our thoughts, no man ever made a worse
use of it than Charles Taeophilus Metcalfe.
" There was a simplicity—a messivoness, in his pub-
lic writings and is his political o niduct very character-
istio of the man. He did not :rouble himself with se-
condary consideration., or encumber treat questions
with petty details. Lord W. Bentinok said of biin—eirs
never cavilled upon a trifle, and never yielded to me on
a point of importance.' In this single sentence is seen
the secret of his success—the very germ if his great rt.
putation. Some men mistake trifles for points of impor-
tance, and waste their time in the strenuous idleness of
canvassing them. Metcalfe never made a mistake of this
kind. He bad a remarkable faculty of divesting great
questions of all needless encumbrances, and making
himself thoroughly understood. Seine of his Indian
State papers are models of this massive simplicity.
When, in 1825, the complication of affairs at Baurtpre
caused great doubt and uncertainty regarding the cure
to be put sued by the British Government, Metcalfe io a
few pithy sentences placed the whole question so clearly
before the Governor-General and his councillors, that
all doubt and hesitation vanished before a brief state-
ment of the case, so plain and unsophisticated that the
reader is almost tempted to exclaim that a child might
have written it. But it was this very childlike directness
that was so cogent an instrument in bis hands. It was
a pebble from the book—the brook of truth—that
brought down the gigantic Philistine."
"He never indulged in any inflated talk about the
wrongs of the people; but he set himself steadily at
'work to redress them. He wa, a philanthropist in no-
thing so little as in words. Ile abstained from anything
Ile grandiloquent professions ; but the practice of his
life was in accordance with the purest principles of bene-
volence. As a member of the Government, he was
generally on the side of the people ; as an individual, he
gtve liberal encouragement to ovary institution that was
calculated to promote their interests. He was opposed
totoo much interference with the ancient usages of the
people, but it was a discriminating opposition. lie was
eater, for example, to maintain inviolate the village
cotsraunitiss, which he believed to be such imp ertarit
sundial-les to the security and prosperity of the agriculs
turd population ; but he was willing to incur some risk
in the cause of humanity, for the suppression of the
abominable rite of au tee.
"It would be a mistake to endeavour to enhance
the merit of Charles Metcalfe's success by saying
that circumstances were hostile to him, and that be rose
to eninence in spite of obstacles which would have kept
down other men. The truth is, that circumstances were
in hie favour. I have had nothing to record of thosea
early hardships which, a few years before Metaf
tracts into. public life, tried, as in a furnace, thele
endu-
ranee of men struggling for fame and fortune.
It is
interesting to read or to hear of a Munro lacking the
means to provide himself with a pillow or a blanket—of
a Malcolm starving in secret, because be would not bor-
row money to buy himself a dinner—of a Tucker dispu!-
ing with the:rats for the possession of a miserable cellar.
Metcalfe had no such trials at the outset of his career.

ATTEMPTING TO OBTAIN MONEY BY FALSE PRETENCES
FROM LORD VIVIAN.—Joha Davis, a respectable-lookti.g
young man, was charged before Mr. Bingham with
attempting to obtain money by false pretences under the
following circumstances:—
Charles Cressigny Lord Vivian said—l at present
reside at Russo Hotel. Albemarle-street, and while at
breakfast that morning a letter was brought to me by my
servant, and the prisoner being introduced said he was
either a tenant or neighbour of mine at Plasgwyn, in
Anglesea, and that his father's name was Davis, and
that he lived at Bron. I asked him what parish, and he
gave me a name that I knew was not to be found in the
island. He said he had been in Loudon for three months
seeking employ as a chemist and druggist, and that as hi.
father had not sent him any money he had come for some
as-istance. I told him I thought he was an impostor, and
that I should send for a Mendicity Society's officer. Hs
then made 'or the door, but I followed and seized him in
the passage and sent my servant for a constable. He
then fell on his knees and begged tne tilt to proceed fur-
ther, bat knowing that there were several impostors
about I felt it my duty to give him into custody.
The prisoner said his family formerly lived in Anglesey,
but his lordshipdtd not understand him. He told his lord-
ship he was hard up, which was the case.
Lord Vivian—When I toad him there was no sucb
place in Anglesea, he said then it was in Montgomery-
shire or Merionethshire.
Prisoner—l was afraid of being taken into custody
and was confused ; but I hope you will deal leniently
with me. It is all true what I stated.
Mr. Bingham—Then I shall remand you for a week.
Prisoner—l would rather you set,lo it at once.
Mr. Bingham—As there is very little doubt of your
guilt, I shall send you to prison for three months with
bard labour.

