The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-27 00:00:00

'ESIDENCE.

Under ordinary circumstances the .public care
very little whether the Right Hon. the Speaker
occupies a first floor in Bloomsbury or a Palace in
Belgravia, or whether the Court Guide gives only
those local designations—equivalent to living no-
where, and politely signified by the words " Re-
form" or " Athenaeum" after each name. If it was
only a question of the Speaker's moving from Fitz-
regmald-street to De Beauvoir-place there would be
nothing in the tedious process which would call
for a notice in the columns of this journal. The
case, however, is different when the new residence
is the official palace—built by the country, not only
for this, but all succeeding Speakers of the House
of Commons, and occupying a fair proportion of
that suburb of palaces known as the New Houses
of Parliament. It is a long time since the Speakers
have had an official residence. The last, near St,
Stephen's Chapel, was destroyed by the fire of 1835,
and since that date, as far as State residences were_
concerned, succeeding Speakers have been in a
manner houseless. The old residence, however, was
no great loss, save for its historical associations.
It had plenty of these, though, and, like all historic
buildings used as modern dwellinghouses, was as
cramped, comfortless, and ill-adapted to its purpose
as a helmet with vizor down would now be for
shaving in. It is to replace this old monument
that the present magnificent residence has been
built, and, as it is now within a very short time of
completion and will soon be occupied by the pre-
sent Speaker, a brief sketch of its principal rooms
may be of interest to our readers.
The long line of the new houses on the river
front is- broken by four towers—if we may so
call them—two at each end, The two next
(From the Daily News.) Westminster-bridge are destined for the Sergeant-
The opponents of Reform, unwilling to deny the at-Arms snd the Speaker; those at Vauxhall
right of the working classes to the suffrage, take end for the Usher of the Black-rod and Lords'
refuge in the weak and evasive question, Cui bono ? Librarian. The entrance to the Speaker's
What is the good of granting this right, of what house is under the archways from Palace-yard,
possible use can it be to these classes ? This may which open at once upon the Speaker's Court,
fairly be answered by asking the wider question— a broad enclosure, on the south side of which a
What is the good of doing an act of mere justice at canopied entrance elaborately carved marks where
all? Whatever is the use of granting rights to the first commoner in the land will dwell, sur-
those who fairly claim them ? If the wrongs are rounded with all the accessories of princely state.
convenient and venerable why not perpetuate them ? The appearance of the house from the courtyard is
If the rights have only truth and justice to recom- not very imposing, and few would be inclined to
mend them, and involve at the same time a good believe that it is one of the most spacious modern
deal of disturbance and change, why not continue to residences lately built—larger than the Carlton
refuse them ? Mr. Bright, however, in his Glasgow Club, and having upwards of 70 noble rooms in it
speech, gives a more direct and practical reply to the from top to bottom. The entrance-porch is large
sceptical inquiry of hostile critics. To the question, enough to accommodate even all the servants that
Cui bono ?he answers reasonably enough, that the attend their master on " Speaker's night." Its
suffrage, by increasing their self-respect, will be a Gothic windows arc filled with richly stained glass,
powerful instrument for the elevation of the work- and the arms of the Speakers shine with glowing
ing classes. It will increase their motives to exer- colours from the panels in the. ceiling. The en-
tion, and stimulate their efforts towards self-improve- trance-hall is still more rich and spacious ; the floor
ment. It will implant within them that feeling of is paved with Minton's beautiful tiles, while Gothic
citizenship which is the germ of public virtue, ornaments in brass, or still more richly elaborated
For, without a fair measure of political freedom and stone panels, fill every side. The staircase, wide
responsibility, there is but little scope or stimulus and ample, and carved at every step, passes up the
for the display of higher patriotism. The feeling centre of this to the first landing, where it branches
of public responsibility awakens a sense of public off on either side, and encloses the entire hall. The
duty, and stimulates its possessor to discharge it in balustrades, of fine designs in brasswork richly
the most honourable and efficient manner. Duties gilt, and the superb Gothic chandeliers, each 10 feet
