The Sun.
London, England, 1867-01-11 00:00:00

ment of those who have distinguished th.emselves
in this affair that they will not take the ()pinion of

;hose who are the best informed on 'che subject

which is the theme of controversy_ Instead of

being guided and influenced by those veho are well
acquainted with negro life and character, they start

,heories of their own at home, and then insist upon

.ery one conforming to their behests, and they

even seek to change the aspect of th:ings and the
effect of circumstances in order that they may be
right throughout everything. Here, for instance,
we have Mr. FORSTER giving it as his opinion
that if the police of the island had. been vigi-
lant there would have been no outbreak at all.
How absurd such a statement is in the face of all

the evidence that has been collected as to the prior
determination of the negroes to revolt, and all the

plans and projects which they had formed for some
time previous to the disturbances in Alorant Bay.
Mr. FORSTER is not so extreme as some, for he does
not altogether approve of the desire experienced by

some of his friends as to the prosecution of Gover-
nor EYRE, although he cannot blame them, and
they must all feel that the time had gone by for
public opinion to be expressed until the verdict of
the court of law was taken. All we can

say is, that this was not the principle
acted upon by the devotees at Exeter Hall,
or by any other members of the faction, in

all its ramifications. No time was allowed for a

!all and particular account to come from the scene

of action, but, conclusions were jumped at, and
assertions recklessly made, which produced an effect
on weak and prejudiced miuds that no subsequent
refutation could possibly efface. This is the great
evil of people setting out with such extravagant
and exaggerated ideas, because the " hand that

kindles cannot quench the flame ;" and those who

hear the false charges made away never hear or see

the denial of them.

➢lr. FORSTER thinks that a lesson may be learned
from the recent events in January as to the
state of the statute-book, there being a areat diffe-
rence as to the law in England and Jamaica, but
he forgets the very different state of society in the
two places. The negroes must show themselves a
little more worthy of all the privileges and immu-
nities of Englishmen before they demand equal
rights, and their friends eaim them for them
with so much vehemence and energy. We should
say that a very different lessen might be learned
from what took place in Jamaica than any which
these mistaken advocates of the negro can draw
from them. Surely the tragical occurrences
that then and there took place should show the ne-
cessity for firm, prompt, and vigorous action, and
exemplify most fully and unmistakeably the danger
that might ensue if the blacks were trusted too im-
plicitly, without some proofs of their sincerity and
loyalty were afforded to the authorities. Here in
these remarks of Mr. FORSTER, however, is an in-
consistent passage ; he says that " martial law should
not be used as an acknowledged form of Govern-
ment, but only in extreme cases, and in absolute
necessity." Now what could constitute such a case
as that he describes if it were not the position in
which Governor EYRE found himself placed when
the outbreak occurred?

It puts one quite out of patience to notice the
cool manner in which people speak of things which
they do not understand, and the reckless manner in
which they decide as to the right and wrong of
acts which they do not fathom because they will
not take the broad and comprehensive view which
the case demands. Because from one-sided state-
ments and exaggerated reports a false sympathy was
got up in this country for the perpetrators of the
crimes in Jamaica, those who support this view of the
question persist in declaring that there was no need
to have used any severity at all. We never hear
anything said by these gentlemen about the danger
incurred by the white inhabitants, and we never
hear a word of regret expressed as to the sad fate
of those who fell the sacrifice of the misguided fury
of the revolutionists. We feel tolerably sure of one
thing, and that is, that if Mr. FORSTER had been able
to put his precept into practice in Jamaica at the
time he refers to, be would have allowed the
rebellion to get such a head of him that all
the white inhabitants of the island would have been
massacred. One thing is satisfactory in this speech,
and that is the temperate manner in which Mr.
FORSTER speaks of Mr. EYRE himself. We find none
of that rancour and bitterness which prevails so
largely in the discourses of others on this matter ;
and, on the contrary, he allows that he " does not
blame Governor EYRE, and he was forced to declare
martial law, and perhaps not one in a hundred
would have declined to do so." This is to the hon.
gentleman's credit, for it is quite outrageous that
public men should be so prejudiced in their views
and so unguarded in their remarks as some are who
profess to lead public opinion, and to be the ex-
ponents of right and justice.
We are glad to find that an address has been
forwarded to the EYRE Defence Fund, signed by
the representatives of the principal mercantile firms
of Ceylon (native and European), members of the
Legislative Council, and all the respectable native
and European residents in the island. It is said in
this address that the undersigned, in handing
their subscriptions to the EYRE Defence and
Aid Fund, cannot refrain from express-
ing their deep regret that there should "be
found among their fellow-countrymen any who,
from complete ignorance of our East and West
India colonies, or from party motives, can allow
themselves vindictively to prosecute one who, when
surrounded by danger and difficulty, loyally and
manfully performed his duty as Governor to the best
of his abilities, and, in all probability, saved
by his decision and promptitude one of our
finest colonies from destruction." We have
copied this passage at length, as it affords a very
good illustration of the opinion of those who ought
to know best as to the exact state of these things.
We may state, in all truth, that the condemnation
of the course pursued by Mr. EYRE has never come
from those who knew the most of the matter, and
all those who have had experience of life in colonies
never hesitate to approve his policy and admire his
promptitude. A very fitting rebuke is administered
in this address to the conduct of those who have
taken up the prosecution so vehemently and unfairly,
" We cannot depreciate too strongly the attempt
made by private individuals to overrule the calm
and deliberate judgment of the impartial tribunal
appointed by the Government for the special pur-
pose of inquiring into the late distressing occur-
rences in Jamaica." Most intrusive and imperti-
nent must all such interference appear to those
who understand anything of the matter, and can
appreciate in its full force the great service which
Mr. EYRE rendered to the Crown he served under
and the people he was called upon to protect.

