The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-20 00:00:00

place it upon record that we declined a measure which
we knew to be just on account of what would be said of us
abroad, was to place the country in the lowest state of de-
gradation. The accusation of preaching assassination con-
tained in the despatch, was meant, not of the people of
England, but of the refugees.
Sir R. PEEL—I contented myself with a silent vote on
the introduction of this measure, but now, after having had
an opportunity of reading its -provisions, I am anxious to
give some explanation of the feelings which I entertain upon
a subject so important and so interesting. (Hear.) I have
listened with great attention to the speech of the Prime Mi-
nister, and also to ',bat of the right hon, gentleman the late
member for Manchester —(laughter)—l mean the member
for Ashton, and I must say that I agree with the hon.
gentleman opposite (Mr. Bentinck), who characterised the
speech of the right bon. gentleman as a most able and mode-
rate statement; but, on the other hand, I think the speech of
the noble lord the Prime Minister tended to lead us astray
from the direct question at issue. (Hear.) I think the ques-
tion is one of very;great importance, and one which, while
it should in no way be exaggerated, should at the same
time be con.idered calmly and dispassionately. lam asto-
nished that the head of a 'Liberal Government ilhould pro-
pose a bill to Parliament which is opposed by all the most
distinguished Liberals in this house. (Cries of " No, no !")
Well, almost all the most distinguished Liberals have
spoken against it ; while, on the other hand, those who
are the political opponents of the noble viscount have giv...
it that modest support in which eloquence al--
acts. (A laugh.) The nohl. •

...es the pas to
aeu the member for London
and patriotic speech against the bill, and
_ -quence of the hon. and leaf ned member for Sheffield,
on the same aide, may be taken as an accurate interpreta-
tion of the eublie feeling (Hear, heater It is true that
the Solicitor-General, who is certainly not the man to
hazard such an opinion, has raid that the speech of the
hon. and learned member for Sheffield was not very power-
ful in point of argument, yet the house and the country
think otherwise, as is proved by the impression which that
speech has everywhere produced. (Hear, hear.) The ques-
tion before the house involves two important considera-
tions, one relating to the change to be introduced into
our law, and the other to the occasion which has sug-
gested the introduction of the present bill. We have heard
the legal part of the subject discussed in all its bearings,
Ido not pretend to assert that the treatment of aliens or
foreigners residing in England should not be subordinate
to the interests of our own community ; but I do say that
no obscure or definite restrictions should be placed upon
refugees, so long as, irrespective of the suggestions of
foreign policy, they obey our laws, do not interfere with
the policy of our Government, or abuse that sacred right
of asylum which we are proud to extend to thorn when
fleeing from persecution in the land of their birth. The
asylum which we gave them is liable to abuse, as every
enactment we can frame, no matter how stringent its pro-
visions, is liable to be evaded or transgressed, The noble
viscount seems to think otherwise, for he is calling upon
us to increase the penalty attaching to conspiracy to mur-
der, in order, as he says, to prevent the commission of that
offence. If you do pass such a law let it, I implore you, be
so clear and precise that it may be intelligible to all. The
present bill does not fulfil that condition. If the noble
viscount had described it as an alteration of the law re-
quired by the exigencies of the times, or as %measure of
legal reform which he had long known to be necessary, we
might have been prepared to adopt it. Could he prove to
us that the law in its existing state favours the commission
of crimes such as that rece:ely attempted in Paris, I would
be one of the first to say "let us amend it." But the re-
verse is the 'fact. The Home Secretary the other Light
passed a-severe censure upon the Lord Chief Justice for
having ventured to express an opinion as to the sufficiency
of the present law, but we are bound to respect the dicta
of our highest legal authorities, and when two such men as
Lord Brougham and Lord Campbell agree in saying that
the existing law is adequate for all: necessary purposes we
must suffer ourselves to be influev ced by such powerful tes-
timony. The Solicitor-Genera); it is true, has expressed a
different opinion, but he die, not throw much light upon
the question—(alaugh)—e,nd I have not yet heard the
Attorney-General, temergh I have been waiting aux-
ously to see him juenp to his feet. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) If he Vold us that the bill was absolutely
necessary, he my;trt induce us, with his placid manner
and persuasive ;eloquence —(a laugh)—to support it ; but
as yet nothing has been said to show that the existing law
requires amseedrnent. We have been told that a reward of
2001. has b'een offered for the capture of Mr. Allsop, and
that a Frenchman named Bernard has been apprehended
upen a warrant of the Treasury. (No, no.) Well, the
ritistake is trivial. Upon a warrant of the Home Office;
at all events, M. Bernard has been taken up. (A laugh.)
