The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING'

that despatch. I have no doubt it was the wish and sole
intention of Count Walewski to draw attention to the
state of our law, and to ask whether that law was suffi-
cient for the exigencies of the case, and, beyond question,

if those views had been founded upon a correct view of
the case, there would have been a serious imputation on
the law of this country, I think, if her Majesty's late
Government had felt themselves bound to accept this
despatch, that they would have acted more for the inte-
rest of the cause in which they were engaged if—not
entering into argument, controversy, or discussion—
they had pointed out to the French Government the
misapprehension into which they were apt to fall.
(Hear, hear.) It is idle to deny that the production
of that despatch did produce a most unfavourable im-
pression upon the discussion in this country. At the
same time don't let me be misunderstood. It is most
important to bear in mind that the vote at which the
House of Commons arrived had no reference whatever
to the merits of the bill which was thrown out up ma
the second reading, and that they are just as free
as before to pass the second reading if they please. It
is impossible to deny that the introduction of a politioll
element interfered in a considerable degree with a calm,
impartial, and deliberate reflection upon the measure
itself ; but we must regard these questions in a judicial
spirit. Now, what was the resolution that the House
of Commons came to on the 19th Feb. ? Was it a reso•
lution hostile either to the principles or the provisions
of the bill—was it a resolution adverse to all change in
the criminal law of the eountry—was it a resolution
which would give the slightest countenance to the atro-
cious act of conspiracy ? No; the resolution was this—

That this house hears with much concern that it is alleged
that recent attempts upon the life of the Emperor of the
French have been devised in England, and expresses its de-
testation of such guilty enterprises; that this house is ready
at all times to assist in remedying any defects in the criminal
law which, after due investigation, are proved to exist, yet
it cannot but regret that her Majesty's Government,
previously to inviting the house to amend the law of
conspiracy by the second reading of this Bill at the present
time, has not felt it to bo their duty to make some reply to
the important despatch received from the French Govern-
ment, dated Paris, January 20, 1858, and which has been
laid before Parliament."
The question, therefore, was not one as between Parlia-
ment and a foreign country. It was emphatically a
question as between Parliament and the Ministers of the
Crown. (Hear, hear.) Upon that resolution being carried
her Majesty's late Government resigned office, and the
first duty which the present Government had to perform
was to consider what course they should take with refer-
ence to the state of affairs which had been produced by
that decision of the House of Commons. My lords, her
Majesty's Government came to the resolution, upon which
they will feel it to be their duty to act, in full conformity
with the ',vote of the House of Commons and on
terms of friendly conciliation, to point out to the French
Minister the misinterpretations and misconstructions
which have been placed upon his despatch, and
in the most amicable manner to request of him an
explanation which may remove the painful impres-
sion now prevailing among the English people.
(Cheers.) If I know anything of the friendly feeling
which his Imperial Majesty has at all times
shown to this country—if I know anything of his
earnest and cordial desire to maintain the British alli-
ance, which is as beneficial to the one nation as it is to
the other—if I bear in mind how readily he has always
been to listen to representations and counsels given in a
friendly spirit and made in a friendly quarter—l am led
to entertain the sanguine hope that the answer to the
despatch which my noble friend the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs has undertaken to prepare and to
transmit to France will be such as to remove from the
minds of the people of this country all irritation, and
enable us calmly and deliberately to proceed to the con-
sideration of the important question of the amendment
of the law. (Hear.) It is, of course, not desirable that
I should enter into further details upon this subject at
the present time. The course which her Majesty's
Government may deem it their duty to pursue must in
a great measure depend upon the character of the reply
which they may receive to their friendly communica-
tion ; hnt I say without hesitation that in the meantime
it is their bounden duty—and it is one which they will
not shrink from performing faithfully and vigorously—to
put in force the existing powers of the law for the purpose
of checking by the strong arm of the law these dangerous
and alarming conspirators. (Cheers.) At the present
moment—and I speak therefore under some difficulty,
because I should be very unwilling in the slightest
degree to prejudies the cases which are now pending
before the courts of justice—proceedings are being taken
against a person named Bernard as a party concerned in
the conspiracy which led to the recent attempted asas-
__

political excitement and of partyspirit, and to the pas-
sion which accompanied the passing of that great and
important measure, my wonder is, not that there should
be in it defects and blemishes which the experience of 25
years has aptly brought to light, but that under such
circumstances there should have been devised and carried
through Parliament a measure which for so long a period
has to a certain and no inconsiderable extent effected its
purposes and satisfied the people of this country. (Hear,
hear.) My lords, believing that, with all its anomalies
and all its imperfections, that Act has given to the
oonntry a representative system the result of which is a
House of Commons which fairly and fully represents
the feeling of the numbers as well as of the
intelligence and the property of this country, I should
myself have been well satisfied if it had been the plea-
sure of Parliament that no legislation upon a subject so
exciting should be called for or demanded from the
Government. (Hear, hear.) I cannot however exclude
from my consideration the fact that for three or four
years not only has a demand been made, but a promise
has been given by successive Governments, of the intro-
daction of a Reform Bill. This promise has been given
occasionally even in the nameof the Sovereign and in the
speech from the Throne. My lords, I must venture to
say that Ithink it is a practice not deservingof imitation
to appear in the speech from the Throne personally to
pledge the Sovereign to measures which have not been
well and fully considered by her advisers, and which
they are not at once prepared to lay before Parliament.
