The Sun.
London, England, 1867-07-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PA ELI AIvrENT

HOUSE OF LORDS—LAST EVENING.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at
Ave o'clock.

OFFICES AND OATH BILL.
On the motion for this bill being committed,
Lord LYVEDEN said that although this bill might
seem, a small matter, still it involved a great question as
far as the people in Ireland were concerned. Ho consi-
dered it was a most important question, and it was evi-
dent that they ought to do their utmost to provide the
most liberal measures for the Roman Catholics of Ireland.
It was found, in recent voting, that 47 members belong-
ing to the Irish party voted for the dispensation which
it was proposed to give to the Lord Lieutenant, and 27
against it. He trusted their lordships would do the utmost
they could to do away with the great grievance which
rankled amongst the Irish people at this time. He
should move as an amendment that the Lord
Lieutenant. should be admitted to dispense with oaths
under the provisions of the Bill.
The Earl of BEN YON objected to the Bill being
passed at all, and hoped that there would be a
reconsideration of the bill. The great question
waE that Ireland and England should be one
united country, and Lord Castlereagh had said that as
soon as the Protestant Church was established in Ireland
then would prosperity flow into that country, and would
secure more effectually the colonial territories of the United
Kingdom, and when they had destroyed the present system
they would upset all the benefits of the Protestant Church.
He did not think that the Irish people cared about this
bill at all, and they would only create discord by ventilat-
ing these questions.
The Earl of DENBIGH said that at first the Roman
Catholics were only, in the time of Sir Robert Peel,
just emerging from the suspicion which attached to them.
They had proved themselves good fellow-citizens to their
Frotestant brethren, and he thought that any bill affect-
ing their interests ought to be considered with tho greatest
impartiality. They might legislate as far as the land tenure
or any question was concerned, but they might depend
upon it that this religious question was the greatest of all.
As far as any peril to the Protestant religion was concerned,
there could not be any fear about that. He considered
Ireland ought to be treated in precisely the same manner
as England herself.
The Bishop of DOWN said that he thought the bill
was at present very suitable, and he would beg the noble
lord would not press his amendment.
The Earl of DERBY said that this was not a ques-
tion of loyalty or disloyalty, but that of religion.
He aid not object to any Roman Catholics
becominj very eminent in Ireland, and so far he went en-
tirely with the bill, but as far as the office of Lord-Lieu-
tenant was concerned he thought that was quite a dif-
ferent thing. If a Viceroy who represented the Sove-
reign could be a Roman Catholic, it was quite right
that the Sovereign should be one. It was against the
whole of the constitution of this country, and although ho
entirely concurred with the provisions of the bill, he (the
noble Earl) entirely differed from the amendment
that tho Viceroy should be a Roman Catholic.
He held a position which it had in our legislature been
considered should be held by a Protestant. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of KIMBERLEY spoke in favour of the
amendment, and said that as any member of the Cabinet,
except the Lord Chancellor of England, might be a Roman
Catholic, he could see no reason why the Viceroy should
not be so.
After a few other remarks, a division took place, when
it was found that the contents were 55 and the non-con-
tents 69, therefore the amendment was lost.
On the motion for going into committee on the Transub-
stantiation, &c., Declaration Abolition Bill,
The Marquis of WESTMEATH appealed to the Lord
Chancellor to say whether the measure was not a breach
of the Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement, inasmuch
as it would allow a Roman Catholic to become a Regent,
or one of the justices of guardians of the United Kingdom
exercising the office of Regent.
The LORD CHANCELLOR replied that by the law as
it stood persons holding these offices need not make such
declarations unless they were the Lord Chancellor or the
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. The Relief Act exempted all
offices except that of Regent, which Roman Catholics
could not hold.
The bill was subsequently passed through committee.
The Vaccination Bill was read a second time, and ordered
to be sent to a Select Committee.
The Adjutants of Volunteers Bill, which stood for third
reading, was opposed, and going to a division was rejected
by 18 to 6.
The Linen and other Manufactures (Ireland) Bill, and
some other measures of minor importance, were read a
third time and passed, aad the House roe) at five minutes
past eight o'clock.:

HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING.
The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock.
THE LATE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN.
Sir L. PALK asked the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs if it was his intention to take any steps to record the
opinion of the House of Commons on the murder of the
Emperor Maximilian and his Generals ?
Lord STANLEY said that he did not think it expe-
dient for the house to enter into the lamentable matter at

the present moment.
Mr. OTWAY asked if any steps had been taken to
withdraw the British Legation from Mexico.
Lord STANLEY said her Majesty's Minister ac-
credited to the late Emperor was in England on
leave, and the gentleman left in charge had
been directed not to recognise any Government.