THA vl ES.
DREADFUL CASE OF STABBING.—Mary Ann Singer, a
dieipated looking woman was brought before Mr.
Yardley charged with cutting and wounding Suati
Middleton, of No. 2, Hungertord-street, Commercial-
road East.

Police constable Walker, No 56 K, stated that last
night he received information that a woman bad been
murdered in Hungerford-street and he went to the
house, No. 2, and found the landlady of the house lying
on the floor weltering in her Mood, which was flawing
copiously from several wounds. He conveyed her
to the hospital and the medical officers there
had much trouble in staunching the wounds.
TSII3 woman was cut under the tongue, across the
nose, and there was a deep gash on one of his
arms. He was informed that the prisoner bad
inflicted the wounds, and took her into custody. She
was intoxicated, and said she would go to Newgate for
Mrs. Middleton, and hoped she had done for her.
John Nathan, a little boy, dwelling at No. 5, Hun-
gerford-street, saw the prisoner and Mrs. Middleton
quarrelling last night. They called each other names.
The prisoner obtained a knife and attacked Mrs. Mid-
dleton and cut her in a shocking manner, and swore at
her.

Mr. Yardley—ls the woman who ig wounded Mole
to appear ?
Walker—No, sir, the wounds are considered to be
dangerous. She was in a very low state.
Mr. Yardley remandod the f.r a week.

MARKET NEWBo—(•rzus Day.)

CORN EXutiaNGE.

Fresh up to-day, coastwise and by land carriage, the ar-
rivals of English wheat were very moderate, consequently
the show of samples was limited. There was, however, no
disposition shown on the part of the millers to operate
beyond actual wants ; hence the demand ruled very in-
active, at Monday's currency.
The imports of foreign wheat are 5,610 quarters, and
the supply on offer was extensive. All descriptions met a
dull inquiry, but no quotable change took place iu prices.
Scarcely any English barley was on show, and the sup-
ply of foreign was only moderate. The trade, however,
was in a sluggish state, at Monday's prices.
but inferior parcels
supported former terms,
werew.F ineve
wereedell.rmyalt
heavily
supplied with foreign oats, which
moved off slowly, at the late decline.
Beans, peas, and flour met a slow trade, on former
terms.

Everything went prosperously wirh him from the first.
When he was a boy, be wrote in bib Curnm(,n-p'ace
B )ok, among other passages, the sug,zestiveness of
winch will be byi to. Appreciated by those who turn hack
to them after they have followed Metcalf„', car to the
ei,d and made dote acqu.nritanve with his character—
'He is the moot clever who is best alle to profit Ly
go. d fortune when it comes to him.' It was his gr, og(
fortune to I,is the son of an East liidia Director, to bs
patronized in early life by Lord Wellesley ; and a; ,ray 3
to have an influential friend at Court. By this good for-
tune he was well able to profit.' One Governor-Gene
ral after another recognised his abiliths, and ever in the
most critical conjuncture sought his assistance and ad-
vice. All, with one exception, continued to r,,gard him,
long after their official connection had been sevend, with
the strongest feelings of aJrdration said affection. To
the success of every administration under which he
served he largely contributed. It is not always that the
impression of men's minds is stamped most indelibly on
he circumstances of the times when they occupy the
bightst stations. It often happens, on the other hand,
that their most enduring aiitions are these to which
another's name is given in the history of the world.
Thera are many names which more frequently occur to
the annalist of our Indian empire during the first 33
years of the present century ; but there is no one man
who had really a larger share in shaping the events
which are the staple of his, or who did more in his ge,,e-
nerati _in to make our Anglo-Indian Empire what it is,
than Charles Theophilus Metcalfe."

MR. CARD WELL'S RESOLUTI O.Y.