(Hear, hear.) In my opinion it is highly inconvenient
that from session to session a question of this import-
ance and of this interest should be perpetually kept
dangling before the Legislature, and that session after
session it should be hung up till a future day, and my
lords, having regard to the inconveniences arising from
this state of things, and to the promises which succes-
sive Governments have made, I have felt it my duty
in conjunction with my colleagees to look into this im-
portant question. I will not pledge either myself or
them to introduce either now or at any time a Bill upon
this subject. I prefer to go beyond rather than to fall
short of any pledges or promises which I may give in
this house ' • but this I may say, that as soon as the
pressure of Parliamentary business enables us deliberately
and carefully to consider the question, we will direct our
attention to the defects which suet in the laws regula-
ting the representation of the people in Parliament, and
to the amendments which may be made in those laws ;
and that we will give that attention with the incase and
earnest desire to trifle no longer with this great question,
but with the hope that we may be able in the next
session of Parliament to lay before the Legislature and
the country a measure upon that subject which may
for a time settle a matter of such deep importance, and
which, if we cannot hope to please everybody,—which
would indeed be a most extravagant expectation,—may
at least be accepted as a fair and reasonable measure
by moderate, impartial,sand well-educated men. (Cheers.)
I am aware that in making this early announcement I
am perhaps somewhat premature, but I thought it was
desirable that your lordships and the country should at
once know that, while we are not prepared in this session
of Parliament to introduce or to assist in passing any
measure dealing with so extensive a question, we are
prepared at the very earliest moment practicable to give
our diligentand anxious attention to the subject, with the
earnest hope that that consideration may lead to a suo
oessfal issue. (Hear, hear.) I have now addressed
your lordships at greater length than I could have de-
sired the observations which I have found it necessary
to make upon my assumption of the important office
which I have now the honour to fill. My lords, I can
only conclude, as I began, by assuring you that I
deeply feel my own incompetency for the discharge
of the duties of that office ; but this I can truly say,
that I bring to their performance an earnest and con-
scientious desire faithfully and diligently to discharge
them as in the sight of God and in the presence of the
people. Small as I know my powers to be, and great as
sre the difficulties I shall have to encounter, there is
One who guides the destinies of all, and who from the
efforts of weak and inadequate performers can produce
great and signal effects. Trusting to His guidance and
to His blessing, I will venture to take upon me the
charge which has been entrusted to me by my Sovereign,
and I fervently hope and trust that, be my Administra-
tion long or short, when I retire I may retire without
a stain upon my public character, and with the consci-
ousness that I have not left England in a worse position
than that in which I found her. The noble earl resumed
his seat amid loud and prolonged cheering.
Earl GRANVILLE (who was very indistinctly heard
In the gallery), had not one word to object to the state'
ment made by the noble earl as to the course of events
which had resulted in his accession to office. The nals!o

sination of the Emperor of the French. Another person, earl had moat fairly and kindly admitted that after the
and I blush to say it, a British subject, is now a fugitive vote of the House of Commons, which was in effect a
from justice under a similar charge. Against a third
declaration
that in the opinion of that house the honour
person, for the publieation of a work containing instiga-
tions and incitements to assassination, proceedings are of the country had not been kept intact, it was impos-
pending before a British Court of justice ; and no fur- sible the late Government could have :any other alterne-
ther back than 43 hours ago the attention of her Ma- tive than to resign. Her Majesty having accepted their
•
jesty s Government was called to another publication of resignations, took the perfectly constitutional course of
a similar character, but, as it appears to me, of a still sending for the head of the Conservative party, who
more violent tendency, and that publication also has
f
been without a moment's hesitation placed in the hands formed the majority of those by whom that hostile vote
of the law officers of the Crown. Should their opinion was carried ; and that vote having been so carried, and
be that it affords reasonable and legitimate grounds for the noble earl having been so called upon by her Majesty
prosecution, Her Majesty's Government will not to form an Administration, he would not have been
hesitate for a single moment in putting in force the justified in declining to accept the trust. (Hear.) The
existing powers of the law. (Hear, hear.) For, my only misconstruction that could possibly arise upon this
lords, with all my desire to maintain inviolable now point was in regard to the character of the vote itself,
and for ever, under all circumstances, that right of and the nature of the diplomatic clnamunication that
asylum to refugees which it is the pride of this country had taken place between the two Governments of Eog-
to afford, without distinction of cause, of principle, or land and France ; but as he believed that his noble
of opinion, I dosay it is an intolerable grievance that per- friend (Lord Clarendon) would go with far more effect
sons who owe their life and their safety to the protection into that matter, he would leave him to explain how the
which we afford thous should basely and ungratefully facts of the case actually stood. He wished, however,
reward this country for the shelter and asylum it gives not to be misunderstood in one particular, viz, that he
them by a course of conduct, by publications, by insti- did not shrink in the slightest degree from the responsi-
gatione to ctime which may have a most dangerous ten- bility of defending the course taken by his noble friend
dency towards embroiling Ea4iand with one of its most in reference to M. tValewski's despatch. There was one
faithful and also one of its firmest allies. (Cheers.) My puiet upen which he thought it ii,erirtant that the noble
lords, if upon the present occasion I were addressing earl should have made a more distinct declaration, and
your lordships at the commencement of a new session, that was the character which the Government attributed
and after having with my colleagues had leisure to con• to the vote of the House of Commons which bad resulted
