The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-20 00:00:00

a sincere desire to promote the most friendly international
relations, and also as an evidence of the public regard for
Christian institutions as the true basis and support for
all enterprises of peace." On the motion of the Rev. Mr.
Gardiner, it was resolved, " That the chairman, the Right
Rev. Bishop of Illinois (United States), be requested to
transmit a copy of the foregoing resolution to Baron
Haussmann, signed by himself and by the secretary."

" ' I am, &e.,
" W. 0. LAMSON, Rector of the American
Episcopal Church, Sec.' " _ _

On Thursday, at one o'clock, the Emperor deli-
vered his address to the members of the Corps
Legislatif at the Pavilion Denou in the Palace of

the Louvre.
It was a lovely day, and all Paris turned out to
see the procession.

Eit cellaneous American News.

An American war vessel has been despatched
'rota Spanish waters to Candia, in order to assist

in removing the Christian families from the island.
Ice cutting has &ready commenced, and a large
crop will be gathered in New England. This win-
ter has been most favourable for this kind of har-

vest. Maine is becoming one of the principal ice
States. Her supply is inexhaustible, and said to

be as excellent as it is abundant.
The snow storm on the 17th ult. was one of the

;reatest known in America for many years. The
Leavy fall of snow was accompanied with a harsh

gale, -which continued long after the snow had

ceased. The effect was a terrible drift, which
made all travelling impossible for a time, and very

difficult for a much longer time. Railway travel-

ling, however, on the whole, was less interrupted
than on former occasions. The cold was intense.
The storm was general over a wide area of
country, and did much damage._
An interesting report has been made by the State
Auditor of Virginia on the finances and public debt
of the State. The debt amounted, at the end of
last year, to $43,166,286, including $6,237,321
arrears of interest. The auditor considers that the
resources of the State will be ample to meet all
demands, and he proposes a simple and rational
plan. He would call in all the outstanding obliga-
tions, and issue, in lieu of them, consolidated bonds,
dollar for dollar, to date from the Ist of January,
1868, and to be redeemable in 30 or 34 years.
Upon the debt thus reconstituted he would pay a
graduated scale of interest as follows:
For the first four years
For the next four years
For the next four years
For the next six years
For the next four years ...
For the next four years
For the next four years ...
Making an average rate of 6 per cent. per annum,
but throwing the main burden upon a period when
the regular increase in the taxable property of the
State may be expected to render the pressure unim-
portant. A disagreeable question has arisen from
the formation during the Civil War of the State of
Wett Virginia. It is contended that the seceding
portion should assume one-third of the debt. The
action likely to be taken in this matter by West
Virginia is a subject of great importance, being one

... ... 3 per cent
... ... 4 7,
... ... 5 71

••• ••• 8 „

which cannot fail to have a material influence on
the credit of all the States of the Union. If West

