The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-20 00:00:00

THE SeN LONDON, SATURDAY VEN 1 NG, FEBRUARY_ 20, 1858

head. (" Hour, hear," and laughter.) Well, the Times
says of the noble lord that—
" There is no constituted authority in Europe with which
Lord Palmerston has not quarreled—(a laugh)—there is no
insurrection that he has not betrayed. The arilrnt parti-
sans cf Sicilian, Italian, ri.id Hungarian indeeenienc3 have
certainly no especial cause for gratitude to a Minister who
gave them abundance of verbal encouragement and then aba
cloned them to their fate." (Hear' hear.) "On the other
hand "—mark this—" when Lord Palmerston has made up
his mind to court the good-will of a foreign Power no sacrifice
of principle or of interest is too great for him."
(Laughter and cheers.) The passage concludes in these
emphatic terms
:
From first to last his character has been the want 'of a
firm and lofty adherence to the known interests of England,
and it is precisely from a want of such guiding laws of con-
duct that our foreign policy has degenerated into a tissue of
caprices, machinations, petty contentions, and everlasting
disputes."
(Carers and laughter.) It is because I think the mode
in which this affair has been conducted is of all others
the most calculated to occasion disputes with France
that I take the liberty of que,tioning the discretion
which has been exercised by her Majesty's Government.
I agree with the noble -nember for the city of London
that the irritating discussions that have taken place in
this house might have been avoided had a more judicious
policy been pursued. I believe that if a proper ree ly
had been sent to the despatch of C met Wa ewski it i
possible that we might never have been called upon to
legislate upon this subject ; and, the sympathies of t' is
country having been expressed for the unfortunate cir-
cumstances that had taken place in Paris it is very
probable that when the excitement hal passed away the
matter might have ended without the necessity cf
involving the House of Commons in any controversy
with reference to the Emperor of the French, and the
views of the French nation. I, for one, feel entirely
precluded from offering any opinion whatever with re-
spect to the Government of the Emperer of the French.
That is a matter for the French people. I am for non-
interference, and therefore I soall not set the example
of entering into any discussion as to the mode in which
the Government of France is carried on. The noble lord
has told us that the Government of France rests on the
voice of the people ; there is undoubtedly a Frei ch As-
sembly elected, as it is said, by universal suffrage and
vote by ballot—(cheering and general laughter)—and it
is not therefore for me to call in question the mode in
which the government of France is administered. I
confine myself to my legitimate duty, which is to ques-
tion the discretion that bas been exk reim--d by the execu-
tive Government of this country. I now beg, sir, to
place my amendment in your hands. I believe that I
am only discharging a legitimate and consti tit onal
duly. (Cheers.) I believe that I have taken a fining
opportunity for discharging that duty ; and I have only
to thank the house for the kindness and attention with
which they have hear i me. (Continued cheering.)
The right hon. gentleman concluded by moving, as an
amendment,
"That this house hears with much concern that it is
alleged that recent attempts upon the life of the Emperor of
the French have been devised in England, and expresses its
detestation of such guilty enterprises ; that this house is
ready at all times to assist in remedying any defects in the
criminal law which, after due investigation, aro proved to
exist, yet it cannot but r gret that her Majesty's Government,
previously to inviting the house to amend the law of conspi-
racy by the second reading of this bill at the present time,
has not felt it to be their duty to make some re;ly to the ins-
portant despatch receivedfrom the French G vern ',cut, dated
Paris, Jan. 20, 1858, and which has been laid before Parlia-
ment."

Sir J. V. SHELLEY having seconded the amend
meat,
Mr. BRINES said he would c fret. but a few observa-
tions on the questions that had been raised. The main
question he took to be this—first, whether the measure
now proposed on the part of the Government was right
in itself ; and secondly, if so, whether there was any
valid reason why it ghoul t not he immediately proceeded
with in that house. The ea jets of the right honour-
able gentleman's amendment would clearly be this, to
interpose an obstacle to proceeding with the measure,
which, he submitted, was in every way worthy of its ac-
ceptance, and which ought to pass into law with as little
delay as possible. He could assure the right hon. gentle.
man that the bill had not for its object to change alum:a
of the constitutional principles to which the people of
this country were so strongly attached. If that were its
object, be would not for a moment give it his support.
