The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-06 00:00:00

OPENING OF PARLIAMENT

The once proverbial fine weather of the Queen on
State occasions yesterday afternoon again failed her
Majesty completely. A drizzling rain and cold
raw atmosphere were the equable accompani-
ments of the annually-recurring ceremonial of the
opening of Parliament by the reigning Sove
reign. In spite of this, however, the attend-
ance of the general public in the streets along either
side of the whole line traversed by the precession,
from Buckingham Palace to the Palace of the
Legislature, was very considerable. And their
patience loyally withstood the " pelting of the piti-
less"—hardly can we call it storm—but at, any rate
of the dull depressing Scotch mist that came down
anything but handsomely under a gloomy, sunless
sky.

In Whitehall and Parliament-street the specta-
tors were not confined to the streets—large galleries
in many places erected in front of the various bal-
conies were filled principally by ladies.
A few minutes before one a squadron of the Life
Guards took possession of the line of route, and from
that hour until a short timeprevious to the royal car-
riages leaving Buckingham Palace, the chariots of
the nobility, their occupants being elegantly
dressed, continued to pass on their way to the House
of Peers.

Her Majesty throughout the entire length of the
journey was enthusiastically received with waving
of hats and handkerchiefs and great cheering.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Within the House of Lords, on our entering it at
a quarter before one o'clock, the peeresses were
already ranged in brilliant array, not only along the
four principal benches ou both sides of the body of
the house but in either gallery—the beauty of their
features dimmed by the prevailing darkness, but the
radiant and variegated colouring of their dresses
still conspicuously lighting up the grand Gothic
interioc.-

The scene within the " House " is one of peculiar
grandeur whenever her Majesty deigns to open
Parliament in person, and although the ceremony
is the same on all occasions of her Majesty's pre-
sence, yet the crowd of peers, peeresses, and their
sons and daughters that always assemble to meet
their sovereign seems yearly to increase. The
doors of the House had been opened at twelve
o'clock, and considering that the fair sex were in
question it was rather surprising to see the num-
bers that had already arrived. The peeresses had
come in rapidly in little groups of twos and threes,
and, after much bowing and talk with friends, had
been ushered to their places by the messengers, and
were now occupying themselves in gazing at the
rich, and angular but strictly Gothic throne.
The body of the House kept gradually filling
up, and most of the front benches were filled
before one o'clock.

Among the peers earliest in their attendance we
observed the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Arch-
bishop of York, the Archbishop of Dublin, the
Bishop of London, the Bishop of Oxford, and other
prelates—the bishops bench, indeed, being about the
first filled.

The Judges followed not long afterwards.
The Diplomatic Corps was fully represented.
Among the first in their attendance being the
French Ambassador, the Prince de la Tour
d'Auvergne. Among the latest M. Musurus, the
Turkish Ambassador. Noticeable also amongst the
earliest in their arrival were Lord Houghton, Earl
Granville, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Duke of
Sutherland, the Earl of Shrewsbury and Talbot, the
Duke of Marlborough, the Earl of Derby, the Earl
of Cardigan, and the Marquis of Westminster.
Punctually at half-past one the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Chelmsford, carrying in his hand the Royal
Speech, preceded by the bearers of the Mace and
Great Seal entered, and took his seat on the woolsack.
Later on entered at a quarter to two his Royal
Highness the Prince of Wales, who passed in
through at the entrance at the left hand of the
Throne, followed by his Royal Highness the Duke
of Edinburgh, and his Royal Highness the Duke
of Cambridge, the General Commanding-in-Chief.
They took almost immediately upon their entrance
their accustomed places, namely, at the upper end
of the front benph of the Opposition.

Towards two o'clock, the house being crowded
in all parts, and very gorgeous in the general effect.
Notwithstanding the still prevailing gloom, there
were evidences of preparation for the entrance of
the Sovereign in the scattering from the steps of
the throne of the principal personages hitherto
grouped about them in conversation, and who now
passed into the lobbies to be in readiness there to
form into the line of procession ; among these were
the Lord Chancellor, the Prime Minister, the Gold
Stick-in-Waiting, and others.