TRADES' UNION COMMISSION ACT EXTENSION

ACT.

Mr. HARDY moved that the house go into committee

on this bill. The late disclosures at Sheffield had ren-
dered such a bill necessary, and he could not express how
deeply he felt the disgrace of such disclosures as had
taken place at Sheffield. The disgrace, however, must
not prevent them taking steps to prevent and root out
such a detestable state of things, and the bill now be-
fore the house was to extend the action of the Sheffield
Commission to other places, in order to ascertain whether
a similar system had not been pursued.
Mr. FORSTER said, before the house went into com-
mittee he thought it was necessary that some expression
of opinion should take place. lie could not express
the feelings of detestation and horror he entertained
at the late disclosure. The first thing they had to du was
to get at the full extent of the disgrace, and then take
strong and efficient steps to root it out for ever.
He felt much ashamed that any Yorkshireman could
be hired for the perpetration of such cruel assassinations
as had been brought to light. Mr. Overend, the examiner,
had no doubt done his duty in conducting the inquiry
as he had, but he (11r. Forster) could not
help thinking that indemnity from punishment
had been dispensed with too much liberality. The com-
mission had not attempted to make anyone resp-msible
for the savage and inhuman acts that had been spoken
of. He thought it would have been better to
have endeavoured to punish some of the persons so
deeply implicated. He thought that after the evidence of
Hallam, it would have been quite possible to have fixed
Crookes with the crime. But Broadhead and Crookes had
both been pardoned, and the former was now driving a
very good trade as a publican. Without making further
pardons possible, except uuder very special circumstances,
he hoped the most effective measures would he adopted,
and that all further proceedings be conducted with the
greatest caution.
Mr. GLADSTONE said he hoped some restrictions
would be placed on the power of those upon whom any
future investigation might fall, and that no indemnity
would be given except under the most special circum-
stances.
Mr. HADFIELD expressed his horror and indignation
at the disclosures. _

Mr. Boxrmuz and Sir G. GREY also expressed their

feelings very strongly in the matter, the latter expressing
a hope that some steps would be taken to prevent such a
person as Broadhead holding a licence under the excise
laws.

Mr. B. COCHRANE said when he first brought the sub-
ject under the consideration of the house, the statements
ho then made were looked upon as incredulous, but the re-
sult had proved the truth of all that he had then stated.
Mr. T. HUGHES said he hoped, if it was decided that
the same sort of inquiry that had taken place at Sheffield
was to be made in other places, the house would re-
consider the indemnity clause, in order that pardons
should not be distributed in the wholesale manner as had
been the case at Sheffield.
Mr. POWELL thought that if the inquiry was to be
efficacious the indemnity clause must be adhered to ; but
he did not think that all should be indiscriminatelyentitled
to it. If in any inquiry that took place enough truth was
elicited to justify the prosecution of some of those guilty
of such great crimes as had been disclosed at Sheffield,
be hoped the law of the country would be put in force
ligainst those so implicated.
After a few observations from Mr. NEATE deprecating
the horrible system thathad been brought to light at Shef-
field, but that it would not be for the public good to have
any further exposure,
Mr. HARDY said without indemnity they would never
get at the bottom of these horrible crimes, and the fact that
they had been in existence for so long a time, proved how
secretly matters had been conducted.
The bill ultimately passed through committee, and was
reported with amendments.
The Court of Chancery (Officers) Bill,.from the Lords,
was read a second time.
The first evidenco of the house approaching the close of
its labours for the session was givon this evening in the
slaughter of three "innocents," whose birth had been full
of promise, but whose progress to maturity had been ro-
tarded by causes over which their sponsors had no control.
These were the Bankruptcy Bill, the Judgment Debtors
Bill, and the Bankruptcy Acts Repeal Bill, all of which
stood for committee ; but the Attorney-General, who had
thera chargol ouleaseduld lamented the act that it was