Tne bill did no more than to assign to an offence of a
particularly dangerous-and malignant character such a
punishment as leech an offence deserved. That was the
object of the bill. It created no difference whatever in
the tribunals before which such offences would be trie 1,
for tuch eases would be tried in exactly the game ma.cne r
as ordinary offences, and precisely in the same manner
as at present. There would be the same securities of
grand jury, petty jury, and the ordinary formalities of
law. Therefore, he said, as far as regarded the constitu-
tional principles of our jurisprudence, the bill left them
exactly where they were. The present state of the law
in reference to cases for which the proposed bill would
provide was moat incongruous and inconsistent. In Eng-
land the offence was looked upon as a misdemeanour,
punishable only as a common assault or a common nuis-
ance, while iu Ireland it was visited with the punishment
of death. It might be said that the provisions of the bill
might be right in themselves, but this was not the pro-
per time to introduce them ; but he thought that if the
principle was rii,ht, it was unreasonable to offer any ob-
jection on the score of time. tie could not help think-
ing a great deal of the hostility to the bill was owing
to a prejudice whine was indulged in before its provi-
sions became known, and when an opinion prevailed
that it was to off :et some imp irtant change iu the prin-
ciples cf our jerisprudence, but that was an error which
he had hoped might now have pass-el away. If this bill
were rej ?acid he did not see how we should ever he
safe from conspiracies to murder, for this bill applied
not to fereigoers alone, hat to or ry man, woman,
and child in England. (Hear.) It had been said that
the Givernment ought to refrain from taking steps with
regard to this bill, because an improper time tied bseu
taken by the French in -peaking of tee attempt on the
life of their Enperor. Tne Eneesor of ;he French wa',
as had been truly seid, the spontaneous choice of ti e
French people, arid he had been in all respects an hon-
ourable and faithful way of th s country. (Cheers.) It
certainly ought nut to be urged that, on account of some
extravagant phrases used by some perso is in France,
the English Government ought to refrain fsom pausing
law which was called for by truth and justice. He
thought that very great allowance ought to be made for
the language o exesperation which had been used by
the French in consequence of the dastardly attempt on
the Emperor's life. Let those who thought differently
look back upon the history of our own country ; let
them remember what was done when there were attempts
on the lives of Queen Elizabeth, James 1., and William
111. Did our ancestors on those occas.ions conduct
themselves in that temperate manner which was now
• scoected of the French ? Was there no intemperance
of manner, no violence of conduct, no rashness of legis-
lation ? (Cheers.) Well, then, let them make some
allowanoe for the excited feelings of the Frei], h people
when a cowardly attempt was made on the life of their
Emperor, to which he believed they were ready attached.
(Cheers.) He had never known it need before as an
argument in that house that if a measure was right in
principle it should not be granted on account of the r
aed indecorous manner in which it was asked for
Everybody knew that petitions sometimes press nted to
that house were couched in language of downrieht in-
solence, and their petitions were rejected on teat ae-
c mut ; but it was never urgei that on account of their
intemperate language a measure which the Parliament
o msidrred right in principle should be rejected. (Hear )
Under these circumstances, lie considered that there was
no reason for a jectirg this bill, which was called far
upon every consideration of truth and justice. (Caeers )
Mr. WALPOLE said he had hoped that something
would have fallen from the right hon. gentleman alio
had just sat down which would have induced him to
continue the vote in favour of the introduction of this
b 11, by voting for its second reading, which he should
have done if he !had found that the Ministry intended
to vindicate the honour of the country. But the right
bor. gentleman, in a woerce psereeeinte to les a reply to
that of the iee.sr ei tee amendment, hail not made a
single allusion to the principles which were now really
under consideration. Tee mover of the amendment had
expressed hie views with great temper, and had stated
more than once that it was far from his inlention to wish
to break np the relations between the two countries,
adding most distinctly that this was a questi so as be-
tween the House of Commons representing the people
and the Executive Government neglecting their duty.
(Cheers.) If this were simply a discussion of the merits
of the bill, as the right bon. gentleman( Baines) had
diecueted without adverting in one single syllable to the
real question at issue—if there were no other question
before them but the propriety of the bill itself—he (alr.
