The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-01 00:00:00

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classified in three classes—go4-f;:v ',-:(4, „• ~.,
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The generality of the boots se !-.,..., ,
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from the doubtful class, and . irzi-1:144: .- "f;711,_
..).7.
j
torn -the good, the bad, and thi5z1t,14..474.:::
inspected at all. In his inspev I ,w:.il4 47: c::"
did not remember seeing any- o -s e-T741:71Mi ,
but one of the par; now on the tab tvas)Airigi•
patent. - - •
Mt. Watson was recalled, and the shoit-hand,
writer read to him the evidence of the last witness.
In reply to the chairman, he said he had n, doubt
the witness Hall was under a misapprehension, as
the boots were packed from those marked as bad
and doubtful.
.Hall, on the other hand, stated in reply to Mr.
Turner, that he could take upon himself to say
positively that casks were forwarded to the Tower
which had never been Opened at all.
Just.before the close Of the day's inquiry it was
discovered that the boots in question were not the
Tower boots-at all, but-boots that-had--eome into
store since, ,which would account• for the discre-
pancy in the evidence of the last three witnesses.
At a quarter to six. o'clock the commissioners
adjourned theinquiry till to=morrow (this day).

Z/Z

LORD STANLEY ON INDIA.

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ne most liberal and enlightened member of Lord
Deilay's Administration has—just delivered a. brief
but pregnant address, which shows that he is
thoroughly penetrated. by the trek principles that
should guide him in. the arduous and responsible
office he has undertaken: Lord Stanley, at the
Fishmongers' Hall banquet., expressed the belief—
and we are quite ready to indulge the hope—that
the transfer which has taken place of the Indian
Government from the East India Company to the
Executive of this country, may on the whole be
productive of Viiatetio India. As our -fead6rs are
aware, We opposed that _change, especially= in the
form under which it was tit 'first proposed to the
consideration of the LegiSlature. In the pi-egress
-of the measure through Parliament it experienced
• " . and we are 'quite
had indeed come when
hands 'which- had so
wield( d it, could no
ffsfeiviirth-e-stape it
in'the manner least
,-ery new scheme of
go wept. ...,tinny for its success on the
mode in which it is worked, and none whowitnessed
the ability with which Lord Stanley conducted the
measure in its final stages through Parliament, or
have marked the fairness and discrimination which
have characterised the subsequent appointments to
the Council, can refuse to acknowledge that the ad-
ministration of Indian affairs can hardly be in
better and safer hands than those of the present
Secretary. The address to which we now draw
attention will tend to confirm the favourable im-
presSions so generally entertained of Lord Stanley's
eminent fitness for his difficult and responsible, post.
While expressing the hope, in which we cordially
concur; that the change of system may tend
to a larger introduction into India of Euro-
pean energy, ent:rprise, and thought, Lord Stan-
ley, does.. not conceal from himself the in-
creased responsibilities which are thus thrown
upon the Government of this country. "We have
to guard against a double danger. We have to pro-
tect India from the fluctuations-of Parliamentary
politics, and to protect England from the more in-
direct and rernote, but perhaps not less real; risk
which may arise from_thes connection of its Execu-
tive with an Executive which is necesarily des-
"potic." Those are wise and well-weighed words ;
it would not be easy to describe in language -more
terse and comprehensive the true nature of the
double difficulty which arises from the assumption
by the BritiSh_Crown of the single government of
India. It is the difficulty which has been repeatedly
pointed out in these columns, and against whiehwe
rather indulge the hope then entertain the convic-
tion, that the firmness of Government and the wis-
dom of Parliament will be found adequate to prevail.
Those who consider the amount of power now
vested in the Secretary for India, will find it difficult
to regard with equanimity-those possible conse-
quences of the parliamentary conflict of 'parties
which might transfer in a moment the supreme
control over Indian affairs from the capable hands
of Lord Stanley to the incapable hands of a Vernon
Smith. It is probably, however, not too much to
hope, even from the most reckless of governments,
that their chiefs will in future show sonic adequate
sense of the great importanceof rightly filling the
arduous post of Secretary for India. If it is to take
the rank which from its difficulty and responsibility
it ought henceforth to assume in the official hier-
archy, it will generally be regarded as a worthy
prize of the highest miri Aerial ambition, the. test
and reward of the most consummate capacity for
serving the State.
It is only in his . correct appreciation of the
difficulties and dangers likely to arise in this court
try from the wOrki.ng of the new system, that tha
young Secretary for India evinces his perfect com-
prehension of the true-relative position of England -
and her great dependency. His remarks upon
the effects likely to be produced in India by those
mistaken efforts to do good which have been
