The Sun.
London, England, 1867-06-11 00:00:00

Trade Outrages in Sheffield.

On the opening of the Court on Saturday morn-
ing, Mr. Wragg, imager to Messrs. Slack and
Co., saw manufacturers, said—Having a large order
for chaff-cutting knives (which appeared to be
ground by saw-grinders), some work was given out
to jobbing grinders, and for this sonic, band,
and knives were taken. The affair was settled
in the usual way, by paying the demands of
" Mary Ann," and the things were restored, all
except one chaff knife, which could not be found,
and which was paid for, and in witness's book there
was an entry of 35. received from Broadhead on ac-
count of it. On a subsequent occasion bands were
rattened because work had not been given to the
jobbing grinders, that branch having amal►amated
with the society of which Broadhead was president
—an arrangement of which it did not appear that
the witness was aware. In June, 1865, witness en-
gaged a grinder named Fearnehough (the man
whose house was blown up in October last), and
engaged a room in Butcher's grinding wheel, which
was reputed to be secure against rattening.
To make doubly sure witness engaged a night
watchman. This was because Fearnehough was a
non-union man, and worked with his own tools,
which was against the rules of the union. Every-
body in the union gave Fearnehough a bad charac-
ter for drinking and neglecting his work, but witness
had employed him ever since, and found him an ex-
cellent workman, and not at all the character he was
represented to be. In July Thomas Smith, the
secretary to the sawmakers, went to witness's works,
and bad an interview with the men, and on the fol-
lowing Saturday (July 14) all the sawmakers gave
a month's notice. The firm replaced them with non-
union men, six of whom were decoyed away by
offers from the union. The firm went on with the
rest. Thomas Smith, the union secretary, offered
to end the dispute on condition that the firm dis-
missed the men and took on the old ones. That
was declined, and early in November, a month after
Fearnehough's house had been blown up, they re-
ceived a letter by post threatening to blow them up
unless they dismissed the new and took back the
old men. He produced the letter. The firm took
no notice of the letter, and the threats were never
put in execution.
Jonathan Hazlewood, saw-grinder, gave evidence
of having received threatening letters eight or nine
years ago because he took and retained an apprentice
contrary to union principles.
Mr. James Davenport, grinding-wheel proprietor,
was the next witness, and gave evidence as to his
receiving a threatening letter to the effect that if
Ilazlewood, who was grinding at his wheel, did not
get rid of his apprentice another visit would be paid
to the wheel. Shortly after the receipt of the letter
the wheel was entered, several bands were removed,
and damage was done to the doors and windoa's to
the amount of about £2. The bands were never
returned.

Mr. David Ward, of the firm of Messrs. Ward
and Payne,edge-tool and sheep-shear manufacturers,
next gave evidence. In 1861 he was els!.sirous of
engaging a carving-tool forger, named Addis, who
was a London workman, and who at the Exhibition
of 1851 obtained the only prize that was offered for
edge-tools. As he was a non-unionist, Mr. Ward,
before completing an engagement with Addis, de-
sired him to see Reaney, the secretary of the
Forgers' Union,with respect to his being admitted a
member. The committee of the society were sit-
ting when Addis visited Reaney, and the former
offered to pay £l5 for the privilege of being admitted,
and then to pay the usual weekly contribution. his
offer, however, was not accepted, and the result
was that Mr. Ward was unable to engage Addis.
Some time afterwards, in consequence of some
orders depending upon Addis being engaged upon
them, he was taken into the employ of Messrs.
Ward and Payne, and after he had been working
some time, and had made several ineffectual at-
tempts to come to terms with the union, the 'a hole
of the nuts belonging to 16 troughs, then being
used by Messrs. Ward and Payne, were removed,
and consequently, although he was then very busy,
none of his work could be proceeded with. Mr.
Ward sent to the secretary of the union. The re-
sult of the consultation was that Mr. Ward had to
get rid of Addis. Moreover, Reaney said Mr. Ward
would have to pay £3O for the week his men had
been out of employ, and this demand also was com-
plied with. Mr. Ward afterwards set Addis up as
a small manufacturer, in order' that he might do the
work which he required time for, and which none
other men in the trade could do so well.

Jas. Addis, a carving tool forger, confirmed these I
statements, and gave evidence as to his being as-
saulted iu a hotel. Before the assault the men said
to him, "how many trades union meetings have
we had through you ?" They locked him in the
room and kicked him with their heavy boots, and he
had two severe wounds on the head. The whole of
the men were apprehended on a warrant, and three
of them were each fined £5 and costs, while Jepson,
the ringleader, for whom he interceded, was ordered
by the magistrates to pay £3 and costs. lle had not
since been assaulted.