Walpol, ) would have supported the alteration in the
law which, he believed, to be ueces.ary, because he
thought that round principles should be laid down in
law, and that things shculd be called by their right
names. Great questions had been raised in this discus-
sion—the cause of freedom, the right of humanity, and
the honour of England. Tetra was nothing in thi • bill
to impeach the right of asylum which tkis count-y had
always offered to foreign political refagees, whether
crowned heads or peasants. In the misuse of c mellow
humanity the bill might be supported when it was proved
to the house that a conspiracy had been concocted in
this country. He would support the bill on this ground,
but he would not do se unless the h ieour of England
was previously vindicated. Referring to the despatch of
Count Walewski, he found this pusage, with reference
to the alleged encouragement afforded in this country to
the conspiracies to commit the crime of as-assination
"It is no longer the hostility of erring parta s mani-
fasting itself by all the excesses of the press and
every violence of language ; it is no longer even the
labour of tie factions seeking to agitate opinion and to
provoke eisorder ; it is assassination reduced tea d ctrine
preached openly, practised in repeated attempt., tho
inset recent of which has just struck Eerope wan slope-
faction. Ought, then, the right of asylum to protect such
a state of things ? Is hospitality due to assassins ? Should
place themselves by flagrant acts outside the pale of the
rn
eeEnglishlnhe.as: sal antdi ocna Ent
irtv ecot
7o)
tfia,quoeu
trotheir de
protect
i amidns
persons their
,h,)
common law, and expose themselves to the ban of hu-
manity l' In submitting these questions to her Britannic
&hanky's Government, the Government of the Emperor
does not merely discharge a duty towards itself, it re-
echoes the sentiment of the country, which, under the
itselfalders issnocculrera erzceo n
of
all nations ae t
entitled
influence of the most legitimate anxiety, calls upon it, to
do so, and which, in a matter where the common interest
among
England. The repetition and the wickedness of thee,
guilty enterprises expose France to a danger against
whin we are bound to provide. Her Britannic Majesty'e
Government can assist us in averting it ay affording us a
upon the co
guarantee of security which no State can refuse to a
toiilsned and
to all
re ckgLveur pnuln
neighbouring State, and which we are authorised to ex-
pect from au ally. Fully relying, moreover, on the high

sense of the English Cabinet, we refrain from indicating
in any way the measures which it may see fit to take in
order to comply with this wish." This requisition was
made by Count Walewski upon a stateaisnt which was
utterly and c.mpletely unfounded in fact. To pass any
such bill as that before the house with this despatch, im-
puting to the English legislation that it favoured assas-
sination, still unanswered, would be seriou'ly to affect
the honour of this country. He e new it had been said
that tie reason why this despatch hail not been received
was because the mind of the people of France was
agitated at the attempt which had been made on the
life of the sovereign of their country. But was not
something due to the agitated feelings of this
country, and had not the people of England a right
to demand that such charges as those coctaiaed in
the despatch of Count Walewski sh .u'd not be wade
upon the branding them as advocates of aeiasssination.
(Hear.) The Government of this country might
have adopted the same course as that which had been,
taken by Lord Hawkesbury, when a similar demand was
made by the French Government respecting the conduct
of foreign refugees. It was most improbable that her
Majesty's Government should have refrained-from tak-
ing such a step, and especially so as the matter had
been pressed upon the attention at an early period of the
debate on the introduction of the bill. They did not
wish to vote against a bill wkick he believed to be right
in Well on principle, but at the same time he diffnet
wish to assist in passing a bill which would seriously
affect the honour of this country. He did not kne,
whether the Government would even now adopt the
course which had been suggested, of answering in a
proper manner this despatch of Count Waleweki. Notice
of this amendment was given some days since, and the
Government had had ample time to act upon the sue-
gestion. No vindication of the honour of the country
bad been attempted, and the people of England would
require from its Parliament that it should not take one
single step further in passing this measure until there
was a public and as authentic a record as that which
contained the libel upon England—a complete vindice-
ton and justificatiou of our honour. (Hear.) When
that was d mne, the House of Commons must consider
whether the bill soould be proceeded with ; but until
this was done, he hoped they woul I not incur that which
the noble lord at the head of the Government imputed
to them in oeptsing the introduction of this bill, namely,
the imputation of being humiliated and disgraced.