The banquet given on Wednesday evening by
the members of the Canada Club was a brilliant
and interesting festivity. The affairs of our North-
American colonies have lately attracted a good deal
of attention. At one time they did not occupy their
proper position in the estimation of Englishmen,
less from wilful disparagement of their claims than
of general ignorance of their extent and importance
of their resources. During the last few years the
provinces have made steady progress ; and the

great civil war has turned men's minds so

much towards the western hemisphere that
there is much more general interest now taken

in our American dependencies, and a great
increase of knowledge respecting their capacities

and recources. Some few of our politicians indeed
cherish the singular and suicidal idea of surrender-
ing our magnificent colonial empire altogether, and

thus divesting ourselves at the same time of a large
portion of our wealth, our power, and our responsi-
bilities. The great body of Englishmen of all

ranks and parties, however, are happily opposed to
any such shortsighted and timorous policy, and we

hope it may be long before any such proposi-

tion finds favour with the British Parliament.
The experiment of entrusting the colonies with

,he privileges of self-government is a novel

and adventurous one, but it is fully in

keeping with the spirit of English institutions.

It has been, on the whole, a remarkable success,
and, despite some occasional drawbacks and

blunders, almost inevitable in the working of any
new system, the result has been, on the whole,

highly satisfactory. The colonies hare thriven
and prospered, and their people are contented.
The restless spirits who might, under other cir-
cumstances, have been found agitating for a war

of independence can now spend their energies in
the arena of local politics. No man can com-

plain that because he owns fealty to a sove-
reign at the other side of the world he has no

scope for political action—no opportunity of

achieving distinction, and thus, instead of alien-
ating the 'colonies, the gift of self-government
has really strengthened the bonds between them
and the mother country.
In the very able and interesting address which
the Earl of CARNARVON delivered at the assembly
on Wednesday, he spoke at some length on the
principle of our Colonial Government. In this
country, said the noble lord, we were so accustomed
to the system of responsible government that we
were in danger of forgetting that it was the excep-
tion and not the rule, and that out of England there
were few countries in which it had free play, and
had endured for a long time. In a certain sense the
problems involved in the question were being tried
in the colonies. It had taken us a long time to
construct the great fabric of constitutional
government in England, " and when," added
the noble lord, " we came to transplant that

