The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-11 00:00:00

New Zealand.

The following is a copy of a despatch from Go-
vernor Sir George Grey, K.C.8., addressed to the
Right Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon
'• Government House, Wellington, Jan. 8.

"My Lord,—l have this morning returned to this
place, a few hours before the Panama steamer sails
with the English mail.
"2. I consequently have no time to make a
lengthened report to you, but I am sure you will
be happy to hear that this country continues tran-
quil, and is rapidly improving i❑ every respect.
"3. On my recent journey I have passed through
the North Island, traversing its central and most
accessible districts, portions of which had not been
visited by any European for several years.
. _ _

" 4. I was everywhere received with joy and re-
joicings by the native population, even in those dis-
tricts where the losses of men during the war had
been large ; but these men had all fallen in places
remote from their own territory, where they had
gone to join their fellow-countrymen who were in
arms against us, and their surviving relations ad-
mitted in the most frank and unreserved manner
that we were not to blame for the large loss of
life which had taken place.

" 5. I consider the native population to be now
in a better state than I have ever previously known
it. The natives express the greatest anxiety that
Europeans should settle among them. They cheer-
fully conform to the views and wishes of the Go-
vernment upon alt matters ; indeed, they appear to
desire to be directed and to be shown what they
should do to render practicable a rapid amalgatna- ,
tion between the Europeans and themselves.
" 6. I met everywhere in districts which had been
regarded as unsafe the utmost respect, and I was
treated with a kindness so attentive and considerate
that it was quite touching.
"7. I feel sure that the European population,
finding from my journey that they can again safely
traverse the interior of the country, will begin to
spread into all parts of it, developing the great re-
sources of valuable districts which are now but
little known, and the advance of this Northern
Island in wealth and population will be conse-
quently henceforth very rapid.
" In this advance in wealth and prosperity the
native population, who are extensive landholders,
will largely share, and I feel quite satisfied that
New Zealand, now ceasing to be any drain upon
the resources of Great Britain, will in time be re-
garded as one of the most tranquil and valuable
portions of the empire.---I have, &c.,

" G. GREY.
" The Right Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon, &e."

Greenwich Conservative Assoc-ation,

The annual dinner of this asssociation was held
last evening at the Ship Hotel, Greenwich, when the
chair was occupied by Sir Thomas Wilson. About
350 members of the association sat down to dinner,
among whom were Lord Holmesdale, M.P., and
Mr. W. Hart Dyke, M.P. (the county members),
Mr. J. Fleming (late M.P. for Devonport), Hon.
and Rev. Henry Legge, Rev. Dr. Sketchley, Rev.
Dr. Morgan, Mr. C. Lewis, Capt. Scott, Capt.
Drummond, Capt. Hughes, Sir James Elphinstone,
Sir J.H. Maxwell, Colonel Thorold, Dr.. Carr,
Admiral Burton, and others.

