The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-25 00:00:00

LONDON,

value hereafter—they would have begun to unite govern-
ment with a governor, and unless they did that no Govern-
ment would be safe, and any hurricane might overturn it
or throw it into utter confusion. (Hear.) Now, suppose
the Governor-General gone, their presidencies established,
the governors equal in rank and dignity, and their coun-
cils constituted in the manner he had indicated, was it not
reasonable to suppose that the delay which had hitherto
been ono of the greatest curses of their Indian government
would bo almost altogether avoided ? Instead of a Gover-
nor-General living in Calcutta, never travelling over the
whole of the country, and knowing very little about it,
and that only through other official eyes, was it not reason-
able to suppose that the action of the Government would
be more direct in all its duties and in every department of
its service than had been the ease under the system which
had existed un it now? Their administration of the law,
marked by so much disgrace, could never have lasted so
long as it had done if the governors of their presidencies
had boon independent governors. So with regard to mat-
ters of Voice, education, public works, and everything
that could stimulate industry, and so with regard to their
system of taxation. They would have in every presidency
a constant rivalry for good. (Cheers.) The governor of
Madras, when his term of office expired, would be de-
lighted to show that the people of that presidency,
were contented, that the whole presidency was pro-
gressing in civilisation, that roads and all manner of
useful public works were extending, that industry was
becoming more and more a habit of the people, and
that the exports and imports were constantly increasing.
The governors of Bombay and the rest of the presidencies
would be animated by the same spirit, and so they would
have all over India, as ho had said, a iivalry for good ; they,
would have placed a check on that malignant spirit of am-
bition which hod worked so much evil—(hoar, hear)- -they
would have no governor so great that they could not con-
trol him or who might make war when he pleased ; war
and annexation would be greatly checked, if not entirely
prevented; and he did in his conscience believe they would
in that way have laid the foundation for a better and more
permanent form of government for India than had ever ob-
tained since it came under the rule of England. (Cheers.)
But how long did England propose to govern India? (Hear,
hear.) N asZody ante ;Ilea that question, and nobody ( oul I
answer it. Bea .50 or 500 years, did any man with the
smallest e 'emmeriug of common sense believe that that
great country, with its 20 different nations and its 20
languages, could ever be bound up and consolidated into
one compact and enduring empire ? He believed such a
thing to be utterly impossible. We must fail in the attempt
if ever we made it, and wo were bound to look into the
future with reference to that point. The presidency of
Madras, for instance, having its own government, would, in
50 years become ono compact State, and every part of the
presidency would look to the city of Madras as its capital,
and to the government of Madras as its ruling power. If
that were to go on for a century or more, they would have
their five orsix presidencies of India built into so many com-
pact States, and if at any future period the sovereignty of
England should be withdrawn, we should leave so many
presidencies built up and firmly compacted together, each
able to support its own independence and its own govern-
ment, and we should be able to say we had not left the
country a prey to that anarchy and discord which he believed
were inevitable if we insisted on holding those vast terri-
tories with the idea of building them up into one great
empire. But he was obliged to admit that mere machinery
was not sufficient in this case, either with respect to his
own scheme, or to that of the noble lord (Lord
Stanley). They wanted something else than mere
clerks, stationery, despatches, and so forth. They wanted
what he should designate as a new feeling in England, and
an entirely new policy in India. (Cheers.) They must in
future have India governed, not for a handful of English-
men—not for that civil service who. .e praises were 13 ) con-
stantly sounded in that house. They might govern India,
if they liked, for the good of England, bet the good of Eng-
land must come through the channel of the good of India.
(Hear.) There were but two modes of gaining anything by
our connection with India. The one was by plundering the
people of Inlia, and the other by trading with them. He
preferred to do it by trading with them; but in order that
England might become rich by trading with India, India
itself must become rich - (hear)—and India could only be-
come rich through the sound administration of justice, an 1
through entire security for life and property. Now, as to
this new policy, he had said if he were Minister he
should do so and so; and he would tell the house what
he thought the Prime Minister should do if this bill pessed.