Virginia declines to bear a portion of the public
debt of the old State, the Auditor considers that
the Legislature would be fully justified in scaling
the debt according to the proportions indicated, that
is—in repudiating one-third. We earnestly hope
that the old State will not adopt this proposition,
even if West Virginia should be so ill-advised as to
decline to hear a fair proportion of the debt of the
old State. Such a repudiation would be a terrible
blow to the rising credit of the States generally.
The United States cannot afford to permit such a
course of action to be adopted.
The American House of Representatives has
passed a resolution calling for information con-
cerning the removal of the Protestant Church
attended by Americans in Rome.
The bill brought before Congress by Mr. Thad-
deus Stevens, with its amendment by Mr. Ashley,
territorialising and dividing into military districts
under martial law has been defeated, much to the
chagrin and disappointment of the authors. The.
Bepublcan party split on the measure, and Mr. Bing-
ham, of Ohio, joined the Democrats with a large
section of his party. The consequence was a severe
check to the extreme The debate, which
had continued for several days, gave rise to several
able speeches and some hot and angry discussion.
Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, stigmatised the Democrats as
traitors, whereupon Mr. Hunter, of New York,
rose and said--" So far as I am concerned, you
utter a base lie." The words were at once written
down, and the representative reproved at the bar of
the House. Mr. Hunter was afterwards defended
by one of the leaders of his party, a defence ap-
plauded by the galleries, showing that the tide is
gradually turning from the hearty support lately
afforded the extreme Liberals.
Two bills, one conferring suffrage on negroes in
all the territories, and the other repealing the
amnesty and pardon power given to the President
in 1862, have become law under singular and ex-
ceptional circumstances. According to the Consti-
tution, the President is bound to take action on any
bill submitted to him by the Legislature within ten
days of the date in which it is placed in his hands.
If he fails in this the bills become law, and, in de-,
fault of his action in these cases, these two bills have
become laws of the United States.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—Every day brings us fresh assurances of
the sincere desire of all sections of the House of
Commons to assist the Government in attempting to
pass a genuine measure of Reform. The partisans
of the Government may hint at factious opposition,
their more violent opponents may denounce the Ad-
ministration as treacherous, double-minded, and in-
competent, but neither partisans nor passionate
opponents represent the true feeling of Parliament
and the nation. It is in vain for the Chancellor of
the Exchequer to express a fear that the manoeuvres
of 1859 may be repeated. Whatever might have
been possible some time since, it is certain that they
will not and cannot be repeated now. It is it: Vain
for the " wire-pullers" of local associations—and we
regret that the existence of such men compel us to
borrow a phrase from the worst characteristics of
American politics—to call upon the people to pro-
claim deadly warfare against the patty in power.
The people will not suffer themselves to be betrayed
into such injustice. The crisis is peculiar, if not
unexampled. A Conservative Administration is
asked to settle a long-standing difficulty ; and if
Conservatism be anything more than a policy of
obstruction—if the Conservative party ever aspire
to any greater function than that of criticism from
Opposition benches, this Administration must at-
tempt to settle it. The nation, however, will not
forget their difficulties; and in this respect the
House of Commons is in harmony with the
nation. As long as there is reason to believe that
the Ministry is in earnest in undertaking Reform,
the House of Commons will be longsuffering. The
measure of its forbearance isitsbelief that Lord Derby
and his colleagues are willing to co operate with
Parliament in a sincere effort to bring to a conclu-
sion the protracted agitation of the Reform ques-
tion. While this belief lasts the House of Commons
will be trustful and even generous ; but, if it fails,
the reaction of disappointment will be proportion-
ally great, the punishment of resentment will be
swift and certain. If further evidence were required'
of the determination of the Opposition to assist the
Government as far as possible, to withstand all
temptation to profit by their errors, and to take no
step which shall embarrass their free action, it
would be found in the postponement of the party
meeting which was called for to-morrow. We un-
derstand that the summons addressed to the mem-
bers of the Opposition to meet at Carlton-house-
terrace has been deferred till Tuesday next, and we
see in this change of proceedings fresh proofs of the
moderation of the Liberal leaders. If the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer surprised the House of Com-
mons on the day Parliament opened by his declara-
tion that on the following Monday he would un-
fold the plans of the Government, he irritated all
parties in it, his followers as much as his opponents,
by his needless affectation of mystery when Monday
came. We do not remember any step in our time
which has caused so much just discontent ; and it is
the more necessary to insist on this fact because, if
we understand aright the language of the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer two nights since, he cherishes
the impression that his treatment of the House
was eminently popular and successful. The Oppo-
sition have, however, very properly resolved that,
having entered upon a course of conciliation and
co-operation, they will not abandon it at the first
discouragement. They have consented to waive

