The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-24 00:00:00

I TAPERIA.L PARLLiIUNT

HOUSE OF LORDS.-LAST EVENING.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at
five o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

John Kendrick's Loan Charity, Skipton Grammar
School, and Devon and Somerset Railway Bills were read
a second time.
TIIE ELOPEMENT FROM GLOSSOP.

In answer to the Earl of SHAFTESIMAY,
The Earl of DERBY said that these young ladies had
arrived at Sheffield, and that the best course which could
be • pursue I was, as they were advised, to seek out the
nearest religious place where they would be received.
This, in his (the noble earl's) opinion, was the best course
that could be pursued.
The subject then dropped.
The Waterloo and Whitehall Railway (Extension of
Time, &,;.) and Tyncukouth Parish Gas Bills were read a
third time an.' passed.
THE \WAITE HERRINGS FISHERY BILL.
This bill, oa the motion of the Duke of RICHMOND,
was committed.
THE CRIMINAL BILL. '
. _

Lord CRANIATOILTH said that he obj.)cted to certain
clauses of this bill.
The bill was ultimatzly read a second time.
TENURE (OF IRELAND) BILL.

A select committee was appointed to investigate into the
operations of this bill.
COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER BILL.
The Earl of DEVON moved the second reading of this
bill, and it was read accordingly.
The house then adjourned..

HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING.
he SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
THE IRISH REFORM. BILL.
Viscount ENFIELD gave notice that on an early day
he should call the attention of the house to the impro-
priety of postponing the introduction of the Irish Reform
Bill until after Whitsuntide.
•
THE ENGLISH REFORM BILL.
Mr. GREGORY gave notice that heftshould move an
amendment to the clause moved by Mr. P. Scrape, to the
effect that the landlord should he called upon to pay half
the rates for all tenants under .£l.
Sir A. AGNEW asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer
whether the provision in the bill for the Representation of
tho People, clause 23, as to providing separate polling
places "as nearly as possible" for every zOO electors was
to be considered compulsory in every case ; or whether it
was meant that such arrangements should beat the discre-
tion of the local authorities in their several counties?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the
arrangement was not compulsory, but it was left to the dis-
cretion of the local officers.

THE GAS COMPANIES.
Mr. LOCKE asked the Secretary of State for the Home
Department when the accounts of the Metropolitan Gas
Companies for the year 1866 would be laid upon the table,
in compliance with s. 41 of the Act 23 and 21 Vic. c. 125 ?
Mr. HARDY said the accounts mentioned were annual
returns, and it was not possible to present them at so early
a period, mere especially as they were not at present
nearly complete.
THE SOUTH KENSINGTON MUSEUM.
Mr. BENTINCK asked the Vice-President of the Com-
mittee of Council whether the secretary of the Depart-
ment of Science and Art had been appointed director of
the South Kensington Museum; whether two assistant
directors had also been appointed; and, if so, what were
their names, duties, and salaries ; whether the director and
assistant directors were to act independently of the "art
referees" in the selection of objects for purchase; and
whether it was true, as stated in the public journals, that
purchases had been already made at the Paris Exhibition
by the Science and Art Department ; and whether such
purchases had the approval of the art referees.
Lord R. MONTAGU said it was quite true that the
Secretary of the Department of Science and Art had been
appointedoDirector of the South Kensington Museum, but
it had been done ten years ago. Three gentlemen had also
been appointed assistant directors, but the salaries of each
bad not at present been altered. These gentlemen would
not act independent of the art referees, and it was not true
that purchases had been already made on the part of the
South Kensington Museum at the Paris Exhibition.
ALLEGED ESCAPE FROM A CONVENT.
Mr. WHALLEY asked the Secretary of State for the
Home Department whether his attention had been given
to a statement in the Times newspaper of the 11th of
May, that six young ladies had escaped from a con-
vent at Glossop, and having walked to Sheffield, a dis-
tance of twenty-five miles, were there taken charge of
by the police, and by them handed over to another con-
Vent called Notre Dame, at the request'of the Superior of
the convent from which they had escaped ; whether it was
his opinion that the police at Sheffi4hl were justified in so
acting ; whether any inquiry would be instituted as to the
circumstances connected with this escape; awl, generally,
whether any, and what means wore avajable for affording
protection to any such persons against detention iu con-
vents against their will ?

