The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-19 00:00:00

THE Si7N LON DON, FRIDAY'

to the rights and privileges of the East India Company, is
fraught with danger to the constitutional interests of Eng-
land, and is perilous to the prosperity of the Indian
Empire."
Sir C. WOOD commenced his remarks by referring to
India, been
which made
h
thethe changes
ma:egrenwhich hads
eb by
characterisedt he act o f lBase the3
in
greatest that had been made since 1784. In that year an
on t
end was put to the elective and independent condition of
the council of India by the introduction into it of the
nominated members of the Crown. It was said that those
members who were nominated by the Crown would lack
that independence which was necessary on the part of the
directors of the company, but he challenged any hon.
member of that house, or director of the East India Com-
pany, to show that the directors nominated by the Crown
had not discharged their duties as ably and as independ-
ently as those who were elected by the proprietors in the
usual mode. He regretted exceedingly that circumstances
bad occurred which had induced her Majesty's Government
to put an end to the state of things as settled in 1853. The
Government, however, brought in the bill in that year on
the express understanding that probably at some future
period a further change might be made in the government
of India, and that the measure then proposed would facili-
tate such further change. He was anxious that her Ma-
jesty's Government should stand fairly with the house in
this matter, and he proceeded to refer to the speech which
he had made in introducing the bill, to the effect that it
might be necessary at some future period to take the
Government of India entirely into the hands of the
Government of this country, and to carry on the adminis-
tration of the country in the Queen's name. On that occa-
sion the Government of which he was then a membar re-
fused to agree to any fixed time for the duration of the
bill which was then proposed. The right hon. baronet the
member for Carlisle had also expressed an opinion to the
effect that at some short period the government of India
must inevitably be placed under the direct administration
of the Crown. The Government of 1853 had left it de-
signedly and avowedly open to the Government at any
future time to assume thedirect government of the country.
Thus circumstances had arisen which, in the opinion of her
Majesty's Government, justified them in adopting that course
which had been contemplated in 1853. It must be open
to discussion whether these circumstances were sufficient
to justify the government acting in this manner ; but, at
all events, there could be no doubt that, in the course pro-
, posed, they were not acting inconsistently with the inten-
tion of the Government in 1853. What was now proposed
was, that the government of India should be entirely go-
verned by the responsible advisers of the Crown. He bad
never conceived it possible that any plan of government
should be proposed as had been intended by the hon. mem-
ber for fteflield, which would leave the whole administra-
tion in the hands of one Secretary of State, without the
advice of a council. It was indispensible that while there
should be a responsible minister connected with the Go-
vernment, there should also be a council of able and expo-
, rienced men to guide and check such minister. It was
impossible to suppose that any one person who might be
elected by the Government would be able to manage the
affairs of India, or to bring to bear upon the subject a
sufficient amount of knowledge and experience which
would justify the removal altogether of a council such as
that proposed in the bill, or which had always existed in
connection with the government of India. In one shape
or another they must have a government for India consti-
tuted of a responsible Minister of the Crown and a council
of advice. For the period of two years, during which he
had held the office of President of the Board of Control,
he had received the greatest assistance from the Court of
Directors, and he had always found them able and willing
to give the best possible information upon all subjects upon
which their advice and opinion were sought. He had con-
sulted with four different chairmen of the court at
various times, and had availed himself of the information
which could be afforded by any of the other directors--
just as he would have done of any of the persons connected
with the Board of Control, and he must do them the
justice to say that they were always able and willing in the
most ardent manner to give him theirassistance and advice. ,
The Board of Directors formed, no doubt, as good a court
for council and advice as could be found. But if the gov-
ernment of India were to be carried on in the name of the
Queen, the members of the Council must be independent,
and appointed in some other form than that by election of
persons who happened to be holders of East India Stock.
The substantial change which was proposed to be made
was therefore really much less than it appeared to be, but
a more absurd mode of electing a council for advising a
responsible Minister of India could not well be conceived
than that of the present Court of Proprietors of the
East India Company. He was utterly at a loss to con-
ceive why, seeing the character of the members who had
been nominated under the act of 1853, the whole council
which are now proposed to be nominated should not be
equally as efficient as the existing court. Since he had
been connected with the Board of Control in 1853 he had
always felt the deepest interest in everything connected
with India, and had carefully watched the progress of
events which were going on there, even when fully occu-
pied by the business of other important departments. He
implored hon. members, therefore, to decide the question
submitted to them according to the best of their judgment,
and as a matter of such vital importance as the Govern-
ment of India—looking to the millions under our rule and
the great responsibility which we had taken upon our-
selves—to throw away party feeling of every kind and vote
honestly and uprightly for that which they believed to be
the best form of government for the people of India.
Mr. WILLOUGHBY felt most reluctantly compelled
to oppose the measure of the Government ; and he would
do so principally because it would directly tend to draw
questions with reference to India within the area of
party politics and party discussions, from which, under
the present system, they were happily shut out. They
were about to legislate for an empire, and not for a
colony ; and through what agency had that magnificent
empire been created ? Notwithstanding the high autho-
rity of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he must presume
to assert that that empire was acquired through the
medium of the Company. It was true, indeed, that they
were assisted with the troops and ships of England; but
it must also be remembered that every farthing of the ex-
pense was defrayed by the Company—(hear)—and not only
that, but the revenue of India had been frequently applied
for imperial purposes—witness the attackon Java, on Bal-
laria, the war in Alfghanistan, and lately the wars with
Persia and China. (Hear.) The bill was ill-timed and
inopportune, and even the most perfect measure could not
' fail of producing pernicious effects if enacted at such a
, juncture. He could say with all sincerity that he
had not fallen in with a single member of the civil or
military service of India who regarded the bill with any
other feeling but that of dismay. Bat he principally had
had regard to the effect of the passing of the measure upon
the natives of India. The people of India were a sensi-
tive people, and, above all, they were apprehensive of
change. They would remember that the Government of
1853 was partly composed of the members of the Govern-
ment of 1853, and they would then ask most naturally
how came it that that which was regarded as such a mas-
terpiece of wisdom in 1853, when the Parliament of Eng-
land had legislated for India, was regarded as weak and.
