The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER, 22, 1858.

ROYAL NATIONAL LIFE-BOAT INSTITU-
TION.—The Committee of this Institution would call
attention to the fact that 398 persons were saved from wrecks
during the past year by the Society's lifeboats • and those of
other bodies ; that it has now seventy-three life-boats under
its management ; that it has twelve more boats nearly ready
to be sent to their stations ; and thit a large number of addi-
tional life-boats are wanted on the coasts. The constant de-
mands on the limited Funds of the Institution are therefore
necessarily very heavy, and the Committee earnestly appeal
to the public at large for assistance.
THOMAS BARING, Chairman.
THOMAS CHAPMAN, Deputy-,Chairman.

October, 1858.
Contributions are received by all the Metropolitan and
Country Bankers, and by the Secretary at the Institution, 14,
John-street, Adelphi.

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.-
tlEhEelTlNatGßOurFlinCoONon-
--CONVOCATION.—In consequence of a cominunica-
vtioonc fromATmN her Ma
is
House on WEDNESDAY, Nov. 10, at One o'clock p.m. to nomi-
jheersetbyy's
nate a list of Six persons for the purpose of being submitted
Gc
:nvveen convened, nto ab
'
to her Majesty for selection therefrom of Two Fellows of the
University.
Members of Convocation desirous of proposing Candidates
are requested'to forward their Nominations to the Registrar
on or before Wednesday, Oct. 27th, in order that they may be
included in the Circular and Vo ing-paper which will then be
issued.
The following Graduates are qualified as Members of Con-
vocation : namely, all Doctors of Laws, Doctors of Medicine,
and Masters of Arts, all Bachelors of Laws and Bachelors of
Medicine of two years' standing, and all Bachelors of Arts of
Registrar.
three yearsl'vsltaLtinAgii—BßycoArßdeprEoNf tThEeßS,enmateD,.,
Burlington House, W., October 20,1858.

as they could not get into the harbour at all, and
remarked that none of the three great harbours
were finished, and great care appeared to have been
taken to prevent the House of Commons from
finding out what Work had been done for the
money spent, and what proportion that ,money
bore to the original estimate. Taking into ac-
count the work still to be done, they had no data to
show how much the cost would be in the end. As
to the necessity for theSe great works, he had heard
a ship captain in Dundee say to the Commissioners
that more- vessels had been lost running for
harbours of refuge than had ever been lost putting
out to sea. The statistics of the loss of lives
and vessels that might have been saved by such,
harbours were regarded by many as delusive. Un-
seaworthy ships and drunken captains, and not bad
weather alone, were the causes of wrecks; and, as
the vast sum of £2,315,788 had been voted since
1851 for harbours of refuge, the representatives of
the people would require to look narrowly into the
drain going on, and try to put a stop to it. Mr.
Wilson's committee -were in favour of great works.
The estimates given in their report were as follows :

Wick, Mr. Coode, engineer £186,000
• Peterhead, Mr. Stevenson
Hartlepool, Mr_ Rendel
Eiley Bay, Mr. Coode „ 860,000
Filey Head, Mr. Abernethy
St Ives (estimate)
Fort Rush, Skernes