Mr. JOHN YOUNG, in proposing " Success to the
Borough of Greenwich Conservative Association,"
said that it had been instituted in July, 1865, on
the occasion of the defeat of Sir J. Maxwell, the
Conservative candidate, and in the short time that
had elapsed since that period the number of its mem-
bers had increased to upwards of 1,500, a large pro-
portion of whom consisted of the elite of the working
classes. According to the favourite taunt of their
enemies, Conservatism meant obstructive opposition
to rational progress, but in reality the Conservatives
were desirous that every progress should be made
that was consistent with the preservation of the
Throne, the hereditary peerage, the representative
character
wash
teosfe
institutions
the ilouseo
that f Comaons, and the Church. b
y
wereattacked
Bright w th ability and eloquence. His efforts were
seconded by men like Mr. Goldwin Smith and Pro-
fessor Rogers, and it was to meet these assaults upon
the Constitution that this a.ssociation had been es-
tablished.
Mr. CHARLES LEWIS, in proposing the' health of
the county members, called upon them to resist every
attempt to make the Conservative Government yield
an inch upon the question of the county franchise.
Lord HOLMESDALE, in responding to the toast,
hoped, with the last speaker, that the Government
would give way upon no vital point of the bill. The
Conservative party had already given way enough
for the purpose of facilitating the passing of the Re-
form Bill, and he trusted that there would be no
necessity for them to yield any further ground. It
must not, however, be forgotten that with regard to
this great political question there were other parties
besides themselves upon the chess-board, and they
must give way upon some minor points, in order to
secure the passing this session of a good sound Re-
form Bill, and thus settle this great question, which
had for so long a time impeded all other public busi-
ness. (Hear.) Hebelieved it to be of such prominent
importance that such a measure should be passed
that if it were necessary to give away a few pounds
in the county franchise, he should say perish those
few pounds rather than the measure-should not pass.
In doing so he did not think that he should be be-
t
traying his party or his principles, nor did he think
he should have reason to blush for the course he
had pursued when he met them on a future occasion.
He trusted that the necessity might not arise for
lowering the county franchise beyond the amount
proposed in the Government bill ; but if necessary
he hoped that the Government would exercise a wise
discretion,and would give way upon that onepoint in
order to carry the rest, rather than by an obstinate
adherence to one figure to shipwreck the whole of
the bill. (Hear.) The Liberal party, following up
their conduct of 1835 and 1859, had lately intro-
duced an instruction which had taxed the keenest
heads in the House of Commons to make anything
of ; it was of so easy, convenient, and elastic a
character that it might mean anything or nothing;
it might scarcely affect the bill, or it might com-
pletely undermine and destroy it. That instruction
had been brought forward for the purpose of oust-
ing the Conservative Government, and of shelving
the question of Reform for another twelvemonth.
(Hear.) But no sooner was it announced that the
Government intended to stand out against that in-
struction than the great Liberal party split up into
the discordant sections of which it was composed.
(Hear, and laughter.) Instead of bringing for-
ward the instruction the Liberal party had igno-
miniously retreated. Their adversaries had been
more completely and bitterly humiliated than the
most vindictive Conservative could desire. The last
two sessions had shown a great party discredited,
its strength thrown away, and its overwhelming
majority split into atoms in consequence of the
misconduct of its leaders. He drew hope from what
had passed, because he believed that the firmer the
front of the Conservative
party the more their ad-
versaries would yield. He was happy to say that
there was a sufficient number of men upon the Op-
position side of the House who preferred the good
of their country to that of their party to enable her
Majesty's Government to carry tbronh successfully
this important measure. He had no doubt that
after the circular that had gone out last night a
large majority of the house would assist the Go-
vernment to pass the bill. (Hear, and a laugh.)
The bill might now almost be regarded as an accom-
plished fact, and at the end of the session it would
be found that the Conservative party—which had
been characterised as consisting of the enemies of
all progress, of those who desired to delay the en-
franchisement of their fellow-subjects, of those who
feared the working men—had passed a bill which
in wise Conservative Liberalism went far beyond
any scheme which had ever been submitted to the
House of Commons. (Cheers.)
Mr. W. DYKE, after touching upon the untoward
circumstances under which Lord Derby had taken
of4ce, and which bad compelled him to bring in a

Reform Bill, proceeded to animadvert upon the
conduct of the Opposition in. introducing Mr.
Coleridge's instruction, which he characterised as
being a wolf in sheep's clothing. When Mr. Glad-
stone found that his followers declined to support
him in pressing that instruction, to use a pugilistic
expression, he " went down to avoid punishment."
(Hear, and laughter.) The right hon. gentleman
found that his conduct had not only disgusted a
great number of his followers, but that if he forced
Lord Derby to go to the country on the issue he had
raised the electors also would have been disgusted.
The question to be discussed in the House of Com-
mons to-morrow related to the borough franchise,
and was whether it was justifiable ou the part of
the Government to ask those whom they were about
to admit to the franchise to show their fitness to
exercise that privilege by residing two years in their
houses and by paying the poor rates. Her Majesty's
Opposition, on the other hand, proposed to abolish
the £lO rental franchise, and to drop down upon a
ratal franchise, without any restriction whatever,
except a short term of residence. He believed that
the country would be likely to accept the proposal
of the Government as the more satisfactory of the
two schemes for settling this great constitutional
question. If her Majesty's Government shrank from
carrying out what he considered to be the vital and
important principles of the bill, he should not be
doing his duty to his constituents if he supported
them in the relinquishment of those principles.
(Hear, hear.) But he felt that no Government sin-
gle handedcould pass a Reform Bill. Sacrifices must
be made on all hands in order to settle a question
which had thrown out so many successive Adminis-
trations, and which had placed the country in a po-
sition somewhat of danger. He trusted that all
parties would see the necessity for laying aside their
mutual animosities and particular interests in order
to unite in passing a measure which would so greatly
conduce to the peace and prosperity of these domi-
nions. (Cheers.)