(From the Daily News.)
Whether Mr. Card well's Resolution—regarded merely
as a party move—be affirmed or negatived, is to us a
matter of the most perfect indifference. Not so when it
isconsidered with reference to the voted the hou-e will
hive in India. We therefore embrace what may be our
last opportunity to adjure the House of Commons to
pause before it passes a Resolution _merely to subserve
the interests of party—which may coavulse our Indian
dominions from Arrakan to Peshawur, and from Cape
Cumorin to the Himalaya—which may, in ( ffect, " cry
havoc, and let slip the dogs of war" among hundreds of
millions of human beings.
Mr. Cardwell's Resolution affirms two propositions ;
the first, that it is matter for regret and apprehension
that Lord Ellenborough'e Despatch was written ; the
second, that it is matter for regret and apprehension
that the Despatch has been published. The latter affir-
mation is perfectly harmless. The propriety or impro-
priety of the publication of the Despatch is an open
question, upon which men may warrantably bold dif-
fereut opinions, and may express them without danger.
The first of the two affirmations is of a very different
character
It must be borne in mind that Mr. Cardwell's Reso-
lution sets out with dec:aring that the house " in its
present state of information abstains from expressing
an opinion of the policy of any Proclamation which may
have been issued by the Governor-General in relation to
Oude." It then goes on to say that the house " has
seen with regret and apprehension that her Majesty's
Government have addressed to the Governor-General,
through the Secret Committee of the Court of D,rectors
* * * a Despatch condemning in strorg terms the
conduct of the Governor-General." Common sense and
common justice require that before censuring the Go-
vernment for condemning the conduct of the Geveroor-
General," the house should inquire whether the
conduct of the Governor-General was or was not
deserving of blame. To censure the expression ( f con
demnation by Government, while declining to vindicate
the conduct of Governor-General, is virtually to declare
that no Home Government bas a right to condemn any that a Governor-General sees fit to say or de. It
is to declare that the Governor-General is not a Viceroy
exercising delegated authority, but an absolute Sovereign
invested with irresponsible power during his period of
office, whom no one can call to account. It, is to strip
the Crown and the Company alike of all power, and to
p site the whole of India at the mercy of a deep it in Cal-
cu ta. The words of the resolution mean this if they
mean anything; aed for the members of the House of
Commons to attempt to get out of the difficul y by say-
ing that they do not expect them to be so literally con-
strued, will be to trifle (candalously with the discharge
of an important duty. This first affirmation in the Re-
solution is unfair, inasmuch as it condemns Government
upon exactly the same amount of evidence which it de-
clares insufficient to enable it to pronounce a final judg-
ment on the Governor-General; it is foolishly suicidal,
inasmuch as it disclaims on the part of the Imperial Go-
vernment (of which in the wider sense of the word the
House of Commons is a part) all right to coetrol or cen-
sure tbeir head-servant in India.
This is a matter that concerns the home public mainly.
Tee sense iu which the Resolution of Mr. Cardwell 'nay
be understood in Hindostan concern both England and
India. It is maintained by some that Lord Cunning's
proclamation is calculated to inspire with a sense of in-
secunty every proprietor and possessor of land in Oude.
This denied by others. Our own opinion has been too
often and too frankly declared to render it necessary to
to-state it here. We do not take up that ground at
present. It is sufficient for our purpose that the mean-
ing of the proclamation as regards "confutation,"
and its probable effect on the mind of tits people of
India, ,is disputed. The controversy can only be
decided by further information from India. Even
Mr. Cardwell admits that the House of Commons
ought, "in its present state cf information," to ab-
stain "from expressing an opinion" on the subject.
If, then, the House of Commons, " in the present state
of its information," censures the condemnation of Lord
Canning's Proclamation by the Government, it will de-
clare that, in its opinion, Lord Canning's policy ought
to be upheld even in the event of its proving to be a
policy of ruthless and indiscriminate confiscation. We
know that some who are prepared to supper, Mr. Card-
well s Resolution will protest indignantly against even
the suspicion of their being capable of harbouring such
an intention. We believe them ; but we tell them that
among those who are hounding them on to pass that
Resolution, there are some who will not shrink from
such a conclusion. There are some who unblushingly
avow their advocacy of a vice vicas policy in Oude. The
adoption of the Cardwell Resolution by the House of
Commons will be interpreted throughout India, if not
as a decree for universal confiscation in Oude, yet as a
declaration that if such confiscation is decreed by the
