The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-06 00:00:00

TH

IHE SUN, LOSUO.N, WEDNESDAY EVENING', FEBOLUARY 6, 1867.

intrigues of sets and cliques, and act in a spirit
worthy of those who meet to discuss the interests of
a great people. The House generally cannot com-
plain of the inertness of Government, and let it
mark its appreciation of their exertions by corre-
sponding activity on its part, and then make the
session of 1867 one worthy of note in the annals of
Parliament.

The opening of the Parliamentary campaign
was, contrary to usual custom, a little more warlike
in the Upper House than in the Lower. The de-
bates of the Peers are not usually so animated or
so interesting, but on the first night of a new ses-
sion we naturally look with some curiosity for the
utterances of the two Prime Ministers, past and
present. The speeches of L9rd DERBY and Lord
RUSSELL were of course the principal events of the
evening, though Earl BEAUCHA3IP and Lord DELA-
MERE discharged their duties as mover and seconder
very ably. The noble seconder, indeed, a new
member, delivered a mast interesting address, touch-
ing briefly upon all the topics of the Speech.
Both mover and seconder referred particularly to
the existing relations between labour and capital,
and Lord DELAMERE did not fail to comment on
the conduct of the London shipwrights. These
men, he said, refused to work for 6s. 6d. a day, that
is to say, over £lOO a year, a larger income than is
enjoyed by many Government clerks and poor
curates. They, therefore, throw their families upon
the parish, and people who earn ss. a day will have
to pay increased rates to support man who refuse
to work for 6s. 6d. " The trades' unions," said
Lord DELA3IERE, very justly, " when they go in for
an increase of wages, promise an immediate gain to
their members. Everybody can understand the ad-
vantage of an increase of wages. But when they
go further, when they interfere not only for the
purpose of raising the rate of wages, but when they
interfere with the freedom of labour of each other,
when they insist that a man shall not earn as much
as he can by the labour of his hands for the support
of his family, but insist on b. inging all down to one
low level, so that the skilful workman shall not do
more than the most ignorant and idle—if this is to
be allowed to take place, then I do not think I use
words too strong when I say that it is absolute
tyranny." Passing from this question to its kindred
one of the extension of the suffrage, Lord DELA-
MERE said, with great good sense, that he hoped for
a Reform Bill which should set the question at rest
for some time, though it could not dispose of the
question altogether. " I think, if I may use such a
phrase, that it is simply nonsense to be talking of
finality in reference to reform. You might as well
talk of finality in reference to steam, for in an age
such as this there cannot be such finality. What
will satisfy us will probably not do for what will
come after us. Whether it be a Liberal or a Con-
servative Government, if it is to stand, it cannot
stand still." This is sound sense and real Liberalism,
but too many of our politicians unnecessarily com-
plicate matters by attempting to legislate for the
future as well as for the present ; whereas, the very
idea of a final measure is certain to excite opposi-
tion and mistrust. It is, surely, enough if we can
settle the question for this generation. We do not
know what will be either the necessities or
the inclinations of those who are to succeed us, and
it is idle to suppose:they will abide by our dictum,
and not think for themselves.

Earl RUSSELL was less happy in his oratorical
efforts, and has opened the session in a manner
little calculated to reflect credit on himself or to
forward the business of the country. No one ex-
pects him to subscribe to all that his successors may
propose, and it is, perhaps, only natural that he
individually should be a severer critic of their re-
form schemes, in particular, than most other men.
But it showed a sad lack of taste and temper on
the part of the ex-Minister to condescend to
recriminations which might almost be called
abuse. Mr. BRIGHT on a provincial platform
may use what language he pleases, but when
Earl RUSSELL deliberately charges his opponents
with unfair and underhand conduct, when he de-
clares that they have no object but office in their
public life, then we are both pained and astonished.
He plainly intimated his belief that, instead of a
comprehensive Reform Bill, the Government de
facto would resort to " tricks and shuffles," that
they would deal with it unfairly and inadequately ;
and, although he said he would support a good bill,
he gave his hearers pretty clearly to understand that
no bill proposed by any Government but his own
would be a good measure. It would seem, indeed,
that the history of the Reform Bills of the last ten
years, of which we have most of us heard rather too
much, retains all its freshness for Earl RUSSELL.
He is like the recluse, who, when he came out
from his bookshelves, used to begin speaking of the
catastrophes of mediaeval history as of new and ex-
citing intelligence. Lord RUSSELL actually thinks
it necessary to enlighten their lordships respecting
the CHANDOS clause of 1832, and all the
subsequent attempts at failures of successive
Administrations in the matter of Reform '
" The Bill of 1859," " The lowering of the fran-
chise proposed in 1851," the duty incumbent on
Lord RUSSELL as overthrowing Lord DERBY'S last
administration by adverse reform resolutions, the
factious combinations against the Bill of last session
it was no wonder that, on the evoking of these too
familiar spectres, Lord DERBY'S usual courage gave
way, and he declared that unless they were got rid
of he had no hope of the future.

The noble Premier administered a grave and
dignified rebuke to his opponent, and the words
which he used will find an echo in the mind of every
conscientious and impartial politician. They show
that Lord DERBY, at least is prepared to approach
the great political problemof our day with calmness,

with moderation, with conciliation. "The question,"
said Lord DERBY " must be examined in a fair,
deliberate, and dispassionate spirit. We must be
prepared to give and take ; we must be prepared to
meet each other's views i we must be prepared,
above all things,- to cast away all questions of strife
and political power." In answer to the laughter
with which some of his hearers greeted this declara-
tion, Lord DEBBY simply reminded them that no
Government at the present moment could carry a
Reform Bill unaided. "In the present state of
parties no Government—be it on this side of the
House or be it on that—can hope to carry by their
own support and distinctive exertions, such a Reform
Bill as they might think the most desirable. If this
question is to be settled, it must be settled only by
mutual compromise and by mutual forbearance, and
not by bandying recriminations and reproaches
upon past discussions and differences." The best
thing fur all parties is to leave the past few years
with their mistakes and manoeuvres alone, and
address themselves to the dispassionate and candid
consideration of the question as it now stands. No
statesman has more need of a little kindly forgetful-
ness of the past than Lord RUSSELL since he moved
to the Upper House and left reform behind him.

- -
Lord DERBY'S observations upon the Alabama

claims, and our relations with America generally,
were all that could be wished. They manifested a

strong desire to preserve amicable relations between

the two countries, and a readiness to meet a fair
proposal in a conciliatory spirit, without compro-
the honour or interests of tho country,

raising

LA TEST INTELLIGENCE.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

PRUSSIA.

BERLIN, Feb. 6.
The King of Prussia has give sent to the
marriage of Princess Mary of Hohenzollern with the
Count of Flanders, who is expected at Berlin on
Thursday next.