The arrival of her Majesty was now looked for with
much interest ; and no sooner was the distant flourish
of trumpets heard than a messenger entered the
house rather in a hurry, and requested my lords
and ladies to uncover, at which there was a general
uprising of all the ladies present, and amid a great
rustle, and audible laughing, mantles and shawls
were laid aside—no one knows where, though effec-
tually out of sight. Again there was a pause,
during which many peers came in. The ladies here
began again putting on their shawls, with as
much care as such a furtive toilet admits of, when
the doors were thrown open and the heralds entered
two by two, bowing stiffly in their rich and awk-.
ward tabards, as they passed before the throne.
The great officers of the household, in their
splendid uniforms, succeelled, followed by the Earl
of Derby with the Sword of State before the
Queen, at whose appearance all rise and stand.
Dressed simply but richly in black moire
antique, wearing diamonds upon the bosom, and
tiara-like upon her Marie-Stuart cap, from which
depended a flowing white lace veil that fell in ample
folds upon her shoulders, her Majesty took her seat
upon the throne. The assembly having been
authorised, in the name of her Majesty, by
the Lord Chancellor to be seated, there was
a pause until the Commons of England, headet
by the Speaker, and ushered by the Black Rod,
hustled each other to the bar. Among the few who,
were crowded together at the bar we observed,
standing immediately in the neighbourhood of the
Speaker, the Sergeant-at-Arms, and the Black Rod
—Mr. Disraeli, Sir Stafford Northcote, Lord John
Manners, &c.—not a sign of Mr. Gladstone. The
Lord Chancellor then, standing at the right hand
of the throne, read aloud the Queen's Speech,
which appeared in our columns yesterday. The pro-
ceedings then terminated by the rapid filing out of
the royal procession ; but (unlike last year) her
Majesty looked up once or twice while seated upon
the throne. Before the Queen's departure from the
House her Majesty kissed their Royal Highnesses
the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Edinburgh,
his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge kissing
her Majesty's hand, as did the Duke of Edinburgh.
Their lordships then adjourned during pleasure.;

The House resumed shortly after five o'clock, and
there was a large attendance of Peers. Several
peeresses were also present, and the Strangers'
Gallery was filled.
NEV PEERS.
Viscount Monck, who has been recently created
a British Peer, and Lord Aboyne, who has been
called to the Upper House by the title of Baron
Branceforth, respectively took the oaths and their
seats.

TIIE QUEEN'S SPEECH.
A bill having been read a first time formally,
The LORD CHANCELLOR read the Queen's Speech.
Earl BEAUCHAMP rose to move an bumble address
n reply to her Majesty's gracious Speech. He said
that the Speech contained much that was calculated
to give satisfaction to that house and the country.
The reference to the friendly terms with foreign
countries was necessarily a most agreeable circum-
stance, and, as regarded the United States, he
believed that the portion of the Royal address re-
lating to that great republic would be in conformity
with the general feeling of the country. With re-
spect to the Island of Crete, there was a deep sym_
pathy on the part of the people of this country in
reference to the gallant and heroic struggles of the
people of that island. Ho was glad that
Parliament wafi not sitting At the thin the

insurrection in that island broke out, as
words of sympathy might have been uttered
which probably might have given rise to some dis-
agreeable feelings on the part of the Porte. He
trusted that the feeling expressed by this country
and other European powers would induce the Sul-
tan to act with wisdom and humanity towards the
people of that island. (Hear, hear.) The great
events on the continent, however they might be re-
garded, would, he trusted, have the effect of
effecting an union between the States that
were affected and lead to peace. (Hear.) He hoped
that the advice contained in her Majesty's Speech as
regarded the dispassionate consideration of the sub-
ject of Reform would be acted on by Parliament.
As regarded the subject of Trades' Unions he
adverted to the importance of that matter,
and to the statements in her Majesty's Speech
in reference to the same. He laid down
as an axiom that there could be no
freedom in trade without freedom in labour,
and attributed to the operation of the trades unions
the diversion of a large amount of manufactures from
England to other countries. Having noticed in
detail the other points in the Royal Speech, he re-
ferred to the enthusiastic reception of her Majesty
by the public that day, and the sympathy
felt on the part of the people at large in the sorrow
of her Majesty. The address of the noble lord was
brief, but very appropriate, and he resumed his seat
amid loud applause.