Mr. HARDY said, in accordance with the directions of
the right hon. gentleman his predecessor in office, a letter
had b.m3n addressed to the mayor of Sheffield,
asking for information on the subject. A letter
had been received from that gentleman, stating that
the place from which the girls ran away was a school at-
tached to a convent, and that thinking themselves ill-
treated they had ran away ; and on their arrival in
Sheffield, and finding themselves without means, they
applied to a police-constable for advice, and by him
they were directed to the police, where the' were
very kindly treated, and their friends communicated with.
The Mayor of Sheffield in his letter stated it was all a very
pretty story of "much ado about nothing." The Govern-
rnant did not intend to make any further in-
quiry into the matter than had already been done, and if
the girls were ill-treated it was the duty of the father to
protect his child from cruelty of any description. It was,
of course, never expected that acoranaodation for a bevy
of runaway school girls would be required at auy police
station. (Laughter.)
DISTRESS IN IRELAND.

Mr. REARD ES asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if
any and what steps had been taken by her Majesty's Go-
vernment fo: the 4111113,113 U) r3lief of the almost famine-
stricken poor in extensive districts of th west of Ireland.
Lord NAT' S said much distrea3 unfortunately existed in
Connemara, but some public works had commenced, which
is was hoped would give employment to a large number of
parsons. Everything that was possible to alleviate the
distress would be done, and it was to be hoped with good
effect.

THE REPORTED MUTINY OF TROOPS IN
IN DI A.

sTANsrztp asked whether the Government had
received any oillcial information relative to the reported
outbreak amongst the troops in India?
Sir SI. NORTBCOTE said the Government had no
furt&cr information than that published in the newspapers.
THE REFORM BILL.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it was
not intended to proceed with the Scotch bill that even-
ing. With respect to the amendment of the hon. mem-
ber for Newark, it could be dealt with by clauses in the bill.
With respect to the manner in which it was proposed to
go on with the bill, he thought it would be right,
especially as there had been some discussion on the
thirty-fourth clause, after they had decided upon
the fourth clause, which set out the county franchise, that
they should at once proceed to consider clause 34, and
thus dispose of the matter as soon as possible. He should
also propose that next week there should be morning
sittings on Tuesdays and Fridays, at which they could
proceed with the other clauses of the Reform Bill.
(Hear, hear.) He thought it would be very desirable
that some alter‘Oon in the hours of sitting should
be made, and he thought it would be productive
of great convenience if th-y commenced their sitting
at two o'clock in the afternoon and continued until seven,
and then suspend the sitting from seven until nine o'clock.
Ile thought f rum seven to nine the time at which the greatest.
disinclination for business existed in the house. He would
not make any formal. motion then, but after his proposals
had been thought over by hon. gentlemen' opposite, he
would on Monday make the motion in accordance with
the suggestions he had just given to the house.
HABEAS 'CORPUS ACT (IRELAND) CONTINU-
ANCE BILL.

On the motion for the second reading of this bill,
Mr. MAGUIRE made a very vigorous and energetic
speech, accusing the English Parliament with slighting the
wants of Ireland, aridithat state of things had brought about
the Fenian conspiracy. He condemned the manner in
which the 'tria4 of the Fenians conspirators had taken
place, and concluded by asking the Government to pursue
a more liberal course of policy towards Ireland, which
would do away with all necessity for passing bills for the
suspension of the, Habeas Corpus.
Mr. ROE B IrClc —The question I asked myself when I
beard the speech of the hon. member was, for what purpose
was that speech made ?—(hear, hear) —and I found it very
dltlicult to answer. The hon. gentleman began by assailing
the G.ivernment'Concerning the late Fenian outbreak, and
demanding an answer to this question —that the Govern-
ment, being in communication with one of the Irish rebels