Several other toasts having been drunk, the com-
pany separated at a late hour.

Mr. F. Toole officiated as toastmaster.

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.

The panic of last year has not yet subsided.
The price of most securities, if not lower, is at
about the same price as on that memorable day
when Lombard-street was blocked up by that
eager, anxious crowd of lookers-on of so many
ruined or disappointed speculators. It was like
an army in full retreat before a successful foe,
throwing away both arms and spoils, and that
class of persons that had grown up, called di-
rectors and trustees, numbering 12,500, could not
find a general capable of a rally ; on the contrary,
did they not one and all join their dupes in the
universal flight. The oldest City men did not see
how to stay a torrent which had acquired an
unprecedented violence. During three long weeks
panic was the only order of the day ; some of the
banks saw many of their oldest customers with-
drawing their accounts and carrying them to the
Bank of England. The Lord Chancellor was pe-
titioned to suspend the Bank Act to allow a
further issue of notes. Some idea can be gathered
of the extent of this memorable panic from Mr.
Watkin's speech in the House of Commons, where,
for our instruction, he has told us :—That simul-
taneously with the Act of 1862 there had been
an enormous amount of speculation, and a series
of circumstances unparalleled in the history of
speculation and commerce in this country since
the South Sea scheme in 1725. At present there
were 2,2oo;joint-stock companies of various kinds,
with a capital of not less than £1,000,000,000; there
were probably 750,000 interested as shareholders ;
and directors and trustees numbering 12,500. The
extent of the operations of the Act was shown
from their having been registered under its pro-
I visions, in 1863, 807 projects ; in 1864, 953 ;
in 1865 995 ; and in 1866, 745 ; representing a
I capital of £706,000,000. Of these companies, 27
were financial associations, with a total capital
of £40,000,000, of which £9,500,000 was paid ;
17 were insurance companies, with £11,600,000 of
capital, and £1,100,000 paid up ; 54 were banks.
with £90,000,000 capital and £17,500,000 paid up ;
and 6 were discount companies—another form
of banking with £10,100,000 capital, and
£2,200,000 paid up. On the other side of the
account the failure of these speculations was repre-
sented by £42,000,000 of nominal capital, but really
by a great deal more. Overend, Gurney, and
Co. was one of those failures, and they, with a
nominal capital of £5,000,000, had liabilities to
the extent of £24,000,000.