their scruples against the method of Resolutions,
and, consistently with this determination, they will
wait till the Resolutions are completely explained
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer before
taking action. The moderation of the House
of Commons must not, however, be misunder-
stood ; and, indeed, if the Government be wise,
they will take care not to misunderstand it. The
signs of the times are unmistakeable. A straw may
show the current of opinion, and when Mr. Darby
Griffith gives notice of his intention to ask the
Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the House of
Commons is to be invited to come to a conclusion iu
favour of the reduction of the franchise without
being informed what that reduction is to be, it must
be evident that the absurdity of such an attempt to
induce—vie will not say to beguile—the house to
take a leap in the dark is apparent to all men. The
llouse of Commons, to use an expressive phrase,
" means business" this session, and it will not sanc-
tion party movements, because it " means business."
The object for which the house thus protects the
Government makes it incumbent upon the Govern-
ment to be precise and businesslike in its proposals,
and ought also to serve as a discouragement to all
discussion which is merely theoretical. The House
of Commons will not consent to waste time in talk-
ing about Resolutions which may mean anything or
nothing; and for the same reason it ought not to be
asked to entertain propositions which are wholly.
impracticable. We observe that Mr. Mill gave no-
tice last night of his intention to move a new reso-
lution in committee, which is sufficient of itself to
occupy as much time as the 13 resolutions of the
Government put together, and yet cannot be re-
garded by the most sanguine political philosopher as
a possible basis of present legislation. Mr. Mill pro-
yeses to ask the House of Commons to declare
" that in order to secure to the utmost possible ex-
tent the real and equal representation of every elec-
tor, it is expedient that Is hen the electors amount
to a certain number they shall have the power of
voluntarily combining with one another to elect their
own representative." We cannot forbear asking Mr.
Mill, in all seriousness, whether lie conceives the
adoption of this resolution possible. The principle
of it is not easily intelligible, and the machinery
necessary to carry it out is highly complex. The
House of Commons is a representative body, and,
whatever faults may be laid to its charge, it must be
allowed that it represents with rare fidelity the
aversion—we may perhaps be allowed to say the in-
aptness—of English people to entertain new ideas.
The propositions involved in Mr. Mill's notice of
motion may serve him as the text of a valuable
speech on the true principles of representative go-
vernment, but if it were discussed for half the ses-
sion the result would be that, perhaps, twenty mem-
bers of the House of Commons would understand it.
We must creep before we can walk. It is of the
highest importance that the objects for which Mr.
Mill now contends—the representation of every
section of opinion, and the protection of minorities
from being extinguished by numbers ever so little
superior to their own—should be insisted upon ;
but these ends must be secured by simple methods
easily understood by the people. Let Mr. Mill lend
the weight of his authority to secure what can be
done in the time and with the means at our disposal,
rather than afford an opportanity for the concealed
opponents of Reform to dissipate the rest of the
session in the investigation of utopian theories
and in discussions which must b e fruitless. The
House of Commons has one object in view, and
from that object it must not swerve. Parliamen-
tary Reform has been a Ministerial question for
15 years, and in those 15' years five Reform Bills
have been brought into the house, only to pass to
the limbo of unaccomplished projects. Reform was
caught up in 1852, when the Russell Ministry was
perishing from sheer debility, and the Ministry,
feeble before, fell.almost as soon as it had grasped
the new weapon. From that time Reform has
been the catchword of party. Men repeated readily
enough the orthodox formulas of Liberalism, until
it was seriously proposed to put their professions
into practice, and then they became alarmed. To
persevere in the use of phrases which mean
nothing is happily no longer possible, and Parlia-
ment must now in self-defence carry through that
revision of our electoral system which is required
not only for the sake of redeeming its honour, but
as a means of improving the constitution. To carry
a real and effectual measure of Reform is the task
of the Session. If the Ministry will help it for-
ward, they will be supported ; if they ,;lo not,
nothing else,they may offer to do can save them.
Administrative improvements, simplification of the
law, schemes of social improvement, are trifling
compared with it. The best chance of carrying such
a measure this year is through the agency of the
present Administration. If they rise to the height
of the occasion, if they prove by definite proposals,
by prompt action, by zealous co-operation with the
House of Commons, that they are sincerely de-
sirous of bringing about the end which all men
&sire, great will be their reward ; if they decline
the chance before them, and endeavour to escape
from the obligation they have assumed, the Iluu6e
of Commons must vindicate its own sincerity, and
free itself from the suspicion of complicity with
deceit by withdrawing its support from men who
will have forfeited all claim to its indulgence.
THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE ON THE DESIGNS OF
THE NEW PALACE OF JUSTICE.—In criticising these
designs we must not shut our eyes to the magni-
tude of the task submitted to the competitors ;
the difficulties attendant on this very vastness,
and all the complicated arrangements of ground
plan and detail it involved; the important ques-
tions connected with ventilation, lighting, warm-
ing, &c. ; and the enormous amount of thought,
experience, and labour necessary to grapple with a
mass of building some acres in extent. But,
without having any intention of discussing these
particulars or of chronicling the undoubted merits
of many of the compositions, we propose noting
down their shortcomings—for they are sufficiently
numerous to startle one into a conviction that
in the mass the designs are a failure. That a frac-
tional part bears the marks of true genius, and
that a larger proportion evidences talent, archi-
tectural knowledge, and research, is patent to all.
There are fine elevations ; there is much satisfac-
tory grouping ; there is, comparatively, however,
only a small amount of pleasurable outline ; there
arc graceful columns and arches ; elegant shafts
and tracery ; massive piers and elaborate mould-
ings—but, what is the impression with which a
student of European architecture comes away from
an inspection of these drawings? " I have seen so
much of them before—such a tower or dome is
from such a place—that arcading has a world-
wide fame—those windows I remember well in one
building, that roof in another—and of these mem-
bers one is exaggerated, another distorted; one
don't . fit like the original, and another is totally
inappropriate." The result of this is a feeling of
unsatisfactoriness with what we see before us, and
a craving .
for something better ; whilst at the
same time lays Gothic architects open to the
charge. of being mere copyists and adapters. This,
then, is the first fault we have to find with these
designs. Whatever may be their merits, they
are not in the main the creations of true genius ;
they lack its fire ,and are not penetrated by its
force. - In a work of genius there is a certain
inner life, a mighty soul full of creative
power, and
brilliant with• the light of original ideas and
con-
ceptions. And, as in other arts, so in architec-
ture, this living soul will manifest itself unmis-
takably, and peer out and flash " upon you in a
thousand different ways with startling impressive-
ness. It seizes hold of you, as it were, and satis-
fies you at once that the work in which it is embo-
died is a true creation of art, stamped by the marks
and notes of genius. Now this is what we feel to
be wanting in the greater portion of some of the
designs, and entirely in others. They do not give
you the idea of a man, who, relying on his own
powers alone, shuts up every book and chases
from his recollection all the choice bits and
favourite examples he has collected, and then
thinks and studies, and works out from his own
brain a realisation of the ideas which emanate from
his genius. If, in listening to a piece of music, we
were constantly recognising ideas and passages
from the works of various composers, however
skilfully they might be appropriated or dovetailed
into the new work, we should feel impatient, dis-
contented, and dissatisfied. There is not, perhaps,
an exact analogy between the two arts ; but there
is certainly a sufficient one to show how very dif-
ferent an effect is produced on the mind by the
original creations of true genius, and the far in-
ferior talent of using up, no matter with what
professional knowledge or tact, the choicest ex-
amples of the most correct architecture. This
we believe to be one of the main causes of the
scornful dissatisfaction with which many educated
people view the generality of Gothic designs. It
is not that they dislike mediaeval forms or fail to
appreciate true principles, or that the pointed
style is archaic and unsuitable, or gloomy and in-
convenient ; but that they have a natural percep-
tion of the presence or absence of those higher
gifts and powers without which'no work of really
eminent exalted merit was ever achieved. As they
can judge of poetry or music, without being poets
or musicians, so they can judge •of architecture
without being architects ; and they will not fail
to recognise the merits of a good piece of archi-
tecture any more than of a grand poem or musical
composition. What we want in our day in this
great dirty city is not a reproduction of the dome
of Florence Cathedral, or of the Baptistery at
Pisa—not an appropriation of arcading from Venice
or windows from Rouen—not the transplanting of
a tower from Avignon or a roof from Belgium:—
not a ransacking of the works of Violet Le Due or
Pugin (valuable as they are for purposes of