who had betrayal hi, friends, in spite of his asseverations,
stated that Hwy believed Ireland was- peaceful ? The
sentence was that Ireland was not peaceful, and that the
Government were. to blame because men were tried and
convicted there on the information and evidence of in-
formers. Iles it ever b?en possible in any conspiracy to
convict without the evidence of one of the conspirators?
Was that informer wrong? Did not the persons reiterate
after their conviction the very thing which bad been
urged against them—that they would do again what they
had done ? Those men had conspired against England,
and th,y were very properly convicted. Call any one say
that the trials in Ireland had been unjust? Never were
fairer trials in this world. Can any hon. gentleman then
btaud up in this house and accuse the Government oppo-
Fite of anything wrong ? There was no wrong up to this
point, but thou the hon. gentleman rushes in to the whole

subject of Irish grievances. I admit that up to 1829 nothing

could have been worse than the Government of Ireland ;
but from that time to this the House of Commons has been

endeavouring to alleviate the physical, constitutional, and
moral injuries to Ireland. But there have been obstacles,

and amongst the chief of them is the language used by hon.
members of this house. (Hear, hear.) Can they believe their

poor miserable countrymen can see the truth and the right
when gentlemen in their position in the House of Com-

mons before the people of England dare to say that we are
unjust to Ireland? (Hear, hear.) I say a more foul ca-
lumny was never uttered ; a more gigantic falsehood was

never dared.

Mr. MAGUIRE—I rise to order, Sir, to ask you, as the
highest authority in this house, whether that language is
consistent with parliamentary usages.
Mr. S PEAKER—Not as addressed to any individual
member of this house or as pointed to any particular alle-
gation.

Mr. ROEBUCK--I did not apply it to any individual
member, but I say that any one who dares to say that this

house in its coastitutional eff•irts to alit and assist the

,eople of Ireland have forgotten the miseries of Ireland,

or that they by their legislation have sought their own in-

dividual benefit in contradistinction to the benefits of the

empire, has given utterance to a daring falsehool. Clear.)

Mr. MAGUIRE —No one said so.

Mr. ROEBUCK —lf no ono said so, why interfere ?
Mr. SPEAKER—I think that is hardly a term to apply

:0 an hon. gentleman.

Mr. ROEBUCK—I always b)w to your commands,
Sir, if you think I have said anything but the truth.
(Laughter.) Now, I will ask what this house could

do? Why, says the hon. gentleman, relieve the miseries
of the Irish people. How is that to be done? By legis-

[talon, says the hon. gentleman. By what legislation ?

And then he points to the Irish Church. Can any one in

his senses believe that the poor people of Ireland are made
wretched by the existence of the Irish Church ? Why, sir,
no one more than I dislikes a hierarchical establishment,

or the predominancy of any priesthood. But I don't like
one priest more than another. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
I cannot conceive how any member of this house can say
that we have not carefully considered, are not anxious to
do justice to Ireland. Talk about tho relations between
landlords and tenants ! In England we leave landlords

and tenants to settle their own private concerns. I want
to know why Irishmen can't do the same. Then, as to
Irishmen rushirrg from the country by millions: I say that
is a very good thing for those who go, and thereby im-

- -
prove their physical condition, and it is a very good thing

'or those who are left behind because it relieves the labour

market. Granting that they go away with a barning hatred
to England —is that a just or wise feeling? It may be the
feeling of an ignorant peasant; but ought it be the feel-
ing or the language of those who are better taught?

The Irish pea;aut is not in misery because. the English

are in Ireland, but because of the state of things in that
country over which the Government has no control. The
laws in Ireland are the same as in England. Criminal

and civil justice is as well administered there as here.
That I assert, and I challenge any ono not to deny
but to disprove what I have stated. (llcar, hear.)

Trade and commerce are as free there as here, and as

regards the religious position of the Irish Catholics,
their position is not different from that of English dis-

senters. There is a dominant Church in both countries,
but was there ever a more gentle, a more humane Church ?