The petition being granted to the Bank of
England, to authorize that establishment to make
a further issue of notes, it thought proper to raise
the accommodation to 10 per cent. ; this increased
the losses of those who had bills to discount, and it
had the effect of driving almost the best managed
firms to despair. Produce, as well as Stock
Exchange Securities, both became unsaleable ;
but the gold of the country began to flow
back into the reserve, and the bullion held by
the Bank increased in the same proportion as' the
extra issue of notes. The high rate of 10 per cent.
prevented any demand for speculative purposes.
In the produce markets purchases were only made
for immediate consumption. On the Stock Ex-
change there was a general stagnation in busi-
ness ; those who were in want of money to pay off
liabilities were obliged to submit to heavy sacri-
fices ; the hands of the jobbers were soon filled ;
and those who were obliged to sell were forced to
accept the lowest quotation. The necessity of
liquidation is still as great now as it was last
year, which explains why the panic is still raging,
and why prices are still so much depressed.
There is not a jobber that can hesitate to sell any
amount of stock to any willing purchaser at the
highest price of the day ; he may, by exception,
require that the business done be not marked upon
the official list ; but, before the end of the account,
he is sure to be able to buy in any over stock he
may have sold. The number of sellers will be
greater than that of buyers, so long as the neces-
sity of liquidation exists. When will that liqUida-
tion be at an end ? Nobody can tell. If we are
to believe Mr. Watkin in the House of Commons,
from 1863 to 1866 2,200 limited companies were
created. As on the Stock Exchange official list
there are only 899 registered, including consols
and every other item, it is impossible to say how
many calls are made each week on account of the
1,301 non-registered. There must of necessity
still remain a great want of money to meet such
calls. The majority of those new limited compa-
nies can inspire but little or no confidence ; and
no kind of advance can be expected on deposit of
such securities. The holders to meet calls are,
therefore, compelled to sell their best property,
which still commands a price ; and that is the
reason why the panic continues, and it must still
continue for some time. The present low price
paid for discounts and for accommodation, 3 to 2
per cent., shows the extreme anxiety and want of
confidence. Money can be raised easily at 3 per
cent. upon first class securities ; but no per centage
will tempt any advance upon second and third
class. That explains how the stock of bullion at
the Bank of England and at the Bank of France
is every week on the increase ; many prefer
keeping their money on deposit than running the
risk of an investment. The stock of bullion will,
in all probability, go on increasing here until the

amount surpasses that held by the sister coun-
try. We may still expect to see prices lower
before the ebb tide of speculation returns, when,
like that natural element, it will flow slowly at
first, gain strength as it rises, and in time flow
again out of its limits, causing the same ruin-and
disappointment to those who again may trust their
fortune, at extravagantly high premiums, to its
deceptive waters.—llrestminster Gazette.

FADTxraismENT.—Functional Disorders.—Who would
be well must see that every o.gan of the body does its
duty fully and fairly, which every one may certainly in-
sure by occasionally resorting to these Pills, or by taking
a course of them, according to the printed directions folded
round each box. Stomach, liver, kidney, and bowels are
all reached ty their purifying and corrective powers, and
any departure from their natural action is strenuously re-
sisted, and order and regularity enforced. Health may
always be preserved by attentive obedience to Holloway's
directions, and by using his medicine as advised by them.
MI obstructions will by this means be removed, the blood
will be purified, and its free and faultless circulation
insured.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TlMES.—Whatever may be the result of the pro-

