The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-18 00:00:00

able men. I glory in the name of Liberal, but
without distinction of party I will, to the best of
my ability, give my vote for the best me sure that
is brought forward—for that I think most likely to
be produstive of good results—for that which I
think best calculated to meet with your approba-
tion. (Cheers.)

Mr. A. W. KINGLAKE, on presenting himself
to address the audience, was hailed with repeated
bursts of cheering and waving of hats. He
spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, I know that
there are many here who differ from me in
political opinion ; but I rejoice to say that ever
since I have had the honour to represent this
borough in Parliament my relations with my
opponents have been of the happiest de-
scription—they have always been courteous and
civil to me, and I venture to say there is no man in
tkis room, however strongly opposed to me in
politics, will say I have been otherwise than cour-
teous and civil to him. (Applause.) You are all
aware that her Majesty's Ministers have prepared
a bill for the reform of Parliament. You are also
aware that Mr. Bright is understood to have a bill
for a similar purpose in preparation, and I think
that you have done wisely in meeting here for the
purpose of congratulating yourselves, as it were, on
the principles which you hold in reference to this
great question, and of comparing your views with
those entertained by the men who have the honour
at present to represent you in Parliament. It would
seem that there are four questions embodied in
your resolution, and one of the last, I think, is the
one which purposes with reason to make a man's
vote for a member of Parliament not dependent
upon the circumstance of his having paid his rates.
Well, gentlemen, in that view I entirely concur. I
cannot conceive that it can be right to make the
franchise of any man dependent upon the mere
question whether he has paid his rate or not ; for
surely it is contrary to all principle that the en-
joyment of a political privilege like that of voting
for a member of Parliament should be made to
serve the base purpose of a mere legal process to
induce a man to pay his rates in time. (Hear, hear.)
There is another point with regard to the duration
of Parliament. All, or most of us, are aware that
under the law as it now stands Parliament may
possibly endure for a period of no less than seven
years. I think you will all agree that that period
is a great deal too long. You, of course, under-
stand that this is not a question upon which any
member of Parliament will pledge himself as to the
exact vote which he intends to give ; but I have no
hesitation in assuring you that I cordially concur
in the proposition that the duration of Parliament
ought to be shortened. (Hear.) I agree with my
friend Colonel Tynte, in saying how much better it
is to refer to a vote you have given than to deal
in vain promises. I have had an opportunity
of giving a vote on a question introduced by Mr.
Wrightson which has an important bearing on this
resolution. Mr. Wrightson introduced a bill to do
away with that provision of the law which compels
any, member of Parliament, after accepting office
under the Crown, to go to his constituency and ask
them to sanction the step he has taken: I opposed
that measure—l opposed the introduction into Par-
liament of a bill to change the law on that subject.
I think there is no principle more wholesome than
that framed into a-law in the reign of Queen Anne
—viz., that if a gentleman receives a lucrative office
under the Crown, he ought to go back to his con-
stituents and inquire from them whether they will
or will not ratify his decision in that respect.
(Loud applause.) A still more important question
is that with respect to the extension of the suffrage.
I have said to you on a former oecasion that the
political principle to which I always appeal in
questions of this description is this : I put my trust
in the people of England. (Cheers.) I do firmly
believe that the people of England are a wise and
an orderly people, and that the more you trust
them the more you will find them worthy of your
confidence. (Continued applause.) Many of you
are engaged in commerce ; and I am sure what I
am about to relate has happened to a number of
people in this room. You are engaged in business ;
you have a son growing up, just attaining to man-
hood ; you are bringing him up to your commercial
business; you would be glad to find that he could
keep your accounts, post your books, and do those
acts which you are accustomed to do for yourself.
Well, somehow or other, you find that as long as
you only show him how to do that kind of thing
he is not a very docile pupil ; you have the notion
that no one can do the work for you except your-
self ; but at last a time comes when you are obliged
to trust somebody else; you go away on some jour-
ney ; you say to your son, " I am obliged to go, if
you will not post these books properly they will
not be done at all, I must trust to you ;" you come
back and find that everything has gone on just as
well as if you had been present. Now, why is it ?
How is it you have been able by a sudden process to
make your son, who was perhaps a flighty and
idle sort of person before, diligent in the tran-
saction of business ? Because you trusted him!