Sir G. GREY said that the boa. and iearne.l member
having approved of the principle of the till, and ex-
pressed his determination to support it, in the event of
a certain course being adopted, it was, therefore, unne-
cessary for him to discuss the principle of the bill. He
was surprised to hear that the hon. member should
have insinuated anything like an indifference to the
honour of the country on the part of her Majesty's
Government. On a previous occasion it had been. stated
that her Majesty's Government bad flstly refused to
deal in any manner with the refugees in this country
except in accordance with the law of the land. Although
no i rural despatch had been written on this subject, it
bad been fully and distinctly understood what was the
course which her Majesty's Government had decided
upon adopting. It would have been 'very easy for his
noble friend at tLe bead of the Foreign- ffice to have
written a despatch on the model of that of Lord Ha wkes.
bury ; and this, no doubt, would have been popular with
a great part of the country, but it might not have tended
to improve the relations bet • een the two countries, or
in the least degree to diminish the difficult.es with which
tae question was surrounded. The paragraph in the
despatch to which allusion bad been made charging the
preaching lute a d tctrine of the crime of assassina-
tion, did not, he contended, refer to the people of Eng-
land, but to some foreigners resident in this country who
were well kn twn to have acted in a manner described by
Count Waleweki, and such as every Enelfshinan must
abhor and detest. He cautioned the house against sup-
posing that it woul I have been quite so easy to have
penned a despatch in reply to that referred to without
appearing to impute to the French Government that it
hal unjustly libelled the people of this country. Be-
sides, it was well known that there were persons residing
in this country who were actually conspiring against the
life of the Emperor, and her Majesty's Government could
not in consequence take that lofty tone on the subject
which might have been wished. Then, too, if a complaint
had been made on the subject of this despatch, it would
have been necessary to have referred to the publication
of the addresses of the army in the Moniteur. Bo it was
certainly very much better that the Governmenthad not
done so, and thus avoided placing on record an acknow-
ledgment of their existence, while they received from
the Government of France the ex, ression of a regret
thatthose addresses had been permitted to appear. After
this bill was passed there could be no objection to the
House of Commons placing on record the reasons which'
had induced it to abstain in any degree from infringing
the right of asylum, or asking for an extraordinary
power to be applied by the Government in dealing with
foreign refugees, in accordance with the suggestion c )n-
-tained in the despatch of Count Waleweki. That might
be a course when it would be fitting and dignified to
adopt, and which the eliff,rences which existed between
British subjects and foreigners, relative to the crime of
conspiracy to murder, it might be done with consider-
able effect, inasmuch as they might state with truth that
in this matter the foreigner was upon precisely the same
footing as our own subjects. Reference had been made
to the despatch written by Lord Hawkesbury, and it had
been a-ked why had not the,Goveratnent adopted a
course. But the circumstances were very different
from chose wl existed in the present day, and the teo
Governments were on the eve of a war, while we were
now in a state of eose and intimate alliance. But Lo. d
Hawkesbury had in fact consented at the dictation of
the French Governmentsto send to Canada some persons
whose names had been mentioned in the French dr-.
spa'cle, to which that of Lord Hawkesbury was an
ans.ver. Was that the dignified c curse which the house
was prepared to recommend as a model for her Majesty's
Government in the pr• sent day. (Cheers ?) If the pron-
e-pie of the present bill was affitinede the Government
might then with truth nod dignity inform Count.
