The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-22 00:00:00

• It is true that when the vote of thanks was proposed to
Lord Canning we agreed to it only on certain conditions ;
but the conduct of Lord Canning was impugned on other
grounds than his humanity. He was charged with having
interfered with the liberty of the press, and with other
circumstances that we consider ought to be inquired into,
but 1 must protest against the idea that her Majesty's Go-
vernment ever professed a different policy from that they
would now pursue, namely, a policy of discriminating am-
nesty. (Hear, hear.) If, instead of that, you substitute a
policy of confiscatioh, it will lead to a military occupation
to increased taxation, and to a weakening of the resources
of the country. (Cheers.) By adopting the contrary
course, by a wise toleration, and by respecting the tenure
of the land, your power in India may yet again be built
up, supported as it is by the most valiant soldiers that
ever flourished in a country, and I shall be proud and gra-
tified if it shall be recorded in the page of our history that
the Governor-General by his wisdoua, contributed to that
noble conclusion. (Loud cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL.—As the right hon. gentleman has
twice alluded to me in the course of his address, I am sure
the house will allow me to make a few observations in re-
ply. In the first place, with regard to what he stated last
year, the right hon. gentleman made a most able speech,
reviewing the whole course of our Indian policy, with re-
gard to some portions of which he recommended a course
which I need not now recall to the recollection of the
house. What I said was, that at the commencement of a
mutiny the proper step for the house to take was to assure
her Majesty that it would support her "in any efforts that
might be necessary for the suppression of disturbances,
and in any measures that might be required for the perma-
nent establishment of tranquillity and contentment in that
important portion of her Majesty's dominions." Those
were the closing words of an amendment which I moved ;
for I thought, and I still think, that that was not the mo-
ment to inaugurate a new policy, but that it was the mo-
ment to put down the insurrection. (Hear, hear.) With
respect to the vote of thanks, when the vote.was moved,
the right hon. gentleman and several other members who
were of his opinion demurred to it on the ground that the
policy of Lord Canning was vacillating. Sir, it appeared ,1
to me that Lord Canning was justified in those acts of cle-
mency for which he bad been visited with so much ani-
ma iversion ; and, though I will not say that the right hon.
gentleman attacked him for his clemency, still he refused
him that support which he then so much required. (Hear.)
With regd.," to the correspondence which has just been
placed in our hands, I own that it appears to me to show
the difficulties in which the Governor-General is placed in a
stronger light than I had ever supposed. (Cheer..) It is
evident that on the one side there is Sir Jas. Outram, who
says that unless the landowners are restored to their ancient
possessions, you will have a guerilla war in Gude that will
cost thousands of European lives, and he states that such
a war in such a climate ought not to be incurred. (Loud
cheers.) No doubt the authority of Sir James Outram in
support of that view is very great ; but, on the other side,
Lord Canning puts this difficulty. He says that these per-
sons were in the possession of large territories and certain
rights which have been established in Conde; and that they
have joined in rebellion against us, under the influence of
temptations which Lord Cannin:sallows to have been almost
ir rosistable. Still it seems to Lord Canning to be a very
serious example to put before the people of India, that those
who have taken up arms against the British authority shall
be placed in a better position than they were in before.
This consideration seems to have had a preponderating
weight in the mind of Lord Canning; and it does appear to
me to be one deserving of serious attention. For if you say
to those persons who have rebelled that they shall be
treated with even greater favour than those who have not,
that appears to roe to be like holding out a premium to re-
bellion throughout India. Well, that is the opinion of
Lord Canning on the one side and of Sir J. Outrun on the
other, and I muss say I am very glad to be relieved from
the necessity of having to give my opinion on the subject.
(Hear.) I own that after all that has appeared, after the
way in which members of this house have asked the right
hon. gentleman to withdraw his motion, add especially after
what the Chancellor of the Exchequer has said, I think we
may rest satisfied as to the treatment which the Governor
General will receive from the Executive Government.
