The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-31 00:00:00

TILE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCR 31, 1858

this and the next year. But putting it out of the
question, and supposing ourselves clear of that war,
there is still the prospect of a difference between
revenue and expenditure next year to the
amount of six millions. The farther reduction
of twopence in the pound in the Income-tax
will tell on the next year to half its amount,
—that is, one million. Next May two millions
more bonds will fall due. The Sinking Fund un-
der the War Loan Acts will absorb, it is stated, a
million and a half ; and as much more is set down
t o the augmented estimates for the Army and
Navy. Without, then, looking forward to the
great year 1860, which has lately been so promi-
nent in financial discussions as the year when a
large amount of terminable annuities will come to
an end, we may ask with interest, if not anxiety,
what is to be done for next year I"
It confesses that the task is an arduous one and
" has claims on our candour and indulgence."
Let these claims be recognised. Let the new
budget be strictly criticised, but let it get fair
play. We may easily conceive what a mess
Sir GEORGE C. LEWIS would make of it.
But the present Financial Minister is made
of very different stuff, and we look forward
with hope to his solution of the problem.
For the present we can go on. The returns
to be published this evening will be
better than could have been anticipated,
considering the reductions in the war imposts,.
But for next year ample preparation must be
made, and Mr. DISRAELI is not the man to shrink
from or evade the duty.

The Government of India Bill is the lapis
oftrisionis on the part of the new Cabinet—the
/stumbling block in the way of the thick-and-thin
adherents of the late Administration. Lord
DERBY has falsified all their predictions, and
dared to be far more liberal than his predecessor.
He has accepted the responsibility resulting from
the decision of the House of Commons, and fairly
aad boldly grappled with it,•and that without any
attempt at postponement or procrastination. His
bill was clearly explained before the Easter recess,
and every Member of either House of Parliament,
every public journalist, and, indeed, every man
who pleases to investigate its provisions, will have
full opportunity of considering all its varied details
before the actual discussion thereof. This was a
heavy blow, and great discouragement to
the malcontents—to those who, in the ex-
pectation of a protracted tenure of office,
vainly supposed that they could set public
opinion at defiance, and treat the independent
representatives of independent constituencies with
contumelious indifference or insolent disdain. Had
there been any application for delay, a general
howl would have been set up. It would have
been asserted that the Derbyites desired to main-
tain " the double Government" with all its ad-
mitted evils, and there would have been no hope
either for India or for Great Britain save in their
eviction from office. It would have been a good cry,
and bitter, indeed, was the disappointment at
the loss of so sound a grievance.

But Ministers perceived the trap. They knew

that after the hostile vote of the House of Com-
mons the Board of Directors had lost their Ares
kge, and that whatever doubts might be enter-
tained as to the propriety of legislation
previous to the suppression of the rebel-
lion, and the complete re-establishment of
British supremacy in India, none could remain
after the virtual condemnation of the quondam
rulers of the Anglo-Indian empire. They there-
fore decided promptly and boldly en going on,
and produoed a measure far superior in every
respect to that of their predecessors. This was
blow number two, or, to use the language of the
P. Lt., a " stock dolloger," to the gaping expee-
tants. Accordingly the tactics have been
changed. The bill recognises the principle of repre-
sentation, and therefore it must be bad. Those
who were loudest in railing against Government
patronage, and the power that would be conferred
on Ministers of tampering with the fidelity of
Members of Parliament, by:the enormous tempta-
tions which they could hold out, are now equally f
or perhaps more vociferous in their complaints
against that which renders a job impossible.
Why should any qualification be required on the
part of the Members of Council f The choice of
the Crown is circumscribed. The beat men may
be excluded. There can be no possibility of nepc-

tism. Aristocratic waiters on providence cannot
show ten years' actual service, or fifteen
years' residence in India. There is no pre-
text under which they may derive profii, and
as a matter of course they are discontented. If
there were even a future prospect, they might bear
the loss of the present chance ; but the door has
been permanently closed against them. There is
a gulf which can never be passed on any condi-
tions with which they can comply.
Then the mode in which the representation is
fixed is no less intolerable. The constituencies
are too numerous. There must be too much can-
vassing of the proprietors of East India Company's
or railway stock, or those who by actual residence
or service in the country might acquire the franchise.
Why, that is the very thing that will ensure the
purity of election. It will not be worth a can-
didate's while to exercise undue influence over a
single voter, or family of voters. The best men
will be selected, those who have earned, by
their services, a high reputation that will carry
weight with parties to whom they are individually
unknown. This is one of the chief grounds on
which professing Liberals call for the rejection of
the Ministerial bill, although, if brought forward
by their Whig proteges, it would be enthusiastically
applauded, and a strong claim for national grati-
tude put forward on behalf of the disinterested
authors of a proposition so constitutional and so
liberal.