Sider during the recess the measures to be submitted for in the change of Government. He, the noble earl, had
the consideration and approval of Parliament, I should expressed a decided hope that the present Government
of course feel it to be my duty to lay shortly before you would be able to introduce a measure which, without
what the measures were to which your attentions was to violating the constitution of this country, would tend to
be called. But your lordships must be aware that from preserve friendly relations with France, arid remeatbeiine
the shortness of the time which has elapsed since we ac- the statement made by the. present Lord Chancellor and
eepted office it has been impossible for us to prepare any- the votes of the Conservative party in reference to the
thing like a programme of business to be laid before introduction of the bill of thelate Government, and thede
Parliament. The attention of the other house must no clarations of the present Home Secretary and the Presi-
doubt be occupied fur a considerable time with making dent of the Board of Trade, as to their approval of the
those financial arrangements which are requisite at this principle of that measure—he thought it impossible that
period of the year for the purpose of carrying on the busi, any other construction c ,uld be put upon it than that
nese of the country. 'Deere is, however, one measure to which the noble earl had given to it. Consequently, it
which I think it my duty even, at thisearly stage, to advert, was with no little surprise that he read that morning, in
becauseit is a measure which upon full and anxious con- the address of a roost important member of the noble
sideration her Majesty's government have determined to earl's administration—the first law adviser of the Crown
introduce to the notice of Parliament. My lords, it cer- —written deliberately to his constituents, that he, "
in
tainly was my opinion, and it was the opinion of most of common with the chiefs of the Couservative party iu the
those with whom I have the satisfaction of acting, that House of Commons, supported the amendment to the
while the state of India was such as it is at present— bid on the ground that its provisions afforded no effective
while a revolt, or rather an insurrection, was raging in remedy to the evils proposed to be redressed, and that
a considerable portion of our dominions in the East—it the bill itself was an evasion of the principle of ind
was not expedient to divert the attention either of the dent action which has hitherto been held ' ound alikePeebny-
Government or of the East India Company from the the Parliament and the people." What that Meant, he
consideration of the matters which were immediately (Earl Granville) scarcely understood; but at all events,
pressing to a discussion of any change is the constitu it went to a complete condemnation of the principle of
tion of the executive administration at home. But, any the bill. (Hear.) With regard to the motives with
lords, the House of Commons, by a very large majority which the noble earl took office, he believed them to be
—a majority, I believe, of 147 members in a full house patriotic. But the noble earl had spoken of the ditfi-
-affirmed the proposition that it was desirable to eon- culties he should have to encounter. He (Earl Gran-
eider the question immediately, mail/1y with the object %elle) could assure him that those difficulties would not
of transferring to the Crown the authority hitherto arise from the position in which he and his colleagues
exercised by the East India Company. I think that had left the country, and he trusted the noble earl 11
vote materially altered the position of affairs. It placed excuse him if ho went over a few particulars to skew
the Company in such a situation that they could not that the members of the late ministry felt they had some
after it passed, command the same amount of p iblic reason not to be ashamed of the manner in which they
confidence and of public support as they were entitled to handed over the government to their successors. Their
receive previous to the decision of the House of Commons. lordships would remember the circumstances in which
Therefore, my lords, after the best and maturest con- his noblefriend (Lord Paltnerstoneforimed his government.
sideration which we can give to the subject, it is the He formed it atter every leading statesman had confessed
intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce a his inability to attempt the task. The great difficulty
measure, which is now being prepared by my noble they then found was the Crimean war. Indignation had
friend the President of the Board of Control, been excited at the ewe of the army, and that indigna-
which we trust will effect most of the objects contem- tiou was directed most unjustly against certaiu
iuui-
plated by the Bill of the late Government, and which we viduals—but owing to the measures of the noble duke
hope will at the same time be free from some of the (Newcastle), and subsequently the measures of his
objections attaching to that project. Of course, it would noble friend near him (Lord Panmure), the army was
not be expedient fur me to enter into further details upon brought to as efficient a state as any that had ever
the present occasion; the measure, indeed, is not yet taken the field, and the war was brought to a glorious
framed ; but I think it my duty to say, even at this and successful termination. And he might further say,
early period, that in the course of the present session it that, having been sent officially to Russia after the war
is our intention to deal with the questien of the govern- had been so successfully closed, where Le was received
moat of India, and we hope also to pass a just and satis- with the greatest courtesy, ho found that the defeat was
factory measure. (Hear.) My lords, it would be i c thsidered mere complete on their part than we on ours
fur me to enter into any general description of the considered the victory. The objects for which the war
opinions or the views which I hold upon public affairs had been undertaken had been fully conceded in the
Such abstract declarations are in point of fact of little or treaty of peace. As far as he eas aware no ejection
no use. They are mere words which may be construed had been made in either House of Parliament that that
into any sense, or, as sometimes happens, into no sense. treaty did not completely carry out those objects, and
(Hear.) I can only say, my lords, that the policy e, the this, at all events, he knew, that those objects had not
Government to which I belong will be that which I been allowed to be frittered away in the course of the
hope might naturally be expected from the corn- subsequent proceedings. An Aber war he.d been enured
position of the Administration—viz., that while we upon by the late Government—the war with Persia.