(Loud cheers.) I certainly could not leave this house with
any satisfaction, setting aside all other considerations, if
we had not heard from the right hon gentleman the man-
ner in which the Government are prepared to treat Lord
Canning; but it is evident that he will be treated with that
forbearance which I think is due from any Government of
this country to ans. Minister who is placed in a situation of
such unparalleled difficulty. (Cheers.) I therefore trust
we shall have no further discussion, and that my right hon.
friend the member for the city of Oxford will not insist
upon the amendment as a substitute for the motion, but
that the motion will be altogether withdrawn. I feel that
the situation of the British army in India at the present
moment is one that requires the highest civil ability as
well as the highest military skill, and I trust that the
Government will take every means to supply that want.
(Cheers.)
Mr. BRlGFlT—Although, after the animated debate for
the last few nights, we seem to have arrived at a conclusion
which will excite some amusement —(no, no)—perhaps ridi-
cule--(hear, hear)—l am unwilling to abstain from saying
that the more members on both sides of the house look at
the real position they are in and the course they are now
permitted to take, the more they will be satisfied that this
debate is going no further, and that they are not pushed
into the necessity of giving a party vote, as they had last
night reason to expect. (Hear, hear.) I believe that through-
out the country there has been a lively interest excited in
this question. I believe the course we have taken will be ra-
tified by the solid judgment of the country, and that the
house will stand batter in the consideration of its constitu-
encies than it would have done if the Government had sue-
ceeded by a small majority, or if it had been overthrown as
the result of the right hon. gentleman's motion. (Cheers.)
I wish to say to the noble lord and to the righthon. gentle-
men who sit on the ex-Treasury bench that I hopethisaffeir
wilt not tie without instruction to them. (Cheers.) Don't
lot them suppose—for if they do they will make as great a
mistake as ever they did in their lives—don't let them sup-
pose that my right hon. friend the member for Ashton and
myself have any personal hostility to any one upon that
bench. (Loud cries of " Oh," and cheers.) I hope that our
conduct in this house during the last fifteen years—(oh, oh)
—has been sufficiently consistent and sufficiently intelligible
both to the house and to the country, to save us from any
imputations of that kind. (Cheers.) But when gentlemen
on either side of the house are expected to act toirether ou
groat public questions, and when great principles are to be
advanced by the action of a united party, I think it is not
becoming, and it cannot be advantageous that a small por-
tion of that party—a mere handful -some half dozen
gentlemen perhaps, shall determine upon a course to be
pursued, without consulting or ascertaining the feelings
of the groat body of those by whom they hope to be sup-
ported. (Cheers.) There is nothiug more certain than this,
that thSre axe more than a hundred gentlemen on this side
of the house who would have voted for the motion of the
right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford, would have
voted for it with extreme reluctance —who have over and
over again, many of thorn in my hearing, declared that the
mot .• a was not a wise one--,hat the subject was too solemn
to be treated in this manner, and that the conduct of those
eminent members on this side the house who had proposed
this motion was leading their party into a difficulty, and
that it could have no favourable result upon the principles
by which we understand that we are bound together.
