The Sun.
London, England, 1867-01-15 00:00:00

which competitors may be found should be duly
considered. To have maintained intact traditional
circumstances of harmony and happiness, whilst
progressing in agricultural or industrial pursuits, is
a good ground of claim; but the introduction of
improvements where antagonism and suffering pre-
viously existed is not less meritorious. sth. The
jury has not thought it right to exclude from the
competition individuals or societies which, although
not engaged in agricultural or manufacturing pur-
suits, have founded durable and prosperous institu-
tions, contributing to the propagation of good feel-
iug and happiness, of which it is desirable to seek
the best examples.
I.—GENERAL QUESTIONS WHICII APPLY TO
ALL CASES.

1. Name of the establishment. Where situated.
Full postal address. 2. Name of the proprietor or
body of proprietors. 3. Name in full, description
and address of the correspondent or secretary of
the institution. 4. Principal object of the estl-
blishment. 5. By whom was it formed ? 6.
When was it established? 7. Have the works or
the institution ever been suspended ? If so, for how
long, at what date, and from what cause ? 8.
State the number of persons employed, or received
into the institution-Adult males, ; females .
Young persons.-Within the ages of and males;
; females, . Children.-Males,
females, . And the average number in
each during ten years. 9. Are there any restric-
tions or qualifications for admission or employ-
ment in labour, namely :-Age, and at what age ?
Instruction ? Apprenticeship, or other period of
service ? 10. What is the proportion of married
females employed? 11. What regulations are made
to enable them to attend to their families and do-
mestic duties ? 12. Are any arrangements made
for the protection of young females, whose employ-
ment necessitates their leaving home? 13. Has the
establishment been remunerative or otherwise ? 14.
Is any pecuniary assistance received from the Go-
vernment, or from any other body not participating,
in the profits ? If so, define its nature and amount.
15. Has the establishment any special privilege, or
monopoly of any kind, and what is its nature ?
15a. Enclose a copy of all rules framed for the
government of the establishment, or any informa-
tion which may specially refer to it, and any plans
of the buildings.
11.-IN ESTABLISHMENTS WHERE ANY DESCRIPTION
OF MANUFACTURE OR PRODUCTIVE LABOUR IS
CARRIED ON, STATE-
-16. Of how many partners does the establishment
consist ? 17. Is their pecuniary responsibility limited?
18. Is the capital divided into shares, or owned in
parts ? If so, how many, and of what amount or
in what proportions ? 19. During the last five
years, what has been the average yearly profit per
cent., and in what proportion, and according to
what principle, has it been divided among-1. The
partners or shareholders ; 2. The workpeople ; 3.
Any other persons ; 4. Devoted to capital, or other
purposes? 20. What are the daily number of
hours of work at the establishment, exclusive of
meal times? 21. What are the average weekly
wages now earned-By a family ; by a single work-
man ? What are the highest weekly wages? What
are the lowest ? 22. Have any, and what systems
been adopted (payment by the piece or other) to
stimulate the industry of the workpeople ? 23.
Have dwellings, at the cost of the establishment,
been provided for the workpeople? of what charac-
ter ? when erected ? how many ? and at what cost?
24. What are the average weekly rents paid for
such dwellings-By a family ; by a single workman?
25. Are any, and what regulations made and en-
forced relative to periodical cleansing of the dwellings
and workshops? 26. Is there any co-operative society
or arrangement amongst the workmen for th e purchase
of food or clothing, and how is the management pro-
vided and paid for ? 27. Do the employers contri-
bute in any way ? 28. Is the system of truck iu any
form adopted ? Are any payment's made except in
money to persons employed? 29. Is any provision
made by the proprietors, or by the workpeople
themselves, for medical attendance in cases of sick-
ness ? are any, and what, allowances made to them,
or in cases of death for their burial, and from what
funds? 30. State the proportion to the average
of the locality of the deaths of the workpeople
employed ; their marriages, ; births-
legitimate, ; illegitimate, . 31. State the
average duration of life of the workpeople :-
Adult males, ; adult females, ; children, .
32. State if any, and what, provision is made
for the education of the workpeople and their
children, and from what funds provided. 33. State
what provision is made for their religious teaching.
34. State what provision is made for their mental
or physical recreation. 35. Is any arrangement
made to promote temperance, and what proportion
of the workpeople avail themselves of it ? 36. Are any
plans adopted for taking charge of the savings of
workpeople? 37. How long have they been in opera-
tion? 38. What is the number of the contributors, and
the average amount of their savings? 39. Are there
any instances of savings invested inlife assurance and
to what extent ? 40. Have any, and how many, of
the workpeople, by Leans of their savings, become
possessed of houses ? 41. Have they joined any
trades' union, or formed any such union among
themselves ? 42. Have such unions had any, and
what, influence upon their hours, or modes of
labour, or their rate of wages ? 43. Have their
been any strikes among the workpeople ? 44.
State at what period, of what duration, and the
alleged causes. 45. By what means and on what
conditions were they terminated ? 46. Have any
trade unions interfered with the management of
the establishment? And if so, give all parti-
culars. 47. Has the establishment given rise to
any hostile combinations among the manufacturers
or workpeople of the locality ? 48. Has it had
any, and what, effects upon the poor's rate of the
parish ?
111.-IF THE ESTABLISHMENT BE ONE IN WHICH NO
MANUFACTURE OR PRODUCTIVE LABOUR IS
CARRIED ON, OR FORMS PART OF THE PLAN,