in some quarters so inconsiderately urged on
Government, are by no means the least statesman-
like portion of his address. These observations aro
so well expressed—they arc so highly deserving of
attention in themselves—so doubly deserting
of at-
tention as coming from the Indian Minister—that
it would be unpardonable not to give them all are
prominence in our power. Lord Stanley, after ex-
pressing what we trust is a well-grounded hope
that the exasperation of feeling which prevailed in
this country against the natives of India is
course of gradual extinction with the cause to
which it owed its origin, proceeded in the folio-sing strain of wise and elevated liberality :
• - I think, however, we should remember that it i
not only from ill will or ill feelings on our part,
but also from uninformed and misdirected efforts
for doing' good, that our influence and Government
in India have been exposed to danger. (Hear,
hear.) 'We do, I believe, regard—and undoubtedly we
ought to regard—the natives of India as persons towards
whom it is our duty to feel good will, and for whose welfare
it is our duty to labour ; but that is not enough.,
It is not enough . t') regard them as objects upon
whom our benevolence may be exercised, or as persons upon
whom it is in our power to operate important changes for
good. We must look upon them also as men with whom,
and not against whom, w.) have to work—as men with feel-
ings of their own-7(hear, hear)—as men who, although
politically subject to us, have a sense of their own rights
and a respect for their own independence—(hearthear)and
as men who will be apt to be all the more tenacious of their
intellectual independence and national customs because
of the political subjection in which they are held. (Hear.)
There can be no doubt that the position of a conquering
and governing race" confers many advantages as regards
the influence which may be exercised over a conquered
people ; but that position carries with it this disadvantage
—that a conquering race almost inevitably displays a
certain sense of superiority---a certain arrogance, if that be
not too harsh a word to use—a certain disregard of the
feelings of others, which, not being placed under such
circumstances, it is hardly possible for us to under-
stand. Ido not hesitate to say that, unless we keep
within proper bounds our feeling of national superiority,
unless we remember carefully, and even jealously, to
respect the feelings, a-id even the prejudices of those
with whom we have to deal—above all, if we attempt
to introduce the force and influence of Government
into that which ought to be matter of private conviction
between man and his own conscience, or if we are even sus-
pected, upon plausible grounds, of attempting or intending
it, our endeavours at improvement will be thrown back in
our face as insults, and we shall end by doing more harm
than good." (Hear, hear.)
These are the sentiments of a true Statesman an&
an enlightened Christian. There can be no greater
mistake than that of confounding the ancient and
corrupt semi-civilisation of India with the gross and
simple savagery of African, or Australian, or Poly-
' nesian aborigines. The profound and dreamy idealism
of Hindoo philosophy—the immemorial fixity of
Hindoo usages, the impure but imposing ceremonial
of Hindoo superstition, which pervades life from the
cradle to the grave—these things are not to be
ignored, but to be deeply. meditated -by
,the
dominant nation to whose destiny it has fallen to
rule over the millions of India. It is not with
simple natures, or unfurnished- minds, that the
European Government of India. or the Christian
missionaries of India have to deal. In many a
broad province of that vast region there are still
to be found fierce and intractable souls, reluctantly
succumbing to an inevitable yoke ; everywhere
there is to be encountered great subtlety of dis-
putation ; an ardent attachment to ancient insti-
tutions ; a bigoted and intense devotion to a religion
which not only affects to .teach the mysteries of
Theogony and the ceremonies of worship, but pre-
scribes the bounds of society and regulates -the
forms of life. Among such -a people as this
the arrogance of a dominant race, if imported
into missionary effort, must necessarily produce
effects the most disastrous. Lord Stanley , has
touched upon a truth of universal history when he
reminds us that races held in political subjection
are on' that very account all the more tenacious of
their intellectual independence and national custeml.
The fear that the -political subjection in which we
hold India was about to be organised
in an uni-
versal ascendancy over the opinions, the modes of
belief, and:the social habits of our Asiatic subjects—
this, more thaii any other sinle cause, was really at
the root of what we may nocv venture to call 'the
late insurrection. It is on all grounds a matter of
public congratulation that the Minister to whom
is entrusted the task of inaugurating, the new sys-
tem of Indian gOvernment should have had the
statesmanlike boldness, explicitly to insist upon
the duty of respecting not only the feelings but even
the prejudices of those whom it is our high destiny
against any
into that which ought to be matter of
taottreumlpe,ta,n,
to tionturottaeurcae sothleemnforwacernainna influence of
Government g
private conviction between. man and his own con-
sowncer"PimPi ly Et% .

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