firmly and strenuously maintain the great institutions He defied any one to say that we had not, with an in-
of the country we shall not hesitate to propose considerably small loss on our part, completely estab-
and support measures of undoubted improvement and lilted our military prestige in that part of Asia—ob-
progress, and to introduce, whenever necessary, safe tained every object for which the war was begun, and
and well-considered amendments. (Hear, hear.) My had placed our relations with Persia on a sounder foot-
lords, there can be no greater mistake than to suppose ing than they had ever stood before. Then there was a
that a Conservative Ministry necessarily means a eta- war with China, which had been alluded to by the noble
tionary Ministry. (Hear, hear.) We live in an age earl. That warts°, he hoped, had been brought to a
of constant progress—moral, social, and political. We I conclusion. And though it had been said that without
live in a time when art and science aro making rapi I the infliction of the most barbarous cruelties it would
strides, when knowledge is daily more and more widely be impossible to capture Canton, and that, conquered, it
diffused. Our constitution itself is the result of a would be impossible to hold it, that town had been
series of perpetual changes. Like the venerable old reduosd and taken possession of by the forces sent
country-houses of England, it has been formed from i against it, and, as far as he had
yet heard, no difficulty
time to time by successive occupants, with no great ' whatever hal been experienced in holding it. (Hear,
regard to arehaectural uniformity or regularity of hear.) We had, moreover, besides taking possessien of
outline, but adding a window here, throwing out a Canton, taken possession also of the individual to whom,
gable there, and making some fresh accommedation more than any other person, was to be attributed the
in another place, as might appear to suit, not to the inconveniences and differences that had led to these
beauty of the external structure, but, what is of in ire hostilities. He war glad to believe from the tone of the
i:avueprosyrtthaninege, the convenience and comfort of the inhabo noble earl, that, accepting the China affair in the
toontst,ant(Reparroerheesars
adapting our it;sttiti:utetoi
el;se *)
imbplyrovloinrgds,upionn polities, as in favourable position which the late Government bad
essnams teo tchoeurasleternreuastp
_ eased dema purposes
rep
opsuerss pursued— h left it, his practical good sense would induce him to
the old system, take those reasonable and just advantages which from
leads
they are intended
her ?Lem, difficulty, buBt—the capture of Canton might be derived not only by this
I meet' serve, an 'nig the iner
Govern-
importance and torto"le and by
ojsfistiscoiocuiestyc.haTngheiss country but by the civilised world. The noble earl had
I shall ,me
ii.ords, to the last ue t* alluded also to another difficulty which the la' e Govern-
one of great case also he thought from
_ of the
is the duty your I octr d p'°ll upon which ment had experienced—the Iwnhdaitan
the
etinhyo- ---h
1,3 h u
earlt in that
is
it
I mean the question which Grov•riarnenr toe which
n
a stated, that the result in his mind was sail -
name of Parliamentary R:eehriemh °o°'''''alY goes eo
factory. And that, except in regard to Oude—and he
representation in the House of Commons,give bask
111 y lords, I am old enough to remember,
and .
grew. Oude to the control of its native rulers—no
been in the Cabinet not when the lest Reform 11(illha" tc, .u'rZfr:s:nulty was left for the noble earl's government
framed, but when it was under discussion, and When tin tide ee.ee of India. The late government
look back to the violence of feeling, to the bitterness of "a'.la. great ed.' lathe ev.ents which had taken place
see with the emergency a for anxiety and alarm, but in deal-
as they won© bo>~nd to do, they

had never for one moment doubted of the ultimate re•
suit. The noble earl had expressed his satisfaction at the
position in which the illustrious duke the Commander-
in-Chief, and hie noble friend (Lord Panmure), had
placed the military preparations of the country, and had
said that he had no idea of finding them in such an effi-
cient state. One of the difficulties of the late ministry
was this, that while it was obviously inconvenient and
inexpedient to product!