(Loud cheers.) lam not at all unwilling to act with the
party on this side of the house, but I expected to be con-
sulted on questions of this kind. (Derisive cheers.) If I
might give a little friendly advice to the hundred gentle-
men who have been reluctantly dragged into the proceed-
ings of the past week, I would venture to tell them, that
if, when they disagree with those who affect to be their
le tilers, they would not from day to day discuss the ques-
tion, change their minds, set up imaginary obstacles, and
then run away from them ; adopting one course to-day
and another to-morrow ; but if they would take the course
their own sound judgment at once points out to them—
or they rarely make a mistakeat first, or un,il a thousand
ingenious artifices have been brought to bear upon them--
if, in short, they would take the course which a few mon
do take, all these arts would cease to be practised upon
them. (Cheers.) More than that, these gentlemen would
no longer bring them into the dilemma they are in to-
night. (Cheers.) I hope that this occurrence may also
afford some instruction to the house. For my own part,
I never anticipated anything from the motion, but dis-
credit to parliament and peril to the great interests of Eng-
land connected with India. (Cheers.) I will now ask the
Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is his intention to
propose tho adjournment of the house till Friday next, or
till the Monday following ? (" Hear, hear," and cries of
" Monday.") I have heard it said by gentlemen who go
down into the country.that there always seems this objec-
tion till the course of adjourning till Friday, name y,
that it brings them to town three days sooner
than is necessary. and all for one night's sitting. (Hear,
hear.) I don't wish to press that, but I think the adjourn-
ment till Monday is better. (Hear, hear.) Another ques-
tion I wish to ask is, whether it is the intention of the
Government, immediately after the re-aseambling of the
house, to proceed to the Indian resolutions ? Because un-
less the right hon. gentleman has changed his view with
regard to the necessity of legislation I think the sooner we
proceed with the resolutions the better. (Cheers.) I hope
that a general feeling now prevails in this house that India
sh La be the subject of no more party tricks. (Loud cheers )
I hope that after what we have heard from the Chancellor
of the Exchequer as to the condition of things in India,
and also what the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) has said
with regard to the difficulties in which the Governor-Ge •
neral is involved, and with regard to those perilous cir-
cumstances with which we are all partially, and, I am
afraid, very partially acquainted—l hope we shall come
to the consideraeim of those resolutions if we had all the
most solemn individual interests in doing the best we can.
(lowhhiosevuetr.
(Gin.)m ayeer s hopehappen e tohna tt
heav eTrrye
ams
ua nr y inh tat house,wil
will
most to pass the best resolutions and the best bill which
devise. (Loud cheers
the intelligence of the house can
the die
' h the house had been dragged on the ques-
tioncussion into which
He wished to pay the tribute of his admira-
tion Mr. NE WDEGATE said he regrettedfactious )
of India.
r hear.) The feeling of the country was
to the noble conduct of Lord. Ellenborough on this
question. ( Hea ,
entirely in accordance with the spirit of his• despatch.
When it was written Lord. Ellenborough was in ignorance
of the information we now possessed, as to the non-publi-
cation of the proclamation ; and if he bad erred, he had
erred in ignorance. (Hear, hear.) The house, by the
course it had taken, bad paid a tribute to the wise policy
of that despatch. He hoped the house would exercise great
caution before they broke up the oxistiug form of govern-
ment for India. (Hear.)
Mr. GLADSTONE—I wish to offer one word of explana-
tion. It is possible that it might be supposed—l am told
that it was so supposed by some hon. members—:hat I
intended to suggest to the house the expediency of affirm-
ing the amendment after the withdrawal of the motion. I
had no such intention ; but only to appeal to the Govern•
ment for an expression of opinion in approval of Lord Can-
ning's policy. (Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr CRAWFORD,
The SPEAKER said—Two questions wire addressed to
me by the hon. member for Boornin and the hon. member
for Stroud, in the early part of the evening, which, if riot
now answered, is ow ng to no want of respect for those
hon. members, but, because the occasion to which those
questions referred has gone by. The question before the
house is—" That this house at its rising do adjourn
until"--

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The pre-
sent state of public business renders it absolutely necessary
that we should meet again on Friday ; therefore I am sorry
that I cannot assent to the suggestion of the right h, n.
member for Birmingham. (Hear, hear.) But the business
is so very urgent that we propose to goon with supply both
on Friday and Monday, and then to proceed with the In-
dian resolutions. (Hear, hear )
Mr. H. HERBERT said he hoped no Irish business
would be called cu before Monday.
Lord NAAS promised that an arrangement to that effect
should be made. _ _ .

The motion for the adjournment of the house until Fri-
day next was then agreed to.