Wale 'saki that there was no difference whatever in
the law between the British subject and foreign refugees
respecting conspiracies against foreign powers. At pre-
sent they could not say that such was the state of things
in this country. Asa proof of this there was one British
subject for whose apprehension a warrant bad beer.
issued on the capital offence of being accem ory to a
murder in France, while a foreign refugee arrested for
the same offence was only charged with a misdemea-
nour. He believed that the bid was a useful one, and if
passed would place us upon an unassailable footing as
regarded the charges which might be brought against us
by foreign countries. He trusted, therefore, that the
house would not recede from the position which it had
taken on the introduction of the bill. (Hear, hear )
Mr. M'MAHON thought that the opinion of the
judges ought to have been taken on the state of the law
of conspiracy, and if it had been found to have been
inefficient the Government might then have brought,
forward a bill to remedy the law. But he contended that
the existing law was amply sufficient to punish the
offence of conspiring to maunder. In support of hie opi-
nion he referred to Mr. Greaves, who, in his new edi-

tion of " Hawkins's Pleas of the Cravirs," described the
nature, of the punishment awarded for such offences.
Thi. he (Mr. Nl:Mahon) contended was mere severe and
enure effective than that provided by the bill before the
house. Under the present law, in addition to impri-
sonment, the judge had the power of calling upon
the offenders to find securities for their future
conduct. The bill, while it did not increase the
severity of the punishment would greatly increase the
difficulty of conviction, inasmuch as under the new bill
the crime would be changed from felony to misdemeanour,
and the party charged, if a foreigner, would be entitled
to a jury consieting of one-halt aliens, and would have
the right of challenge of twenty of the jurore. The
experience of Ire'and was against the Introduction of
the bill. The only object of the bill therefore was to
give the Government a power of espionage over the re-
fugees, which they could not possess as Ime as the
oil net roivained a misdemeanour. Make the offence a
felony, and the police had at once given a power to
search houses and examine papers merely on suspicion.
Hapeily in England there was no one interested in
abusing the powers of the law ; but it was notorious
that foreign Governments would resort to any means to
hunt obnoxious retugtes out of the country. It would
be better for them at once to proclaim to refugees that
England could no longer harbour them, and that it
would be safer for them to leave the country than
remain to be made the victims of a foreign police.
Mr. BYNG said, that although he ould yield to no
one in his detestation of the horrible machinations
against the life of the Emperor of the French, he in-
tended to vote for the amend eat messed by the right
hon. member for Ashton. He would add that he
thought much-of the language that had been used in
that house with reference to the bill ought at once to be
deprecated ; while, on the other hand, a great deal ten
much hal been made of
ore the language adopted by thand-
he
French military ofdicsrs, m especially after the
some apology which had been offered for that language.
(Hear.) Bathe could not help thinking that both the
time was ill-chosen tor he introduction of such a change,
as well as the change itt,elf unnec-,ssary. Had England
:ever refused to put the exi-ting law in motion 3 Ou the
contrary, there were three signal instances in which
tae law had been remarkably enforced. A.; the same i ne,
he feared this measure, if passed into law, would not
produce either in France or on the Continent the effect
which was desired : while, on the other hand, he coeld
not perceive that the consequence of such legislation all
over Europe must be to lower the reputation of England.
He thought that an answer ought to have been sent to
I the despatch of Count Waiewiski, and believed that the
sagacious man at the head of the French empire would
have been greatly appeased by the general expression of
sympathy evinced by the people of Ecgland at his escape
from asseseina i n. The v( t i which he was about to give
might n• t be sumssful, but most certainly it would be
given with sincerity. Fie bad lived to be made to love
Engli h laws, and not seeing any necessity f .r the el-ens
now asked for, he should vote for the amendment of the
right hon. member for Ashton..
Mr. SPOONED was glad that no answer had been sent
to this dessatcb, which would have iccreased the irritation
between the two countries. If such a despatch had been
sent it could only have been a full one, which would
have entered upon dangerous subjects. He would have
thorn pass the bill, and then do what the Home Secretary
had proposed—place our opinions on record as to the sine-
tity of asylum. The mode of meeting the bill by the pre-
posed resolution was neither fair nor Parliamentary. He
defended the bill as good, just, and necessary.
Lord H. VANE expressed his regret that the despatch
had not been answered, but could not consider that we bad
been insulted by the French Government after the apology
we had received. He should support the second reading
-of the bill.
Mr. BENTINCK said that the adoption of the resolu-
tion would place us in a most difficult position with regard
to France. -Let them deal with the bi ) without referenes to
extraneous matter or the opinion of foreign nations, To

place it upon record that we declined a measure which
we knew to be just on account of what would be said of us
abroad, was to place the country in the lowest state of de-
sr,- d .tion. The accusation of preaching assassination con-
tained in the despatch, was meant, not of the people of
England, but of the refugees.