Now, it might be necessary to spend a small sum
at some of these places ; at Wick, for example,
where the herring fishety is perilous ; but
such works as Dove]; •aral,,Alderney, should cer-
tainly be put iL7stop to. As to charging dues on
harbours of refuge, he found that Capt. 'Washing-
ton was wrong, and he (Mr. Baxter) was right ; as
taking Dover as an instSnce, in 1852, besides the
passing toll of £12,000 a-year, vessels using the
harbour both for trade and for refuge were charged
tonnage dues, wharfage, and cranage, and other
rates. He was glad to observe, from a statement in
a Liverpool paper, that the public elsewhere were
watching the proceedings of the commissioners and
were asking who is responsible for this expenditure
of public money. Mr. Baxter, then referring to the
proceedings of last session, said he had made an
effort to alter the political administration of Scot-
land, and had submitted a definite proposition on the
subject. The effect of this was, of course, to diniinish
the numbers who supported him in the division, be-
cause on the other side voted not only all who wished
no change, but all who did not approve the particular
change submitted by him. But the discussion was
most satisfactory, for, with the exception of the
Lord-Advocate 'himself and one other gentleman,
no one maintained that a man could be in two
places at the same time, or that a leading Edin-
burgh lawyer, in addition to his own immense
practice and all the legal duties of his office, wild
properly be the sole
.political administrator for
Scotland as well. The inconsistencies of those who
opposed him in debate were remarkable. Lord Pal-
merston spoke against him because he said really
the business was done in the Home-office; Mr.
Disraeli, because the Home office had nothing what-
ever to do with it. He believed, however, that an
alteration of some kind_ would be made before long,
and he exhorted the constituencies to see that their
members pursued an independent course in this
.matter, and did not bolster up a system which
could not in the end be maintained. Of the bill for
the better government of the Universities in Scot-
land, it might be said that the Commissioners were
the bill, almost unlimited power being given to
them. Too many of them were noble lords and
gentlemen who had not themselves been educated
at Scotch colleges, and whose sons go to Oxford
and Cambridge. There should have been more middle
class men on it, whose sympathies and feelings
were in accordance with those of the great bulk of
the Scottish nation. He had succeeded in getting
the name of his friend Mr. Murray Dunlop added
to the list, whose talents and character would be of
great advantage in the deliberations of the commis-
sion. After referring to some other measures ;
relating to Scotland, Mr. Baxter continued :—I will
now revert to the commencement of the session and
the fall of Lord Palmerston's Government. My first
vote, and I hurried up to London to give it, was
against the motion for leave to introduce that ill-
judged and most obnoxious Conspiracy Bill. We
were only 99. I was a little disappointed, but then
the pressure from without had not begun to
operate; and I felt petit -confidence that no
such measure would ever pass the British House
of Commons. They told me that our law was
deficient and wanted mending, and that it was
childish to say that we should not alter it lest it
might be said that we did it under compulsion.
My answer, was, if the law relating to conspi-
racy to murder is not in a satisfactory state,
let the Attorney-General, when he introduces his
legal budget in May, after due consideration and
reflection, propose its revisal; but it is not for the
Government and Parliament of Great-Britain, in a
time of great commercial pressure, when domestic
matters of importance are requiring attention, when
our empire in India is trembling in the balance, to
meet in hot haste and lay aside all other business
because a neighbouring Sovereign had been attacked
by assassins, and, preserving his presence of mind,
had lost his temper. (Cheers and laughter.) It is
not for us to do anything, however slight, to pro-
strate Belgium and Sardinia at the feet .of France.
We should not get angry at Imperial menaces ;
but neither should we stir a single step out of our
course to please or pacify any prince or potentate
in the world. Talk about the newly-discovered
defects in our conspiracy laws ! I believe they
might be allowed to exist till the end of time, with-
out producing one tithe of the evils that would have
been caused by the success of that bill—evils that
would have affected the honour and the influence of
England, not only at home in Europe, but in every
creek and harbour of the habitable globe. This
happy country of ours is the asylum for the dis-
tressed of all ranks and all lands, kings and subjects
alike ; and rather than have a suspicion breathed
on the inviolability of that asylum I would incur
the displeasure of the most powerful Emperor, and
turn out the most powerful Ministry under the sun.
(Renewed cheers.) And so felt my countrymen,
nobly led on by an independent newspaper press.
The Conservatives, whose consistency in the matter
I leave them to defend as they best can, came over
nearly in a body to us, and in the short space of 10
days our minority of 200 was converted into a ma-
jority- of 19. The consequence was the resignation
'of the Ministry, and Lord Derby being sent for by
the Queen. Now, see what you have done, said
our friends, the Whigs ; you have prevented the
passing of an India Bill this year (we have got one
nevertheless) ; you have stopped a Reform Bill
(which, by the way, it has since turned out never
had an. existence) ; and, most horrible of all, you
have given our places to the Tories. All true, bu(
somehow or other I, for one, could get up no tears
for the occasion. (Laughter.) I am not a Tory ;
but then neither am I finality a Whig, or a mere
hanger-on of any party ; and when I see a Liberal
Prime Ministermaking a joke of such a question
as the abolition of church-rates, and refusins to in-
troduce any bill on that subjects, giving high ap-
pointments to men without character, and prepared
with no bills of a progressive nature ; when I found
not only inefficiency, but incivility in some of the
public departments ; and when I reflected on the
rewards which had been betowed on men who had
not even done their duty in the Crimean war, so far
from hesitating about throwing out the Conspiracy
Bill, I felt rather inclined than otherwise to throw
out the Ministry too. (Loud Cheers.) The fact is
that Palmerston had waxed fat and kicked, and his
plunges not even a House of Commons of his own
electing could stand. Well, the Whigs were actu-
ally out. For a, few days they could not believe it
--thinking that no other set of men could govern
the country, they were naturally stunned, and
it was some time before they were aroused
to the sad reality of their situation. Consider-
ing that very bad charioteers had got hold of the
reins, they immediately beganintsouffiacgiietnactye foofr
tahree
storation to power, and we were entertained with
ir-
reception of India
supposed, could not
holdsduo el doleful fe uos
slffioarecsec,
womuhaniolt
y,s oNt
vfNevteahisg.
en uttereTrahl
el y
Bill No. 2, that complicated piece of mechanism, of
the authorship of which every one seems ashamed,
and which no one very well understood, increased
the hopes of the expelled party. They confidently
expected that its inevitable rejection by a large
majority would compel the resignation of the new
cabinet. Then it was that Lord J. Russell came to
the rescue • and I frankly own to you that from the
be ginning I was an advocate for proceeding by re-
solutions, which could be fully discussed, one by
one, preparatory to framing a measure for the
transference of the Indian Government to the
Crown. I sympathised with those who deprecated
another change of Ministry at that time, and I
believed, besides, that in the end that mode of pro-
ceeding with regard to India would be found more
convenient. In this latter idea no doubt few con-
curred, but the event has proved that we were not
far wrong. And here permit me to say that I voted
against every motion made • to delay tne passing of
• an India Bill on whatever ground supported, and
from whatever section of politicians- it canto.,