The Earl of DELAMERE seconded the motion in
a terse but effective speech.
Earl RUSSELL—I am happy to say that with regard to
the motion for the Address that has been so fairly and tem-
perately moved and sccon Jed, I can see no reason for ob-
jecting to any part of that Address. With respect to the
Speech, however, I think it necessary to make some obser-
vations. No one can complain either of the brevity or want
of variety in the topics, the only difficulty is to choose among
so many topics those that one attaches the most importance
to. I will therefore proceed to touch on a few of those topics
that I myself think are the most important. In the first place,
the thing that strikes one's attention is the question of the
late war In Europe, and upon that subject I would rather

call the attention of your lordships-to the statement in the
Speech from the Throne on the prorogation of the last
Parliament than to the very short sentence upon it in the

present Speech. At the end of the session her Majesty was
pleas3d to declare that she had been no indifferent specta-
tor of events that had taken place on the Continent, but
that she had not taken any part in a conflict in which
neither the honour nor the interest of the people demanded

her active participation. I entirely agree with that sen-
tence. It appears to carry fully and satisfactorily the rea-
sons why her Majesty did not participate in the war
between Prussia and Austria. My lords, her Majesty is
made to say, ".I hope that the termination of that war will
lead to the establishment of a durable peace." Well, we

all hope for the same thing, and though I for one sincerely
hope that that will be the case, at the same time I can-
not speak sanguinely upon that subject, because I must
say that ever since the aggression upon Denmark that took
place two years ago against all treaties, and all faith that has
been hitherto observed, there has been roused a spirit of
aggression in Europe, especially on the part of one power,
which may in future lead to great calamities. I trust that
it will not be so ; but it is impossible to view without pain
the probability of some such catastrophe, still more if we
refer to rumours that are afloat upon the subject. The next
topic which is referred to in the Royal Speech is that
with regard to the United States—" I have suggested
to the Government of the United States a mode by which
questions pending between the two countries arising out
of the civil war may receive an amicable solution, and
which; if met, as I trust it will be, in a corresponding
spirit, will remove all grounds of possible misunderstand-
ing, and promote relations of cordial friendship." I believe
that it is not quite good grammar to talk about meeting a

mode; but with regard to the substance of the paragraph,
I must say that I do not see any reasons why one Secre-
tary of State should not enter into communications with
another, even although they may come to different conclu-
sions as to the particular course of action. With regard to
this matter I acted more in conformity with the views of
the American Government than my predecessors had done,
and I see no reason why a Secretary of State may not take
such a course of action amicably, provided that the honour
of the country is not involved in any concession that is
made. Indeed I should hear with extreme and painful

surprise that the noble earl opposite had consented to any

solution of the question by which the honour of the coun-
try was at all compromised. (Hear.) I conclude that the
papers on that subject will be laid before Parliament at
the earliest possible period, and that we shall ba informed
very soon what proposition her Majesty's Government has
made, and whether it was met in a corresponding spirit,
such as her Majesty's Government anticipated. it would be
met with. Now, my lords, there are various topics in the
Speech which I do not think it necessary to deal with here.
There are many measures of great importance, and I trust
that when those measures are produced your lordships will
find that the proposals and the measures introduced will
be such as will be conducive to the welfare of the country.
I now come to one subject on which the attention of the
country is fixed, and that the question of the reform in
Parliament. It is said, " Your attention will again be
called to the state of the representation of the people in

Parliament, and I trust that your deliberations, conducted
. .

in a spirit of moderation and mutual forbearance, may
lead to the adoption of measures which, with-
out unduly disturbing the balance of political power,
shall freely extend the elective franchise." I hope
I may conclude from that paragraph, which is some-
what mysterious in its wording, that a measure in the shape
of a bill will be very soon introduced into the other house,
and that it will contain provisions so clear that the house will
be able to consider it in a spirit of fairness. I must, however,
request your lordships to allow me to state how it is the
question has arrived at the position at which it at present
' • '

stands. There was unfortunately introduced into the Reform
Bill of 1832 by Lord Chandos a clause, which introduced into
the electoral body a set of persons who I should say are the
most dependent class existing in this country, viz., the