He ought to choose for his President of the Bean! of Con-
trol or his Secretary of State for India a man who could not
be excelled by any other man in his Cabinet or in his party
'for capacity, for honesty, for attention to his duties, and
for knowledge of the particular office to which he was ap-
poktel. If any Prime Minister appointed an inefficient
man to such an office ha would be a traitor to the throne
of England. (Cheers.) That officer, appointed for the qua-
lities he had just indicated, should with equal scrup-lous-
Dees and conscientiousness make the appointments whether
of the Governor-General, or, should that office be aholi-hed,l
of the governors of the presidencies of India. Those ap-
pointments should not be rewards for old men simply be-
cause such men had done goodase rice:when in their prime,
nor should they be rewards for mere party service—(hear,
hear)—but they should be appointments given under a feel
ins that interests of the very highest moment, connected
with this country, depended on those great offices in India
being properly filled up. The same principles should run
throughout the whole system of government, for unless
there was a very high degree of virtue in all those appoint-
ments, andur less cur great object was to govern India well,
and to exalt the name of England in the eyes of the whole
native population, all that we had recourse to in the way of
machinery would be of very little use indeed. He admit-
ted that this was a great work; he admitted also that the
further he is ent into the consideration of this question the
more he felt that it was too largo for him to grapple with,
and that every step they took iu it should be taken as if
they were men walking in the dark. They had, however,
certain great principles to guide them, and by their light
they might make steps in advance, if not fast, at any Cato
sure. But they started from an unfortunate position. They
started from a platform of conquest by force of arms ex-
tending over 100 years. There was nothine in the world
worse than the sort of foundation from which they started.
The greatest genius who had shed lustre on the literature
of this country had said, " There is no sure foundation set
on blood ;" and it might be the unhappy position of this
country tat in regard to India we were verifying the
truth of that saying, We were always subjugators, awl
were looked at with hatred and suspicion, He said we
must look at the thing as it was if we were to see our
exact position, what our duty was, and what chance there
was of our retaining India and governing it for the advan-
tage of its people. Our difficulties had been enormously
increased by the revolt. The people of India had only
seen England in its worst form in that country. They
had seen it in its military power, its civil service, and in
the supremacy of a handful of foreighers. When natives
came to this country they were delighted. They found
themselves treated with a kindness, a considerations
respect, to which they were wholly strangers in their own
country, and they could not unaerst and how it was that
men who were so just, so attentive to them here, some,
times, indeed, too often, appeared to them in a different
character in India, (Hear, hear.) He remembered that the
Hon. F. Shaw, who wrote some 30 years since, stated, in
his able and in tractive book, that even in his time the con,
duct of the English in India towards the natives was loss
agreeable, less kindly, less just than it had been in former
years ; and in 1853, before a committee, prceated over by
the hon. member for Huntingdon, tsvln'enca was given that
the feeling between the rulers and the ruled in India was
he oming every-year lees like what could bedeaired,'lt Was
only kh o r day the ° appemed in al. tier of the Tietc4
correspondent an anecdote which it was necessary to repeat
to the house, Mr, Russell, of the Pine* stated a—
" I went off to breakfast in a small mosque, which has
been turned into a salle ni manger by some officers sta-
tioned here, and I confess I should have eaten with more
satisfaction had I not )seen as I entered the enclosure of
the mosque a native badly, wounded on a cbarpoy, by
which was sitting a woman in deep affliction. The expla-
nation given of this scene Was that [the name of
the Englishman was left blank---(hear)--] had been lick-
ing two of his bearers ( r servants), and had nearly min:.
dered them.' This was one of the servants, and, without
knowing or oaring to know the causes of moth chastise.
