The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 3, 1858.

PUBLICATIONS.

Now ready, at all the Libraries, in 3 vols.,
THE LAIRD OF NO RL AW,
By the Author of " Margaret Maitland."

"In The Laird of Norlaw,' first-rate talent, exquisite
taste, and great knowledge of character, combine to create a
charming novel."—Sun.
* In this absorbing tale the interest of the narrative is as
well sustained as in Margaret Maitland.' "—Chronicle.

Hurst and Blackett,;necesio.rs to Henry Colburn.

Now ready, in 3 vols., with Portraits, 318.64., bound,

:HENRY 111., KING of FRANCE, his COURT
and TIMES. By Miss FREER, Author of' " Eliza-
leth de Valois," " Marguerite D'Angouleme,"

• " Miss Freer having Won for herself the reputation of a
most painstaking and trustworthy historian, not less than an
accomplished writer, by her previous memoirs of sovereigns
of the houses of Valois • and Navarre, 'will not fail to meet
with a most cordial and hearty welcome for her present ad-
mirable history of Henry. 111., the last of the kings of the
house of Valois."—Chronicle.

Hurst and.l3lackett, 13, Great Marlborough-street,

. NEW. NOVEL.
On Monday next will appear,
N OLD DEBT. By FLORENCE DAWSON
. • In 'lwo Vols., post fiYo.

London: Smith; Elder; Mid Co., 65, Cornhill,

Just published, price is.,
'UAW the. SERVANT, NOT the TYRANT, of
COMMERCE. Being a Reply to Mr. Ford's Attempt
to Make Preferential Securities, &c., a Secret.

London : Effingham Wilson, Royal,Exchange.

ATERITAS.--The French Lloyd's Register of
Y. American and Continental Vessels.—The Register,
VERITAS (French Lloyd's), containing the Classification of
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Committee of Management at Paris, 8, Place de la Bourse.

Agents In London—Messrs. Chas. Devaux and Co., 62,
King William-street.
London, Dec. 1, 1858.

SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN.;
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THE CHURCHMAN'S ALMANACK,
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Containing a View and Historical Notice of BANGOR
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THE CHILDREN'S ALMAN4CK,
For the Year of our Lord 1859. Illustrated.

With Texts, and general matter suited for Schools, &c.
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18 - LETTS'S DIARIES, ALMANACS,
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FEIST'S RACING . RECORD for 1858.
Part X., price 3d., was published on the Ist of
December. The Record, containing a complete calendar of
Sport in England, Ireland, and Scotland, in 1858, and nomi-
nations for 1859, may be had, price two shillings.
W. Wright, Fulwood's Rents, Holborn

THE MEMBERS FOR RUTLANDSHIRE
ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