are the sources of virtues. The suffrage, by bestow- high, upon the landings, give.to this entrance an
ing political power, will tend directly to develop air of grandeur and magnificence that is most im-
public virtues. Self-reepect, too, is the prolific posing. Blank shields, to be sculptured on here-
source of private virtues, such as temperance, fru- after with the arms of the most celebrated Speakers
gality, industry, and the like ; and the enfranchise- of the House of Commons, form the cornice• of this
ment of the working classes will thus powerfully hall, the gilt and painted armorial bearings of Eng-
con tribute to their social elevation. One of the land on the first landing serving as a great centre
most powerful motives to self-respect is the respect to all of them. A door on this landing leads through
of others, and the respect of others is naturally the spacious audience-room to spacious cloisters,
incseased.by the multiplication of our public rights which, in our opinion, form the chief ornament of
and privileges. On the other hand, the continued the whole building. These are formed in the
withholding of these rights not only deprives the inner part of the building, over the servants' offices,
claimants of the public respect to which they are so as to extend along the four interior sides of the
fairly entitled, but tends to sink them in their own house. Each cloister is 40 feet long, by eight
esteem. Those who are forcibly kept in an in- broad, and 10 high. The roof is covere with the
ferior position, social or political, become so far delicate tracery of the fan groined arches which
degraded in mind and character. Their nature, spread over it like a network of stone, giving the
" like the dyer's hand," becomes subdued to what it most exquisite effects of light and shade, while
works in. That adult vassalage of any kind must four lanterns in each cloister light it with a soft
exert some such injurious influence, reflection mellow richness that becomes the place and its
naturally suggests, and experience abundantly associations. The side of each cloister looking
confirms. on the inner quadrangle is formed by canopied
All this, however, the Times, in these its last Gothic windows, filled in with' stained glass,
days of opposition to reform, finds it necessary to- each pane containing the name, arms, and date
deny. While allowing that to increase the self- of election of every Speaker since Parliaments
respect of the working classes " would undoubtedly , first chose the guidance of those high officers. Com-
be a great collateral advantage," it more than ques- pared with the antiquity of Parliament, Speakers
tions whether the franchise would have an such may almost be considered as modern luxuries. There
effect. The possession of the suffrage could have have been many Parliaments, but all the Speakers
"no perceptible effect in elevating his views or recorded in these cloisters, from Peter de Montford
reforming his conduct. As a body, they do not to Evelyn Denison, Esq. only 131. It is curious want it ; and it would do them no good if they got to look back upon these 'bright records of our his-
it." This is exactly the kind of argument that was tory and constitutional progress, and note by the
used a quarter of a century ago in.the anti-slavery names how the great families of old—the Durwards,
agitation. The opponents of the movement, who Treshams, De Yeses, De la Warrs, and
professed tobe intimately acpainted with the wants Audleys—have all disappeared or been merged into
and wishes of the negroes, as well as- with what what were then considered the mushroom nobility
was really best for them, loudly demanded of the of that day, though now old enough. There are
anti-slavery reformers—What was the use of not many records of Parliament and none at all of
emancipation ? The slaves did not want it. Speakers before the reign of Henry 111., and the
They had food and clothes, regular occupation, honour of standing first on the list belongs to the
and convenient dwellings. They were quite great Sir Peter de Montford, who was elected in
happy and contented. What use could their 1260; and who is justly considered the first Speaker
liberty be to them ? It was a nominal blessing of the House of Commons, from his having been
that would probably do them far more harm than deputed by that assembly to send, in the names of
good. They were, in short, an inferior race,to whom all, a humble address to Pope Alexander 11. After
freedom would be a perilous good; who might in his death at the battle of Evesham, however, there
some few instances perhaps turn it to good account, is an interval of no less than 66 years before we
but who, as a body, were far better and happier meet with another—William Tressel, elected 1326.