secution commenced against Col. Nelson and Lieut.
Brand, the charge of the Lord Chief Justice of
England has vindicated one vital principle of Eng-
lish justice. Martial law, it has often been said, is
the suspension of all law, and the high authority of
the Duke of Wellington is cited in support of this
ambiguous doctrine. There is a sense in which such
a proposition cannot be contradicted, for iu a state
of war the will of the general is practically supreme.
The execution of au enemy or rebel, taken in arms,
by order of a court-martial, is, in the words of Sir
J. Mackintosh, " only amore regularand convenient
mode of exercising the right to kill in war." It may
be justified, like the refusal of quarter, by reasons
of military necessity, but it would be an abuse of
language to call it a lawful act. It has been sup-
posed, however, that martial law, in a far more
specific sense, may be prolaiined by virtue of the
royal prerogative in cases of emergency, and that,
having been proclaimed, it overrides and supersedes
the action of civil tribunals. It was against theories
of this kind, which received an apparent sanction
from Mr. Disraeli's reply to Mr. Mill last session,
that Chief Justice Cockburn's h‘minous exposition
of the law was chiefly directed. The first question
being whether theso-called court-martial which tried
Gordon had any legal jurisdiction, it was necessary
to examine the groundsupon which that jurisdiction
might be claimed. Now, it might be claimed either
under a commission from the Crown giving autho-
rity to the Governor, or under some legislative
enactment. If claimed under a commission from
the Crown, it might be supported by one of two
arguments—either that Jamaica is, for that pur-
pose, a Crown colony and subject to the absolute
reign of the Sovereign, or that, being a settlement
and entitled to the same rights and privileges as
Great Britain, it is nevertheless liable to be placed
under martial law. With respect to the former
argument, it may be enough to say that, after a
review 01 Jamaica history, it was dismissed by the
Chief Justice as wholly untenable. The island was,
indeed, first acquired by conquest and cession, and
thus became prima facie a Crown colony ; but it
was shortly afterwards evacuated by the Spanish
population and resettled from England under special
proclamation by Charles II.; thereby assuming the
character of colony formed by occupation. If there
was ever any doubt of this, it was set at rest not
only by the establishment of representative Govern-
ment nearly two centuries ago, but, far more con-
clusively, by an act passed in the reign of George
111., which confirmed to the inhabitants of Jamaica
the privileges of British subjects. The validity of
martial Law in Jamaica, therefore, depends on the
same considerations as its validity in any part of the
United Kingdom. If it can be proclaimed there,
except under a local act, it may also be proclaimed
here ; and if its proclamation can be there autho-
rised by a local act without the consent of the Im-
perial Parliament, then an immunity from arbitrary
jurisdiction is not, as it has hitherto been held to be,
the birthright of English colonists no less than of
native Englishmen. The opinion of the Lord Chief
Justice is decisive against the existence of any pre-
rogative enabling the Sovereign to declare martial
law. He takes all the alleged precedents, one by
one, and shows elaborately that no such position can
be founded upon them. The earlier annals of Eng-
lish history are full of illegal proclamations and san-
guinary reprisals, but nothing like a judicial recog-
nition of martial law can be found in them. The
phrase does not appear to have been ever used until
the time of the Tudors, and then appears to have
been used rather to strike terror than with the deli-
berate purpose of establishing courts-martial for the
trial of civilians. The wholesale executions which
followed the insurrection of `Vat Tyler were covered
by an act of indemnity; the butchery of prisoners
after some of the battles in the Wars of the Roses
was a cruel exercise of warlike rights, as they
were understood in those days. At all events,
since the Petition of Right there is no instance of
martial law being proclaimed in England, though
many insurrections have severely tested the forbear-
ance of the Government. Even in Ireland, which
the advocates of prerogative have been wont to re-
gard as their chief stronghold, Acts of Indemnity
have generally, if not invariably, been passed to
cover the excesses of " Martial. Law." Had Wolfe
Tone not anticipated the intervention of the civil
power by cutting his own throat, the issue which has
now arisen might have been decided 70 years ago •,
as it was, the Executive did not venture to proceed
further without statutory authority. In short, the
inference which the Chief Justice draws from the
whole course of English jurisprudence and legisla-
tion is that martial law is not so much the suspen-
sion as the negation of all law, and warrants nothing
which could not be lawfully done without a recourse
to it. While he points out the popular error which
confounds it with military law as now administered
under the Mutiny Act, and formerly under Ordi-
nances and Articles of War, he defends military law
itself against the charge of being an arbitrary system,
governed by no fixed principles or rules of procedure.
Still more emphatically does he protest against the
notion that martial law differs from military law in
being more capricious, more shadowy, and more de=
pendent on the conscience and discretion of the
tribunals constituted under it. Upon the whole, he
arrives at the conclusion that martial law is a mere
figment, that no power but Parliament can suspend
the common law rights of civilians, and that even
soldiers are not amenable in time of peace to so
despotic a jurisdiction as that of courts-martial has
been described. The only plea which can avail a
military officer who has put a British subject to
plea which would equally avail a police-
Oiea fficteh is a
r oreven a private citizen. It is the plea, not
of martial law, but of necessity. There are cases
in which an individual may take the law into his
own hands in self-defence; there are cases in which,
for the protection of society, all loyal subjects, and
still more those who may be specially
charged with
the maintenance of order, may execute the higher
law of public safety ; but there is no case in which
a mockery of justice can be rendered valid by a pro-
clamation of Martial Law. It would be superfluous
to enter upon the detailed application of these prin-
ciples to the act passed by the Jamaica Legislature
under colour of which Mr. Gordon was arrested and
tried. However elastic may be the prerogative of
declaring Martial Law—a.ssalnicg the existence of
such a prerogative—it would be absurd to attribute
an equal elasticity to a statutable proclamation of
martial law in a certain district therein defined.
The illegality of Gordon's arrest has scarcely been
questioned among competent lawyers, and Mr.
Eyre himself confessed from the first that he relied
on an act of indemnity. There would, in fact, have
been more room for doubt had not proclamation of
martial law been issued, for the exclusion of King-
ston from the county of Surrey for this purpose
rather tended to negative any presumption of
necessity. His arrest, then, being illegal, it follows
that his trial must have been equally illegal, and the
Lord Chief Justice did not scruple to denounce the
policy which took him out of the jurisdiction of
lawful tribunals which might have acquitted him,
and sent him before an unlawful tribunal from
which a conviction was confidently expected. We
forbear to prejudice the case against Colonel Nelson
and Lieutenant Brand by adverting. to
any later
state of the proceedings. It is the duty of a judge,
in directing the grand jury to discuss, by anticipa-
tion, many topics on which public comment would
be premature and improper. The law is one thing ;
the facts are another. We accept this authoritative
confirmation of Constitutional principles from the
bench with unqualified satisfaction. The facts are
for the grand jury ; and we have too much respect
for the safeguards of English law to encroach upon
their functions.

