The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-16 00:00:00

might appeal to the House of Commons and ask, what
would they think of such a government for themselves ?
They took a fraction of the people of England and erected
a sort of aristocracy among them, giving a man a double
vote because he had a double number of shares ! If the
noble lord at the head of the Government, in his pro-
mised measure of Parliamentary Reform, were to propose
anything of that kind for the people of England, he
would coon be swept from.place, and every one of his
supporters with him. Then, what was good for E: hand
in this matter was good for India; and the very principle
which rendered the Court of Directors a totally unfit
body to govern England rendered them equally unfit to
govern India. Then came the bill of Use noble lord, which
contained among its provisions one Of infinite import-
ance. It did away with the government of India as at
present constituted, putting in its place a Secretary of
State. The great mistake of the measure was the Council
of Eight, which it Froposed. The very principle which
made the present government mischievous—viz,, divided
responsibility, told against this council. (Hear.) More-
over, the noble lord said that the council would be corn-
posed of " Old Indians." That ciircnnastance greatly
strengthened his objection to it, because in England at
the present moment were to be found men far more
capable of governing India than any" old Indian" what-
ever. (No.) No I He wanted to know, then, to whom
the Company bad intrusted the concoction of their own
petition. Was there not among them one of the most
remarkable minds of the present day (Rear, hear.)
Did he not lead his valuable aid in concocting that peti-
tion, whieb, marked though it was by many fallacies,
still exhibited great mental power ? The author of that
document was, he believed, far more capable of govern-
ing India than any "Old Indian." Therefore, as far as
the concentration of responsibility upon a Secretary of
State went, he entirely agreed with the noble lord ; and
he entreated him to ,consider whether great mischief
might not arise from the divided responsibility that must
flow from the creation of this council. He knew the
councillors would not vote. Still they would share the
responsibility. He would be bound to say that if he lived
long enough to see a Secretary of State for India ap-
pointed he would hear him declare at the table of that
house that he had dome his best,and that he was quite of
the same opinion as the council. The council would not
have seats in that house—it would not be under their
control. The Secretary of State might be, but it would
be too late; he would exculpate himself by the opinion
of his council, and the house would be bound to believe
that being composed of "Old Indians" they knew some-
thing of India. That was a very dangerous principle—
dangerous both as regarded the government of India and
AS regarded the people of England. And were they to be
frightened by the bugbear of patronage He was
ashamed to think such an argument could be used on
push a subject. Could it be supposed that the House of
Commons would be diverted from its duty—thatit would
be turned against the people of England by the appoint-
ment of a few cadets! WAS it not marvellous that sans
men, grown men, men with beards' should seriously
retail the things which the house had heard last Friday!
The civil appointments were to be :distributed by com-
petitive examination; and the only patronage to be
retained would be the appointment of the cadets. Could

not the bill provide for these things! Why should they
not apply the sane principle to the selection or military
cadets as to the selection of civil servants? If public com-
petition were good for the writers, who were the real go-
vernors of India, was it not good aloe for the cadets, who
were the soldiers and defenders of that country, Suppose
that for 500 cadetships there were 1,000 or 2,000 candi-
dates, would not the examiners select those who were most
fit to go out to India ; and would not this most disc-
tuaily do away with all patronage ? The same result
would not be accomplished by resting the patronage in
these eight members of the Council ; on the contrary, it
would make them great men in their station, and if there
were any truth in the theory, that this patronage would
corrupt the House of Commons, these eight gentlemen
ought to govern England. He would never believe that
any such thing would occur ; but he was decidedly of
opinion that the best way to deal with this patronage
was to throw it open to public competition. (Hear.)
The best Home Government for India would be a Secre-
tary of State, who should choose his own advisers, and
in whom all responsibility should centre. Sock a Secre-
tary of State would be selected by the Prime Minister,
who was practically chosen by that house, which V:23
elected by the people ; therefore, in the last resort the
Secretary of State for India would be appointed by the
people of this country. Now, if there was any virtue in
representative government, that was just the thing for
which it was useful ; not that the peophs should govern
themselves, but that they should choose their governors
—not that they should do tee duties of the office of
Prime Minister, but that they should choose a an who
could do that duty, and should force him to do if. Such
a man would be responsible to that house, and vroul I in
the most effective manner bring to hair upon Vie Go.
vernment of India the feelings and wishes of the people
Of England. (Hear.) The second ground upon which
the hon, gentleman had opposed this bill was that it
might be a good measure, but that this wile not the
proper time for it. That was the procrastinating argu-
ment. The hon. member for Guildford (`dr. Mangles)
said there had been a great mutiny in India which was
not yet put down, and therefore no change ought to be
made. Why, that was the very reason for the change.
The present state of things in India demanded an efficient
Government, and therefore if the propo ed scheme of
government would be better than the existing one, let
it be at once adopts 4. But it was said tba; the Coms
pany's Government in India had always favoured the
Hindoos ; that the Hindoos had faith in the Company,
and that the very parties who soneht for a change of
government were desirous of proselytieng and Chris,
tianising India. (Hear.) He had been quite startled to
hear the statement that the people of Hindostan had
confidence in the Government of the Company, because
the Company had always opposed the extension of privi-
leges to the Hindoos, or the making them sharers in
their own government. Everything which had been
granted to the Hindoos had been granted in consequence
of Parliamentary power, and every change for the bettor
which had been made in their government had been the
result of Parliamentary interposition. The East India
Company strove to maintain their monopoly of trade, and
did their ntmest to deprive the Hindoo and the half-caste
of any share in the government. He maintained that the
crisis at which affairs in India bad arrived did not inter-
fere with their calmness or judgment. A calmer house
than tbat could not be found. There was no excitement;
there was no cry. The East India Company had pre-
sented a petition ; it had received the support of some
hon. membere, and had been gravely debated. They
were perfectly calm and collected about the matter; why,
then, should they not decide upon it at once ? He begged
and entreated hon. members not to shrink from their
duty, not to be frightened by any cry of this sort, not to
allow the foot of England to be placed upon the neck of
India to crush her down like a despot's heel, when they
had it in their power to spread peace, to npread good
government, to spread happiness from the Himalayas to
Cape Coin orin. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DUFF said the old system, as modified by
repeated parliamentary influence, and the public opinion
of this country, was not only most beneficial in action but
lite becoming daily more and more benificaut in its acts.
bie, however, gave a qualified approval of the He
had wish to oppress India, but if they thought
no
such a measure as this was required by the necessity
of the time they ought to carry it out with an iron
hand.
Mr. WHITESIDE agreed that this v,
important discussions which had ever' t
in the e British House of Commons. Ahs
destruction had swept over Hindoetan
natural that the Pint Minister should hav'aea callednualirkeieeniato )felw ta
uponhaco
seef
Parliament to arrest the hurricane and strengthen
twGicoevernment.
thethe bnaerkhdles
loefrdt,heeeplenedcihan
hreande
but ljael thhoauilg
could understand the principle of the bill, he could not
dhtahveepreixnpciepelteedof
tthhaetexti:eosnitoiobnl'ela(o&rdlasruoguhl.d)
understand
coulders ta a
have attempted to show that the
Company had been indolent, and had thwartedt India
vernment in their endeavours to put down thaeomtoheeteGnyo:
of
The noble lord, indeed, spoke kindly
whom he intended to destroy—(a laugh) —but his Fenppea4T,
'eed not ri3an to the height cf the occasion. He r,ted„
bat+ intuthers of
his Government in favour of making the government of
the East India Company great, strong, and respected.
flow was it they were nut at that time aware of the