(Cheers.) It would be ungenerous, and serve no
good purpose at this time of day, to reflect on the
pohey or management of the East India Company.
No.donbt thDyfarefvery open to criticism, but let
bygones be 'bygones; they .won and preserved ifor
a
us. the noblest empire on which the sun . ever. shone,
they bred i
andespecially
is
noft
advanced
t foa
rue o ur
sr at
no ind
r armyu
lecg
e recent t
in a dtC:
iti'or
and. heroes whose exploits posterity never will for-:
e language
s
Crimean
is
i.
.
of reproach. Still the time, I -thought, had. fully
come for the termination of the sway of this great
historical corporation, and I for .one anticipate the
happiest results from bringing the Indian peninsula
more direetly.under the control of public opinion
and the Parliament of Great Britain. (Cheers.)
The next danger that threatened the Governmentwas of a more formidable nature still, and this time
Lords John Russell and Palmerston were agreed.
It arose from the transmission and publication of a
despatch from Lord Ellenborough to Lord Canning,
finding fault in the most reprehensible terms with
a proclamation which had been issued by the Go-
vernor-Generalto the talookdars of Oude. That
danger was warded off by the course taken by the
independent Liberal party, who had previously
held their much talked-of meeting in Committee-
room No. 11, who disapproved. very strongly of
Lord Ellenborough's conduct, but who were unwil-
ling to be parties. to any mere factious move, and
who, when the President of the Board of Control
resigned his office, thought that Mr. CardWelPs
resolution of censure ought to have been with-
drawn. Indeed, there are some grounds to believe
that in this opinion-they were not singular. It has
been freely stated that the Whig leaders took the
same view, but were overruled by their more
anxious and impetuous subordinates. Well,
they persevered, and you know how one
fine. evening, finding that the Liberals could not
be kept together on the question, the motion fell
to the ground, and with it all those schemes of
coalition and. embryo Ministries which had been so
much discussed for a week before. I have referred
to a meeting in Committee-room No. 11,.and as 1
was asked. to take a prominent part in the proceed-
ings there, perhaps you will allow me now to re-
peat in substance what I then said, especially as I
believe it expressed the general sentiments of those
present. We had met, I remarked, to protest
against the constitution and the policy of recent
Whig Governments, as composed. exclusively of
aristocrats,, who were not acquainted with the opi-
nions of the great body of the people, and as aban-
doning when in office those great principles of pro-
gressive reform which they advocated so loudly in
opposition. We for the future would support no
so-called Liberal Ministry which was not formed on
a broader basis, and. which was not prepared. to
keep pace with the requirements of the country.
But I further stated—and it was the cheers which
greeted that statement that made the Whigs so
angry, and led them to publish so many groundless
stories as to the part I have taken in this movement
—that, in my belief, the time had not yet arrived
for forming such a Liberal Government, but the
cause of true reform would be benefited by keep-
ing the members of the late Government on their
seats of penitence for a considerably longer period,
until in adversity they had time to learn wisdom
and. make up their minds to be liberal in deeds as
well as in words. (Cheers.) They flatter them-
selves, I hear, that this independent party is dead.
Next session may show them their mistake. (Re-
newed cheers.) Theymay find that it possesses quite
as much life, and a little better organization than
before. Some of the contests of last session showed
us our own power, and that we only required more
union to beat Whigs and Tories combined. (Loud
cheers.) In March we mustered 'll6 votes against
that expensive sham, the Vice-royalty of Ire-
land. When Mr. Wise moved that the diplo-
matic salaries should be charged in the annual
estimates instead of on the Consolidated Fund,
so as to be brought more immediately under
the control of Parliament, we counted 114 votes
against 142, and in June we carried by 106 to 104
Captain Vivian's motion for abolishing the double
government of the War-office and the Horse
Guards. On such questions as these, where the
really Liberal party agreed, we can and we intend
to make ourselves heard, and perhaps the stationary
Whigs, who love office so dearly, may find that the
only way to enjoy it once more is to move on in our
direction. (Cheers.) I was one of those who, in