The right of representation by London, Liverpool,
Manchester, Glasgow, and Belfast are also cavilled
at. Why should they be selected in preference to
other places ? The answer is simple. The greatest
amount of commerce with India is transacted in
these places, and therefore they have the greatest
interest in its good Government, and in every
subject by which the welfare and prosperity of its
inhabitants can be promoted, so that they may be
madepodcustomers, and the trade stimulated. This
is a sound reason, an admirable argument on
behalf of the chosen districts. But, after all, the
great object is to get rid of the bugbear of
Government patronage, to get any unobjection-
able body who can dispense " the loaves and
fishes," without placing undue power in the
hands of Government. The selection certainly
might have been made far more favourably for
the Derbyites. It cannot be said that London,
Manchester, and Glasgow are disposed to send
Ccuservative representatives to Parliament. lc or
will they do so, without good reasons, to the
COuncil.

NAVI4ATION COMPANY.—The ad-
-4.4ng of the proprietors in this undertaking
n
nil again s.djourned to the 17th April
pa";,'„ro'fiiLL
aldvpro forma, this afternoon at the corn-
next.
DEATH OF QuitiTur
ounce the death of gelatin Dickg:Esc.e wt° vu.at.
Fi'zwi!liam Hume, Esq , M.P. for the tool'unnt‘ty • ;;.'
low. This melancholy event took place cm F°riday,
M reeideoce, Cutzen-ttre3t,
-Pas
London.
half -past 12 O'clock)

LA_TEST NEWS.

VIENNA, MAnen 30.
The general meeting of the shareholders in the
Austrian Credit Mobilier took place yesterday.
The profits realised during the year 1857 do
not allow of the declaration of any dividend be-
yond the interest of 5 per cent. already paid. A
bonus of 225 millions of florins is carried to the
reserved fund.

The Bourse has been moderately firm in most
stocks, but weak in the Credit Mobilier. Its
shares were at 244 at closing. The Northern
Railway of Austria was quoted at 1681.

FRANCE.
PARIS, TUESDAY EVENING.
The Moniteur states that the health of Prince
Jerome is daily improving, and that the Empress
visited him on Monday, at half-past five.
The Ministerial paper, Le Pays, contains an
article on the system of recruiting in England, of
which the writer evidently thinks very lightly in
comparison with the conscription in France ; and
in this respect, as no doubt in others, England is
shown to be behindhand at least one hundred years.
The opinion of M. Bizouard, the author of the
article, on the excellence of the conscription is not
that of a still higher authority—an authority, in-
deed, so exalted that M. Bizouard will not hesitate
any more than M. Henri Cauvain on the passport
system, to bow to it in mute acquiescence.
The Emperor Napoleon 111. says :
" We see on the one hand that all the recent or-
ganisations (in France) which have equality for their
basis obstruct, to a certain degree, liberty. Thus,
for instance, the conscription, which is an institu-
tion of the most democratic kind, as it subjects all
citizens t• the same charge, injures in a high degree
personal liberty, inasmuch as it prevents a man
from following the profession to which he desires to
devote himself, and it forces him to sacrifice to the
trade of arms the finest years of his youth."
This sentence, too, M. Bizouard and his confreres
of the French press ought to study :—" Every
citizen of a commonwealth ought to desire to be
free ; and," exclaims the august writer, "liberty is
indeed a vain word if one cannot freely express
one's opinions in writing."—CEuvres de Napoleon
111., vol. 2, edit. 1855.
A private letter from Switzerland announces
that the Cantonal Council of Basle, as also that of
Neuchatel, refuses to receive the new Consuls, and
that the Federal Council of Berne has charged Dr.
Kern to make known to the French Governmen
the feelings of reprobation which the new measures
relative to passports have produced among the
public. Indeed, s• great is the excitement, that it
is thought it will be almost impossible to carry
them out.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs is said to have
addressed to his agents abroad a circular relative
to the question of passports, modifying in a certain
degree the measures originally adopted.
BOURSE, March 30.—The following were the
closing quotations :

4i per Cents 92 95
Do. end month 93 5
3 per Cent. ..... 70
Do. end month 7O 5
Bank Shares .
Credit Mobilier
Do. Account BO5

Credit Foncier
Belgian 43
Piedmontese (5)
Roman B9
Austrian .
Spanish Threes
Uome Debt —
MAYS.

