The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-06 00:00:00

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which might possibly see in the project of annexation said
to be entertained by the Emperor of the French a key to
the claims and the future policy of France. There were
passages in the speech of the Emperor eminently calculated
to raise the suspicions and misgivings of Europe. His Ma-
jesty spoke, for example, of what he called the "natural
limits" of France. (Hear, hear.) The house would see,
therefore, that the question was one of the greatest Euro-
pean importance, and one in which this country was deeply
interested. What was the position of Europe at the pre-
sent moment ? There was not a single country in Europe

that did not regard the policy of the extraordinary man
who now wielded the destinies of France with anxiety and
alarm. (Hear.) There was not a country in Europe the
statesmen, of which did not look to France with something
like fear. Yet there was net a country in Europe that was

prepared to take the initiative in such a matter. All the
nations of Europe looked to England, where there was a
free Parliament, a free press, a free expression of public
opinion. (Hear.) They relied upon us to take the initia-
tive, and he believed that if we did so they would follow.
What, however, was the position in which the Government
wished to place this country ? Instead of using language, not
such as the noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office had
used, but language recording our earnest, emphatic, and
unflinching protest against the annexation of Savoy and
Nice, the Government proposed that, passing by the dis-
cussion to which the Foreign Minister had invited the
house, Parliament should take into consideration the clauses
of a commercial treaty with France at the very moment
when the policy of France was creating distrust and alarm
throughout Europe. (Hear, hear.) On Friday night the
noble lord opposite declared that the question of the annexa-
tion of Savoy and Nico was one for the consideration, not
of the Crown or of the Government, but of the people of
England and the House of Commons, and yet he was now
asking the house to parade itself before Europe in the act of
drawing closer the bonds of alliance with France, as if
there was an identity of policy and of interests between the
two countries. (Hear, hear.) The present was not the
time for such language as the Foreign Minister had held.
He granted that the noble lord, as appeared from the re-
cently published correspondence, had remonstrated against
the course pursued by France and against the project said
to be entertained by the Emperor. But we wanted more
than the mere language of remonstrance. We did
not want the noblo lord to write to Turin that the sur-
render of the cradle of his illustrious family would bo " a
blot on the escutcheon" of the King of Sardinia. That was
mere rhetoric, rather than, the earnest and vigorous protest
which we desired. (Hear, hear.) We were bound by the
faith of solemn treaties. (Hear, hear.) We had treaties
with Austria, with Prussia, and with Russia, and what the
country wanted to see from the Powers thus united was a
solemn protest against a project which, he feared, was not
only entertained, but in part accomplished, and which ho
believed to be dangerous alike to the interests and the
tranquillity of Europe. (Cheers.) Under these circum-
stances he would suggest to the noble lord that the consi-
deration of the clauses of the commercial treaty should not
take place until the house had the opportunity of clearly
and decidedly expressing an opinion as to this annexation
of Savoy and Nice. (Hear, hear.) He dii not doubt that
the opportunity would be found, either by the action of
some independent member, or by some proposition on
the part of the Government, to take the papers
into consideration; and then, on Monday next, if the noble
lord proceeded to the consideration of the clauses of
the commercial treaty, a course -would be adopted by which
the public service would be greatly benefited. (Hear.)
Mr. BRIGHT thought ho might a.ssume that the language
of the hon. gentleman was the language of the right hon.
member for Buckinghamshire and of Lord Derby, who, in
another place, was the leader of the party to which the hon.
gentleman belonged. (Hear, and a laugh.) The hon. gen-
tleman had not taken a very active part in the discussions
of the house until within the last 12 months, when, from
the official position in which he was placed, it was necessary
for him to do so, and it must be admitted that the hon. gen-
tleman when in office conducted the business of his depart-
ment, as far as that house was concerned, in a satisfactory
manner. (Hear, hear.) He ?therefore the more regretted to
be obliged to say that ho observed that a very remarkable
change had taken place since the hon. gentleman quitted
office ; and he did not know that he had heard, for, a long
time a speech in that house which had given him more
astonishment and pain than that which the hon. gentleman
had just delivered. He did not ask the hon. gentleman to
please him in the speeches which the hon. gentleman made
and he certainly in his speeches did not t‘y to please hen.
gentlemen opposite—(a laugh) ; but he did ask that when
hon. gentlemen addressed the house they should well con-
sider the gravity, of the question, and endeavour, as far as
other countries were concerned, not to import into the dis-
cussion any unnecessary irritation. From what had been
observable during the last foi :might or three weeks, it was
quite obvious that the commercial treaty was very unplea-
sant to lion. gentlemen opposite. (Hear, and oh, oh.) There
were many reasons why it should bo so, some of which they
were not likely to admit, and which it was not necessary for
him to state; but he asked whether it was a manly course
to eudeavor-, %then the commercial treaty was on the point
of being concluded bythe ratification of the house, and when