Governor-General it will receive the sanction of the Im-
perial Government ; and every native of India will ask
his neighbour, Is our turn to come next ? The adoption
of Mr. Card well's motion, as it now stands, by the House
of Commons, will be enough to convert every native of
India into a dusky Rthbontean or agrarian insurgent.
So far we have canvassed the demerits of this Resolu
tion, without reference to its paternity. We have
analysed it as it lies before us, without asking who are
its authors. The question of authorship ie however, a
material one. We are given to understand that the Re-
solution was prepared by Mr. Cardwell; eubinitted on
Sunday last for the approbation of the memb-rs of the
ex-Cabinet, assembled in solemn conclave at Cambridge
House ; and adopted by them. It this be true—es we
have no doubt it substantially is—the Resolution is the
Reso ution of the late Government. Jt is brought for-
ward with their unction and ci nnivance for toe purpose
of damaging their rivals and successors in office. Now,
in what relation do the ex-Government stand to that act
of the present, which they now call upon the House of
Commons to meure f Oa tle 12th or 13 hof la tin ,nth,
Government received a copy of Lord Canning's draft
proclamation accompanied by any explanation or any
pieces justtficatifs. • Lord Ellenborougb had previously
transmitted to Lord Canning a recommendation to
adopt a different policy. Accordingly a despatch was
written by Lord Ellenborough on the 18th, and dated
on the 19th, of the month, re-enunciating the views be
had expressed in his former missive. This despatch was
not sent off till the 26th of the month. On the same
day that Government received the draft publication ( f
L ,rd Canning, a private letter from the Governor-Gene-
ral to Mr. Vernon Smith reached London. Mr. Smith
was at that time absent from town, but he returned on
the 17th of the montb—one day before Lord Ellen
borough's despatch was written, two days before it was
dated, nine days before it was sent off. Lord Canning's
letter was addressed to Mr. Vernon Smith under the im-
pression that that individual was still President of the
Board of Control. Among other extraordinary revela-
tions that were made in the course of the investigation
of Mr. Butt's case was the unwarrantable extent to
which tee most important business of the Board of Con.
trol under Mr. Vernon Smith was conducted by conver-
sations, notes, and letters, conventionally called private.
In this "private" letter from Lord Canning was an in-
timation that the Governor-General bad transmitted by
that mail a copy of his draft proclamation ; that he bad
been anxious to transmit explanations along with it ;
but that he had for the present been kindred by pressure
of business. This intimation was evidently made, not
to the private friend of Lord Canning, but to the Presi-
dent of the Board of Control. It was the duty of Mr.
Vernon Smith, seeing he had ceased to be President, to
transmit the letter to the noble lord who had become
President. However jauntily Mr. Vernon Smith may
now deny his sense of such an obligation, it is evident
that he did then feel, and that even now he still feels
it. Ile alleges that Lord Ellenborough received dis-
courteously a previous communication. by Mr. Smith of
a letter from Lord Elphinstone. No discourtesy on the
part of Lord Ellenborough can exonerate Mr. Smith
from the discharge of a duty which he owed to the State,
not to Lord Ellenborough ; but the mere allegation of
the untenable excuse proves Mr. Smith's consciousness
e
that it was needed. Nor is this all. Mr. Smith tol
House of Commons last night, that he consulted Lord
back Palmerston as to whether he ought to keep from
Lord Ellenborough Lord Canning's letter.
Pal-
merton, be says, advised, or as least a
keeping the letter secret. Lord paltnr
is particepscriminis. True it is by 0_
red
have been kept
back Ellenborough's despatch "uleeass t one Lord Pal-
n sanctioned,
tei
roteaeind tbt the
therefore,
et
back even if be had been put
in
possession of Lord Can.
ninage's letter.
Ellenboroughthatit might
is inthat
en-
titled to the benefit ohavebe But
been
n detained,
possibleand
Lordf
the doubt. On the other hand,
ca
Lord Ellen borough's frisn ds mthaey
letterallegew
that,as en
nknnoewaie
knowing
his Lordship's precipitancy,d
from him in the hope that he might, in his ignorance of
sord Canning's intention to offer explanations, seed a
despatch open the terms of which a vote of censure
might be founded—that, in short, Lord Ellenborough
has fallen into a trap set for him by Lord Palmerston
and Mr. Vernon Smith. We do not affirm that this is
the case, but the ex• Ministers will find it rather difficult
to rebut the suspicion. At all events the circumstances
of the case clearly impart to a motion for a vote of cen-
sure on Lord Ellenborough and his late colleagues, on
account of an act to which the parties ?rho have been
accessarries an unequivocally factious character ; and
all who support Mr. Cardwell's resolutions will neces-
sarily expose themselves t) the charge of taking part in
a factions move.
Now we are not going to uo big words about utter and