-
The annual meeting of the Rutland Agricultural
Society was held on Wednesday, at Oakham. At
the dinner in the evening, the health of the County
Members hav:_ng been given,
The Hon. G. .NOEL, M.P., returned thanks, and
proceeded to review the various political events
which had occurred since their last meeting. On
the question of Parliamentary Reform, he said he
should be prepared to give any well-digested mea-
sure having for its:object the extension of the fran-
chise to certain classes in . this country his best
consideration ; but he would.never support a one-.
sided party measure, brought forward by a few for
the purpose of aggrandising one class at the
expense of another. Nor would he support such
a measure as was shadowed forth by Mr. Bright
in his speech at Birmingham, and which, if carried
out, would destroy all that we in this country held
dear—the Queen, the Lords, and the Church.
(Cheers.) Such a measure would, he thought, be most
distasteful to this county in particular, because if
England were to be divided into electoral districts,
and those districts received representatives in pro-
portion to population only, the most disagreeable
results would follow. The hon. member for Bir-
mingham, Mr. Bright, was always holding up.
America as a. model,. and would assimilate our
institutions to those existing in, that country. Now
there was no country Where so much real liberty
was enjoyed in thought and action as it England.
(Hear, hear.) In America, men were slaves to
public opinion, and dared not express their senti-
ments freelyiind openly, as We o hero. He for
one was not in favour of uprooting our institutions
in the manner proposed by Mr. Bright; and he
was very much surprised that he should have
directed- his great abilities to such an unfortunate
end as the stirring up of one class against another.
(Cheers.) The present Government had promised
a measure of reform. He hoped it would be no
class Measure, but one framed to secure a better
electoral body as well as a better representative
body—(hear, hear)—a bill which, not destroying
the bulwarks upon which the constitution rests,
would improve so much of the act of 1832 as the
increase of population, of -wealth, and of intelli-
gence may require.
The Ron. G. H. HEATHCOTE, M.P., also re-.
sponed, and after referring te some local topics
came likewise, to. the question of Parliament-AT
Reform. He said—We should consider, in the first
place, how reform may affect the agricultural in-
terests of England. (Hear, hear.) We are likely,
I suppose, tohave two Reform Bills—one from Lord
Derby and one from Mr. Bright. It appears to me
that Mr. Bright is likely to go too far even for his
own party. ' I have the acquaintance of several
good reformers—at least, in their opinion—and
they seem to think that the hon. member for. Bir-
mingham is likely to go too far even for them. In
truth, it seems to me that these ultra gentlemen
do not altogether agree among themselves. They
talk about others being illiberal, but I think they
themselves generally look to " number one."
(Laughter and " Hear, hear.") At Edinburgh, for
instance, they have been adding a sixth point
to the Charter, and they even say that they
think they should have some more members for
Scotland. Under these circumstances I think it
behoves the agriculturists at least to consider what
bearing the projected measure is likely to have
upon their intefests.(Hear, hear.) Now, I have no
doubt that from time to time reform is right and
proper, and that at this moment there are classes who
might most
.safely be intrusted with the
_elective
franchise; and I think those who have the power
should be ready and willing to share it with others
who are proved to be capable of exercising it to the
public and general advantage. That is the great
thing to be considered. I should not vote for the bill
that went furthest? but that which seemed best cal-
Culated to correct anomalies of the old one. I do not
say that the number -of members might not very
properly be 'enlarged. I should consider, however,
that it was not removing an anomaly, but only in-
creasing one, if the bill took nearly all the members
from the small boroughs, and did not give at least a
share of them to the agricultural districts. (Hear.)
Many of these small boroughs are situated in the
centre of agricultural communities, and their own
prosperity depending upon the prosperity of the sur•
rounding-disteieta.it. they-_generally,reterre,,inen Win;
hare your ineerests at heart. (Hear, hear.) At
present the boroughs return a large share of mem-
bers ; but if you take from the small boroughs and
give more representatives to the large towns, you
would rather be increasing the anomaly. For we
must remember that a county member does not
only represent the county, but he also represents
the boroughs contained in that county ; while a
borough member only represents the borough with
which lie is connected. (Hear, hear.) .In England
and Wales there are 500,000 registered electors who
vote for counties ' • and of these 100,000 claim for
property situated in boroughs. Thus they influence
the county elections to the extent of one-fifth; and
that I think is hardly fair Of course this fifth is
not spread evenly over the county. In Sussex, for
instance, the town of Brighton can almost return
the county members. I think, therefore, that if
you take members from the smaller boroughs and
give them to the larger ones, that would be most
unfair. (Hear, hear.) If you take members from
these small boroughs, I think.some plan should be
devised whereby those members should not be given
to town populations. (Hear, hear.) And what is
the reason urged why town populations should have
the most members? It is said that there i 3 much
more intelligence in the towns than in the coun-
ties. Now, I utterly and entirely deny this. When
I look around to see whom I am now addressing, I
think it is most monstrous to tell me that they pos-
sess all the learning in the towns and that we
know nothing in the counties. (Cheers.) When
farming has really become a science—when farmers
in order to make the most of their land, require a
superior education, a, knowledge of machinery, and
even an acquaintance with chemistry, I can say
that at least they ought to have a fair and just share
in returning the representatives of this country.

in tile compact. In one case the agreement was
broken by one of the " parties," and. when next his
turn came for a selected lot his bidding was forced
up £3. The lot consisted of some 160 blankets,
which had previously been sold for £l9 or £2O,
but the delinquent was forced up to £23, and
then the hammer was allowed to fall. °lle
commissioners remained in the saleroom some time
an audible cheer following them as they retired to
resume the , examination of the remaining ware-
rooms.