RAIL'
Orleans
Northern
New Ditto 790
Lyon and Mediteran. 845
New Ditto BOO
Geneva

Midi
Western 660
Strasburg
Grand Central
Sardinian
Austrian

RUSSIA.

It is stated that Prince GoTtschakoff is about to
resign the post of governor of Poland, but is to re-
tain the command of the army in that country.
Nothing is yet decided as to who is to be his suc-
cessor, but the Grand Duke Michael, and, after him
Princes Souwaroff and Barjatinski are mentioned.
A letter frem St. Petersburg of the, 21st says :--
"To facilitate the emancipation of the peasants the
Emperor has ordered that officers on active service
who are proprietors of serfs shall, if they desire it,
receive leave of absence to attend the deliberations
of the nobles on the question, or to form part of the
commissions elected for that purpose. The leave is
to be for two months, and it cannot be refused by
their chiefs except for peculiar reasons which must
be stated. Officers obtaining it are only to be re-
placed provisionally, and their absence is not in
any respect to affect their right to a pension, nor
is it to reduce the pay, except they be nominated
members of the commission."

complains that anything but a satisfactory execu-
tion of the Hatti Houmayoun has taken place.
Some of the points which seem to justify this com-
plaint are discussed at great length, and the diplo-
matic agents accredit ed to Turkey are recommended
to collect all the facts which may still further justify
them."

SIR BENJAMIN HALL AND THE ELEC-

TORS OF M.ARYLEBONE.

A meeting of the Central Parochial Association
of Marylebone took place on Monday evening, at
the St. Andrew Tavern, Baker-street, Portman-
square, for the purpose of considering the subject
of the borough representation, and the desirability
of supporting, at any future election, a member of
the Government.
Mr. COLE, a member of the vestry, was called to
the chair at 9 o'clock, and there was a miserable
attendance, not more than 20 or 30 people being at
any time present. He said the question they had
met to consider was, whether the borough of Mary-
lebone should for the future be represented in Par-
liament by an independent member, or submit to
continue to tolerate a placeman as their represen-
tative. lie thought they ought not to have a
placeman, for no sooner did a large constituency
get a clever man than he was laid hold of by the
Government in order to prevent his stirring
them un.