Sir R. PEEL-I contented myself with a silent vote on
the introduction of this measure, but now, after having had
an opportunity of reading its provisions, I am anxious to
give some explanation of the feelings which I entertain upon
a subject so important and so interesting. (Hear.) I have
listened with great attention'to the speech of the Prime Mi-
nister, and also to that of the right bon. gentleman the late
member for Manchester -(langhter)-I mean the member
for Ashton, and I must say that I agree with the hon.
gentleman opposite (Mr. Bentinck), who characterised the
speech of the right hon. gentleman as a most able and mode-
rate statement; but, on the other hand, I think the speech of
the noble lord the Prime Minister tended to lead us astray
from the direct question at issue. (Hear.) I think the ques-
tion is one of verylreat importance, and one which, while
it should in no way be exaggerated, should at the same
time be considered calmly and dispassionately. lam este-
Inished that the head of a Liberal Government should pro-
pose a bill to Parliament which is opposed by all the most
distinguished Liberals in this house. (Cries of " No, no !")
Well, almost all the most distinguished Liberals have .
spoken against it ; while, on the other hand, those who
are the political opponents of the noble viscount have given
it that modest support in which eloquence gives the pas to
acts. (A. laugh.) The noble lord the member for London
has made a manly and patriotic speech against the bill, and . ,
the eloquence of the bon, and lest ned member for Sheffield
on the same side, may be taken as an accurate interpreta-
tion of the public feeling (Hear, heat.) It is true that
the Solicitor-General, who is certainly not the man to
hazard such an opinion, has raid that the speech of the
hon. and learned member for Sheffield was not very power-
ful in point of argument, yet the house and the country
think otherwise, as is proved by the impression which that
speech has everywhere produced. (Hear, bear.) The ques-
tion before the house involves two important considera-
tions, one relating to the change to be introduced into
our law, and the other to the occasion which has sug-
gested the introduction of the present bill. We have heard
the legal part of the subject discussed in all its bearings,
I do not pretend to assert that the treatment of aliens or
foreigners residing in England should not be subordinate
to the interests of our own community ; but I do say that
no obscure or definite resttiotions should be placed upon
refugees, so long as, irrespective of the suggestions of
foreign policy, they obey our laws, do not interfere with
the policy of our Government, or abuse that sacred right
of asylum which we are, proud to extend to them when
fleeing from persecution in the land of their birth. The
asylum which we gave them is liable to abuse, as every
enactment we can frame, no matter how stringent its pro-
visions, is liable to be eva leg' or transgressed, The noble
viscount seems to think otherwise, for he is calling upon
us to increase the penalty attaching to conspiracy to mur-
der, in order, as he says, to prevent the commission of that
offence. If you do pass such a law let it, I implore you, be
so clear and precise that it may be intelligible to all. The
present bill does not fulfil that condition. If the noble
viscount had described it as an alteration of the law re-
quired by the exigencies of the times, or as a measure of
legal reform which he had long known to be necessary, we
might have been prepared to adopt it. Could he prove to
us that the low in its existing state favours the commission
of crimes such as that recently attempted in Paris, I would
be one of the first to say "let us amend it." But the re-
verse is the fact. The Home Secretary the other i ight
passed a severe censure upon the Lord Chief Justice for
having ventured to express an opinion as to the sufficiency
of the present law, but we are bound to respect the dicta
of our highest legal authorities, and when two such men as
Lord Brougham and Lord Campbell agree in saying that'
the existing law is adequate for all necessary purposes we
must suffer ourselves to be influenced by such powerful tes-
timony. The Solicitor-General, it is true, has expressed a
different opinion, but he did not throw much light upon
the question -(a laugh)-and I have not yet heard the
Attorney-General, though I have been waiting anx-
ously to see him jump to his feet. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) If he told us that the bill was absolutely
necessary, he might induce us, with his placid manner
and persuasive eloquence -(a laugh)-to support it; but
as yet nothing lies been said to show that the existing law
requires amendment. We have been told that: a reward of
2001. has been offered for the capture of Mr. Allsop, and
that a Frenchman named Bernard has besn apprehended
upon a warrant of the Treasury. (No, no.) Well, the
mistake is trivial. Upon a warrant of the Home Office;
at all events, M. Bernard has been taken tip. (A. laugh.)