The inspection of the various rooms occupied the
commissioners till past two, after which they pro-
ceeded to examine the books and the mode of keep-
ing them. When the commissioners finished this
portion of their labours it was too late hear any
evidence, and the inquiry was adjourned till 12
o'clock this day.

M. DE MONTALEMBERT AND THE

F_RENCII PRESS.

(Front the Tines.)

Just as the prostrate adulators of arbitrary
power have proved to their own entire satisfaction
that the trial and conviction of M. de Montalem-
bert was wise, merciful, and just, imperiously. de-
manded by the wants and creditable to the exist-
ing institutions of France, the Emperor shows his
sense of the success which has attended the efforts
of his Apologists by annulling that iniquitous sen-
tence altogether, and restoring the illustrious pri-
soner to as much freedom as under existing circum-
stances it is the lot of any Frenchman to enjoy. We
receive this information with an astonishment
hardly less than tkat with which we learnt that
it was the intention of the Government to pro-
secute at all, or with which we heard that, having
undertaken this prosecution for the sake of a
salutary public example, it had forbidden its
own -press to give any account of the trial, 'and
confiscated every English newspaper from which
any of its incidents could be gleaned.' How
singularly must that mind be constituted which
could deliberately risk such a step, entertaining
at the same time the utmost apprehension for
its results, and, having done and dared all that
it most feared to execute, could draw back
at the moment of completion, and thus render its
enterprise as futile as it was imprudent How are
we to account for this sudden change of purpose ?
The force of habit may go for something, for we
are now accustomed to see the " iron will" of the
Emperor undo what he has just done, and to be
edified with the spectiCle of Imperial penitence.
This is the third time within the last ten months
that we have seen the Emperor of the French vo-
luntarily and solemnly retracting his acts. We
have seen the French Colonels set upon us, and then
flogged off like unruly hounds. We have seen the
slave trade-supported by an armed force, and im-
mediately after denounced ; and now we see law,
justice, and freedom trampled under foot in the
case of M. de Montalembert, and the iniquity no
sooner completed than annulled and disaVowed.
No doubt there are those who will be loud in the
praise of Imperial magnanimity. We shall content
ourselves with the expression of regret that the
Emperor should do so many things of which he is
compelled immediately to repent. We lose confi-
dence in a will that is perpetually reversing itself,
and are little edified by the tenderness of a COlL-
science that is silent till a deed again it which it
should have been a warning has been committed.