throughout the country there was but one voice with re-
spect to it—(cries of " Oh," and " Hear, hear")—and when
that house had already shown itself most unmistakeably
in its favoUr—was it manly, he asked, to associate the
treatment of that particular question, and of the Govern-
ment in respect to it, with another question which might
or might not be important, but which was liable to create
irritaiion here and elsewhere ? (Hear.) -The hon. member
for Bridgewater and maniother hon. membera had strong
feelings on this question of Savoy. What course did they
propose to take ? Did they propose to take out of the hands
of the Crown or of the Goverament any management or
control of the matter ? If they believed that there was any-
thing in the papers not creditable to the noble lord who had
the management of the foreign affairs of the.country or to
the honour of the Crown. of England, could they not pro-
pose a motion with respect to those papers on any night in
this or next week to the effect that the conduct of the Go-
vernment was not creditable, and that the interests of the
country had not been duly regarded ? Then the matter
would be fairly discussed and battled out, and if the hon.
gentlemen opposite could carry a vote of censure, then the
great object of their ambition would be attained; the Go-
vernment would be turned out, and hon. gentlemen opposite
would sit on the Ministerial benches, and when they did
they would, he presumed, from the force of circumstances,
carry out precisely the same policy. (Cheers.) There were
not a few persons in this country who regretted the course
taken by the right hon. member for Buckinghamshire on
this question, for no doubt that right hon. gentleman
prompted the virtuous indignation of the hon. member for
Horsham. That course was one' not void of some consider-
able peril. lie had seen the course followed by the party
opposite in 18.53 and 18.54. There was not an insinuation
of any kind which was not resorted to at that time withthe
view of damaging Lord Aberdeen's Government, and Lord
Aberdeen especially, though such a course might occasion
war, and did, no doubt, much to make the unfortunate war
that ensued inevitable. (Oh, oh !). He did not ask hon.
gentlemen opposite to agree with him; ho was only telling
• them what a great number of people believed, and the opi-
nion was growing stronger every day that there were per-
sons occupying high positions before the public who would
rather see a great alienation from France—even though it
might lead to the terrific consequences of another war—than
a growing friendship between England and France, which
was likely to result from the commercial treaty. (Oh, oh
and Hear, h6r 0 He agreed with the right hon. member
for Buckinghamshire very much in this, that Government
could not very well be carried on in this country with-
out something that assumed the character of party, but still
he had no great affection for party fights. At any rate,
there were many subjects in the course of a session on
which party fights might bo taken, but in the name of all
that was sensible, all that was humane and just to man-
kind, let. them banish from their party discussions ques-
tions of irritation like that raised to-night—questions
which grew by this sort of discussion, and, sometimes in
a very short time, till they got beyond the control of
those who first raised them. (Cheers.) If 'they could
conceive themselves for a moment to be sitting in
France, instead of in England, and hearing this kind of
discussion—if they could suppose England and France to
change places on the question of Savoy, and England to
desire annexation, could not hon. gentlemen then perceive
that the sort of tone in which the matter was taken up, and
the sort of menace which the hon. gentleman offered, was
precisely the kind of thing which made—if such a thing
were possible—war absolutely inevitable ? The hon. gen-
tleman proposed, in effect, that the house should not pro-
cied with the commercial treaty until the question of Savoy
should be settled. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Did he
misunderstand the hon. gentleman ? [Mr. S. Fitzgerald
intimated that he had not said so.] Then he retracted the
statement; but he was quite sure that the tone of the hon.
gentleman's observations led to that conclusion. (Cheers.)
Besides, he should ask, what was the object of tying the two
things up together, unless one was to be made dependent
on the other? (Hear.) He ventured to say that no words
that could be put into a resolution would more decidedly
cause a rupture between France and England thap words
declaring that the house would not consider the commercial
treaty until the question of the annexation of Savoy was
settled. (Hear, hear.) Now, he was not going to discuss
that question ; but a great deal might be said for it on the
part of France, and against it on the part of England. It
appeared to him one of those questions which had better
not be stirred, but which, being stirred, concerned the peo-
ple of FranCe, of Sardinia, and of Savoy much more than
the people of England. As a matter of material interest it
did not concern England at all, but only as a matter of sen-
timent, as all were desirous here that nobody should destroy
the old landmarks of Europe.** It was impossible, however,
for any person in the position of the government of a great
country to have stated his case, his wishes and intentions,
in more fair and open language than that read by the hon.
member
swhicht viewr o d
for Bridgewater. The hon. member, indeed, ad-
: were
hoe onlyw would ul
words
v taket
the
r ueie f tmitted that if the words he read were the only words in the
toof
tthheemoo ,-
tibon f
utothose
o ththe
Emperor, the other words refei • ring solely to the Emperor's
*fishes and rights. If, however, any hon. gentleman felt
aggrieved on the subject, let him.bring forward a specific
resolution, and then the noble lord the member for London
would be enabled to defend his course on this question ; but