The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-23 00:00:00

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perpetrating it. (Cheers.) I am not prepared to
hold the governing classes—that is to say, you and
me—the constituencies of this country, as parties
who have only one object to serve, and that is to
grind the face of the working man, and to transfer
to his shoulders the taxes which we ought to bear
ourselves. In fact, Ido not feel, any more than
Manchester itself, perfect confidence in the Man-
chester party. Ido not deny there is a great deal
of ability among the few men who constitute the
loaders, and, indeed, I may say the bulk of that
party. They are men who laid this country under
very great obligation at one time, and I am far
indeed from saying that they have not done good
service to the State ; but I think they exhibit some
qualities which prevent them from being safe
leaders in this matter; and I do not think they
understand either the constitution of the country
or the feelings of the people. lam not going to
say anything unhandsome of Mr. Bright. I have a
very unfeigned admiration of him ; I rejoice, like
every one who has heard him in the House of Com-
mons, at his restored health; I admire the energy
and courage of the man; and I admire his oratory,
always fervid, and sometimes in its pure, clear,
undiluted Saxon reaching in its fervour to the
border of genius. Far be it from me to say any-
thing_disparat;:ing of Mr. Bright; I freely admit
that even in his faults, which are on the surface,
and so glaring that no man can fail to see them ;
then even while preaching toleration, as he does,
with so much intolerance; even while he is so
uncharitable in his charity, and promulgates peace
and amity to all men with such a defiant and bel-
ligerent spirit; even with- all that, I say there is
a freshness and pungency about it that affects and
excites not unpleasantly the more combative prin-
ciples of our nature, and certainly is not with•
out its own attraction. (Cheers.) And.iherefore
I am not :all disposed to say anything un-
handsome of Mr. Bright, but I entirely doubt his
wisdom as a leader in this matter. I think he is
about the most unsafe guide that it would be pos-
sibte for the people to follow, and I do not think
I could have a better illustration -of it than the
wonderful change that has come over his views
since he first promulgated his creed at Birming-
ham down to the time we had the last edition of it
at Edinburgh. (Cheers, and some disapprobation.)
The real defect of Mr. Bright's propositions ap-
pears to me to be this—that he has no knowledge
of any of the parts of the political machine under
which we live, and which we are now proposing to
reform. He lives under it and tolerates it, but it is
plain enough that his principles point in another
direction. He is always pointing to America ; I
suppose he sees that in America there are not the
same difficulties which he imagines lie in the way
of political reform, in consequence of the House of
Lords and the aristocracy at home ; but he omits
one element which no statesman can fail to obr
serve—for to apply to an old, small, and bounded
country the same principles that may be found to
act without mischief in a new, large, and boundless
country is one of the, greatest, solecisms and mis-
takes which a practical statesman can make. There
is one thimg that has often struck me in regard to
America. I have often been told—for I never was
there—that what really constitutes the aristocracy
in America do not much meddle-with politics, and
that the politicians there are not the upper and
more wealthy classes. Now, I can conceive no
state of things more dangerous than that to old-
established institutions. Mr. Bright, when he
talks of the aristocracy, forgets entirely that one
of the strongest pillars ofthe State is this, that the
greatest distinction to which a man can reach in
this country is distinction in the field of polities.
The noble and the wealthy, refusing their years
the needful hours of rest, labour on in the House of
Commons from morning till night, and even from
night till morning, during the cold of spring and
during the heat of the summer solstice, and day
after day you will find them returning to a task
which yields them no remuneration except the feel-
ing that they are doing their duty to their country
in their day, and generation. Long may it be so,
and I would do nothing to imperil that state of
things. So long as it lasts the British constitution
will flourish ; but my reading of history is very far
wrong if I am not right in saying this,—Woe be to
Britain when her nobles become indifferent to her
political government, and when we find the reins
of power no longer sought after as the noblest
object of their ambition. (Cheers.) Mr. Mon-
creiff then proceeded at length to state his views
on the reform question, and expressed himself
favourable to a £5 borough and £lO county fran-
chise. He twitted Mr. Bright with having advo-
cated household suffrage and then c mning to a rating
franchise, and with now proposing a £lO occu-
pany for the counties, whereas in 1852, when Lord
John Russell introduced his bill, he had denounced
the proposal to make a different franchise in the
lounties from that in the boroughs as " too ab-
surd to admit of argument." He, however. re-
minded him of what Benedict said, " That when he
said he would die a bachelor, he did not think he
would live to be married ;" so Mr. Bright, when
he spoke of a £lO county franchise as too absurd
to be proposed, did not think he would live to un-
dertake to bring in a Reform Bill, giving practical
expression to the absurdity. But he (Mr. Moncreiff)
only alluded to this to show Mr. Bright's strong
dogmatism. That he was earnest and honest he
flid not doubt, and he was never more earnest or
more honest than when he held there was no man
earnest or honest but himself. (Laughter.) In re-
ference to the proposed freehold or property fran-
chise of 40s. for Scotland, Mr. Monereiff made
various objections to it, and in particular to the
giving votes in the county to borough two-pounders
which might outnumber the proper constituency of
the county. As regards the ballot he would not
have it at any price, and felt persuaded that if the
ballot box were introduced among our free institu-
tions, public opinion and public spirit, which were
the very essence of every free government, might
find their grave in it.
Questions on various unimportant points were
put to Mr. Monerieff; and several electors expressed
their views as to Mr. Moncrieff's remarks.
Mr. W. G. CASSELS complained that bitter things
had been said by Mr. Monerieff against Mr. Bright,
and in reference to the £lO occupancy franchise
for the counties vindicated his consistency against
Mr. Moncrieff's remarks by relating a conversation
that had taken place between him and that gentle-
man, in which Mr. Bright had said—" Why, Cas-
sels, the fact is that that is a point which we have
not yet thoroughly considered, but I assure you we
have no wish to keep it at £lO in the counties. The
jump from £5O down to £lO is a very great one,
but in our resolution we intend to put it that it
shall be at least reduced to £lO, leaving it open to
discussion how low we shall go."
In reply to Mr. BROADFOOT,
Mr. MONCREIFF said he should regret if ship-
owners, because of a transitory depression in their
trade, should hazard the great principles of free
trade ; and that if the principle of reciprocity
must be given effect to, he should acquiesce in it
with the greatest possible regret.
A vote of thanks was tendered to the Provost for
presiding, and to Mr. Monerieff for his address ;
and the meeting separated.

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