'voting for Mr. Milner Gibson's motion, knew very
well that I was voting not only for the rejection of
the Conspiracy Bill, but for a change of Ministry,
and I considered myself bound to give the new
Government, for that reason if for no other, a fair
trial. I wish to speak with all respect of Lord
Palmerston. shall not soon forget that he was
the man who in 1854 and 1855 preserved his faith
in the power of this country, and by his firmness
maintained its reputation m Europe. But no
Minister can expect a nation to acquiesce in ob-
noxious measures from a feeling of mere gratitude,
and I think that every Minister has a right to
expect that he is not to be turned out except for a
sufficient reason. If you ask me whether or not I
have confidence in the present Government, I ask
you whether you mean in the Tory or the Radical
portion of it,—for no one can say that the political
creed of Lord Stanley, Sir J. Pakington, and Mr.
Disraeliis the same as that of Lord Salisbury, Mr.
Henley, and Lord J. Manners. All I know is that
already they have redressed some grievances which
their. predecessors would. not attend to, that from
them we have obtained the abolition of the pro-
perty qualification and the admission of Jews into
Parliament, and I wait patiently to see what mea-
sures of a similar tendency the recess is to bring
forth. Should they manfully grapple with the
subject of church-rates in a liberal spirit,
effect a reduction in the expenditure and
propose a really progressive measure,l -or mea-
sures, on the question of Parliamentary Reform,
I will support them ; if they take an opposite
course, especially if they seek to weaken
the influence of the towns in our representative
system, as there is too much reason to dread, I will
vote for terminating their lease of power. (Loud
cheers.) I was sorry to observe that the Lord-
Lieutenant of this county threw cold water the
other day on a redistribution of seats in Parha-
ment. In the innocence of my heart I had sup-
posed that that would have formed a principal
feature of the Reform Bill of the late Government.
At all events, no bill which does not include it
shall have my support. (Cheers.) Allow me to
say a few words regarding finance. During the
past session I took some interest in the estimates,
spoke frequently on different votes, and divided
the hduse against several of them. lam more and
more convinced that large savings might be
effected in all the services without any detriment
to the interests of the country. If the estimates
were submitted to a committee of impartial men
acquainted with business, and having no personal
ends to serve, six or eight millions, I believe, could
be knocked off with advantage; and. I really hope
that the Government will look this question of the
expenditure boldly in the face. (Cheers.) I have
great faith in the power and the destinies of this
country, but -I confess I look with dread on the
rapid increase of the estimates in all departments
of the State. In nations, as in families, extrava-
gance is the first step towards ruin ; and I believe
no Minister could more fairly earn a title to the
gratitude of his country than by proposing and
carrying a bold scheme of financial. economy. But
permit me to say that that will be out of the ques-
tion if you allow yourselves to be deluded by a
cry of. war with France. lam glad to observe
some of the newspapers in this county writing
vigorously against this bugbear, the principal
abettors of which are those who would place addi-
tional burdens on the shoulders of the people. I
feel strongly that there is far more danger
from increased. taxation than from French in-
vasion. (Cheers.) If you attempt the former
you will sour the masses of the people who pay too
much already; against the latter you can show
a united, industrious, loyal people, every man of
whom would rather rally like his fathers around
the constitution and the Throne. Those harbours
of refuge to which I have referred, it was admitted
in debate, are really meant as harbours of defence.l
The Government and. its officers affect giyat
for mercantile shipping, but their true object is to
erect fortifications. Now, I believe in no suer thing.
Our'maritime supremacy was establiis,held
and con-
firmed without any works of the (111,
; the skill
and courage and hardihood of our sailors,
not be-
hind walls but on the open sea, have made this
country what it is. Our fleets have always acted
on the offensive hitherto, and I think ought to
cherish and trust to our navy still. (Cheers.) With
a powerful, well-equipped, and properly manned
fleet in the Channel, why need. we fear an enemy?
" Britannia needs no bulwarks,
No towers along the steep."