(Hear, hear, and laughter.) To say that the Church of
England is a domineering church is utterly false. Well,
what is there, then, to distinguish the people of Ireland
from the people of England? Thera is no difference in
the treatment of one as compared with the other. It is
only such wild discourses as that which wa have just
heard that induce the people of Ireland to believe that

their miseries arise from the Government of this country, I
when they are really suffering from calamities over which
no Government has any control. I believe nothing could
be more injurious to the country of the hon. gentleman
than the speech he has just made. (Hear.)
Mr. BRIGHT—I wish to make one or two observations
on the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman, which
is very much like that he has delivered before on two or
three occasions when Irish questions have been before
the house. I think in his speech he has done my honour-
able friend the member fur Cork a great injustice. The

point before the house is the further suspension of the
Habeas .Corpus Act ; and I understand my honourable
friend to ask a question of the Chief Seerbtary for Ireland
with regard to the conduct in reference to the evidence

of one of the informers. My hou. friend's charge against
the Government—but I will nut say charge—his question
—is a very fair ono, and one which I think every meni-
belt of the Housa will think it is necessAry should be

answered. At the beginning of the session Government
proposed to restore the constitution of Ireland by discon-
tinuing the suspension of the Ilab.ms Coipus Act, and
they stated in this and the other House of Parlia►uent,
and theAttorney-G,Meral at his election, that the condition

of Irelaud was such that this could be safely dour, Thu

Attorney .General, with au expression which I suppose is
peculiar to his country, even said it was more thau safe.
But from the end of last session to the opening of this, this
informer, on 'whose ovidemes two. men have been con-
demned to death, was coneuuuica tine; twice a week
with the Government, giving 'nest minute information
about the various meetiuge of conspirators, the chief
actors, the plane whicb were in Co ntetnplation, and the
time of the projected rising. My hon. friend said, " If that
is true, why did you, when Parliament met, propose to dis-
continue the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ?" Ano-
ther question, which is even more important, is this: Why
did you not, knowing this unhappy transaction was com-
ing to a head, arrest the leading conspirators, every one of
whom was known to you through this informer, and so
prevent the rising of the 6th March, and the necessity of
trying men for high treason and having them now lying
under sentence of death ? That is a feir question, and the
House of Commons has a right to have it fairly answered
That was the object of the speech of my hon. friend. - But.
the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck), of whom I
said the other day he was always ready to contradict
everything, gets up now and not only contradicts my hon.
friend, but makes him make a speech which ho did not
make, and then contradicts that. He reminds me of a case
I saw the other day before one of the courts of Loudon, in
which a man objected to be a juryman. The judge said it
was very wrong ; every man ought to be willing to be a
juryman. The man said as au excuse that he was not tit
to be a juryman, for ho never in the whole of his life was
able to agree with anybody. • (Laughter.) The judge en-
couraged him, telling him he ought still to act, but the
man replied that that was not his only infirmity, as in
.point of fact he had found he was not able to agree with
himself. (Loud laughter.) And the hon. and learned gen-
gletuan (Mr. Roebuck) for more than the last two or three
years of his life has in every session, iu the most distinct
manner, contradicted almost everything that hu said dur-
ing the former years of his life. (Hear.) What dues he say
now ? He insists that the people of Ireland have no griev-
ances ; and what he says is almost unsupported evidence
against the evidence of an entire people. Nobody denies
that the universal opinion of the Catholic population of
Ireland is that in tLat country there are grievances to
which this house does not pay sufficient attention,
and I have uo doubt every member from Ireland would
say that that opinion is not confined to the Catholic popu-
lation of Irelacd ; btit ymewill find amongst vast numbers
of the Protestant population as strong a feeling of con-
demnation of the usual course of Parliament with regard
to Irish affairs as amongst the Catholic population them-
selves. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, I should rather prefer
the evidence of almost a whole nation with regard to their
grievances to the dogmatic assertion of the hon. and
learned gentleman. But he ventured into particulars. He
asked the house what differences there were between the
Catholic in Ireland and the Dissenter in England. I am
a Dissenter in England, a Dissenter of Dissenters ; and I.
disapprove not only of the Established Church of Ecg-
land, but of all established Churches.. But I do not feel
the Established Church of England. to be a grievance to
me in the sense in which •I' hould feel an Established
Church of Ireland to be if I were an Irishman, and of the
Catholic Church. (Hear, hear.) The difference is enor-
mous. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman
says. it is not.
Mr. ROEBUCK-I did not say so.
Mr. BRIGHT—I beg your pardon ; I heard you say
"No." (Laughter.)
Mr. ROEBUCK-1 beg to say that I never uttered the
word "No." I said " flow ?" (Laughter.)
Mr. BRIGHT —I thank the hon. gentleman for his ex-
plauation, and I will proceed to tell him immediately.
(Laughter.) In England the Established Church is at
least as old as dissect. (Laughter.); At the time when dissent
became an existence and a power in England, and just pre-
vious to that, the Established Church was the Church of
all the people. It did not confiscate the pro., arty of dis-
senters or any of the funds of which they, as dissenters,
had become possessed. (Hear.) The Established Church
remained as it was, and the Nonconformists of that day
gradually withdrew from it because they found in their
own Nonconformist churches and organisations what
to them was capable of affording a greater solace
in the performance of their own worship. They did
not feel that the clergyman and the people about the
church—l speak of the great bulk—had -turned thorn out,
confiscated their revenues, and supplanted them. They
withdrew voluntarily front the E;teblisbed Church -
(hear)—and although they might not believe, that
as it Church was a goo :I Oliva., yet so long it re-
mained a great institution of the nation, and supported by
the great majority of the nation, they felt it was not in
any degree a special grievance which might ju tify them
in disloyalty, discontent, or insurrection. (Hear.) In Ire-
land the case was wholly different. (Cheers.) There was
the greatest difference in Ireland between the professors
of the Established Church and the professors of the
Catholic faith. There are great and essential points
of division between the two Churches. And then
the Protestant Church in Ireland came in with the
English soldier and the English power —(hear, hoar) -with
a power which confiscated all the land and put an alien
proprietary there, and dislodged, with a cruelty of which
history has scarcely a parallel, the whole population who
had been possessors of the soil. (Cheers.) And not only
that, but it confiscated the whole of the ecclesiastical
revenues of the people, and placed them at the disposal
of a small garrison atiaority, holding a faith which the