STATE-
-49. The express nature and objects of the
institution. 50. By whom is it managed ? 51.
What is its gross annual income, and whence
derived ? 52. What are the annual expenses
of management, and of collection where subscrip-
tions are paid ? 53. What are the number of paid
officers ? 51. And their salaries? 55. The condi-
tions on which the inmates are commonly receivied,
and the average duration of their stay in the insti-
tution. 56. The weekly cost of the inmates per
head ; if entirely, or in what proportion, it is defrayed
from the funds of the institution, or in what other
way. 57. Is any, and what, money allowance made
to the inmates, and any, and what gratuity given
to them on leaving the institution ? 58. State what
has been the total yearly cost during the last five
years. 59. Answer as in previous questions with
regard to sickness (No. 29), education (No. 32),
religious teaching (No. 33), recreation (No. 34),
temperance (No. 35). 60. What has been the
average sum spent under each of these heads during
each of the last five years? 61. By whom and under
what control are the funds managed ? 62. Have
you any other information to offer on this subject
or in regard specially to your establishment?
Signed by

Manager,
Public officer of the establishmen.

We certify that we are well informed of the
management of the above establishment, and that
we believe the foregoing statements to be true.

N.B. The above certificate must be signed by at
least two of the magistrates, or one magistrate and
clergyman, or other well-known person residing in
the locality.

I ADVERTISEMENT.? - Holloway's Pills. The Grand
Secret.—With the ogs and foul vapours of winter
health will creep in unless the blood from time to
purified, and noxious matters expelled from the body. In
this matter the public may be its own physician. Hollo-
way's pills may be purchased at a trifling cost ; instruc-
tions for taking them will be furnishad with the pills, and
a little attention, with a few restrictions, will enable per-
sons to keep themselves in health under very trying cir-
cumstances. These pills act as alteratives, tonics, and
aperients. Holloway's medicine should find a place in
every house and home, where it should be ready for in-
stant administration when the slightest symptom gives
warning approchipg indisposition.