POST.—In a not very numerous house it has been
decided by nearly the smallest of majorities that the
office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland shall not be
open to Roman Catholics. That this decision should
have been pronounced is, we think, a matter for re-
gret. The office of Viceroy of Ireland—an office, by
the way, which cannot possibly survive many years
—is of course in the nomination of the Crown, and
It would be always in the power of the Government
to appoint whom they pleased, notwithstanding the
removal of the existing disqualification. When the
champions of Protestantism spoke of the perils which
would arise if a Roman Catholic was appointed as
representative of the Sovereign, they overlooked the
fact that the person so appointed would be simply
the nominee of the Cabinet at Whitehall, and liable
to removal at a moment's notice. The question
was one which was alone capableof being argued on
sentimental grounds, and it has unfortunately hap-
pened that in obedience to a sentimental antipathy
to anything which appears to be an infringetdent of
the great principle of Protestant supremacy, an op-
portunity has been lost of placing Roman Catholics
and Protestants on the same footing as regards eligi-
bility for every office under the Crown in the sister
country. Her Majesty's Government evinced their
willingness to assent to thatclause in Sir C. O'Logh-
len's bill which throws open the office of Lord Chan-
cellor of Ireland to Roman Catholics, but declined
to pursue the same liberal course in reference to the
similar provision regarding the office of Viceroy.
For this apparent inconsistency we seek in vain for
an explanation, and assuredly do not find one in
the laboured speech of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer. If difference of religion ought in this
country to be a ground for incapacitating an indi-
vidual for office, then we ought to revert to the
laws which were in force before the passing of
the celebrated act for the relief of Roman Catholics.
If, however, it is expedient that all citizens should
be regarded with equal favour, independently of
differences of religious persuasion,it is obvious that
nothing short of paramount necessity can justify the
exclusion of persons on such grounds from particular