great body of the people repudiated, and holding it in

connection with a political supremacy which was neces-
sarily hateful to the whole population. (Hear, hear.)
If the honourable and learned gentleman has studied

politics for I am afraid to say how many years—but I
have known him as a politician for thirty years—if he
has studied politics all this whilA, and has not been

able to discover that there is an essential difference be-

tween the position of the Catholic in Ireland and that of
the Dissenter in England with regard to the Established

Church mtintainee in both countries by Parliament,

then I should have no hope whatsoever, by anything that
I could say, to bring him to a different mind. But I ven-

ture to say that such speeches as ho has made to-day—
(hear, hoar) —and such as he has made heretofore in this
house—(hear, hear)—are a thousand times more calculated
to stir up hostility against the English Government and
the Imperial power iu Ireland - (" Oh, oh," from the Minis-
terial benches, and •' hear, hear," from the Opposition)—
than any speeches that I have ever hoard from any Irish
member on this side of the l'onse. (Cheers.) Ile spoke

of the hon. member for Cork and those who speak with
him as if h. and they were the instigators of the discontent
which exists in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend
has recently paid a visit of some months to the United
States, for the purpose of examining the condition and to

study the sentiments of his own countrymeu in the Ame-
rican republic, and on this sad occasion, when, for I know
not how many times during our political lives there has
been some measure of coercion or repression proposed for