.to Parliament and the public all
the details of the military arrangemeats made by the
government, the general statements with which they
were compelled to captent themselves could not be
tested. He therefore felt especially gretefral to the noble
earl for the testimony he had borne to the efficiency in
which he found those arrangements on his accession to
office, and he now stated in the presence of those who
might contradict him if they could do so, that while the
military preparations of the country generally were in a
satisfactory state, and in some respects such at they were
never before, that with regard to the army it was never
so efficient as at the close of the late war, nor was the
effective strength of the soldiers of this country ever so
high as it was at the beginning of the Indian mutiny. It
was important that this fact should be known to the
public, and he was glad to have the opportunity of mak-
ing the statement.
Then with regard to the efficiency
of the transport service it was only necessary in proof of
that to mention the fact that as many as 60,000 men had
been sent from this country to India, besides some 6,000
diverted from the Chinese expedition, the whole of
which bad been conveyed without loss. (Hear, hear )
He contended that credit was due to the late govern-
ment for their exertions in this respect—exertions
which had excited feelings of astonishment throughout
Europe. Going from India to the other colonies, they
found them in a satisfactory state. Some were working
out the problem of self-government, but all were peaceful
and content—so much so, that in the last accounts from
the Governor-General of India he stated that no further
force was required there to put down the mutiny and
restore order—that troop-horses and stores were conti-
nuing to come in from other colonies, which they could
spare in consequence of the perfect tranquillity that pre-
vailed in those colonic?. Turning to the state of affairs
at home, their lordships would recollect that a great
commercial disaster had happened last year ; be afieded
to the commercial panic which occurred in Nov. last.
No one, he believed, attributed that disaster to any act
or policy of the Government, and he believed that the
only step they took in the matter was sanctioned by
every body in and out of Parliament as the right step
taken at the right time. (Cheers.) Without taking any
credit to the Ministry with which he had been connected
on that ground, he thought it most gratifying that, not-
withstanding that the failures had been computed at not
less than 50,000,0001. arising from that panic to the
end of the past year, improvement had already set in,
and the funds had been continually rising until they
reached almost too far—except while checked by the
change of Government. And as regarded trade, there
was an appearance of general revival and more general
employment of the labouring classes, who, he must say,
were entitled to the thanks of the country for the pa-
tience they bad displayed during a period of very severe
distreee. He was averse to troubling theirlordshipe with
any detail, but at tse same time should be reluctant to
pa=s over altogether the law reforms which the late Go-
vernment had been enabled to carry into effect. There
was the measure in reference to the ecclesiastical courts,
which, after twelve times in as many years having been
attempted in vain, as last year brought to a successful
issue. There were other measures of importance re-
lating to the commercial interests of the country
which they had also succeeded in passing—as the
Limited Liability Pill. There was also the measure with
regard to secondary
punishments, and the act for the
distribution of an eEctent police all over the country.
These were all messures far which he thought the late
Government were entitled to some credit. He would not
go into further eletsil then, but upon a future occasion he
would be enabled to show that with respect to the im-
portant subject of
education more real progress had taken
place during the time the late ministers were in office, as
regarded the opening of the Universities, the increase of
schools, and other matters, than at any previous period.
He thought it world have been convenient it the noble
earl had stated what course be proposed to follow on this
question of national education—whether he adopted the
plan of the First Lord of the Admiralty or of the Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade. (Hear.) He trusted, at all
events, that the noble marquis opposite would act upon
the existing system, and, in doing so, would remember
that increased grants involved increased responsibility,
He mentioned these subjects, because, although the late
Government had no great brilliant achievements to boast
of, he should be sorry if it were thought that they had
neglected those measures which contributed far more
than brilliant achievements to the real happiness of the
people. He thought he had stated sufficient to show that
they had not left the country in greater difficulties than
they had fourd it. He now came to the declaration of
the noble earl as to the future course of his government.
Putting aside those general statements as to the princi
pies of conservative progress which were to guide the
new Ministry, and which must decide their value by the
manner in which they were carried out, there were some
points on which he thought it would have been satis-
factory if the noble earl had favoured the house and the
country with some more definite information, but which,
nevertheless, he would not press upon him if he object, :d
to do so. Wisat course the noble earl proposed to take
Iwith regard to the aalinie.ion of the Jews to Parliament
they bad not been informed.
The Earl of DERBY—That is out of the quebtionno7.