(Cheers.) You told him unless the work was done
by him it would not be done at all; he felt the re-
sponsibility you cast upon him ; he transacted the
business as well as you would have transacted it
yourself. I apply the parable—if parable I may
call it—l apply it to the extension of the suffrage.
Many of you may think your poorer fellows are
less thoughtful and more flighty than yourselves.
Why is it ? Because they have not been trusted
with the franchise, (Cheers.) Intrust them with
the franchise, accustom them to talk of polities,
accustom them to debate questions which rise in
our healthy political struggles, and you make men
of them at once. (Loud applause.) I will answer
for it—only trust an Englishman—only make him
know he is a person charged with responsibility,
and he will do his duty to himself and the country.
(Renewed and protracted cheering.) Gentlemen,
that is the view which I take with regard to the
extension of the suffrage. (Hear, hear.) If I was
speaking now in the year 1832, I might have to
rest merely upon hope and expectation, but can I
forget the history of the last eight and twenty
years ? Will any one here present point out one
single Act of Parliament which has been forced on
by the people of England, which is not both wise
and just ? (Renewed applause.) Why, the first
great measure that passed after the Reform Bill
was to submit to a vast national sacrifice of money.
For what purpose ? Was it for any base or selfish
purpose ? No ; but for the purpose of obtaining
the emancipation of the negro. (Cheers.) I cannot
now go through the whole history of the period,
but 1 may notice that the last great measure has
been the change with regard to the importation o
corn. (Cheers.) Is not that a measure the people
were justified in pressing upon Parliamen ?
(" Hear, hear," and great applause.) Can any one
tell me that during the whole period from 1832 to
the present time the people of England, intrusted,
to a great extent, with political power, have in any
way_ so abused it that we should shrink from ex-
tending the suffrage ? (" Hear, hear,", and
protracted cheering.) When we say we will ex-
tend the suffrage we do not mean that we will
give with one hand and take away with
the other—we do not mean that we will enable a
voter to give a vote with his lips, which is dic-
tated to him by his landlord, or his master—we
mean that he shall give a vote which really ex-
presses his political opinions; and this brings me
to the question of the ballot. (A voicc—Ah, to
give a vote so that he can sleep afterwards.) In
England it is the law that there can be no wrong,
and no crime, without a remedy : a remedy has
been here suggested, and no other can be found;
therefore it is I feel bound to support the ballot
(Great applause.) It is vain to say that the pro-
tection it gives may not be perfect—it cannot be
denied that, to a great extent, it will protect the
voter—it will protect any prudent voter who
chooses to hold his own counsel, and to give a con-
scientious vote. We are not fighting against a
bugbear; that there is really such a thing as intimi-
dation, I can prove to you by a tale of the last
election. At the time of the last glorious election
if I may venture so t o call it—(cheers)—there was
living in this town a man in a comparatively humble
sphere of life, but universally respected. The
man of whom I. speak is William Allen. (Hear.)
He was a skilful moulder in iron; his wife also
carried on a trade, and contributed to the susten-
ance of the family. The couple were bringing up
their family in a highly respectable manner, and
no people could be more respected in their station
of life than William Allen and his wife. (Cheers.)
• William Allen, at the last election, ventured to give
a vote for my friend Colonel Tynte and myself.
(Hear, hear.) For that crime William Allen was
discharged from the service of his employer. (Cries
of " Shame.") He was not so situate as to be able
to find employment in Bridgwater, and for that
crime he became, as it were, an exile from his native
town. (Renewed cries of " Shame.") Gentlemen,
I need hardly say, when I knew the man was in
trouble on account of a vote which he had given
for me, I never rested until I saw that the evil
circumstances in which he was placed were re-
trieved. (Continued cheering.) I am glad to
be able to inform you that he is now in a butter
situation pecuniarily than he was at the time he
gave his vote, because he is permanently employed
intheestabliisshmtheis a
establishment at
lightVohinviaetht.er
that(Heaarn .) But,
gentlemen,
indus-
trious workman, an honest man, gaining an
honest livelihood in this town should be an exile
from his native town on account of giving an
wnhe for
onest
.
vote at an election ? What remedy
this ? (Loud cries of " The Ballot.") You all
answer " The Ballot ;" and I, too, answer " The
Ballot." (Great applause.) It seems to me that
the time has now arrived when, if we are to have
Reform at all, it ought to be an efficacious and