Ireland, ho stands up here to-night to lift what he calls so
justly a warning voice in the ears of the Parliament of
England, and to ask them to meditate upon what they

are doing, or nof doing, with regard to his country. He
probably does not believe—no one of us believes—that

there is discontent in Ireland which, alone and unaided

from any other country, can make a sezious contest with
the power of England. But the discontent is not the less

discreditable to tis, and it is scarcely less hurtful to the em-
pire than if it were more powerful and moro able to con-
tend with England. (Hear.) What he says is this: In

the United States at this mument there are more Irishmen
and descendants of Irishmen than there are in Ireland itself•

Almost every man of the Irish race is filled with a bitter
hostility to England ; peatly, in the case of some, from
what they have felt, and in the case of the rest from what
they have heard, or known, or believed, with regard to
the condition of their countrymen in Ireland. And he
says the time will com .3 —he fears it will, he knows it pos-

sibly may coma—when the thre., four, five, or six mil-

lions of Irishmen in the United States, by their action

upon political pirties and political leaders, may force that

c3untr:- into c millet with this. You know what political
leaders can do. (Laughter.) You have seen it here, and
not iu this sessio n only, but in many sessions. You know
what can be done by means of a great agitation. (Hear,
hear, and laughter.) And you know how political leaders
will bow down, and bow themselves in the very dust, be-
fore an agitating power which they are constantly pre-
tending to despise. (Rear, hear.) And so it is in Ame-
rica, where every man has a vote, where in every action of
the Government there is the manifestation of the popular

will in that country, four or five or six millions of Irish-
men, acting at the poll, influencing political leaders, influ-
encing the press everywhere more or less, can, if there
arises some question of difference between trio United
States and England, throw themselves sufficiently into the
scale to make peace impossible. And if peace should be-
come impossible and war certain, then I ask you what
would bo the condition of this country with the sentiment
in Ireland so disloyal and angry as it is now, and with
another and a greater Ireland within ten days of steam to
hold out its hand of sympathy to your discontented people ?
(Hear, hear.) I say that this is a great question—(hear,
hear)—and the Irish members ought to be banished to
their own side of the Channel if they could sit in this
House and see proposals of this kind brought in session