Earl GRA.IsIVILLE did not think it was out ,'f the
question that some information should be looked for,
under the circumstances, as to the intentions of Guvern-
tnent, wh:elt certainly excited a great deal of anxious
curiosity out of doors, and upon which some of the lead-
ing !Dein bers cif the present Cabinet took oppo,,ite views to
th e late Government. There was wroth er pain t upon which
he considered the noble earl should have aff rded some
further information, and that was with regard to reform
of our representative institutions. The noble earl might
ba-,-e elated that ho l roreased !e) deal with that question
at once, or that he intended, as he had said, to coesid:r
the best means of framing such a bill, with the centident
exectetaion that next session he would be enable I to
present it to the con,id.:.ration of Parliament. Teat he
admitted was a fair and ,egitimate course to ado it. Still
it would have been more satisfactory if the noble earl
had stated whether or Lot he concurred in the views
which had been put forward by one member of his Go-
vernment, who, in his address to his constituents, de-
clared his readiness to support and assist in any measure
for the extension of the elective franchise to every man
in Britain qualified by property or by education tie ex
vise it with independence and intelligence ; and in a re-
distribution of the boroaghs and towns possessed arid
unpossessed of the franchise, so that all above the rank
of villages [nay be represented in the Legislature. It
would have been electrode that they should know whe-
ther that was a description of the Reform Bill which the
noble earl had in contemplation, or whether it was merely
a statement put forward by one of his sepperters in the
hope of securing a few
votes. (Hear.) There was one
other subject upon which he intended to speak with great
forbearance, and that was the course the noble earl pro
posed to take in reference to the Conspiracy Bill. As he
understood the noble earl, he proposed to send a despa• oh
to France in reply to. that of Count Walewski, and that
upon the answer to teat despatch the course of Govern-
ment would depend. (Rear.) This was a matter in regard
to which he felt that a great moral responsibility rested
neon any individual who, by hie tongue or his pen, in
annoYbleweayaril''hilaucelnpereodpopsuebdliscuOcphi a l
bill
non (hear, hear) If the
as he had suggested,
the members of the late Government would be glad to
give him their best support in carrying it into a law, but
as he had not, he (Earl Granville) was anxbins not to
say one word that c ,ulil in any way tend to increase., ise
excitement which unfortunately prevailed both on this
and on the other side of tee water, and which the people
' of both nations naturally felt when they fancied, however
mistakenly, that the national honour had been assailed.
(Hear, hear.) The noble earl had stated that he had not
entered upon office with feelings of exultation. He (Earl
Granville) was perfectly sure 'hat the feelings with which
the noble earl bad assumed the high and responsible task
he had undertaken were creditable to him, and would
redound to his honour. (Hear, hear.) At the same time
he could n >t wholly disconnect the noble earl's responsi-
bility 'ro.o the course which had been taken in other
places, ner forget that the course taken by the noble
eat' was one much disapproved of by many of the noble
earl's followers. The noble earl's course in that house
hail always been ouch that, while his eloquence added to
the into- e,t, of their debates, his conduct had added to
his own character and dignity. (Hear, hear.) He was
glad to have the opportunity of saying so, for during the
last three years he (Earl Granville) had experienced the
greatest personal courtesyand forbearanoefrom the bands
of the noble earl; and it was that courtesy and forbear-
ance that had enabled himself and his late colleagues in
office to petunia duties which he for one confessed he felt
He could assure the noble earl that the feelings with
at first totally ins equate to undertake. (Hear, hear.)
el
which he (Earl Granville) and his friends now entered
into opposition were not clouded by one bitter personal
feeling towards the noble earl. They Lad been so short
a time in opposition—(a, laugh)—that it would be hardy
fair to question what they had yet done as au indication
of the cour-ethey
have referred to this mattsr at all, but that it appeared
intended to pursue—nor should he
some misunderstanding had arisen as to an observation
made by him the other day with respect to the noble
earl's conduct when
Lord Aberdeen's Government came
int ) office. What he then stated was, that when Lord
Aberdeen asked for an adjournment for a week in o der
that he might have the opportunity of forming his Go-
vernment and preparing a statement of his policy, the
noble earl grudgedto
allow an adjournment for more
than three days. Since then he had referred to " Han-
sard," and found that the noble earl said, in answer to
Lord Aberdeen's proposition that be thought 24, or, at
most, 43 hoary would be ample time, (Hear.) But
that was not all—during their short terra of opposition
they had certainly
exhibited much more e theideration
for the noble earl than the noble earl bad done, when he
resigned, for his successors, and when, besides grudging
the ailjournmEnt asked for he made a lengthy and elo-
quent speech by 110
means Calcula,t,:cl to facilitate the task
of his nob e friend who had just undertaken to form the
new Government. They (the present Opposition)
thought iZ; more fair either to the noble earl who hart
undertaken the task, or to any other person who might
be sent for, to announce the fact of their resign t ions
at once, leaving her Majesty to send for whom
she pleased, than to offer any suggestions as to
who should be their sucetssors. Having resigned,
and the noble lord having undertaken the Govern-
meat, they, as party men, would endeavour fairly to
judge of the noble lord's measures, and to act without
partiality ; and as Englishmen they hoped that the noble
earl would not have to meet any of those great difficulties
with which the late Governulect had had to contend;
but if such difficulties should arise, they trusted that,
under the blessing of Divine Providence, the noble earl
would be able to meet them and bring them to a success-
ful iaaue (Rear, hear.) In COrldllsi9ll, he apologised

MARCH 2,

to the hone© for the length at which he had detained
them, and thanked them for the indulgence they had
extended to him. (Hear, hear.)

The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, stated that when,
on the 20th December, Lord Aberdeen proposed to move
the adjournment of the house for a week, he (the Earl
of Derby) expressed a hope that he might be enabled to
complete the cabinet arrangements in 48 hours, and he
stated that as it was important members should be
enabled to pa's their Christmas in the country, he
thought the house should adjourn over from the Monday
to the Thursday instead of to the following Monday, and
that was what took place. (Hear.)