system—which meant a system cf changing Minis
tries and uncertain Parliaments—to distant colonies,
and to connect it, after all, with but slight bonds
with a similar system of changing Parliaments and
Ministries at home, the marvel was that it had been
found to work so harmoniously and with so much
success." Questions must often arise, as Lord
CARNARVON reminded his hearers, which demand
the exercise of great forbearance and kindly feeling
on both sides for their settlement. There are dif-
ferences in the application of the very same princi-
ples to different communities, whose habits,
manners, and ways of thinking are natu-
rally more or less affected by the climate
and the peculiarities of their country. It must
be a source of gratification to any Colonial Minister
really interested in the welfare andprogress of the
half hundred varying communities committed to
his care, to observe in almost all the self-governing
provinces the same public spirit, independence, and
jealous care of individual liberty which distinguishes
the mother country. So long as the inhabitants of
any country are willing to subordinate the tempo-
rary success of a party or loader to the requirements
of an immutable and well-grounded constitution
there is good reason to hope and believe that the
liberties of that nation are secure ; but if once the
dangerous principle is admitted that the will
of the majority is to be the law of the State, as it
appears to be now accepted in America, the door is
opened for the admission of tyranny and oppression
in a thousand forms.
On the important question of confederation the
Earl of CARNAPXON spoke at some length. He
expressed himself in favour of the proposed union
of the provinces, though he did full justice to the
case of the opposite party, and treated the whole
matter with temperance and impartiality. lie did
not believe, he said, that the proposed change would
involve a complete revolution in the existing state of
things. There would still be the same institutions, the
same men to work them, the same representatives
of her Majesty. The noble Earl then compared the
advantages and disadvantages of the proposed
union, and he distinctly disclaimed any belief in
the charge of aggression on the part of Canada,
who has been accused of an overweening desire to
exercise a mastery over her neighbours. lie could
not, again, believe that there would be no advan-
tages to be derived from the intimate consolidation
of commercial, political, and social interests, or by
the superseding of various systems of jurisprudence
and legislation by one system, the throwing ..open
of the industry, the schools, and the professions of
each province by applying the resources of the
one for the advantages of the other. Lord
CARIZARVON'S calm and enlightened address will
no doubt have its weight with some of the mal-
contents, and we hope that, during his tenure of
office, he may have the satisfaction of seeing the
great work of Confederation completed. Sir JOIIN
PAKINGTON and Mr. ROEBUCK also spoke during
the course of the evening, while the eloquence and
ability of the provinces were well represented. Of
the three difficulties which, according to the Chair-
man, beset the DERBY Government, our American
relations, Ireland, and Reform, we hope that one,
at least, is assuming a more favourable aspect, in
the strengthening of the alliance between the Pro-
vinces and the mother country.

The proposal to be made to the House of Com-
mons by the Government early next session for
the appointment of three additional judges will be
vigorously opposed by Mr. Gladstone.
We (Edinburgh Courant) are enabled to announce
that Lord Carnarvon, Secretary of State for the Colonies,
has nominated Mr. Patrick Blair, advocate, to be ono of the
district judges of Jamaica, and that Mr. Blair has accepted
the office.

THE LATE MR. WILLIAM KIDD.—Mr. Kidd
was early in life an apprentice in the firm of Bald-
win, Cradock, and Joy, and subsequently became a book-
seller in Regent- street. After selling his business he de-
voted himself entirely to natural history and the study of
animals. He had an astonishing faculty of endearing him-
self to the brute creation, birds, beasts, and even fishes,
for, as to the latter, it is known that he has taught gold-
fish in a globe to rise to the surface at his call, and oat
bread out of kis mouth. Many years ago ho established his
right of ownership in a favourite dog, which had been
stolen, by making it perform the most ludicrous antics pos-
sible in the Bow-street Police-court, to the delight of the
magistrate (Sir R. Simi() or Sir F. Roe, wo forget which)
and the spectators. At Hammersmith Mr. Kidd had a
fine aviary, and strangers from all parts of England used
to visit him for the purpose of seeing not birds only,' but
his influence on birds. This favourite aviary was de-
stroyed by fire some time ago, and the enthusiastic natu-
ralist was so affected by his loss that he could not find it
in his heart to rebuild it and substitute new pets for those
he had lost. For many years Mr. Kidd has occasionally
lectured in the country, the title of his lectures being
usually " Genial Gossip." But whatever the title was, the
lecturer was always, as he was in private life, a " genial
gossip." Ho could talk for hours together about beasts,
birds, and especially canaries. If the man who is kind and
gentle to dumb animals is entitled to credit, William Kidd,
the naturalist, deserves the honour of a memorial tablet in
Hammersmith Church at the hands of the Society for the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, for he cared a great deal
more for his pots—dogs, birds, fishes—than for himself.
Besides lecturing; Mr. Kidd contributed innumerable ar-
ticles to the Gardener's Chronicle, the Queen, and other
papers.