The Sun.
London, England, 1867-01-17 00:00:00

British Action on the Atabama Claims,

Lord STANLEY could scarcely have approached at
a better time the claims of the United States against
the British Government for injuries inflicted by

British subjects on American commerce during the

war. The sting from which JOHN BULL recoils is
imaginary, but may be very painful for all that.
At the first glance an Englishman is inclined indig-
nantly to disallow the American claims. When
compelled to explain his reasons, it is seen that he
knows little of the merits of the question in dis-
pute, but he considers the honour of the country
committed to Lord RUSSELL'S decision. " Can
we," he asks, " who refused to submit the matter
" to arbitration on the demand of the United States,

" when exhausted by her protracted warfare, now sue
" to have the question submitted to arbitration when
" the United States demands it in the plenitude of re-
" covered strength? What would the world in gene-
" ral say of us, and the United States in particular ?"
In reality the circumstances are the reverse of those
thus put. When the United States, through its
Minister in London, first officially raised the ques-
tion, its army, navy, and war material was on a
scale of such magnitude, that in a few days she
could have occupied every capital of British North
America and captured all their garrisons. She
could have diverted public attention from grave
political questions by a foreign war, the first en-
counters of which must have been favourable to her
arms. her enemy had everything to lose and no-
thing to gain, while she had much to gain and com-
paratively little to lose. The Canadas, Nova Scotia,
and New Brunswick, would have been her's. Enor-
mous plunder would have been gathered at sea and
British commerce destroyed. Her own flag had
already more than half disappeared from the ocean ;
her armaments were all ready and equipped. In-
deed, had the United States been inclined to
act the part of an unscrupulous bully, that
was her time, and Lord RUSSELL must have had
great confidence in the forbearance of the Govern-
ment with whom he was dealing when he couched
his peremptory denial in such ungracious terms.
The circumstances have a good deal changed since
then. The United States has unbuckled and laid
aside her armour, which however satisfactory as a
trophy, is far from being pleasant as a dress. She
has settled down to the pursuits of peace, and
accomplished by prodigious efforts large reductions
of the war debts. These efforts have not been found
so agreeable that the country would like to saddle
itself with additional burdens. With the army and
navy on a peace footing, transports and material
sold, and the citizens busily employed in developing
the resources of the country, it would be no light
cause which could induce the nation to plunge into
another great contest. But this is not all. The two
great branches of the Government are at open war.
Congress has shown that it is prepared to use its ut-
most power against the chief of the Executive. If Con-
gress has great constitutional authority, so also has the
PRESIDENT—and if one attacks violently, the other
may defend as unscrupulously. Both parties are
powerfully supported, and neither show signs of
yielding. The paltry claims for damage done by
one or two piratical cruisers is a mere question of
sentiment when compared with the national ques-
tions involved in the dispute between the PRESIDENT
and Congress. On the whole, it is not likely that
her MAJESTY'S Government will ever have a better
opportunity than the present to bring these claims
forward for discussion. The Secretary for Foreign
Affairs has instructed the British Minister at Was:
ington to propose a resort to arbitration, and it is
inferred, since the Government has given publicity
that the al has been well received

to this fact.

propos