The Earl of CLAAENDON—My lords, I feel obliged
to my noble friend near me for imposing upon me the
task of making some observations upon certain matters
that have weighed upon the attention of the government,
in connect on w th the department over which I have bad
the honour to preside. My lords, in respect to those put
matters involving important national interests both at
home and abroad, there has been so much misapprehen-
sion, so much misrepresentation, and there exists even
now, in my opinion, so much doubt in the public mind,
that it is difficult to give to them that calm consideration
they deserve and demand. It has been generally assumed
in this country that the language used by France towards
this country has been insolent and threatening, and that
an attempt has been made to bully us into compliance
with her wishes. Intending as 1 do to appeal to the calm
judgment of the house, I rejoice that the noble earl, in
vigorous and eloquent language, has called yourlordships'
recollection to the middle of last January, and has asked
you to remember what were your own feelings and the
feelings of the public when we first heard the news of the
attempt which had been made upon the life of the
Emperor of the French. It was no exaggeration on
the part of the noble lord to say that throughout these
realms that atrocious attempt was viewed with all the
horror and disgust that it was certain to produce in the
minds of Englishmen, and that that feeling of disgust
and abhorrence was in this country at least equal to
that which was felt in any other country in the world.
(Heat.) It is unnecessary to say that in those senti-
ments the late Government fully participated, and that
they also shared in those feelings of shame and indigna-
tion a hich every honest Englishman must entertain that
such a plot should have been conceived and brought to
maturity by .a knot of men who were availing them
selves of the asylum this country affords, and whe
thereby violated the hospitality and security afforded t
them by our laws. Aud the first thought of the Govern-
ment, on hearing of these transactions, was whether it
was possible to frustrate the schemes of the persens im-
plicated, whether the existing law was sufficient, or
whether we could, without violating the fundamental
principles of our constitution, which holds every man
innocent until proved guilty—(hear, hear) —reach the
acts of those foreigners who have so grossly abused our
right of asylum. My lorde, the result of our delibera-
tions was to refer the whole matter to the law officer.
of the Crown. We felt it to be a point of honour with
us to pursue this course, and we wished to show that we
had not looked with apathy or indifference on the tran-
sactions which had just taken place. We had already
gone as far as the law allowed us in stoppiug expedi-
tions fitted up in hostility to foreign states ; and I ask
whether any expedition could be conceived more hostile
to a friendly state than that which Orsini and his com-
panions fitted nut for the assassination of the Emperor
of France. (Hear, hear.) We thought it incumbent
on us to devise some means to frustrate such schemes.
We felt that it was due to the people of France, and to
public opinion iu England, to make it known, on the
highest legal authority, that great crimes did not in this
country meet with encouragement or impunity. We felt
that it was a point involving not only national honour
but grave national interests, to see whether a change in
our law was necessary, and, if necessary, practicable,
because, next to France herself, there is no country
which has more reason to be grateful for the providential
interposition which saved the Emperor than has this
country. (Bear, hear.) Because, as my noble friend has
said, it is not only that there is an intimate alliance
between France and England, but that their interests
are so interwoven, are of such a magnitude, and the
connection is so close that nothing could happen for gocd
or evil in one country which would not immediately
vibrate through the other. It was under these feelings
that her Majesty's late Government referred the matter
to the law officers of the Crown, and we were deter-
mined, if some measure was found to be necessary, t.
mark our sense of what had occurred, by itninediater)
laying snob measure on the table of the House of Com-
mons. At the same time M. de Persigny placed in my
hands Cunt Waleweti's despatch, saying that it bad
been his duty to address the Government on the refugee
question, inviting them to consider what measures tei‘hi
be necessary in reference to it. At the same time he
told me that although it bad been thought necessary to
make a communication to her Majesty's Government, the
utmost care had been taken carefully to avoid the use of
any expression which might offend the people of Eng-
land. I told M. de Persigny what I had told him
often before, which I had also mentioned to M. Welew
ski, and which I had inure than once also had the
honour of stating to the Emperor, that no consideration
on earth could induce the Parliament to pass an Alien
Act. (Hear, hear.) Toe law of asylum I told him could
not be infringed, and that there were certain principles
of law too sacred to be infringed for any purpose what.
ever. (Hear.) I said at the same time that it required
no impulse from without to set in motion the existing
law against conspiracy if evidence could be obtained,
but that from want of sufficient evidence the law had not
been as yet put in force. I said at the same time it might
be a question whether the existing law was suffloieotty
stringent, but the whole qua ition had been ref erred to

- -
the law officers of the Crown, and moreover Timid that I
had written to the Attorney-General inviting his attention
to certain points, and stating the importance of an early
decision. Nothing could be more temperate, more mode
rate, or more straightforward than has been M. de Per.
signy'g conduct throughout the whole of this matter, as
such of your lordships as have the plea-ure of knowing
him will he ready to believe, (Hear.) Nothing could be
further from his language than any lutiwation of an
attempt to use pressure, which I told him would be
resented from one end of England to another. (Cheers.)