Mr. NICHOLAY, in bringing forward the resolu-
tion of which he had given notice, expressed his
regret and astonishment that, on a subject of such
great moment to every elector of that borough,
there was such a paucity of attendance. After
taking a review of the repreientatioe of the borough
of Marylebone from the period of the passing of the
Reform Bill—from the time when the present
Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Disraeli) courted
the electors as a Liberal of the first water, down to
the last election, he said that. Sir W. Horne, Mr.
Portman, Mr. L. Bulwer, and Sir C. Napier, had
all gone up the ladder through their connection
with that borough, and he then came to Sir B.
Hall, who was solely indebted to his connection
with the borough of Marylebone for the elevated
position in which he had been placed. For a long
series of years he would admit that Sir B. Hall re-
presented Marylebone to their entire satisfaction,
but he (Mr. Nicholay) would ask, did he do so at
present ? (Yes, yes, and No, no.) That was a
question the electors would have to consider.
(Hear.) They had now a Tory Government in
power, and in the event of any adverse vote, it was
not likely that they would resign without appealing
to the people. (Hear, hear, Oh, and laughter.)
Therefore they ought to consider well the propriety
of again returning a placeman. Mr. Nicholay,
amidst applause and dissent, concluded by moving
a resolution to the effect—" That on account of
the peculiar position of the political horizon, it is
not advisable that the Liberal and independent
borough of Marylebone should be represented by a
placeman."
Mr. HODGES seconded the resolution.
Mr. KEENE—Why, you are the man who told
me that the place-hunting centralising lord was the
best to vote for to represent the borough. (Hear,
hear, laughter, and cries of " Teat's a choker," and
interruption.)
Mr. HODGES would contend that Lord Ebrington
was a friend of local self-government. (No, no,
laughter, and hear, hear.) They were, however,
dealing with Sir B. Hall. (Oh, oh.) Mr. Hodges
then charged the right hon. baronet with betray-
ing the interests of the borough, with ungrate-
fully turning round upon them, and holding
up a blue book when a deputation waited upon him
to ask him to aid them against the encroachments
of the Poor-law Board. When a man who had be-
trayed them pretended to their suffrages—(oh, oh)
—it was their duty to consider his claims to their
confidence.
Mr. KEENE intended to move an amendment.
The fact was, this was a row between the vestry
men of Marylebone and one of the borough mem-
bers. (Laughter and hear.) Those members now
found fault with the representatives of the vestry
and not of the electors. (Laughter.) They talked
about placemen ; why, bad not these gentlemen
brought in the centralising lolel who had been a
placemen and travelled all over the Continent at
the public expense for 25 years. (Hear.) The fact
was, that when there was a probability of an elec-
tion, the vestrymen were always on the look out,
and the assemblage that night put him in mind of a
set of flies round a honey-pot—(laughter)—waiting
for a rich lick. (Laughter, and " Question.") It
was far better that the vestry should be looking
after the affairs of the parish. The amendment he
had to move was—" That this meeting is of opinion
that it would be more beneficial to the ratepayers'
interest if that asscciation would turn its aetention
to the best means of abolishing the continued in-
crease in parochial taxation, by introducing eco-
nomy into the local management." (Hear, hear,
and laughter.) What do you think of that, Mr.
Hodges? (Laughter and cheers.)
Mr. MALTAY, a vestryman, seconded the amend-
ment. It was perfectly ridiculous their attempting
to getup a cry against so deservedly a popular man
as Sir Benjamin Hall—(hear, hear)—a man who
had done more good in the office he held than' any
predecessor. Moreover, it was un-English and un-
fair to run a man down for one offence, and that in
his absence. (Hear, hear.) As to betraying their
interests it was all nonsense, and he defied any one
to say that Sir B. Hall had ever neglected the local
welfare of his Lvostttuent.. (HAar, hear.)
Mr. M'EveLY supported the amendment, as it
touched upon parochial taxation, which it was more
the province of that society to deal with than poli-
tical matters. (Hear, Lear.) After the sanguinary
speech, however, by Mr. Nicholay(laughter)—
he must say a few words on the motion. He would
contend that it was a right, and an honour as well
as advantage, that a great constituency like Mary-
lebone should be represented in the Government,
and not that all that power should be in the hands
of members of rotten boroughs. (Hear, hear.) But
ho denounced the conduct of Messrs. Nicholay and
Hodges in this matter as grossly inconsistent.
(Hear.) Three times hid Sir B. Hall appeared
upon the hustings and been returned by the unani-
mous voice of the electors since he was a member of
the Government, and where were Messrs. Nicholay
and Hodges then ? (Hear, hear.) These parties
could make all sorts of charges behind Sir B. Hall's
back, but they dared, not meet him, face to face.
(Cheers, oh, oh, and laughter.) Their quarrel with
Sir B. Hall was because he would not justify the
guardians in sanctioning the flogging of women ;
and then, forsooth, they got up a cry that Sir
B. Hall was betraying local self-government.
(Hear.) This, from men who had sold that borough
to Lord Ebrington, the determined, the uncompro-
mising enemy of local self-government. (Hear,
hear, and no, no.) Mr. WEvily said he had urged
that they should invite both the borough members
to meet and confront them, but they refused, and
therefore he considered they were afraid of their
cause, and knew its inconsistency. (Hear, and oh!)
Mr. GLIDDON agreed that there was an appear-
ance of inconsistency in this proceeding in now
complaining, when Sir B. Hall had so many times
been before the borough, and urged that it was im-
possible Government could carry on unless its
members gave it support.
Mr. D'IFFANGER, sen., defended Sir Benjamin
Hall, and contended that there was not a more
honest man in Parliament.

After some further observations, and several
others wishing to address the meeting on tho sub-
ject at a late hour, an adjournment till Monday
evening next was moved and carried.

MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE'S

SISTER.