John Hague, member of the firm of Hague, Clegg,
and Co., saw, file, and machine knife manufacturers,
said that in May, 1863, their firm employed Fearne-
hough. lie was not on the list of men sent to wit-
ness by Broadhead, and Broadhead said Fearne-
hough was not a member of the trade. Witness
said he would engage Fearnehough and take the
consequences. Since the blowing up of his house
Fearnehough had told witness that at that time
Broadhead offered him ss. to take away the bands.
While Fearnehough was working for witness, at the
Arundel wheel, witness was rattened. Witness em-
ployed Fearnehough till he was afraid to stay any
longer. A forger named Jas. Thomas told witness
that he heard a grinder—he thought named Shaw—
say—" I would blow the place up if they would give
the word." Upon this information a policeman was
at once sent for Thomas.

Thomas was brought into court, and examined in
reference to what he had heard Shaw say. He
stated that Shaw said there was a man who had
been to Broadhead several times to ask leave to blow
the place up where Fearnehough was working for
£5, but Broadhead would not sanction it. Fearne-
bough was not then working for Hague.

Charles Staniforth was the next witness called.
He said that he was employed by Hague, Clegg,
and Co. up to June last, and was there when Fearne-
hough left, helping to remove some tools. Shaw
did not tell witness he knew a man who would blow
up Fearnehough's house for £5, but Broadhead
would not sanction it. Neither did Thomas say so
—but Thomas did say it could be done. Witness
spoke to Shaw the week after Fearuehough left.
Shaw said, " Old Toni has gone to Butcher's, and
all's locked up there and you cannot get in." Wit-
ness was not in Sheffield at the time when Fearne-
hough was blown up ; he was at Manchester, nor
did he come to Sheffield till about October. Broad-
head came to his place a time or two, but all be
said was that " Torn had left," and they had fixed
on witness to fill his place. Fearnehough left be-
cause his masters wera dissatisfied.
Mr. 0 verend—You told me before he left because
he was not safe.

Witness—Yes, he was afraid of them rolling him
up—that is, rolling his bands up. Fearnehough
said to witness he would not pay any more as long
as Broadhead was secretary to the union. He would
see hint at hell first. Witness ,told that to Broad-
head. After Fearnehough was blown up, they said
they would try to find it out, but he said they
would not.

Mr. Overend—Why did you say so?
Witness was very much pressed on this point,
but he said hi 3 chief reason was that he did not
think they would, not even if they were to offer
£l,OOO. This was his opinion.
George Shaw, alias Putty Shaw, formerly em-
ployed by Fearnehough, said ha was a member of
the union. Did not know if Fearnehough was in
arrear, nor was he aware that there was any dis-
pute between him and the union. Did not recol-
lect speaking to Stainforth about Fearnehough not
paying his contributions. No person ever told him
he was disposed to do Fearnehough an injury. Never
knew of any one wanting to blow the place up. Did
not know who said he would do it for £5. Knew of
no application to Broadhead to blow up the place,

and Broadhead would not consent. Never told
Thomas a man wanted to blow the place up for £5,
but Broadhead would not sanction it. Would swear
he never mentioned anything about such a matter.
lie might, however, have said something, but had
forgotten it. _ _

Overend —Now mind, Thomas said you told
1-17 m a man wanted to blow Hague's place up for £5.
Now did you tell Thomas so ?
Witness—No, it is false—quite an invention of
Thomas's. Never talked to any one about the place
being blown up. Had not seen Mr. Broadhead that
morning, nor had he had any communication with
him about this matter, nor with the committee, nor
with any member of the committee. Had never
spoken with any one as to what he was to say.
Wm. 117oodhead, saw grinder, said he was work-
ing at Hague's iu 1865, but was employed by Fearne-
hough. Never told Hague he might expect to be
rattened , but he had said to Fearnehough, " Are
you not frightened of your bands going ?" and that
night he was rattened, though he was sure he did
not know by whom. It was merely a suggestion of
his, but he did not know why he gave it. Never said
to Fearnehough' " You had better look out, you
have not a minute to call your own." Did not
know that Fearnehough at that time was giving
great dissatisfaction to the union, or that he was an
object of their abusive language. Mr. Clegg dis-
charged witness from the place after it was broken
into. Clegg suspected witness when he dismissed
him. He told witness that he (witness) had men-
tioned the night before that the premises would be
entered. Witness answered he only made a sugges-
tion, but Clegg said he must know something about
it. He would swear that he had received no infor-
mation about the premises being entered. He
meant to say he made the suggestion with-
out any knowledge of what was to be done.
Saw George Shaw that morning, and he left
him at Broadhead's. He went to Broadhead's,
and Shaw was there. (Shaw had previously denied
seeing Broadhead.) Shaw and Broadhead were in
the tap-room together. Did not know why he
went to Broadhead. Had talked the matter over
with him, but not with Shaw. He was with Shaw
about five minutes. (This part of the witness's
evidence caused considerable excitement in court.)
George Shaw was then recalled.

Mr. Orerend, addressing witness, said lie under-
stood him to say that he went very early to work
that morning, and hal not heard anything about
the matter before he came there.