I will always vote for keeping up an efficient army
and navy which has no equal, but I will not vote
fur rivalling continental Powers in that system of
adding fort to fort and regiment to regiment, nomi-
nally to guard against invasion, really to keep
down the people,---a system which I believe to be
an engine of despotism and sure to lead to national
bankruptcy. My-opinion- is that no fdreign nation

PRICE 4D• STAMPED, SD.

dreams of invading, us. I am quite sure that our
best protection against any Power mad enough to
_attempt it-is that same national feeling which elec-
trified Europe when the then haughty Spaniards
despatched their Armada, and when Napoleon the
First assembled his vast force at Boulogne: Gpr
tlemen, I know not-that I riced "say more. These are
the principles which I professed on first soliciting
your suffrages ; on them I have endeavoured to act
to the best of my humble juagment and ability, and
I trust, with your kind support and: sympathy, not
to swerve from their advocacy in the time to come.
(Mr. Baxter then resumed his seat amid loud
cheers.) •
Several questions were put to Mr. Baxter, and
answered by him, after which a vote of mill
deuce in him as their representative was proposed
and carried by acclamation.

LORD WODEHOUSE ON PARTY POLI-
TICS AND FOREIGN AFAIRS.

The North Walsham (Norfolk) Agricultural
Society held its annual meeting on Tuesday at the
town from which it takes its name. The members'
dinner in the evening was presided over- by Lord
Suffield, who was supported by. Lord Wodehouse
(who has estates in the neighbourhood), the Hon.
Mr. Harbord, and about 'TO other gentlemen. In
the:course of the proceedings,
Lord WODEIIOUSE, who was cordially welcomed,
proposed " Success to the Association, and the
health of its noble president, Lord Suffield."
(Cheeri.) His Liirdship expressed the plea Sure
which it afforded him to attend the society's meet-
ings, from which he had been unavoidably absent
during the last two years. It was not to be sup-
posed that he could give the members any sound
opinion upon the breeding of stock, the use of
implements or the growth of roots • and he should
confine himself to what might be called a landlord's
point of view, with which those present had for the
most part some considerable acquaintance. It was
extremely important that landlords and tenants
should duly understand and appreciate their
mutual relations, and in what manner they could
best work in unison and promote the interests of
agriculture, which were the common interests of
both. As far as he understood the principle upon
which this relation should be based, he was con-
' vinced that the landlord should do his part, and
then the tenant would be better able to do his.
If he might be allowed to speak plainly, he would
say that it had often happened that the landlord
not having first done his part had complained that
the tenant had failed in doing his. It was not to
be supposed lint every landlord could efficiently do
all that he thought it was a landlord's place to do,
for a landlord's action depended mainly upon
whether he had the requisite capital to put his
estate into the condition which would enable
the tenant to farm it in the very best manner. To
do this, however, was the principle which guided
the late Mr. Coke, and it was this which was the
means of bringing Holkham into such a condition
that his tenants had been able to raise their farm-
ing to a point scarcelly equalled, perhaps, on any
estate in the country. Opinions were always best
understood by being ventilated, and one of the
principles upon which he believed agriculture must
be based was the principle of long leases. (Cheers.)
He did not believe that this principle was by any
means a panacea for bad farming, and it was only
delusive to suppose that if you gave a man a good
lease he therefore became a good farmer ; but it was
nevertheless true that for first-rate farming long
leases were a necessary condition. Taking it for
granted that they were speaking of farming on a
large scale, he thought—as he had practically
proved, he believed, in the management of his own
estate—that the first requisite was a long lease.
The landlord was bound to carry out all those im-
provements which specially devolved upon him,
and when he bad put his estate into a good condi-
tion, if his tenants were men of talent and indus-
try, he might look for a good return. (Cheers.) He
had himself tried his hand at another matter—the
making a good lease ; but there he found that he
had embarked in a very thorny undertaking. Too
stringent covenants ought not, he thought, to be
imposed on good tenants. He did not think it
right to say that they should have no covenants at
all, but he held that it was not necessary that agri-
culture should he kept now in the leading-strings
in which it had been kept, perhaps with some ad-
vantage, up to the present time. These were the
main matters to which he thought a landlord