What happened at his examination before Mr. Jardine,
the police magistrate, on Monday last? Mr.. Bodkin
—(great laughter, caused by the contemptuous tone in
which the hon. baronet pronounced the name of the Well-
known barrister) —who said that he appeared to conduct
the case against WO prisoner on behalf of the Treasury,
concluded his opreniug speech with the following curious
remarks :—" It leas been decided that persons guilty of
libels against a foreign Sovereign can be indicted in this
country, and it. would be strange," continued lawyer
Bodkin—(laugl rter)—" if under the same law it was not
an offence tocciv.spire to commit murder on the person of
an individual holding that position." Now, the Horne
Secretary hate distinctly told us that the attention of the
Government..' was called to a defect in the law, and yet we
are informr,d. by Mr. Bodkin that the law is amply suffi-
cient to ac complish the object which it is intended to sere()
(Hear.) Ceter authorities differ, but lam disposed to believe
that the 'crew is adequate, seeing that you can seize M. Ber-
nard ant's have a reward lef 2006. offered for the capture of
Mr. Al.leop. (A. laugh.) I could not help smiling the
other might at the strange doctrine laid down by the noble
viscount at the head of the Government. From the year
1822,, -when Sir James Macintosh moved a resolution to the
effec.t that the efficiency of our criminal laws was to be in'
crereeed by an abatement of their undue rigour, up to the
pr event time the chief aim of the Legislature has been to
re racier our code less severe. Now, however, in 1838, the
o .oble viscount proposes to increase the penalty attaching
to a particular offence, with the view of making the law
more efficient for its purpose, thus reversing the practise of
-Yearliament for the last 35 years. (Hear.) But, after all,
to come to the real gist of the question, the bill of the
noble viscount, though degrading to the country; is a mere
sham. The truth is that under cover of an alteration of
the law a bill has been submitted to Parliament at the dic•
tetion of a foreign Government. (Cheers.) lam sur-
prised that the noble viscount should have allowed such an
unwarra table interference. If he can refute the reports
which are abroad let him do so at once, for I must say
that nothing could be more insulting to us, or more de-
grading to our souse of criminal justice, than to be tol
that because six or eight attempts have been made against
the life of Louis Napoleon we must-consider ourselves re.
sponsible for them. (Hear, hear.) In common with all
my countrymen, I abhor and detest assassination, not only
because of its atrocity, but on account also of its cowardice.
(Cheers.) Observe, however, the extreme unfairness which
has characterised the conduct of the French Government
in the present instance. An attempt is made against the
life of Louis Napoleon, and straightway Count Walewski
aoou.es Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and Campanella of being
implicated in the plot. • These persons are residing in this
country ; no evidence whatever has been brought against
them—(hear, hear) —but they are Republicans, and there-
fore are charged with complicity in the recent attempt in
France. Let us change the persons. Louis Napoleon has
himself resided in England, a pretender to the throne of
France, and during the period of his stay here several at-
tempts were mad against the life of Louis Philippe.
(Hear, hear.) No honourable man can suppose that Louis
Napoleon or Count Persigny, who also at that time en-
joyed the hospitality of England, had anything to do with
those attempts, and yet, if Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and
Campanella are chargeable with the recent enterprise lit
Paris, the present Emperor of the French may fairly be
held responsible for the attempts against Louis Philippe.