foolish in 1858. They would, therefore, come to the con-
clusion that the destruction of the Company's authority
was connected with the outbreak of the mutiny, that a
new policy was about to be inaugurated for India, and
that they must forthwith expect the invasion of some of
their most cherished privileges. The effect of that would
be more injurious on the minds of the population than was
the greased cartridge question upon the native army. In-
deed, he was not aware that a desire for a change in the
form of government had emanated from any party in
India, except it be from a small section of the Anglo-
Indian community at Calcutta, whose demand was
prompted by the refusal of Lord Canning and his council
to adopt a policy of indiscriminate vengeance. (Hear.) It
was said that the double government was cumbrous and
irresponsible ; perhaps on the other hand, it might be
urged that the importance of the promptitude described by
those hon. gentlemen would turn out to be exaggerated.
The fact was, the duties of the controlling authorities in
England were deliberative and not executive. India, to
be governed well, must be governed in India—(hear)—and
ii was therefore necessary to entrust vast, nay, even des-
potic powers to the Governor-General, and to the antlar.ri-
ties who acted in conjunction with him. But in conse-
quence of that very necessity, so much the greater was the
necessity of their acts and proceedings being scrutinised by
an independent body, not in a spirit of captiousness, but
out of a generous consideration and with a due apprecia-
tion of all the difficulties against which they had to con-
tend. (Cheers.) He maintained that hitherto those duties
had been most efficiently performed by the Company,
under the supervision of the Board of Control. It was
said, indeed, that a greater responsibility would be exacted
under the new system. Now his impression was that the
House of Commons would not, could not, and ought not to
attempt to exercise the control now exercised over the
affairs of India. They might depend upon it that as soon
as the present excitement had passed over, their old apathy
with reference to Indian affairs would return upon the
House of Commons. The fact was, that when a Minister
was backed up by a strong party he was no longer respon-
sible. He rather inclined to the opinion of Lord Metcalfe,
that if ever England was destined to lose India, it would
be through the House of Commons. He did not think that
a greater trust could be confided to man than the proper
distribution of patronage ; and he had no doubt that feel-
ing was embedded in his mind from the admirable manner
in which he had seen patronage exercised in India. Indeed,
the patronage of India had been distributed by merit to
an extent which had no parallel throughout the world.
And were they not at that moment reaping the effects of
the system in India ? for what other system could have
produced an equal number of men fitted to cope with
a vast emergency ? (Hear, hear.) In making his ap-
pointments the Governor-General was checked by his
council ; but they would lose that check when the control-
ling power was handed over to the House of Commons.
His great objection to the new measure was, as he candidly
?Omitted, founded on the probable distribution of the
patronage of I,,dia. With roga.rd to the bill, he felt assured
that at the present moment we were only on the threshold
of our difficulties. Standing out amongst these difficulties
were the military and financial questions. He feared that
the difficulties in the way of the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer would be much greater than he anticipated. People
who had lent money and had entered into contracts with
the company would look to them for payment, and they
might object to have the liabilities which had been con-
tracted shifted upon other shoulders. He believed that
the judgment of posterity had already been pronounced
upon the proposed change. (Laughter.) What he meant
to say was, that historians, foreign, English, and Ameri-
can, had spoken highly of the East India Company, and
one had described it as a miracle of government. In con-
clusion, the hon. member desired to express his thanks to
the Government for paying him the compliment of nomi-
nating him to the proposed council. After such a step had
been decided on he had no alternative but to remain silent
oarra?_!ask_out ; and he could
.only,say, .4 Amiens Socrates,
347..Z1.,..t0, sad magic yentas.' (Cheers.)
to hie."~ J. 11. CAMPBELL thought it due to the house,
of h"'s "if, and his country, to lay before them the result
titled
andl„.,Perience ars a resident for many years in India,
iwnitiniiih,otltingh_
tthtihnaktioign
tthhaetirtghooosde swehnosepotl:seeysswecolupldjpageir.taye
that the the mor
to t,e
listened
had a stake in that country, were more en-
of.
eis.ltnetneeldligteontthpoanrtoitohnerosf.
the
et
nwataisvethpeopouplaintiioonn
ime had come for a change, as the East India
the protection of !if
C had failed in the first duty of rulers, which was
who thought that as the
com-
pany the continuance of their
capon
ti at Delhi and other
in continuing their rule and
was not likely to be the
authority, as evinced
already done much in restoring
tredKllaperty. 7,..; There were others
moor had secured the
plpaceressemnicgebtofp
r charter, the vast treasures
hroevretreoffiopeas4c,eihel:
that authority in its reality,
._ If
restoring confidence ;but that case. The shadow of the Q '
by the
the people of India had been
C lcu toldi t .
ofa limn:
csitt 114{:iofwhtehne
wanting was to es tabli t "nifidence, and all that was
the army wax sent out to
company has ceased, and that
missed, there would be now no necessi't'yge"en had corn.
10,000,0001. Within the last 20 years the territoryoan of
country and the native troops had been doubled, whereas
the
the number of European troops had not been increase
end the most important fortresses had been left with an
insufficient European guard. The hon. and gaunt seem.