'HE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The Ides of March are upon us. There
may be frost and snow without, but the symptoms
of the coming spring thicken. Streams of eloquence
which have been pent up during the winter are
waiting but a signal to issue forth once more. Al-
ready we hear of the Parliamentary dinners which
solemnise the opening of the sealed waters, and
after—is it the deluge? What will it be when the
floods come ? is the thought of many a member now
snugly ensconced in the country as he notes the
signs of the advancing season. Will he be swept
away clean out of mind, or will some lucky chance
bear him into an eddy where he may, swiftly re-
volving en his own axis, escape destruction ? This
is the question which haunts the unhappy member
as he looks backwards and forwards. Perhaps he is
a Liberal who has always voted on the right side
with a cheerfulness proportionate to his belief that
nothing would come of it, and now dimly perceives
that something may come of it. Perhaps he has
been a Tory, stout and stubborn, and is tormented
with a fear lest, like Lord Castkragh, he may be
required to turn his back upon himself. Anyhow,
his peace of mind is troubled. The prospects and
retrospects of many a member of the House of
Commons are alike unpleasant, but we are assured
that every cloud has its silver lining. If the recol-
lection of our own mistakes be irksome, we can
divert ourselves by dwelling upon those of our neigh-
bours. " There is something in the misfortunes of
our best friends," says the cynical Frenchman, "not
unproductive of consolation, and our friends luckily
are not aware of it." Among the signs heralding
the coming Session may be reckoned the republica-
tion of speeches, and it will indeed be hard if they
bring us no comfort. The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer and Mr. Bright, acting, as we may sup-
pose, independently of each other, have resolved
to reprint their speeches on Parliamentary Reform.
The announcement of Mr. Disraeli's intention to
collect his disquisitions on this question was first,
made, but, while we are still waiting for the fulfil-
ment of this promise, Mr. Bright's speeches have
appeared. Mr. Disraeli's printer is, perhaps, a
laggard ; perhaps his own Christmas holidays have
been unusually prolonged ; perhaps his speeches
require a great deal of editing, and the time of a
Cabinet Minister is naturally somewhat occupied,
However it may be, Mr. Bright has forestalled his
formidable antagonist, and is first at the post. We
cannot help regretting that it was thought advis-
able to include in the eightpenny pamphlet before
us, the price of which might have been increased for
the purpose, a reprint of the collection Mr. Bright
published eight years ago. A certain repetition—a
harping on the same theme with little variation of
treatment, and no marks of progress, might, no
doubt, have been observable ; but the earlier collec-
tion has long been out of print, and i . t would have
been well to take the opportunity of giving it to
the world anew. Mr. Bright's speeches are un-
questionably the best thing about him ; his warmest
admirers will probably allow that the legislation he
has from time to time proposed gives little promise
of practical statesmanship ; while his fiercest op-
ponents, if their ignorance be not equal to their
must admit that in his own style of robust and
manly eloquence he is without an equal. But we
must be content with the speeches delivered since
the end of last session, in the absence of a com-
plete collection, and, indeed, they exhibit pretty
fully the character of the speaker and the simplicity
of his plans of Parliamentary Reform. All the sub-
stance of Mr. Bright's political philosophy is here.
His reasoning is always transparent, and, indeed, it
is impossible to glance through this little pamphlet
without understanding why he should. be regarded
with dislike by one large section of his countrymen
and with distrust by a still larger number. Mr.
Bright himself is, we believe sincerely, unable to
comprehend why he should be the object of such
feelings. The only explanation he can discover
for the fact lies in the resentful arrogance of a
proud aristocracy, or the natural depravity of the
human heart. Dispassionate observers can be at
no loss for reasons more satisfactorily explaining
why men differ from Mr. Bright. We are not speak-
ing of the fanatical outbursts of those who have re-
cently been doing their best on the hustings, or
under the excitement of Conservative tea parties,
to further the ends they dread. Liberals of
unimpeachable character stand aloof from the
member for Birmingham. We find in these
speeches an expression of regret that Mr. Baines
had declined to appear at one of the meet-
ings he addressed. It is not very long since
Miss Martineau—whose faults are certainly
neither timidity nor illiberality -- denounced Mr.
Bright as a representative demagogue. It would be