study), but a real bona fide working out and appli-
cation of true principles to every style of architec-
ture, thereby reducing it to the obedience necessary
for satisfying all modern wants and requirements.
And this must be the work of the brain and not
of the hand. This fundamental fault of which
we have been speaking necessarily entails others,
which are lamentably perceptible in the designs.
Where compositions are made up from a collection
of examples from different places, naturally there
results great confusion of outline, a want of bal-
ance and symmetry, a disproportion of parts and
a fanciful application, or even a positive distor-

J. J.
tion of features. Thus we have before us roofs,
a mere confused mass of pointed turrets (Mr.
Deane), apparently taken from a church at Prague
—a long row of attic windows immediately above
a row of large church-like windows with tracery—
(Mr. E. Barry)—diagonal lines, instead of being
subservient, forming a marked and leading feature
in the building—(Mr. E. Barry)—a gable appar-
ently crested from an early French metal chasse—
(Mr. Scott)—a tower admirable enough in the
Low Countries, where there is nothing but brick—
(Mr. Street)—three pointed roofs perched one on
the top of the other, through which grows a tall
chimney, as far as one can make out—(Mr. Seddon)
—the Sainte Chapelle with an apse at each end
adapted for a central hall—(Mr. Brandon)—not
to mention a frightful misapplication of pinnacles,
cuspings, parapets, crestings, crowns, mouldings,
gables, turrets, dormer windows, vanes, panelling,
sculpture, &c. How all this must destroy unity
of design, and that natural growth of one part
from another, which is such a charm in good
architecture, it is needless to point out, especially
when a man is a skilful adapter without much
power of original design. His own portions of
the mass are common-place and of no account,
whilst his carefully-culled examples stand out
with a painful prominence, and form a sad mis-
alliance with each other and with himself. Before
noticing the designs a little in detail, let us say
that considering the magnitude and importance
of the works to be executed—the ample remune-
ration given for the drawings—and the princely
advantages accruing to the successful competitor—
not one of the present designs comes up to the
standard of excellence we had formed for our-
selves, whilst the want of care, and the inartistic
touch exhibited in some of the drawings, is any-
thing but creditable to the draughtsmen. We do
not hesitate to maintain, therefore, that the judg-
ment in favour of any one of the designs submitted
should be withheld, and a larger number of archi-

teeth allowed to compete. There are many names
occurring to us, belonging, most undoubtedly, to
men very far in advance of a full half of the
present competitors. Surely one amongst the
architects of England can be found who is quite
competent to produce a building, marked by the
originality, vigour, and power of true genius—a
building which, by its stately presence, and beauty
of feature ; grand simplicity, and grace of outline;
correct proportion and patent truth ; flash of expres-
sion, force of nature, development of sinew, power-
ful bearing, and perfect anatomy of all its mem-
bers, shall attract, charm, and convince at a
glance without hesitation • and at the same time
mark the age to which it belongs, instead of being
a mere rechauffe of world-gathering examples, or
a pile comprising cathedral, castle, town-hall,
monastery, college, prison, bazaar, crypt, arcade,
all in one—the reflection of a past century, not the
genuine creation of the present.