after session and not raise their voice. My hon. friend the
member for Cork—one Of the most eminent, popular, and
trusted representatives of the Irish people, who knows
accurately the sentiments of his race and people on the
American Continent—instead of being assailed as he has
been,by the hon. and learned member for Sheffield is en-
titled to the cordial and hearty thanks of every friend of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland for the
speech that he has addressed to the House to-night
(Cheers.)
. .
Lord NAAS said the hon. member (Mr. Bright) re-
peated the question put by the hon. member for Cork
with regard to the course of the Government in dealing
with the late Fenian insurrection. He did not impute
to the hon. gentleman the member for Cork any intention
to make a charge which he (the noble lord) observed in
Ireland during the trials and is a portion of the English
press. The charge was that, being fully aware of the
nature and object of the conspiracy, and the persons en-
gaged in it, the Government did not take those_ steps which
were in their power at the earliest possible moment to
make those persons amenable to justice, and that, in fact,
we played with the -conspiracy for the purpose of even-
tually putting it down by force. That is as serious a
charge as can be brought against a Governteeet ; and its
far as the present Government is concerned, it is as calu-
mnious a charge as was ever made. (Rear, hear.) Ile
was sorry he had not had ustice of the question, but having
observed these charges in the public prints, he had on the
previous night looked over some documents, and therefore
he would be able to show the house how entirely baseless
that charge was. (Hear, hear.) . The whole policy of the
Government was exactly the reverse of that. From the
very first moment he took office, in all his letters and com-
munications with the Government here, he impressed upon
his colleagues that the policy to be pursued was this. That
no effort should be spared to nip every appearance of con-
spiracy iu the bud, and to prevent anything like au armed
outbreak. So far back as October last, in a letter to the
Home Secretary, he laid down distinctly what he conceived
to be the imperative duty of the Government. That was
that they should not allow a single man who they were
convinced was engaged in treasonable practices to remain
at large. The Government acted upon that suggestion
throughout. Every particle of information received by the
Government was acted upon. Ou the 20th September
last the Government received information that there was
a depot of arms in Liverpool, and in connection with
it a considerable quantity of the chemical compound
called liquid fire, which was mane by these men for the
purposes of incendiarisin. The moment we received that
information orders were given for a search, and that
search was successful. A considerable number of arms
e ere found, and a large quantity of this diabolical engine
of destruction. But for seine time after that the com-
munications were to general that was impossible for
the Government to act upon them, and they referred
generally to individuals who were either in England or on
the Continent. In C.Jl.liNtlitleti of com:uunications made
to us front various quarters in NoVember, orders were
given to the constabulary generally throughout Ireland to
make conlideutial reports as to what, in their opinion, was
the position of the Fenian conspiracy. Consequently we
knew that great activity prevailed, and heard of symptoms
of the intention of the leaders of the conspiracy to attempt
to revive their operations. Large lists of names were sent
to us and carefully examined, and about the 27th Novem-
ber forty warrants were issued against local leaders in
various parts of Ireland. The policy of the Government
was to arrest prominent members of the conspiracy
wherever they , uuld, and in no case to arrest anybody
who they did not think was taking an active part in the
conspiracy. Ile believed no one was arrested who was not
a "B " or "0 ;" that is either au officer or a sergeant,
From information received on the 28th Noveniber, Dr.
Power was arrested on 4th December, with several of his
comrades, for distributing arms. These persons turned
out to be leaders of the movement, and Dr. Power was
subsequently sentenced to fifteen years' penal servitude.
On the 11th December we received information that a
meeting was to be held in Dublin on the following day,
and the police actually surprised 70 "centres" sitting in
council. About the same time a person named Mahoney
was arrested iu England, and removed to Ireland, where he
was tried and convicted. The steamers from Liverpool to
liristcl were watched, and suspicious persons arrested.
In consequence of these steps, at the end of December,
as far as we could tell, the whole movement was crushed.
Between the Ist and 15th of December, 87 warrants were
issued for the arrest of important p rsons ; but as the con-
spiracy then appeared to be at an end, so far as the leaders
in Ireland were emu:exiled, it was the duty of the
Government not 'to ask a renewal of the Habeas
Corpus Suspension Act. However,
change took place, and agitation was commenced by
a most important
Stephens in America, and a most important Meeting
was held by the lenders of the movement in America.
Immediately on their return to New York the scheme of
military organisation was formed, and on Dec. 22 the
February
rising
the dete r m
Ireland. i -
leaders- began to leave America for this country. They
baliaconsiderable I, rii continuediteiio rn
i, b
eteintnotgi
o na
st arrivewaleltrihel al
not
tre hazards,
odtwoonf effecttFitill
num-
ber had anived, and even the Fenian leaders in Ireland
were not aware of the new movement at the end of De-
cember. Government acted upon the information the
moment it. was received. Any Government that would
have tampered with such a dangerous conspiracy for a
single moment would commit a very grievous and serious
blunder, and nothing could be more wicked than to allow
it to grow for the purPose of putting it down. (Cheers.)
No Government would dare to take a course so. justly
Meriting condemnation. The Government did not allow a
single man to be at large who they thought hail any con-
nection with the movement, but acted on the principle that
prevention was better than cure. (Cheers.) When the
outbreak occurred half the leaders wore in custody; and
Many left the country on March 4, when it was found that
the Government bad important and accurate information.
Amongst them were men who were not Fenians at all, but
had been all their lives engaged in revolutionary move-
ments on the Continent, and made war a trade. The con-
nection of the movement with the revolutionary societies
of the Continent was clearly shown ; and that these men
were sent by the leaders of those societies to play a game
which could only end, if successful, in the overturning of
society, the destr ;ction of property, and the overthrow of
the Euglish rule. The whole covenant of the Govern-
ment was to prevent bloodshed, and keep the movement
from coming to ahead. The charge against them is wholly
baseless, He deplored the feeling which exists amongst