easy to multiply instances of such feeling, and the
pamphlet now published shows how it arises. If
we use Miss Martineau's phrase, we do so in no
offensive sense, but it is because Mr. Bright is in-
herently a demagogue that his influenceis distrusted.
Mr. Bright's power is purchased at the cost of
breadth of view. Inflamed at the sight of what he
deems, and often rightly deems, to be an injustice,
he hurries to its reparation without taking count of
the mischief he may do in the process. Like the
cannon-ball, he goes "shattering that he may reach,"
if not " shattering what he reaches." His concep-
tions of a State are alike crude and superficial. He
has never said anything to lead us to believe that he
has conceived a nation as containing an infinite num-
ber of classes, the members of which may and should
pass from one to the other, but which always remain
themselves to maintain by their varied tastes, habits,
and culture a healthy and vigorous national life. On
the contrary, Mr. Bright's arguments and plans of
Reform point to a national uniformity, which is not
redeemed by any touch of loftiness. His pattern
nation would consist of men moulded after one
fashion. His pattern Legislative Assembly would
not be a deliberative body furnished with every
variety of thinkers so much as an assemblage of
men of the same opinions shortly determining on
the same ends. If we may borrow the party names
of the United States, we may say that Mr. Bright
is naturally a Democrat rather than a Republican,
though accident has thrown his sympathies in the
contrary direction. It is a consequence of the de-
fect we have noticed that Mr. Bright should be un-
able to see why people differ from him, though it
cannot excuse an impatience which refuses to try
and comprehend the grounds of difference. Mr.
Bright is thus habitually, if not wilfully, unjust. A
singleinstance may be cited out of the many with
which the pamphlet before us abounds. Referring
to Lord Stanley's speech on the amendment to
the Franchise Bill of last session, Mr. Bright
says that it led to the conclusion that Lord Stan-
ley would give no votes to any of the working
thclassesosev
outnesti
el
ohnel
dsabwo byof theno n
s oto them.
of seatsochar
at
rhgaet
could be more unfounded, and none could be more
characteristic
that
such a
o f the
misinterpretation accuser.
,it impos-
sibleexcept by one who had narrowed his mind
suld boe
as made,snot
to admit the existence of opinions sincerely differing
from his own. If the collection of Mr. Bright's
speechesimpress us only too strongly with the same
sense of the partiality of vision, the narrowness of
thought, the injustice of judgment, which we felt in
reading each when it was delivered, we shrill not
copy the speaker's errors in therefore denouncing
his speeches as vain. The usefulness of the Member
for Birmingham in the body politic is sadly marred
by these defects, but his great gifts cannot be ren-
dered wholly worthless. Much of his labour has to
be counteracted ; but he still does service in urging
us forward. The main fault of Mr. Bright lies,
however, in an impatience of mental labour. In
the first of the speeches before us he told the people
of Birmingham how well he remembered 1832,
when his young heart was stirred by the trumpet
blast that was then sounded. The impressions of
early manhood are always those most vividly pre-
served ; but it is to be feared that Mr. Bright has
done little or nothing to correct the first judgments
of his youth. There is nothing in these speeches,
there is nothing in his political career to induce uz.
to suppose that he has modified one opinion or ad-
vanced one hair's breadth since the time of the Re-
form Bill. 'The ideal of representative institutions
to which his speeches point consist of household, if
not universal, suffrage, equal electoral districts,
and vote by ballot ; and it would seem that he has
never for a moment doubted the justice or wisdom
of a creed which is founded entirely on the prin-
ciples of Lord Grey's Bill. In the years which have
passed since 1832 men have discovered the Radical
defects of a scheme which, if realised, would destroy
representation altogether, but Mr. Bright has been
unaffected by this growth in knowledge. As he
goes from town to town addressing meeting after
meeting he reproduces arguments which are of no
force, except in supporting ideas of legislation which
may be pronounced obsolete. The arguments are
embellished from time to time by quotations from
the rhetorical poets ; but they are no otherwise
varied. This absence of growth springs, possibly,
from the impatience which is the root of Mr.
Bright's other faults ; but it is in itself a main cause
why the men of the younger generation are repelled
from his side, and his apparently studied ignorance
of all that has been written or spoken for the past
thirty years on Reform justifies their refusal to ac-
cept him as a Reformer and a guide.
to 1;)1