The following is the text of Lord Bury's bill :
Whereas it is expedient to amend the laws as to
marriage with a deceased wife's sister : be it therefore
enacted by the Qleen's most Excellent Majesty, by and
with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and
temparal, and Commons, in this present Parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, as fol-
lows :

I. So much of any act or acts of Parliament as render
void or voidable any marriage celebrated between a man
and his deceased wife's sister is hereby repealed.
11. No marriage which has been or hereafter shall be
celebrated at any time or place whatever, within this
realm or without, between a man and his deceased wife's
sister shall be deemed to have been cor shall be void or
voidable by reason only of the affinity of the parties
thereto, or by reason of any canonical or other objec-
tion or impediment, founded only on such affinity, to the
validity of such marriages or to the celebration thereof,
or to the validity of any licence or certificate under
which the same may have been celebrated.
111. Provided that nothing herein contained shall in-
validate or affect any dignity or title of honour, or any
estate, right, title, or interest, legal or equitable, in or
to any lands, hereditaments, chattels, or effects vested
in any person before the passing of this act, nor any
contingent estate or interest, legal or equitable, in any
lands, hereditaments, or chattel real, created by or de-
rived from any settlement, grant conveyance to uses,
release, appointment, or instrument bona fide ex-_cuted
before the passing of this act, or by c,r from any devise
or will which shall have become operative by the death
of the devisor or testator before the passing of this act,
which estate or interest would or might but for the pass-
ing of this act hereafter become vested in or be enj ,yed
by or held for the use or benefit of any person, but in
each and every of the cases aforesaid such estate, right,
title, and interest respectively shall remain to all intents
the same as if this act had not been passed.
IV. Provided also, that nothing herein contained
shall invalidate, alter, or affect, any act or thing done
before the passing of this act under the authority of any
court, or in the administration of any estate or effects,
real or personal, or in the execution of any will, or in
the performance of any trust.
V. Provided also, that no clergyman in holy orders
of the United Church of Eog'and and Ireland shall be
compelled to solemnise the marriage of a man with his
deceased wife's sister, or shall be liable to any suit,
penalty, or censure for solemnising or refusing to
solemnise any such marriage.
VI. This act shall not tx'end to marriages here.tftor
contracted in Scotland,

TIIE NEW GOVERNMENT OF INDIA BILL.