-Witness admitted he did say so.
Mr. Overend—And you also said you had never
seen Broadhead at all ?

Witness said he thought not.

Mr. Overend reminded him he had said he came
straightafrom work. Now is it true you saw Broad-
head this morning ?

Witness—Yes.

Why did you not tell us that was not asked.
Yes you were. What did you go there for ?—I
merely went to see what they had sent me that
(showing the summons) for.
Did you talk the matter over with Broadhead ?
No.

How dare you tell me, sir, that you had never
seen Broadhead?

Witness said he was asked if he had seen Broad-
head, and he answered, " Not more than three
times since Christmas." lie was not asked if he
had seen Broadhead that morning.
Mr. Overend said they would send for the Go-
vernment reporter's notes, and in the meantime the
policeman was not to let the witness leave the court.
After a delay of about 20 minutes, the notes of
the Government shorthand writer were procured.
After reading the above evidence, Mr. Overend
asked the witness if he was aware of the cmse-
quences to which he had rendered himself liable,
and expressed his surprise that Mr. Broadhead
should not have contradicted the witness, as he was
present in court at the time that the evidence was
given. He should take further advice on the subject
of the witness's perjury, and he had no doubt wit-
ness would find out what trouble he had got himself
into.

The Court then adjourned until Tnursday, the
13th inst.

JEFFER.SON DAVIS'S 01)1A lONS.

The New York correspondent of the Standard
fastens as much odium as possible on the chief he
professes to admire. On Friday, 17th May, Mr.
DAVIS received a party of gentlemen at his hotel,
who, as old friends, readily obtained admission, and
were taken into confidence. We suppose the corre-
spondent was one, as he appears to be fully ac-
quainted with thelong conversation that followed. In
Mr. DAVIS'S opinion, the South would have done
much better to refuse to reorganise the States
under the Construction Acts. The Radicals would
have been powerless to force reorganisation on the
Southern people, and the sympathies of the North
would ultimately have been excited if these suffer-
ings were patiently endured. Radicalism would
have been swept from power, and the South re-
admitted to Congress on the old basis. The
Northern Conservatives would have been strength-
ened by the Southern members, the PRESIDENT'S
vetoes potent, the persecution of the South stopped,
the confiscation scheme impossible, and the next
Presidential election controlled.

This programme may be very pretty in theory.
The intimate knowledge displayed by JEFFER-
SON DAVIS of the whole position, more espe-
cially "of the feeling that animates Northern
people, must have great weight, and cause
bitter regret that he was not earlier consulted.
Mr. DAvis's policy has already been so beneficial to
the South, that few would feel inclined to dispute
any doctrine he laid down. It is just possible that
he separates too distinctly the Radicals from the
mass of Northern citizens, and that he may have
made this fatal mistake throughout his whole
career. He admitted that there was some force in
the argument that the South would be re-organised
under any circumstances under the Military Acts,
and that if the white people did not take the matter
into their own hands, the Government would be
placed in the hands of the blacks. But though
admitting its force, he combated it by the asser-
tion that acceptance of Radical terms would
roonit in nothing better. " The majority in
Congress did not mean to recognise represen-
tative Southerners. They would receive only
negroes and white men easily manipulated by the
leading legislators. In fact as politicians the Radi-
cals would commit suicide if they should recognise
State Governments, and Congressmen elected by
representative population of the South." As the
Radicals, however, have before them the political
suicide of these very representatives when formerly
returned, and the spectacle not being encouraging,
they are unlikely to follow such an example,
nor can they be expected to sacrifice themselves if
Mr. DAVIS'S assertion is true that these Radicals have
no real patriotism. Mr. DAVIs must, indeed, have
lost his intellect if he talked all this rubbish. The
party in power must conform to the will of the
people, who intend to reconstruct their Government
on the. principles for which they have fought and
suffered. The Democrats seem always to have in
view the intention of vilifying Democratic institu-
tions, however contradictory the statement may
appear. Europeans become impressed with the
conviction, from these assertions constantly repeated,
that the United States are governed by a clique of
unprincipled agitators, whose sole object is to ad-
vance their individual interests. It is not easy to
reconcile such assertions with the devotion and
sacrifices of the nation. But people are not here in
the habit of thinking out questions for themselves,
and they are content to accept these ridiculous and
untruthful statements. If true, Democracy is a
failure; and if it fails in the United States, it has
little chance of success elsewhere. There is, how-
-1
ever, as much truth in these assertions as in the way
in which England is often represented in the United
States; —As a country trodden beneath the feet of
an oligarchy—a land lying frozen in the cold shade
of aristocracy—under a grasping, selfish, perfidious
Government, that drains the life-blood of every
State and colony, to gorge and fatten a privileged
class.

From politics Mr. DA VIS passed to the cotton crop,
when he pronounced an opinion at variance with
that generally entertained, estimating the coming