without it. It seems never to have occurred to The third estate, however, seems have been but
these reasoners that freedom is necessary to develop poorly treated those days, and the people so little
the nobler elements of character; that systematic • anxious for representative government that we find
oppression inevitably degrades, and that in this way them about this time complaining grievously of
slavery ends by producing the slavish mind it having to pay the knights of the shires 4s. per day,
quotes in its own defence. 'We do not, of course, and the burgesses as much as 2s. The latter, also,
mean td draw any parallel between the negroes in seemed to have been overawed at sitting with the
the West Indies and the working classes in our own proud feudal barons and the rich ecclesiastics who
country. We simply say that the arguments then assembled with them in "council," and be-
against the personal emancipation of the negroes sought to be allowed to meet separately, to which
and those against the political emancipation of the the barons gladly consented, and betook themselves
working classes are precisely of the same kind, and forthwith to the Old Chapter at Westminster,
of precisely equal worth. The working classes of while the burgesses sat in St. Stephen's Chapel.
this country enjoy a large
.amount of personal, The first Speaker actually mentioned by that title
social, and industrial freedom ; but their emaneipa- in legal documents is Sir W. T. Hungerford, elected
tion is not complete. They are in a state of poli- 1377, in the reign of Edward 111. We meet
tical subjection, which exercises an injurious in- with the old name and armorial bearings of the
.fluence on their character, and from which they Waldegraves as Speakers as early as 1382 ; while,
have the strongest claims to be freed. in 1400, Sir John Tiptoft is elected, and was the
No one indeed is bold enough to deny these first Speaker elevated to the peerage, Henry IV.
claims. The enemies of Reform talk, it is true, in of Lancaster creating him Baron de Tiptoft in
a vague and declamatory key about destroying the 1406 in return for certain " courtly compliances,"
Constitution; but the right of every freeman is as which in those days meant a great deal. The
old as the Constitution. The only bars to the Beauchamps are found as early as 1415, while the
practical enjoyment of this right that have ever Baynards of Castle Baynard, in the city where
been formally recognised are pauperism and ignor- Kings once stayed, and where the Duke of Buck-
ance. These, however, were so far diminished a ingham offered the Crown to Richard 111. are seen
quarter of a century ago, that the supporters of the no more after 1421. John Russell was Speaker in
last Reform Bill recognised the right of the work- 1423 and 1432. From this date the election
ing classes to the suffrage, only they counselled of speakers seem, to have occurred with each
patience and moderation in urging it. It would be meeting of Parliament§ about once a-year, till the
impossible, they argued, to secure all at once; but time of Elizabeth, when that arbitrary Sovereign
if the working classes would unite in a common refused to ratify the election of Sir Jahn Popham ;
effort to obtain the franchise for the great body of and when afterwards the great Edward Coke filled
the middle classes, the reformed Parliament would the chair. 1641 gives us the next name of great
accomplish the rest. The enfranchisement of the note, the William Lenthal of Charles I.'s disordered
lower class, it was said, would speedily follow that of Parliament,—the man who refused to answer
the one immediately above it. But if the working Charles's questions when he came to seize the
classes, as a body, were prosperous and intelligent members, and in that ill-advised act began the war
enough to be entrusted with the franchise thirty in which he lost both crown and head. Sir Her-
years ago, what must be the added strength of their bottle Grimston, of 1660, whose arms are sur-
claim to-day ? They are now almost as much above mounted with the bloody hand of the Ulster
themselves of that era as they were then below the knights, was the first Speaker whose election was
middle classes. Almost every year since the passing never ratified (though he still kept his Speakership)
of the Reform Bill has witnessed some fresh effort by Charles 11. The haught Edward Se,
in the direction of popular education and commer- who used to speak of the
Dukey of Somersetymour as the
cial reform. It has been a period prolific beyond young branch of his family, followed the example
all precedent in measures of social and commercial of Sir Harbottle, though in a different way. In-
improvement. By the influence of emigration on stead of asking Charles to ratify his election, which
the one hand, and the repeal of the Corn Laws on he knew the monarch never would, he contented
the other, the burden of pauperism has been lifted himself with announcing simply that he had been
from the land ;so that, in spite of the enormous elected and was the Speaker,—a statement which
drain of a European war, we are in a state of unpa- left no course open to the irritated King but to add
ralleled prosperity. Through the vigorous impulse sharply, in reply, " Very well." The House that
given to national education, elementary schools was summoned in 1689, after James . 11. fled, also
have been multiplied in every part of the country, elected its own Speaker, Henry Powle, and this
and evening classes organised in all the great can- election, also, was never confirmed by William of
tres of industry. While the area of direct Orange. Wyndham Greville also was elected
education has thus been extended, the means without Royal sanction in 1789, while George 111,
of indirect education have multiplied a thousand was mentally incapable of attending to any bus;
fold. Within this period have risen the mechanical ness.