He said that he sought nothing of the kind, that his go=
vernment felt entire confidence in the friendship of Eng-
land, and that, so perfect was the solidarity of interett
between the two countries, they believed that whatever
was necessary would be done without pressure of any
kind. Now, with respect to Count Walewski'e despatch,
respecting which so much has been said both in and out
of doors as to its containing insults to the honour and
interests of this country, I must say that having read it
carefully I have failed to find the slightest tendency to
insult in it from beginning to end. (Hear.) I am certain
further that, no insult was intende 1, and I am sure that
in public as well as in private affairs, the animus should
be the first thing considered in deciding whether or not
any communication was insulting or i fferadve. (Hear,
hear.) There was, one thing which, I felt most strongly
whilst Count do Parsigny was reading the despatch, and
that was that if plots were being continually hatched in
France against our own sovereign, if three attempts had
bean made to carry these plans into execution, and if on
the last occasion the Queen and the Prince Consort had
been saved only by a miracle, while 156 people were
killed and wounded in front if the Opera-beuee, and that
after all I addressed such a despatch to the Frencn Go-
vernment as Count Walewski bad addressed to outs,
that then this country would have looked upon me as a
very feeble exponent of the national horror and indig-
nation. (Hear, hear.) lam astonished that any one
could have so -misunderstood that despatch as to say
that Coulee Walewski charged the people of England
with encouraging assassination, when the whole tenor
cf the despatch is precisely the contrary. He says :
—"ln recording these circumstances, I at once add how
much the government of the Emperor is persuaded of
the sincerity of the sentiments of reprobation which they
created in England. It is equally convinced that with
such proofs in their possession of the abuse of hospitality,
' tho English Government and people understand at of ce
to what extent we are justified in d recting our attention
to them." The whole despatch in fact relates to a
limited class of refuges in this country, and I say that
any man who understands French, or having read the
translation represents it otherwise, is guilty of gross and
wilful misrepresentation of is sentiments and meaning.
(Hear, hear.) S nce I left the Government, but not the
Foreign-office, a despatch has been received from Lord
Cowley, who expresses the desire of Count Walewski to
make known to the Government his regret and astoei,h-
ment at the manner in which his despatch has been
misunderstood by the people of England. The count
expresses his astonishment that he who had resided so
many years in England should be suspected of applying
to the generality of the English people that which he
knew applied only to certain classes of refugees in
England. It is equally untrue to say that Count
Walewski asked us to interfere with the eight of
asylum. Nothing can be more clear than his approba-
tion of that right, or of the manner in which it is offered
to the political refugees of other countr e'.
The Earl of %lALMESBURY asked what was the
date of the despatch to which the noble earl alluded.
The Earl of CLARENDON--It arrived the day before I
left the Foreign office. I have no right to produce it, but
of course it is at the noble earl's disposal. Count Walewski
says :—" No one appreciates and respects more than we do
the liberality with which England is disposed to exercise
the right of asylum in regard to foreigners, victims of poli-
tical struggles. France, for her part, has always looked
upon it as a duty of humanity never to close her frontiers
to any honourable person in misfortune, whatever might
be the party to which ho belonged ; and his Majesty's Go-
vernment does not complain that its opponents should
find refuge on the English soil, and live there in peace,
remaining faithful to their opinions to their very passions,
under the protection of the British laws." He afterwards
says :—" In submitting these questions to her Britan-
nic Majesty's Government, the Government of the
Emperor does not merely discharge a duty towards itself,
it re-echoes the sentiment of the country, which, under the
influence of the most legitimate anxiety, calls upon it to
do so ; and which, in a matter where the common interest
among till nations and all governments hi so clear, consi
ders itself entitled to reckon upon the concurrence of Eng-
land. The repetition and the wickedness of these guilty
enterprises expose France to a danger against which we are
bound to provide." Finally, he says :—" Her le Lennie
Majesty's Government can assist us in averting it by atre d •
ing us a guarantee of security which no state can refuse to
a neighbouring State, and which we are authorised to ex-
pect from an ally. Fully relying, moreover, on the high
sense of the English Cabinet, we refrain from indicating,
iu any way, the measures which it may see fit to take in
order to comply with tiles wish. We rest entirely upon it
for estimating the decisions which it shall deem best cal-
culated to attain the object ; and we are firmly persuade
that we shall not have appealed in vain to its conscience
and to its goodwill." Now, there may be words in Us',
despatch which might be omitted; but, taking the de-
?patch in its entirety, I maintain that it contains neither
insult nor menace, nor pressure of any kind. (Hear, hear.)
I ask, my lords, was it possible that the French Govern.
ment, after the atrocious attempt of the 14th January,
should not make some communication ; and, being inevi-
table, I ask,' could it have, been made in a more temperate
manner ? (Hear, hear.) It was, in fact, such language as
one friend would address to another, from whose home an