£5O tenants-at-will. (Oh, oh.) It was, therefore, after-
wards proposed that the occupiers of a lower amount in
the counties, and the occupiers of lower than£lo houses in
the towns should be admitted to the franchise, but it was
constantly opposed on the ground that it would be de-
grading the franchise, and consequently when the noble
earl in 1839 was in power it was declared that the extension
of the franchise must only bo in a lateral direction, and that
no lowering of the franchise in towns would be admitted
or listened to, the effect of which would be to exclude every
man under £lO for ever—men who were perfectly able to
exercise the franchise, and who, in my opinion, ought to

enjoy it. The bill of the noble earl had also another great
defect— that of intending to restore nomination boroughs,
for it was clear that by the provisions of that bill a land-
lord who lived 200 miles away would be able to swamp tho
inhabitants of the borough. That being the case, I consi-

dered it my duty to endeavour to reject the bill by resolu-
tion on its second reading in the House of Commons, and
on its being carried the Government of that day was ob-
liged to give up the bill, and they dissolved the Parliament.
The lowering of the franchise has been constantly opposed
since 1851, and before the general election of 1865 it was
declared by the right hon. gentleman the member for Buck-
inghamshire that the House of Commons had happily refused
to degrade the franchise by the admission of the best of those
artisans who lived in houses somewhat below £lO per an-
num. That was constantly said and done until last ses-
sion, and then what happened ? Government of that day
thought it right again to introduce a measure of reform,
and I think if your lordships will eonsidar a 'monient
that the proposition to admit in the counties men who
rented under £5O, and in the boroughs under £lO, need
not have so frightened hon. gentlemen, because the prin-
ciple had been admitted in the Reform Bill which was
passed for Ireland. But, unfortunately, that bill, which
proposed to lower the franchise in counties to £l4 and in
boroughs to £7, was met by an opposition which I have
always considered was neither honourable to the person
who promoted it nor safe to the country. (Oh, oh, an d
hear, hear.) The noble earl now at the head of the Go-
vernment, referring on that occasion to the proposed bill of
the Government, expressed a hope that it would be a mea-
sure which he should be able to support, and that it was
one which would reasonably and satisfactorily settle this
important question. It was desirable, the noble lord said,
to settle it once and for all, and he promised me that my
bill should have fair play—(hear, hear, from Lord Derby)
—and that it should not meet with any factious opposition
or combination against it, but that it should be considered
and dealt with on its merits. (Hear, hear, from Lord Derby.)
If the bill was one which ho approved of ho would give it
his cordial support, but if, on the other hand, he consi-
dered it au imperfect, inadequate, and dangerous mea-
sure, he would do his best to throw it out by fair de-
bate and au honourable opposition. (Cheers from the
Ministerial benches.) Now, my opinion is that that bill did
not have fair play, but was thrust aside by underhand
means. It was not opposed on its merits, but by a factious
movement and combination against it; uor was it opposed
by a fair debate and honourable opposition. That is
my statement with regard to the bill of last session. It is
hardly regular for me to trace that bill through its stages in

the other house, but I have stated that I do not consider
that it was defeated by fair debate and an honourable oppo-
sition. One proposition was that the county franchise should
be £l4 per annum. That was met by a proposition that it
should be £2O. Now, that was 4 fair mode of meeting the
bill and of dealing with the question. But let mo state the
other course that was proposed. It was not considered suf-
ficient to deal first with the franchise upon the principle
that had been laid down for Ireland, and it was objected to
proceed with that bill by those who were opposed to any
change, as well as by others, on the ground that the subject
should be dealt with as a whole, and that the bill for the
redistribution of seats should bo taken first, by which means
much valuable time would have boon lost, and the discus-
sion would have occupied some months on the merits and

demerits of that part of the question, so that it would have
Inc quite hepoeeible to have had any (WOW:WWII VI the