and chemical inventions that characterise the age :
railways, steam navigation, electric telegraphs,
cheap literature, and the penny post. The educa-
tional influence of these new and powerful agen-
cies can be scarcely overrated. Under their wide
and effectual teaching Chartism has collapsed, the
occupation of the professional demagogue is gone.
It is no longer possible for him to gratify his spleen,
his vanity, or his ambition, at the expense of truth
and justice, by highly wrought appeals to the igno-
rance and passions of the working classes. They
are now able to read and judge for themselves, and
would only smile with scornful incredulity at the
terrible stories that were told them, and which
they devoutly believed, twenty years ago. The
working classes are now far better educated, more
intelligent, more prudent ;industrious, and reflective
than they were thirty, twenty, or even ten years
ago. But the expectation of obtaining theirpolitical
rights has been all along a strong stimulus in their
career of self-improvement. They have kept
steadily in view the prospect of obtaining through
the suffrage a fair share of political influence.
During these comparativelytheY value
silent ears they have
s
shown how highlyftelia.ethrffdruatgiees brt
illgf themselves
noisily- clamouring for its
imposes,dil iaently
ignusaieliafdy
o
immediate possession. It will never do to tell these
men that they do not want the franchise, that it
will do them no good, or that however strong and
just their claim it is impossible to give them
the prize for which they have so patiently and
zealously laboured.

THE NEW _REFORM BILL.

The name and arms of Sir John Trevor are also in
he Gothic windows, though Sir John was expelled
,he House for taking bribes. Of the whole 131
Speakers only 15 have been elevated to the Peer-
age, by the titles of Baron Tiptoft, Lord Hunger-
ford, Lord Audley, Earl of Oxford and Mortimer,
Lord Onslow, Earl Wilmington, Lord Grantley,Lord
Grenville,Viscount Sidmouth, Lord Redesdale, Lord
Colchester, Viscount Canterbury, Lord Dunferm-
line, and Viscount Eversley. In old, times eleva-
tions to the Upper House occur at very rare inter-
vals, but latterly, when all that escape the Peerage
are sooner or later overtaken by a knighthood, all
Speakers on retirement from the Commons get their
titles as a matter of course. These storied cloisters
lead at once to the principal floor, where the State
dining-room, drawing, dining, morning, and wait-
ing rooms are situated. These are all noble apart.
ments, most richly decorated in the Gothic style,
and emblazoned with ornaments after the manner
of the House of Peers. The general dining room,
35 feet by 24, is exceedingly beautiful, but the
State dining room, a saloon 45 feet long by 24
broad, might well become a palace. The marble
mantelpiece in this apartment is a little edifice in
itself, being 8 feet high by 12 wide and 3 deep. It
is copied from an ancient Gothic mantelpiece at
Windsor, and is emblazoned all over with the bear-
ings of England and those of the most distinguished
Speakers. Over it is a full-length portrait of the
late Speaker, while round the room are frames set
in the walls for the fine collection of portraits of
most of the Speakers which have already been col-

The Northanzpton Mercury of Saturday last con-
ains the following on the dispute which is inflict-
ing so much injury on the trade of that town :--
"This Christmas season of ours is one of peace
and goodwill to men. Of all times in the year it
is that most fitting to forget grievances and make
up disputes. It is in this Christmas spirit that we
would refer to the recent unhappy dissensions be-
tween the operatives of this town and the master
shoemakers. The question has the merit of being
singularly clear and simple. About the facts of the
case there is no opening for dispute. Some of our
manufacturers have attempted to introduce machi-
nery into their shops, under the belief that by so
doing they should improve the quality and cheapen
the cost of production of their articles. The shoe-
makers, or rather a large section of them, are under
the impression—whether erroneous or not—that
the proposed improvements will diminish the num-
ber of hands employed and the amount of their
wages. They have, therefore, resolved not only
not to work themselves at any factory where
the machinery is employed, but also to deter
all other members of the craft from working
for such manufacturers. It is the old story of
a strike, and the old episodes of the story have not
been wanting. There have been riots and mob-
bings—charges and convictions—loss to everybody
both masters and men—want and misery, and ill-
blood on every side.