should attend, and he held that both his own and
the tenant's interest would be thereby consulted,
for if a landlord gave a tenant a good lease, if he
was not too stringent in his covenants, but showed
some consideration for the tenant himself, he might
rely on seeing in a few years a beneficial change in
the condition of his estates. He liked such associa-
tions as the present, because they afforded land-
lords and tenants an opportunity of meeting to-
gether on an equal footing. After a few further
observations, his Lordship proposed the toast, which
was received with much applause.
Lord SUFFIELD responded, and proposed what
he considered the toast of the evening—" Lord
Wodehouse and the Vice-Presidents of the Society."
(Loud cheers.) With regard to Lord Wodehouse,
his Lordship observed that throughout his life,
including his college and political career, the noble
lord had not only succeeded, but had also greatly
distinguished himself in what he had undertaken.
(Cheers.)
Lord "WODEIIOUSE replied, nothing could occasion
a man more embarrassment than the praise which
he received for very simple deeds ; and no one
could be more sensible than himself that he had
done little to merit the very kind and cordial wel-
come with which he had met on his return to this
country. It was no idle compliment which the
society had just paid him, for there was nothing
which cheered a man in the performance of his
public duties so much as the approbation of his
friends and neighbours. He had done but little,
but he assured them that if they believed he had
done his duty that was the object to which he had
aspired, and if in the future he continued to receive
the approbation of his friends he should consider
that he was amply compensated for any labours
public or private. This was the principle which
he had no doubt ruled every one present, and it was
the principle which had made England great, and
which, by God's blessing, he hoped would keep her.
great. Perhaps he might be allowed to add a few
words on one or two other subjects. On occasions
such as the present politics, in the strictest sense
of the term, were very properly forbidden, because
one of the objects of such meetings was cordiality
and friendship ; but at the same time there were
politics which were not party politics, and to which
allusion might be made. He thought it must be a
source of satisfaction to every reflecting man to
witness the great prosperity which this country
now enjoyed. He believed that, no matter what
the chances, the changes and the combinations of
party might be, the foundations of that prosperity
were so laid that we should be in the main well
governed, whether the Prime Minister were Lord
Palmerston or whether he were Lord Derby. There
happened to be at the present moment what
many people considered far too great a una-
nimity in political matters, but, for his part,
he did not think that any evil was likely to ac-
crue from the present state of things, nor did he
regard it as so bad a sign of the times as many
persons were esposed to consider it, It seemed to
him that we were passing
from an old phase and
entering on a new one on which all Parties were
determined to adopt those measures which, in their
opinion, were the very best for the country. Such
being the case, we could not be very far from a
sound condition. His object would be to endeavour
to seek all those matters which remained defective,
and get them remedied, be it by one party or by
would
another. He had no doubt the time soon
arrive when great
principles would again divide
Englishmen interest
in they would take a deep
in political matters—and when they would not
flinch from maintaining their views ; but in the
meantime, let us work, one and all, to carry out
every improvement which could conduce to the
general prosperity of the country. He admitted
that he had few opportunities of knowing about
the internal affairs of the country, his experience
having relation to foreign affairs. It seemed to be
a very common remark that Englishmen were in-
attentive for the most part to foreign politics ; but
this supposition, he thought, had received a con-
clusive answer during the past two years. In that
period what had been the questions which had
marred and made Administrations ? They were
both questions of foreign politics, and he fr,,;it
certain that nothing was more important than that
a man who took any interest in politica should
keep his eyes clea:rly
.fixed on our foreign "arrange-
ments. Many were induced to imaging that there
were great secrets in diplomacy awil in foreign
affairs, but in his short experience %re admitted that
he had found very few mysteries.., and it seemed to
him that an honest, straightforward course was
the whole mystery of diplearilacy and of foreign
politics as of all others. It Nras necessary, however,
that we should Ice•qi our C;Y:, es.elearly fixed on- such
matters, for cert,,inly
rc -w as nothing by which