The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-22 00:00:00

how to set about instituting a reform, and pro-
bably no one caring enough about the matter to
take much trouble to find out. This state of
affairs does not satisfy Mr. MILL, who, as the re-
presentative of a large and important district of
the metropolis, has a very good right to speak.
His scheme is of wider range than the subject
which occupied the House last night, which
related merely to the establishment of mu-
nicipal corporations in the several districts
of the metropolis. Mr. MILL, however,
does not consider that this bill will deal alequately
with the question, and he his already given
notice of his intention to introduce a bill for the
establishment of a central federal municipality for
the whole of the metropolis. lle is desirous of
bringing forward that bill before he asks for a
second reading of the bill which he introduced
last night. The leading feature in the Municipal
Corporations (Metropolis) Bill is the establishment
of local municipal boroughs of considerable ex-
tent, conterminous with the Parliamentary boroughs
of the metropolis. The districts now adminis-
tered by vestries and local boards are, in the
opinion of the member for Westminster, too small ;
and, although he had no hostility to vestries,
which had, he thought, in some respects, done good
service, he believed that, for municipal purposes,
affairs should be dealt with on a larger scale. The
bill of last night contemplates the erection of Ken-
sington and Chelsea into a separate borough, and
provides for the subdivision of the Tower Hamlets,
as stipulated in the Government Reform Bill. The
larger measure, which is not yet before the House,
proposes, we understand, to establish a central
federal municipality, taking the City Corporation
as a fundamental point, and dividing the metropolis
into wards, having, we may presume, some resem-
blance, in their constitution, to the City wards under
the existing system. Mr. LOCKE, in referring to
this branch of the subject, reminded the house that
the City Corporation had many advantages over
similarly constituted bodies. It had the prestige
of its ancient history, it had plenty of money, and a
staff of officers quite sufficient to carry on if neces-
sary the whole of the local business of the metropolis.
We doubt whether the other parts of the metropolis
would be willing to submit their affairs to the go-
vernment of the City Corporation, but since
the system is in efficient working order it
is worth while to consider how far the rest
of London may profitably imitate it. We
must remember that tin citizens themselves
are not always satisfied with their own administra-
tion, though they have perhaps less cause to grumble
than the outlying districts. The great want of the
metropolis, with regard to its local government, is
to be dealt with in a larger and more statesmanlike
scale, to have some unity and energy infused into
the governing bodies, and to provide altogether for
more harmonious action. In our national dread
and dislike of centralisation we have gone to the
opposite extreme, and have really suffered from
evils not much less in their extent and cha-
racter than those arising from the vexatious inter-
ference of Government officials. The Commission
Committee on the Local Government of the Metro-
polis, which was appointed last session, included
Mr. MILL among its members, and the report of
the committee had his general concurrence. Mr.
AYRTON, who as chairman both of the committee of
last year and of 1861 knew something of the sub-
ject, did not agree with the hon. member for West- '
minster in his schemes. They had, he said, been
considered among the other plans submitted to the
consideration of the committee, but he thought the
evils inseparable from the constitution of large
corporations would outweigh the good. Leave
was, however, given to bring in the bill,
and it is not possible to judge fairly of it until we
have the larger measure also before us, because the
one depends upon and is influenced by the other.
It is evident that Mr. MILL has not come forward

too soon. It is six years since the last committee
was appointed, and we are still at the very thres-
hold of the question. Municipal Reform, like
Parliamentary Reform, has a great deal to contend
against. It has to struggle against prejudices, local

jealousies, and vested interests of all kinds.
Nevertheless, the work must be undertaken, and it
should be undertaken with energy and promptitude.

The present Government since taking office have
had a great deal of awkward business on their
hands, but perhaps nothing has been more annoying
than the fact they have been compelled to take in
the affairs of Ireland. When Parliament assembled
this year it was announced that the Suspension of
the Habeas Corpus Act would cease, but scarcely
was that act of grace accomplished when further
disturbances rendered it imperative to return to
stringent measures. Last night in the House of
Commons Lord _NAAS asked leave to intro-
duce a bill, to renew, for a limited
period, the Habeas Suspension Act in Ire-
land. In doing so the noble lord produced
some explanations, which completely justified the
proposal, and showed that it was no exaggeration
for him to state that " only a deep conviction of the
absolute necessity in the interests of the peace of the
country induced him to propose a renewal of the
Act." In alluding to the recent disturbance that
had taken place in Ireland, he said that it was in
consequence of an organisation having existed for
the last four or five years in spite of all that had
been done by the Government to suppress it, and
that though it lasted for a very short time, still it
was spread over a large space. Many causes con-
spired to lead to itsimmediate extinction, but the chief
one was the "extraordinary fidelity, courage, and
loyalty displayed by the Irish constabulary." The
latter deserve the tribute they received at the hands
of the noble lord, for their conduct has been deserv-
ing of all praise, and it is certain that their spirit
and presence of mind contributed materially to
attain the desired end as quickly and effectually as
possible. The powers conferred upon the executive
e
by the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act
of real importance, and had it not been so the
insurrectionary movement would soon have assumed
a very different appearance, and led to far
other results than those we have witnessed.
The existence of that power enabled the authorities
some days before the last outbreak occurred to seize
many of those who were implicated in the move-
ment, and who have in some cases proved to have
been prominent leaders of the affair. The conse-
quence has been that this seditious attempt has been
paralysed in Ireland.

Lord NAAS stated that, although at this moment
there appears every chance of this organi.iation
collapsing, if it has not actually collapsed already,
there are symptoms apparent which prove
that great caution and vigilance must be
exercised. We should think that all who
are not hopelessly prejudiced must be con-
vinced by this time that it is expedient to con-
tinue this act. A great deal of intimidation exists,
of which a notable instance was adduced by the
noble lord last night when he narrated the case of
a young man, supposed to be an informer, who had
been fired at repeated:yr, yet refused to give up the
names of those who attacked him. A number of

persons are now in custody, under the warrant of
the Lord-Lieutenant, whom it would be inexpe-
dient to release just now. The noble lord spoke