(Hear.) The question now before us is both delicate and
dangerous ; it has many aspects, and is differently judged at
different times by the same men. We all know that Conn;
Persigny himself, a very amiable gentleman, was at one
time a legitimist of the first class, the friend of the
Ducbe.sae de Berri, while it is equally notorious that in 1849
M. Baroche declared himself a Republican de la eiejle•
(Hear.) And n 'el those persons come forward and tell us
we must not harbour men who so long as they reside in thil
country and do not commit any • crime against the laws
have a right of asylum in it. (Hear.) Does this bour
forget that in 1818 the odious doctrine was openly preached
in France that kings and queens are all robbers of th;
people's rights ? Did we protest against that ? (Hear')
Did we say anything about their press at that time ?
of
yet M. Walewski, forsooth, now talks about the license,
the English press. Sir, I think he is one of the last who
should have dared to arty or to insinuate anything against
the liberty of the press in this country. (Cheers.) Let us
look at this letter of M. Walewski for a moment ;, but,
before doing so, permit me to say that, while I regret ex-
ceedingly that no sufficient answer was made to this dome•
ment by her Majesty's Government, I never read a diplo:
matic despatch so shallow or so destitute of point. (Hear.)
The attempt which led to the writing of this despatch 00"
gunned on the 14th of January, and six days afterwards
Count Walewski writes to M. Persigny to say that the
French Government find fault with the system going'
on
hem and beg for some alteration. No answer bass told
sent, but the right hon. gentleman (Sir G. Grey) has
us to-night that if we pass the second reading of this
that
an answer will be sent. (Cheers.) Sir, I must say
this is about the most undignified proceeding I ever
•
heard of and one most unworthy of the decision which
the conduct of the Govern' ought to have characterized rnbill
inntmaen.whTo hriesadespdsEaetgclh is signed.editCount tyeMrarawslaegoakwiaasn diritinhe.
his solebsyCnu
self a member of the revolutionary committee in Poland.
(Laugh.) This is the gentleman who now tells us "It was
in England that Pianori formed the design of attacking the
Emperor ; it was from London that, in an affair the recol-
lection of which is still fresh, Mazzini, Ledru B,ollin, ntbi
Campanella directed the hired bravoes whose hand they had
armed." Let me make a remark in reference to that stet::
meet. Two men who wore taken up in France for 311 a
tempt, or for being supposed to have been implicatedll o,
attempt on the life of Louis Napoleon,. were examineren_
to the supposed complicity of Mazzini and Ledru Bem`"
but the answers they gave on that occasion were so utterly._
absurd es to be wholly useless fer the purpose to which the
examination was directed. Again, M. Walewski talks of
this being the country " where the authors of the late
conspiracy prepared at leisure their means of action _
studied and fabricated the instruments of destructionyf
._
which they made use, and thence started to execute the ir
plan." With respect to thatl would only say that so long
as these men reside in this country they obey
that they
our laws'
It is only when they go to Belgium and France
concoct these schemes of assassination which fill the
00
of all honourable men with horror and indignation. (grl
hear.) Then he talks of " the 'hostility of misgui ued i
victuals, manifesting itself by all the excesses of the pre*:
and all the violences of language," adding that assassins
tion is elevated as a doetrine and openly preached in this
country. Now, I will say that never was au assertion.
t:"_';
unfair than that. (Cheers.) To tell us that the doctrine
assassination is openly preached in this country! Why, 90
is there a man out of France who would not scorn to gi_f
o edit to such a foul insinuation ? (Cheers.) The whele_rue.
this despatch throughout is one that I have read veitn,v_eie;
great regret, seriously aggravated as the tenour of It,°
sor33
the unworthy insinuations against this country which
contains. But it is said an ap 'logy ha-, been male.
',lay think that apology adequate, but I for cannotonera._:t
admit that it is, seeing that after an assertion was
eteues',.
Louis Nap e
its information from Knightsbridge, that
that part of the public press which is supposed to r
language that had been held towards this country, bee
and his Government regretted the insertion of the vil;
state
in that paper. (Hear, hear.) And those
ments of the most severe and unseemly kind have Joe":
to
madements appeared after it was supposed that an apology
e
rp,d been made for the insults that had been offered
(Hear, hear.) Geo said, "May thee
murderers, the hired agents of black deed., receive
able
• hment which is their desert in that repaire
the puma
this country.
'n senPli
laughte!)—and may that infernal den _
these assassinations are hatched be destroyed for erg'
noble lord
(A. laugh.) must say heard with regret the

has made a Mini.—
the 01..-.