THE AMERICAN PRESS.

Our claim to be a nation has been vindicated,
and it must be confirmed by the energy with which
from a new point of departure, we shall swiftly ad-
vance along the path of empire. Without wasting
time in attempting petty and spiteful encroach-
ments upon the executive powers of the President.,
Congress will now have ample scope for the exercise
of its own legitimate constitutional functions. Ter-

ritorial legislation, for instance, will open a wide
and important field for this, particularly in Utah.
An initiatory step in this direction has been taken
by Senator Howard, of Michigan, who offered the

other day an amendment to the amendments re-
ported by the Committee on Territories to the bill
of last session to regulate the selection of grand and
petit jurors in Utah, and for other purposes. The
most significant feature in this amendment is the
following clause :—" And if any person shall
presume to solemnise marriage in said Ter-
ritory who is not by this act authorised so to do,
he shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour,
and, upon conviction thereof before any court of
competent jurisdiction, shall be punished by a fine
not exceeding five hundred dollars nor le s than
one hundred dollars, or be imprisoned in the
Penitentiary not exceeding six months, nor less •
than one month, or both, at the discretion of the
court." This is a direct blow at polygamy as
practised among the Saints in Utah; for it extends to
that territory the provisions of common law enforced
elsewhere in this country, which prohibit magistrate
or mi,,ißter from sol mniz3ilg a 111rri.ige between a

man and a woman when either party to the con-
tract has already a wife or a husband. If this
amendment be adopted by Congress, and enforced
by legal and military authority, Brigham Young
and the Mormon elders may well tremble lest they
lose even the heaven-delegated authority which
they will plead in opposition to it. Of
course, all the Mormons in Salt Lake City
will groan over this profane interference by
Gentiles with what they deem their sacred right
of regulating marriage by the rules of their own
Church. Nor will there be wanting, perhaps, some
opponents to it among the strangers within their
gates. Certain Gentiles, there and elsewhere, may
contend that, inasmuch as marriage is legally re-
cognised in this country (in the State of New York
for example) only as a civil contract, and as all acts
of legislation are ultimately dependent for their
force upon public opinion, Senator Howard's
amendment would prove virtually a dead letter, so
long as public opinion in Utah should remain irre-
concilably hostile opposed to it. The change iu public
opinion as to the matter of slavery has wrought a
change in the laws relating to it, cancelling or ren-
dering obsolete those which, as the exponent of a
different public opinion, formerly sanctioned and
sustained it. A similar change of public opinion as
to marriage might leaven legislation concerning it,
either changing the laws entirely or practically
nullifying them. Nay, shrill voices have scarcely
ceased echoing in the halls of Cooper Institute
(where the Women's Rights Convention has

just been held), which predicted that the move-
ment for equal rights, irrespective of sex or colour,
is bound to be successful, and will end by giving
women votes, simply by the force of an inevitable
change in public opinion. Now, as there must be
two or more women to one man in each polygamous
marriage—" seven women laying hold of one man
in the good timecoming which is anticipated by these
petticoated philanthropists—the women will be the
principal parties to the contract in question, and
when they shall come to express public opinion by
voting, legislation may finally pass into their hands.
And is any man competent to say what their deci-
sion may be ? Seriously, now that the old laws of
the Church have been so generally annulled by
society, and a fatal facility of divorce exists in the
Eastern States, while polygamy flourishes in Utah,
I it is high time that thoughtful men and women
should thoroughly study a subject in which our
social and national life is so deeply involved. They
should not overlook such tendencies as are indicated
by Senator Howard's amendment towards recogni-
tion of its importance and definite legislation regard-
ing it.—New York Herald. •
The New York Herald first announced Mor-
monism at its very birth, and closely watching
its extraordinary growth, has frequently called
attention to its possible influence as a disturbing
force amidst the social, religious, and political
elements of our American system. Philosophical
foreigners have thus been led to study Mormonism
as a problem which struck many of them as not
less difficult and dangerous within its sphere than
the problem of slavery. Its vital importance has
at length engaged the practical attention of Con-
gress. Not only Brigham Young and his seventy
elders, the apostles, bishops, missionaries, and
other eminent saints of Mormondom, together
with their wives and children, " too numerous to
mention," but all families throughout the land are
interested in the results of Senator Howard's
blow at polygamy. Polygamy was denounced in
the initial platform of the dominant Republican„
party as one of the " twin relics of barbarism,
and it behoves this party to do all that appro-
priate legislation can effect towards its anni,'
hilation.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

COLCHESTER-JAN. 12,

A scanty supply of wheat met a ready sale at is per (11.•
advance. Fine barley sold at very extreme prices, and in-
ferior qualities were in good demand at late rates. Beauß
and peas scarce, and is per qr. dearer.
Wheat, white f4s 70s Beans, Mazagan......3is 40S
red 623 67s Middle and small ..44s 483
Barley... 42s 56s Peas, white. 38s 42s
Oats s s grey —MS 42°