The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-02 00:00:00

froni any of our foreign Ministers, be bad immediately
forwarded them to his successor in office, and he had not
replied to them except to remove misapprehensions as to
the course to be pursued by her Majesty's present Go-
vernment. This was too grave a matter to be lightly
passed over, because, instead of its being simply a post-
prarel ial speech, it partook rola manifestoft o the nation that
there existed in this country a cabal of Englishmen and
foreigners as bad as that of Charles 11., which embraced
the worst period of our history and the greatest national
depravity. He (Lord Clarendon) could not imagine
anything more likely to outrage the feelings of the people 1
of this country against her Majesty's late Government
than for the people to imagine that they had been
leagued with foreigners to bring about such nefarious
political objects, and he called upon the noble lord to
give an explicit explanation to that part of the right
hon. gentleman's speech.
The Earl of DERBY—Before my noble friend sat
down I thought he wag going to conclude with some
motion ; and I now hardly know in what manner I
should treat the observations he has made, and whether
I must not in the first instance intreat the indulgence of
the hones if I imitate the irregularity of my noble friend
who has made a long speech without any apparent ob-
ject that I can perceive, unless, indeed, it be to make a
personal attack on my right hon. friend the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. (Hear, hear.) However, I have to
thank my noble friend for having given me intimation
yesterday of his intention to bring under the notice of
your lordships, however irregularly, the speech delivered
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer after a dinner given
to him by his constituents ; because, though the course
pursued seems to be elevating, perhaps, that post-pran-
dial speech to the dignity of a State paper—(laughter)—
yet it has caused me to have the great gratification of
again reading with more attention the whole of that
very able and amusing discourse. (Hear, and laughter.)
Perhaps my noble friend, in order to put himself in order
Will move that a copy of that important State paper he
laid on the table of the house. (Laughter.) Of course
when the discussion is ended he would be prepared to
withdraw the moti n, but such a motion would be the
legitimate conclusion of the somewhat illegitimate course
be has pursued. (Hear, and laughter.) However, in con-
sequence of the notice given me by my noble friend, I,
following the example of great authorities in another
place, and to prevent the possibility of mistake, obtained
a copy of the speech in question and made it my duty
to examine it agnio, and though I cannot vouch for the
authenticity of every expression, I am ready to adopt
the report, which proceeds from a quarter which is gene-
rally correct in its version of public speeches, and to as-
sume it to be the speech delivered by the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. And now I must be permitted to say
that, if on the part of my right hon. friend there
has been any indiscretion in the course of this
post-prandial speech, in entering upon the un-
necessary discussion of topics which had better
not been entered into at all, it sinks into insignificance
as compared with the indiscretion which my noble friend
has exhibited in the manner in which he has dealt with
questions of the utmost delicacy and importance ; and
that, too, not before a constituency, not at a festive
meeting, not in the natural exultation of a great Parlia-
mentary sucoess achieved by his party, but in his place
in the House of Lords, where he has deliberately and on
purpose raked up the recollection of various transac-
tions which, to my mind, for the interest of Europa had
better been consigned to oblivion. (Hear.) Ido not
come forward for the purpose of concurring in every sin-
gle expression or every single word which may have been
used, if, indeed, they all were used by my right hon.
friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but lam pre-
pared to answer the challenge of my noble friend with
respect to many parts of his charge against my right
hon. friend. It is said that my right hon, friend, in the
first instance, stated that we were at the time we suc-
ceeded to the Government in a position in which the
possibility of a war with France was not only of months
and weeks but of hours. Now, my noble friend opposite
Las entered into a long and laboured explanation on this
subject, and into a somewhat unnecessary discussion, as
it appears to me, of all the circumstances which attended
a very critical period of the alliance between France and
England, and he has sought to involve my right hon.
friend in a contradiction, referring, again, irregularly for
that purpose, to a statement said to have been made by
my right hon. friend in another place. My noble friend
has done me the honour to refer to the speech I had the
honour to deliver at the opening of Parliament, in which
I stated, after the atrociou3 attack on the life of the Em-
peror, that I thought it a matter of great importance,
with the view of testing our good will towards France,
that a measure should if possible be introduced, which
should at all events have the appearance, if not the effect
of putting a check on the machinations of those parsons
in this country who so grossly abused the hospitaity
they enjoyed here which should not only be a
proof of our anxiety for the preservation cf the lite
of the Emperor, but al-o for the maintenance of
good feeling between the Governments of France and
England. I think that my noble friend will hardly
venture to say that when I made that statement in this
how° he had not expressed in the strongest terms his
apprehensions with respect to the relations between
.England and France in case no measure of that kind
should be introduced into the Thitish Parliament.