meat., I cannot but express my disgust at the s .verity—
to call it no harsher name—of some of our fellow country•
men towards their domesties."--
(near, hear.) The hon, gentleman -proceeded to say, the
reading of that paragraph gave me extreme pain. People
may fancy that this does not matter much, but I say it
matters very much. (Hear, hear.) Under any system of
governmeet you will have Englishmen scattered all over
India, and conduct like that I have first read in any dis-
trict must create ill-feeling towards England, to you rule;
to your supremacy; and when that feeling has become
sufficiently extensive any little accident may give fire to
the train, and you will have calamities more or less se-
lions, such as we have had during twelve months. (Hear,
hear.) You must change all this if you mean to keep
India. l(Hear, hear) I do hot make any comment
upon the mode in which this country has been put into
possession of India, I accept that possession as a fact
There we are ; we don't know how to leave it, anti there-
fore let Its see if we know how to govern it. (Hear,
heir.) It is a problem which, perhaps, no other
nation had to solve. Let us Sao whether there is enough
of intelligence And virtue In England to solve the diffi-
culty, In the first place, then, I say let us abandon all
that system of calumny against the natives of India which
has lately prevailed. (Hear, bear.) Had that people not
been docile—the most governable race in the world, how
could you have maintained your power for 1 0 years??
(Hear.) Aro not they iridtistrions, are they not intelli-
gent, are they not—upon the evidence of the most elk-
tinguished men tha Indian service ettea pacal ado,d--oxitio wed
with meaur qualities Which make them respected by all
Englishmen who mix with them? I have lleard that rich
. e-
ou, perhaps 50, men of tas Ost..htt eifeirience, and have
read the same in tha WorkS of some Of the best writers
upon Lathes Then, let Us not have cheap constant Celtnn:
nies against such a
gboe
ealiboooettttlbaisa. People: Pven P.OW, there arc men who
iztke nd! a
.t-nida
talkingeaking asof ifm stiutcallatihoirtnitgsoho:didiinti7e6v),eir.
ties committed in India. (llpr,r, leas say
Awithoutt l tumultsea t al
vr grievousai
.1.0 fie acts loehV
positione 'obrought
sidedo
d
about atrocities the tottnle. (Hear, hear.) Great political
r
e
oaabs
invaderstltiyi t
andto° ecb
ord
ner
el it
it
oe etii3;
they are in the position of the invaded and 146 con'
qtreted. Whether I wore a native of India; of hngland;
or of any other country, I *Old hot the less aeeeft
great distinction bCtwten their position and ours in that
country) and I would not permit any man in rnaripreseirea
without rebukes to inthilge in tlui arkitnias and expies-
sions of contemptl have heart poured forth with=
out ineaetire upon the whole population of ledia. (Hear,
address myself Isefore eft Mid in Witching upten it
hear.) There is ono other Polikt to Whicik
addreat mytosit °specially te theitinoble lord and his
.p I:
leagues in the Gevernment. If. had the ibSPonsibill°ts,
of adrainistezin4 the of Indic there are, certain
pma,esrse3l
subiSsjUeec
taopfr
tele) 1;
}Trait!. ot
hi 1 B,olwtind
ia thing* t would do-. I would iteimediately after Bill
ttlai Cie unt?rliy,d andiabeen
heard 07in tte territoties of every Indiau Prince or Rajah.
I Would offer a gene;,amnesty. (Hear,) It is all vets.
well to tetra of issuing an amnesty to all who have done
nothing ; hut who IS there done nothing in such e state of
affairs vs has prevailed during the oasnt 12 a;;dit,,,? jf
you pursue your vengeance Until yda Li 4;
destroyed every one of those soldiers who have revolted
when will your labour cease ? (hear.) *tit ate to
punish every non,military babies of India who has girth
a piece of bread or
.a cup of water to a revolted trooper,
how many natives will escape your punishment end
vengeance? I would have a general amnesty, which should
be put forth as the first great act done directly by the
Queen of England in her sovereign power over the terri-
toriesyour
of India. In this proclamation I would promise to
the natives of India a security for their property as com-
plete as we have hero at home, and I would put an end to
all those mischievous and irritating inquiries which Lave
been going on for years in many parts of India as to the
title to lauded estates--(hear)- by which you tell the
people of that country that unless each man can show an
unimpeachable title to his property for 90 years you.. will
dispossess him. What would bo the state of things. 'hero
if su )11 a regulation were adopted ? (Hear.) I wail 3 oleo