Into the personal details of the question we have
no wish to enter. We have no bias either way.
For that matter, our sympathies are rather with
the working men, as being the weaker of the two
parties. Yet, at the same time, we are bound to
tell them that in this dispute they are in the wrong.
If they think the machines are calculated to injure
their interests, they have a perfect right to refuse
to work for those who use them ; but they have no
right whatever to dictate to others the conditions
upon which they.shall be at liberty to work, still
less have they a right to employ violence and inti-
midation. Apart, however, from any acts of op-
pression, we hold that, even from. their own point
of view, the opponents of machinery are acting
against their true interests. Either the new ma-
chines will answer or not. If the latter, the manu-
facturers will soon cease to employ them. If the
former, the struggle against them is a losing one.
By a law, as inviolable as that Which regulates the
rise and flow of the tides, trade ilows to the cheapest
market. If shoes can be made cheaper and better
for the money elsewhere than at Northampton,
they will be made there withott loss of time; and
if Northampton manufacturers are not at liberty to
employ the same machinery Is in more favoured
localities, they cannot compete with their more
fortunate rivals. No man, or body
of men, can ;oon working at a loss for any len
gth of time; and
as soon as Northampton become less advantageous
as a seat for the shoe trade, owing to whatever
cause, shoes will cease to be rn‘ufactuired there. A
fair day's wages for a fair lay's work is a very
taking cr , but we fear a very false one. There is
no such thing as an abstract fairness in price or
wages. We all have to Iv in the cheapest
market, and the shoe-trade is no exception to
the general rule. Our mechanics thought—
and thought, too, with justice—that it was an
unbearable grievance that they should have to pay
dearer for bread in order t) increase the wages
of the British labourer ; and surely the rule holds
equally good that the labourer is not to pay a
higher price for his shoes in order to keep up the
wages of the shoemaker. The great truth of free-
trade rests upon the simple tact that what you give
to one you must take from another ; that if you
spend more on shoes you mist spend less on clothes.
In spite of cases of individtal hardship, the law of
competition acts on the whole beneficially for all.
There is, indeed, no law of nature for the defiance
of which the punishment comes so surely and
speedily as that of competition. We see already
the effects of this struggle to keep up artificial
prices amongst ourselves. Kendal, where capital
is free, is rising into importance in preference to
Northampton and Statfotd, where the use of ma-
chinery is interdicted. Large shops have been
closed here, or removed elsewhere, and the demand
for labour has decreased. These truths arc so
simple, and the danger ofreglecting them so obvious,
that we hope they will commend themselves to the
convictions of our working population, and that they
will at once al3andon a struggle which can only
aggravate the evils of their present condition, and
on which they must inevitably be defeated.

CURIOUS EFFECT OF I!'ItIGHT.—A correspondent
informs us of the following curious circumstance
re-
spectable young married woman had been deprived of her
voice for several months, so kat she could only speak in an
almost inarticulate whisper, One, night lately, being a
short distance from home, she was frightened by a goat,
which she suddenly encountered lying in her path, and being
apprehensive that the animal was going to attack her, she
not only made the attempt but positively uttered a loud
scream. From that momeat her voice was restored,—Bir-
mingham Post.