What happened at his examination before Mr. Jardine,
the police magistrate, on Monday last? Mr. Bodkin
-(great laughter, caused by the contemptuous tone in'
which the hon. baronet pronounced the name of the well-
known barrister) -who said that he appeared to conduct
the case against the prisoner on behalf of the Treasury,
concluded his opening speech with the following curious
remarks :-" It has been decided that persons guilty of
labels against a foreign Sovereign can be indicted in this
country, and it would be strange," continued lawyer
Bodkin-(laughter)-" if under the same law it was not
an offence to conspire to commit murder on the person of
an individual holding that position," Now, the Home
Secretary has distinctly told us that the attention of the
Government was called to a defect in the law, and yet we
are informed by Mr. Bodkin that the law is amply suffi-
cient to accomplish the object which it is intended to servo
(Hear.) Our authorities differ, but I am disposed to believe
that the law is adequate, seeing that you can seize M. Ber-
nard and have a reward of 2001. offered for the capture of
Mr. Allsop. (A. laugh.) I could not help smiling the
other night at the strauge doctrine laid down by the noble
viscount at the head of the Government. From the year
1822, when Sir James Macintosh moved a resolution to the
effect that the efficiency of our criminal laws was to be in-
Icreased by an abatement of their undue rigour, up to the
present time the chief aim of the Legislature has been to
render our code leas severe. Now, however, in 183 ti, the
noble viscount proposes to increase the penalty attaching
to a particular offence, with the view of making the law
more efficient for its purpose, thus reversing the practise of
Parliament for the last, 35 years. (Hear.) But, after all,
to come to the real gist of the question, the bill of the.
noble viscount, though degrading to the country, is a mere
sh tm. The truth is that under cover of an alteration of
the law a bill has been submitted to Parliament at the dic-
tation of a foreign Government. (Cheers.) I am sur-
prised that the noble viscount should have allowed such an,
unwarra .table interference. If he can refute the reports
which are abroad let him do so at once, for I must say
that nothing could be more insulting to us, or more de-
grading to our sense of criminal justice, than to be told
that because six or eight attempts have been made against
the life of Leuis ?Tapoleon we must consider ourselves re-
sponsible for them. (Hear, hear.) In common with all
my countrymen, I abhor and detest assassination, not only
because of its atrocity, but on account also of its cowardice.
(Cheers.) Observe, however, the extreme uufairoess which
has characterised the conduct of the French Government
in the present instance. Au attempt is wale against the
life of Louis Napoleon, and straightway Count Walewski
accues Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and Campanella of being
implicated in the plot. These persons are residing in this
country ; no evidence whatever has been brought Against
them-(hear, hear) -but they are Republicans,
and there-
fore are charged with complicity in the recent attempt in
France. Lot us change the persons. Louis Napoleon has
himself resided in England, a pretender to the throne of
France, and during the period of his stay here several at-
tempts were made against -the life of Louis Philippe.
(Hear, hear.) No honourable man can suppose that Louis
Napoleon or Count Persigny, who also at that time en-
joyed the hospitality of England, had anything to do with
those attempts, and yet, if Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and !
Campanella are chargeable with the recent enterprise in .1
Paris, the present Emperor of the French may fairly be
held responsible for the attempts against Louis Philipp&
(Hear.) The question now before us is both delicate and
dangerous ; it has many aspects, and is differently judged at
different times by the same men. We all know that Count
Persigny himself, a very amiable gentleman, was at one
time a legitimist of the first class, the friend of the
Duchesse de Berri, • while it is equally notorious that in 1849
H. Beroche declared himselt a Republican de la vieile.
(Hear.) And new those persons cqme forward and tell us
we must not harbour men who so long as they reside in this
country and do not commit any crime against the laws
have a right of asylum in it. (Hear.) Does this house
forgot that in 1818 the odious doctrine was openly preached
in France that kings and queens are all robbers of t'll
people's rights ? Did we protest against that ? (Efer.,l
.6
Did we say anything about their press at that time ? 03" e
yet M. Walewski, forsooth, now talks about tho license of
the English press. Sir, I think he is one of the last who
should have dared to say onto insinuate anything against
the liberty of the press in this country. (Cheers.) List us
look at this letter of M. Walewski for a moment ; but,
before doing so, permit me to say that, while I regret ex-
ceedingly that no sufficient answer was made to this docu-
ment by her Majesty's Government, I never read a diplo-,
matic despatch so shallow or so destitute of point. (Hear.)