What can have induced the ,Emperor to reverse
the sentence on M. de Montalembert ? Not the
feeling of the nation, for he has purposely deprived
himself of that mighty advantage which a Govern-
ment gains by studying the opinion of those among
whom it is placed. France can have given no
opinion on the trial of M. de Montalembert, for
France has not been allowed to read it. There is
no reason to suppose that sympathy for this elo-
quent writer and impassioned speaker has pene-
trated into the ranks of the French Army. We
know of no influence capaple of approaching the
throne of the Emperor and pleading the cause of
liberty and justice with the slightest chance of sue.
cess. We can therefore only adopt one conclusion.
We believe the Emperor has not excluded himself
from those means of learning the state of opinion
on this side the Channel from whichhe has sO com-
pletely shut out his people. Surrounded by a police
ire able at_sard from their chief to_plunge
eVliole kingdom in ditrkness, protected behind
hundreds of thousands of bristling bayonets, the
voice of honest expostulation has reached the in-
most recesses of the cabinet of this king of men,
and carried conviction, its, unwelcome companion,
with it. France looked on' in silence, for she had
no organs with which to speak, but the voice of
England has made itself heard, and, though ex-
cluded from every one else, has found its way to
the ear of the only man who could give effect to its
pleadings and could profit by its warnings.
We claim the release of M. de Montalembert
from the unjust sentence with which he had been
stricken as adding one more to the numberless
triumphs the press of this country has achieved—as
a gratifying proof how impossible it is for any
man, however highly placed, however resolute,
however irresponsible, to emancipate himself from
the influence of his fellow-men. Why should the
Emperor Napoleon regard the opinion of England?
Above all, why should he condescend for a moment
to listen to the voice of the English press ? Has he
not eight millions of subjects by whose suffrage he
reigns ? Has he not a countless army, the very
impersonation of material force, drilled, disciplined,
and. informed by the very highest intellectual acti-
vity ? Has he not silenced throughout France
every tongue that would speak, every pen which
would write, that which he might not wish to hear
or read ? Yet even this man, so raised above his
fellows, cannot exempt himself from the laws which
makes mind nervously sensitive to the action of
mind; he cannot prevail upon himself to shut his
ears to murmurs which he cannot silence, or resolve
to disregard criticisms which he may, if he please,
shut out as completely from himself as from the
meanest of his subjects. If he listens to us it is
simply because he cannot help it. He has dwelt
among us, he knows the independence with which
English feeling is formed, and the openness with
which it is expressed. He has striven to make his
own will the only rule and guide of his actions, but-
he cannot do it. He is driven by a tendency which)fe
cannot master to seek for a standard of right-and
wrong external to himself,and that standard the man
who has carried despotism over a civilised nation to an
extent which the world has never witnessed before
finds, after all, in despite of himself, in the honest
voice of a free people
Of course we also rejoice, for M. de Montalem-
belt's sake, that he has escaped the indignity and
suffering which a week ago were prepared for him
—we wish we could also add that by the remission
of the sentence the whole effect of the proceeding
was done away. The blow has, however, been
struck. That scanty but brilliant literary class,
the small and yearly decreasing remains of 30 years
of eloquence, of literary and political life, had
hitherto been respected by the hand of power, and,
on the understanding, faithfully observed on their
part, that they should abstain from political con-
spiracy and agitation, they were left the enjoyment
of their saloons, their institute, and the pages of
their literary periodicals. This state of things is
gone by. The generous and humane toleration
which, perhaps from some ineradicable feeling for
the honour, the learning, the eloquence, and the
consistency of the days before France was tame and
mute, was extended to the relics of her statesmen
and orators, has now been withdrawn. The fore-
most man among them has been stricken down with
an ease which shows how vain is the slightest
struggle ; the poor satisfaction of a last eloquent
protest in favour of liberty is denied, arid France
knows nothing of him but what is communicated in
the dry formula of the sentence. Henceforth all that
can be hoped for is the liberty to preserve a deep
and mournful silence, to confide their opinions to
none but tried and faithful friends, and to give
up that literature which has been the solace of their
misfortunes, lest in some moment of generous
enthusiasm they should by praise of something free
and noble be held to have attacked the existing
Government of their country. Such is the career
of despotism. Let no man who enters upon it
think that he can set limits to himself or define the
point to which he will not •go. Anger and fear,
flattery, envy, and hate, the evil counsellors that
ever wait on arbitrary pOwer, perpetually urge
him onward. First, liberty of action is prescribed;
then writing, except to order, is prohibited; speech
becomes dangerous, and thought itself is hardly
free. The one is surrounded by an atmosphere
of falsehood and deception, which first silences
truth and then occupies her place ; the manlier
virtues droop and perish, and the nation, which at
first struggled in its fetters, loses the habit of poli-
tical life and thought, and sinks into apathy, igno-
rance, or desPair.

CARD-SHARPING.—It is the intention of the Lord
Advocate to introduce into Parliament, next session, a bill
for the suppression of vagrancy, and the measure will also
contain provisions having for their object the putting down
of curd-ohasoillravtanno•