(From the Standard.)
Those who augur ill for the success of the India
Bill in consequence of the criticism which it has
given rise to, can have but a very slight acquain-
tance with the nature of the question they have
undertaken to discuss. To any one who really un
derstands the matter it must be obvious that an
India Bill which would satisfy everybody, and
meet the requirements of every interest, is what
the unaided labours of no Cabinet could produce.
An India Bill, to be passed in its entirety as
struck off the ministerial anvil, is a thing that this
nation has never seen, and can never see. [a every
India bill that has been introduced very great
modifications have been made during its passage
through Parliament. Every one knows, to go
back no earlier, how greatly the acts which re-
ceived the Royal assent in 1833 and 1853 differed
from the original projects of law. In the nature
of things it could not be otherwise, for le-
gislation on India takes place always under
certain conditions which in regard to no other
species of legislation exist. Domestic questions
every one understands, and respecting them the
principles, whether in favour of or adverse to them,
are well defined and clear. Whatever ministerial
department they relate to, every member of the
Cabinet can form on them as sound an opinion as
another, and all can exercise in regard to them au
equally potent voice. The same may be said of
them when they are brought before either house.
But the nature of Indian legislation is very differ-
out. In respect to it there is no single well under-
stood interest or principle to consult. On the
contrary, there are conflicting interests and prin-
ciples to reconcile at every turn. There are the
interests of ahundred and eighty millions of natives
to study on the one hand ; and on the other, there
are the interests of the European settlers, and the
mercantile body connected with them here, the
latter being opposed to the former iu many points.
There are all the arrangements to be made for the
carrying on a despotic government in India ; and at
the same time these arrangements have to be re-
conciled to the views and feelings of the repre-
sentatives of a free people at home.
Nor are the difficulties surrounding the Indian
question confined to these. In the very outset of
the matter they commence. They begin to show
themselves the moment it is decided by a Govein-
meat, whether Whig or Conservative, to bring iu
an Indian Bill. For, from the want of special
knowledge upon Indian matters tha,. exists among
English statesmen, and which Mr. Gladstone so
freely admitted on a late occasion, the preparation
of the measure must necessarily be left almost
wholly to the President of the India Board for the
time being. But the more conversant this Mini-
ster may be with the state of popular feeling and
the arts of English parliamentary government, the
more acceptable he may be able to make his mea-
sure to the public here, the more certainly will
that part of it be a failure which relates to
India. On the other hand, the more he
has turned the study of his life to the Orien-
tal part of the question, the more likely is
his bill to fail to be entirely palatable to the
House of Commons. Of the two, however, it
is infinitely preferable to have at the bead of the
India Board a statesman thoroughly conversant in
all its details with the goveinment of India, be-
cause in that case we can be sure that the basis of
the measure will be sound ; whereas, in the other
case, a bill might be introduced and hurriedly
passed through Parliament, having everything to
secure for it unmeasured popularity, but which
might prove utterly fatal in India to the existence
of our rule. If a bill be too Indian, the defect
can, in its passsage through bosh houses be easily
remedied ; but if it were too English, or in other
words too plainly shaped to meet the exigencies
of ministerial jobbery in Downing-street, as it
seems to be generally felt that Lord Palmer-
ston's was, then the country would have to pay
dearly afterwards for the momentary indulgence
of its fancies now. Reasonable men will thece-
fore rather look to the principles which an
Indian Bill enunciates than to the details which
it embodies for carrying those principles out. No
Ministry in its senses could expect to be able to
prepare a bill that should p les without modification
through both houses ; all that Government can
do is to do what the present Government has done,
and that is to lay upon the table a measure fremed
on right principles, and forming a safe and solid
ground-work for completion in its passage through
Parliament, into a really good and satisfactory law.
Viewed in this light, looking rather to principles
than to details, we think it would be difficult to find
anything more satisfactory than the line adopted in
the bill of the present Government. There had long
been felt to be an insuperable objection to the con-
ti utrauceof the system of irresponsibility involved in
the double government ; and that system the pre-
sent bill entirely puts an end to. On the other
hand, it was impossible to hand over India en-
tirely to Downing-street and iu the present bill a
council so independent of the Administration is
provided as to make it impossible for any Minister
to pervert the trust eounded to him, unless in the
absence of the most extraordinary vigilance on the
public's part. Then, again, the placing the patro-
nage in the hands of the Government was seen to
be corrupting ; it is left, therefore, entirely in the
Council's gift. But at the same time directorial
nepotism had been loudly complained of ; and
effectual provision against this is made by the
clause which enacts that, though the Council are
to nominate to appointments, the nomination can
only take effect after the name shall have been
submitted, on the responsibility of the Minister,
fer the approval of the Queen. Lord' Palmer-
ston's bill gave no security for the inclusion
in the Council of men of Indian experience :
the present act establishes toat men of the
highest Indian reputation shall form half the
board. In the late Premier's bill there was no
guarantee for the Indian stockholders ; the present
bill gives to them and to the members of the great
and increasing Indian railway interest the nomina-
tion of four members. Finally, the European
commercial body in India, and the vast mercantile
interests connected with it in this country, will
find ample means of being both heard and pro-
tected, in the clause which confers five nominations
on the five greatest manfacturing and commercial
cities in the United Kingdom.

That a bill which contains in itself such elements
of good i's this does, can be decried in the langu Age
of passion that has been employed by some journlls
against it, is merely a proof of the length to which
party spirit runs. At the same time it exhibits
ample evidence of the utter igu ramie of the true
state of the case. Indeed it would be difficult to
find a clearer instance of the nonsense that some
writers can put forth on the subject that the great
exception taken by the Times to that part of the
scheme which provides that the Indian members
shall be appointed specially with reference to the
several presidencies in which they have ssrved.
Tills may or may not be a wise restriction on the
minister's choice, but when it is spoken of as an
imposs!ble and absurd one, we would merely refer
to the Indian Bill of 1853, in which precisely the
same provision is made in respect to the members of
the Legislative Council at Calcutta ; a provision
which has now been in active and successful opera-
tion for the last five years. Such facts astheseshould
surely make the opponents of the measure more
cautiou4, while its friend will see how little they
need be influenced' by interested or untneming
cri(-8. That ti!e bill should be carried as it stands,
without the slightest change or modification, is a
thing neither to be expected nor perhaps desired in
a country where the Minister is not an autocrat,
but has a Parliament to consult. But that the
principles it embodies will find favour and ac-
ceptance with all but the Paltnerstenian partisans
we can have no room to doubt, bec Luse they are
the principles most consonant with those which have
been given utterance to by nearly all the great
authorities on Indian affairs. The views we our-
selves bold upon the modifications that might with
advantage be admitted in the bill before it passes
we shall take an early opportunity to explain.