The attempt which led to the writing of this despatch oc-
curred on the 14th •of January, and six days aft
at theerward's
Count Walewski writes to M. Persigny to say
French Government find fault with the . systemgeiM..9e°l2,
here and beg for some alteration. No answer has "
h
sent, but the right lion. gentleman (Sir G. Grey) -as told
us to-night that if we pass the second reading of this bill
an answer will be sent. (Cheers.) Sir, I must say that
this is about the most undignified proceeding I ever
heard of and one most unworthy of the decision which
ought to have cbaracteiized the conduct of the Govern-
ment. This despatch is signed by Count Walewski and the
man who reals England this lesson 25 years ago was him-
self a member of the revolutionary committee in Poland.
(Laugh.) This is the gentleman who now tells us "It was
in England that Piante i formed the design of attacking the
Emperor ; it was from London that, in an affair the
crecol-
lection of which is still fresh, Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and
Campenella directed the hired bravoes whose hand they lae
armed." Let me make a remark in reference to that BsA,it.
meet. Twomen who weie teken up in France for 91! -1,i2
tempt, or for being supposed to have been implicated ail
so
attempt on the life of Louis Napoleon, were examiesin,
to the supposed complicity of Mazzini and Ledru It:" ,-
but the answers they gave on that occasion were so utt Ft;
absurd as to be wholly useless f. a. the purpose to which tpi i
examination. was directed. Again, M. Walewski talks
this being the country " where the authors of the late
;
conspiracy pret ared at leisure their means of action'
studied and fabricated the instruments of destruotioll°;',
which they made use, and thence started to executed
long
plan." With respect to that I would only say that
Out
I°"'
r Wl'
as these men reside in this country they obey ou be
it is only when they go to Belgium and France that t
,i,
concoct these schemes of assassination which fill the ininitur,
of all honourable men with horror and indignation. (Ersi„
hear.) Then he talks of " the hostility of misgui te l Isrs'as
viduals, manifesting itself by all the excesses of the P..,
and all the violences of language," adding that assuiri._ios
lion is elevated as a doctrine and openly preached i s
country. Now, I will say that never wee; an assertion l'u
wore
. of
unfair than that. (Cheers.) To tell us that, the doctrine
siur,
assassination is openly pi eached in this country ! Wl3l',,ice
is there a man out of France who would not scorn to tt of
e edit to such a foul insiuuatiou ? (Cheers.) The wla"_.!re
this despatch throughout is one that I have read Nita,vV
great regret, seriously aggravated as the tenour of 11", ch it
the unworthy insienaticus against this country which
contains. But it is said an rap 'logy has been male•
cPI-'„oe
may think that apology adequate, but I for oneorin
admit that it is, seeing that after an assertion was .
_eacevice
tibtsaitnpfnarrmt onftinthne
fpruorablicKpnrigehsstswbhriicdhg
,t,3
that supposedais tNo
evrp.o;?,ee
onat
and his Government regretted the insertion of the 192:te.
language that had been held towards this country, 4,0
ents of the Most severe and unseemly kind havee "
state
mn3ade in that paper. (Hear, hear.) And thee
___„4oo
manta appeared after it was supposed that "
aneeerCd t°
had been made for the insults that had,
mbaeyenthoese
10.:
this country. (Hear, hear.) 0u e said ' ~ el e
able murderers, the hired agents of black deed, ,e M ote
the punishment which is their desert in that repatriitiozi,h
-(loud laughter) -and may that infernal den_i 1;0..0.
those assassinations are hatched be destrot i
noble lord
, (A laugh.) I muss say 1 kieald with regret t