The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-22 00:00:00

pressed himself very warmly in favour of the course '
which the Roman Catholic priesthood had taken
in this matter. No more conclusive argu-
ment need be employed in favour of the proposition
of the Government than that it is only by the means
proposed that power can be vested in the authorities
to deal with those dangerous characters from the
United States who are continually coming over to
introduce their lawless schemes and eonvulse the
peace of the country.
Sir G. GREY made some appropriate observations,
and fully admitted the necessity of the measure
proposed by Government. In fact, the importance
of the matter was so evident that all would have
passed off quietly had it not been for Mr. BRIGHT,
who thought it necessary to give his opinion in no
measured terms. It having been proposed that the
prisoners made under this Act should receive better
treatment than others, Major KNox declared that,
in his opinion, such a step was quite unnecessary ;
and we quite agree with him, for they are in fact
more mischievous offenders than many convicted
under the common law. lle also thought that it
might have been better if the Government had
asked leave to susp3nd the Habeas Corpus Act for
a year instead of three months, because the
people of Ireland regarded it as a protection,
and not as an interference with their liberties.
This was quite enough to put Mr. BRIGIIT into a
fury of virtuous indignation, and he accordingly
treated the llouse to some of his opinions, his
language being couched in terms more dis-
tinguished for force than elegance, and more
calculated to impress a mob audience than to

i►►fluence the members of the House of Commons.
Of this latter fact he seemed aware himself, for he
concluded by saying that he had hoped there was no
man in the Imperial Parliament who would have
expressed what he was about to say; and, if he
were out of the House, he would say such " atro-
cious sentiments." To-day Lord NAAs will propose
that the House go into Committee upon the Bill,
and therefore we may fairly presume that in a very
short time the matter will be settled. The Govern-
ment have at least this satisfaction in urging the
ungracious measure forward, that on all sides there
seems to be but one opinion as to the necessity of
the step being taken.

There is not much reason to apprehend that the
new Metropolitan Poor Law Bill will fail to become
law. The general opinion of the House, as ex-
pressed on the second reading, was as favourable as
on its first coming under their notice, and although
there were naturally some exceptions taken to points
of detail the main principles of the bill received cor-
dial suppert. There seems to be a prevailing feel-
ing that the measure, as a whole, deals fairly and
satisfactorily with a question which cannot be much
longer left unsettled, and that any alterations which
may be desirable may be made in committee.
Lord ENFIELD, in opening the debate, very justly
observed, that, in considering the question, the
House had to remember, on the one hand, that
there was a very strong impression that some sweep-
ing reform was required ; while, on the other, the
public mind was very sensitive on the subject of
local self-government. Such is, in fact, the case ;
but the treatment of the sick poor has for some time
been felt to be so unsatisfactory that the public is
Pt present inclined to err on the side of too much
interference rather than too little. Mr. HARDY has
been careful not to go too far, and is not likely to
fail from unnecessary disturbance of existing
arrangements. The faults of previous administra-
tion were so much in the system itself that nothing
short of a thorough legislative change could mend
matters. So long as the insane, the sick, the dis-
abled, and the aged were kept in the same building,
and governed under the same laws, as the worthless
able-bodied pauper, it was impossible to combine the
requirements of humanity and justice. The prin-
ciple of classification is one of the fundamental
principles of the new bill, and we are glad to find
that the metropolitan members in particular are in-
clined to give it their ready support. Many of
them had some suggestions to make or objections to
raise, and Mr. HARDY promised to give patient
consideration to all proposals for.its improvement.
Mr. HARDY'S predecessor at the Poor-Law Board
expressed his approval of the new scheme, and de-
clared his concurrence in its views, purposes, and
principles. "He believed that the extension
of the area of charge touched the very root
of parochial mismanagement. It was a sound
principle that if you extended the area
you weakened that tendency to parsimony
which was so common in parishes, which was so
very often mistaken economy, and only tended to
increased charge, and which did great mischief
among the poor." Mr. VILLIERS added that he
thought the present moment very favourable for
action, as he never remembered such a subsidence
of the jealousy and mistrust with which the Board
was generally regarded. Mr. VILLIERS'S support
was of course very valuable to the new President,
as he is necessarily fully conversant both with the
necessities of the case and the difficulties which

beset any attempt at Reform. There had been for•
merly, Mr. VILLIERS contended, an inclina•
tion to regard the Poor-law Board as pos

sensed of too much power rather than too
little, and it was not until the case of RICHARD
GIBSON in the Bloomsbury Workhouse, managed
under a local act, drew attention to the neglect
which was possible under all precautions that public
opinion underwent a salutary change. The reports

of the several medical commissions appointed a

different times produced a great effect, and Mr.
VILLIERS spoke truly when he said that the ques-
tion was now ripe for legislation. " There was

but one feeling," said the right hon. gentleman,
" both in and outof the house, that thesepoor poeple,
numerous as they were, should be treated in a
manner most conducive to their comfort and re-

covery. That the sick poor must be treated dis-
tinctly and separately from the pauperism that had
to be provided for in theme workhouses." This is
the great object which every one who has seriously
considered the subject has set before him. It is the
point which all those familiar with the interior of
workhouses have most earnestly and consistently
urged upon the officials. It is one, we believe,
which the majority of the Guardians would
readily admit, since it is not fair to blame for the
non-fulfilment of impossible duties. The original

constitution of the Poor-Law Board did not con-
template the management of huge infirmaries. It
was rather framed for the repression of thriftlessness
and vagrancy, and that object it has, no doubt, been
in a great measure successful in attaining. The
necessities of the times have changed in this re-
spect as in many other respects, and in place of a
host of worthless idlers, anxious to live at any-
body's expense but their own, we have an army of
sick and afflicted persons absolutely incapable of
earning a livelihood. It is with this complexion of
affairs that Mr. HARDY has to deal, and this diffi-
cult task he has on the whole successfully accom-
plished.

Last night, in the House of Lords, they had a
sort of preface to the Reform debate in prospect,
and on the whole we may say it was a satisfactory
expedient. Lord STRATHEDEN moved a resolution,
to the effect that it is not desirable f,:r all boroughs