offices. The onus lay on the opponents of Sir
Colman O'Loghlen's bill to show that such a para-
mount necessity existed formaking Roman Catholics
ineligible 'for the post of Lord Lieutenant in a
country where the great bulk of the population is
Roman Catholic, and this they failed to do. Being
little more than a puppet, it was impossible to prove
that an Irish viceroy could be otherwise than harm-
less, whether he went to church or chapel ; but,
neverthelesQ, the flimsy argument that because he
would be the shadow of the Queen he must neces-
sarily profess the same creed, had weight with a
majority of the house of Commons, and the Roman
Catholic subjects of her Majesty were in effect told
that not one of their number could be entrusted to
fill one of the most honourable though not the most
responsible offices in the State. Mr. Gladstone,
effectually disposed of Mr. Disraeli's feeble justifica-
tion for drawing a distinction between the office of
Lord Lieutenant and every other office under the
Crown in Ireland, by pointing out that the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer never ventured to contend that
any peril would accrue to the constitution by the pro-
posed change. Mr. Whalley, Mr. Newdegate, and
Mr. Vance naturally saw in a removal of the existing
disability the first step towards the repeal of the Act
of Settlement, by which the Throne is limited exclu-
sively to Protestants. But then it must be recol-
lected that those gentlemen would willingly exclude
Roman Catholics from all great offices of trust and
power, and would doubtless see with pleasure the
repeal of the Act of 1829. In every indulgence
afforded to their Roman Catholic, fellow-subjects
they see a covert attack on the Protestant Establish-
ment of this country. They would have negatived
every clause in Sir Colman O'Loghlen's bill if they
believed that a majority would have followed them
into the lobby. With their opposition, which may
be said to be rather instinctive than rational, we
have no fault .to find. They are at least consistent.
But what we fail to comprehend is the process of
reasoning by which the chief of the Conservative
party and many Liberal members came to the con-
clusion that it was advisable to afford a Roman
Catholic an opportunity of becoming Lord High
Chancellor of Ireland but not Lord Lieutenant. To
our minds the former, having inter alia the power of
appointing justices of the peace, intro motu can exer-
cise much greater personal influence in Ireland then
the latter, who acts under the advice of his Privy
Council, and is obliged to obey the orders of the
Home Secretary. The various Secretaries of State
may be Roman Catholics ; why, therefore, it may
be asked, should not also an official who is obliged to
act in conformity with their wishes ? The truth is
that Mr. Disraeli could not reply to this argument;
as Mr. Gladstone remarked, " his wheels drave
heavily" whilst endeavouring to maintain a position
which his reason disavowed, and he was obliged in
effect to justify the course he recommended to the
house on sentimental grounds, which, if sentiment,
was allowed to have any weight in such a discursi.. •
sion, should have turned the balance the other way*, ,',.:
It has often been urged, and with much truth, that
Roman Catholics have no substantial grievance
in the circumstance of being excluded from the_
office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. They have
been reproached with converting a molehill into a
mountain, and of appealing to sentiment and not to
reason when they have demanded the repeal of an
almost unsubstantial disqualification. It reduces
itself, therefore, to a question of sentiment on botboth
sides. The Irish Roman Catholics protest that their
feelings are outraged by a law which declares
that none of their creed are worthy to occupy Dab- '
lin Castle, to hold levees and drawing rooms, give
balls, and to execute the behests of the English
Cabinet. On the other hand, the Protestants re-
gard with alarm the prospect of the personal repre-
sentative of a Protestant Sovereign going to mass.
What, said Mr. Vance, would become of the eccle-
siastical staff of the Lord Lieutenant, which it seems
includes a dean, sub-dean, and 36 chaplains, if be
were a Roman Catholic ? Would the Castle chapel
be converted into a Roman Catholic place of wor-
ship ? These arguments, if they are worth anything,
would equally apply to the office of Lord Mayor of
London. The fact that the chief magistrate of the
City must have his chaplain, and must attend on
certain occasions at St. Paul's, did not prevent the
corporation electing a Hebrew gentleman last year.
A canny Scotch member suggested that the Vice'
roy, with his whole b ttch of deans and chaplains,
ought to be swept away on economical grounds, and
this was the only suggestion which seemed to re-
commend itself to both parties in the house. The
real point at issue was, as Mr. Gladstone forcibll
observed, whether different principles should be ali;
plied in Ireland from those which rule in England"
and Scotland. We think not ; and we agree with
him in considering that " we should apply the same
principles—namely, that in as far as may be con'
aistent with the unity of the empire we should con-
suit, in framing our laws for each country, the cha'
ratter, dispositions, and convictions of the people ei
: that country."

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