(Hear, hear.) Ido not desire nor will I attempt to re-
peat private conversations, but my noble friend opposite
will not, I think, deny that he himself, not many days
before the debate, stated to me the very critical pott•
Lion of our relations with France, and the dangers—the
magnitude of which he could not foresee—if no step mere
taken by the Britith Government to soothe the irritated
feelings of the French people. Upon that statewent,
and being desirous of supporting the Government and
of maintaining the alliance with France, which I knew
to be at that time in danger, I did make the statement
to which my noble friend has alluded ; but what my
right hon. friend has stated is,—that it was not at the
period when the late Government was in office that
there was danger of a rupture with France, but when
the present Government succeeded to office, upon the
rejection and abandonment of the measure introduced
by the late Government—spontaneously and without
pressure (for I am willing to adopt the statement of my
noble friend)—to the passing of which it was notorious
that the greatest importance was attached in Franca—
when, I say, it was suddenly found impossible that that
measure should he proceeded with, and when the expec-
tations of legislation of so delicate a subject raised by
the late Government fell to the ground sod the most
irritating language was held on this and tha other side
of the Channel, I do not hesitate to say, that if it had
not been for great prudence and moderation on the part
of those charged with the management of affairs, both
here and in France—it is impossible to deny that there
was most serious and imminent danger of an immediate
rupture between the two countries. And if there were
no•, I wish the noble earl will explain why it was that
on that very question of Milner Gibson's in the other
house notices were freely circulated to the friends of
the then Government, to the effect that if his
motion should be unhappily adopt .d there was imminent
danger of war with France! (Hear.) If there was no
such danger those notices should not have issued. I see
that my noble friend is taking a note of what I say. I
do not mean to state that these notices were put in
writing, but language was freely held, and apparently cn
authority on the part of those who used, and whose hoti•
mess it was to bring down voters to support the policy of
the then Government. (Hear.) I say, then, that alter the
measure of the late Government had fallen to the ground,
and after the late Government, which had induced the
French Government fo expect the passing of the measure,
retired from office, there was a feeling of the greatest pos-
sible irritation arising from the whole of these transac-
tions ; and it was not possible to say, without overstrain-
ing expressions, that certain rupture and possible war
between England and France might be a question not of
weeks or days but of hours 4 (Rear.) Before going fur-
ther I most say that my noble friend has, lam ti q ite
sure, unintentionally misstated the course pursued by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the bill, to
which he has alluded. The noble earl sail that on the
first introduction of the bill it met with the warm and
unqualified approval and support of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. My noble friend's memory is somewhat de-
fective, for, unless mingle at fault;l believe that that
measure received the sanction of a large body of the
House of Commons as a mark of respect to the French
Government and of good will towards France; but the
Chancellor of the Exchequer did not allow the opportu-
nity to pass without stating that he supported the intro-
duction of. the bill on those specific grounds, and he
asserted to himself the right of fully considering the
course he should pursue on the second reading of the bill
if it should ever arrive at a second reading. So much for
the "-cordial support," to use the language of my noble
friend opposite, afforded by the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer to a bill which was afterwards not withdrawn, but
abandoned on the second reading. Well, my lords, I
say that the Government were entitled to some degree cf
o misendstion fur the temperate and moderate course by
which they sought to smooth down the angry feeling
which existed in this country, and to remove a portion
of that formidable irritation which prevailed on the
other side tf the channel. But, my lords, I would be
guilty of a gross injustice—l wooed be acting in a man-
ner wholly unworthy of the position which I hel f, of the
place in which I stand, and of the audienoa whom I am

addressing—if I did not say that by far the greater por-
tion of the credit which is due for preventing that passi-
ble rupture, and that probable alienation between the
two countries, is due to the firmness, to the good serve,
to the judgniont, and to the cordial attachment to the
13titiPh .i,lliaii, e which, under all circumstances, hav,
been ..
marite •°
t I by the 11'mtrious man who rules over
Pise .
the ern r f France. (Cheer:, )My lords, it would hate
been imp(sii;ble for a man to n a'utain mor4 firmly, to: r.
bonoura,ly, inure
c)o,istabt.y. with more regard to the
di,,,Jiity of this
petry and to the dignity of his 0 so,
E‘noraour
than the
of the French has done-the cordial al-
liance which ha; 80and so happily subsisted between
the tmo cuuwriea; longLi to lais intimate knoalelge of
this country--a kuewlieige hick, is not pos ;tined by
Dicey of his countrymen,
riiikucticeiVe and nth c Inttrue cloncijn'''qu'ntlY area. P ,t 11
wrhiace.t 004—tilat is to ue
Government
Le hay had of the
:attributed the just percepth,n
.diffloulties under which the Gov
and of the obstacles which existed toentthheefruelifialbinennrtedoi
not unnatural wishes and desires on his part,
it
18
owing to his good sense, to his loyalty, and to hi
faith that he bas.givtn full Way td that accurate p
tien of the real pcs:tion of affairs, and has abstained 44;
praising claims to which he felt this country could not
nd would notassent, and the pri suing of which he billy
believed wool i histo been pr. judici tl to that good under.
standing whit h happily preys li let.ceen the two coun-
tries. (Cheers) My Leda, I vmture to ezprtos my confi
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