The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-02 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, NOV. 2, 1867.

The state of Italy gives constant ground for
anxiety, and as day after day seems but to add
fresh intelligence of a conflicting character to the
already complicated case, one feels alike impatient
and irritated at the delays that take place, and dis-
appointed that a country which seemed on the eve
of consolidating its advantages should have thrown
away its opportunities, and rendered itself a prey
to discord and strife, perhaps to serious eventual
losses, and even to the partial ruin of its hopes. It
would be idle to say that there is nothing to appre-
hend when two armies arc in Italy ready for action,
and the leaders of both apt to take offence. Added
to this there will be a natural inclination on the
part of the troops of King VICTOR EMMANUEL to
feel jealousy of foreign interference, and besides
some of them will sympathise with the volunteers.
So that altogether the condition of affairs is any-
thing but satisfactory, and we must look with doubt
and anxiety to what the morrow may bring forth
in the way of tidings. The manner in which the
news of the advance of the four Italian divi-
sions upon the Papal territory has been received by
the Parisians is enough to give rise to grave appre-
hensions. We do not think that it is for a moment
the wish of the French or the Italian Government
to go to war, but at the same time they are playing
with edged tools, and the accident of a moment,
the caprice of a faction, the unforeseen turn of cir-
cumstances may cause the evil so much dreaded to
occur, and plunge the two countries into war. So
far as argument is concerned, the Italian Govern-
ment can. easily make out their case, and that they
are clearly justified in the course which they have
taken by the terms of the treaty As the Official
Gazette states in explaining the cause of King
VICTOR EMMANUEL, "The September Convention
imposes the same duties on both the contract-
ing parties in the same degree." No doubt the
French EMPEROR is perfectly aware of this fact,
and will not need this reminder to bring him to
reason. His task to persuade his friends at home
of the truth of it may however be an awkward one,
and therefore he may not object to have part of
the work taken out of his hands by the agency of
the Italians.

It is true that the French have not been well
received in Rome, but that was not to be expected
under the circumstances of the case, and in all
probability they were not surprised themselves at
their unwelcome reception. On the other hand, it
is said that no " hostile demonstration" has been
met with by the French, and this must content
them, sorry comfort though it may be. Perhaps
the most satisfactory gleam of intelligence may be
found in the declaration that GARIBALDI has re-
turned to Monte Rotondo. This is no trifling news,
for it seems to indicate that he has, at least,
thought better of things, and is induced to take
the wiser course, if it be at the same time the
tamer ani more ignoble solution of the problem.
The ostensible reason for which GARIBALDI has
come to Monte Rotondo is that he may confer with
the representative of the Italian Government, who
has been scut there to him. Besides this, it is said
that the General will be met by several of his
friends, who are eager to dissuade him from con-
tinuing his enterprise, and coming into collision
with the French troops. A proclamation has been
issued by the French General, which declares that
the Emperor NAPOLEON has sent an " expeditionary
c,rps " to protect the Holy Father and the
Pontifical Throne against the attacks of revolu-
tionists. It is added that the French will
respect the persons, customs, and laws of the Ro-

mans.

If we are to trust to the opinio❑ of the Official
Gazette of Florence, we may infer that the advance
of the Italian troops upon the Papal territory will
be of great service to the cause of order. " We
have confidence," it adds, " that this resolution on
the part of the KING'S Government will persuade
General GARIBALDI not to persist in increasing the
present serious difficulties, but to aid in the pacifi-
cation of the country and in the settlement of the
Roman cinestion," The Patric of Paria has wade

some remarks on the situation, which do not seem to
have been very favourably receive& The Italie con-
tradicts the assertion that General DE LA MAR3IORA
has come to Paris for the purpose of arranging a
common intervention in the Papal States, and
declares that his purpose is to hasten a solution of
the difficulties of the present moment, and to do
away with the serious inconvenience and peril they
occasion. The France of last evening declares that
the " honour of France" will be deeply wounded
by such an occurrence as the Italian troops going
into the Pontifical territories. This sounds very
alarming, no doubt, but it -would be paying a very
poor compliment to the French to think that
they would put such an interpretation upon
upon their allies fulfilling their part of a Conven-
tion which was drawn up by both countries. The
Moniteur speaks very differently, and denies some
of the unfavourable reports in circulation. While
we cannot affect to be indifferent as to the danger
that exists, or unmindful of the responsibilities that
rest upon those who conduct this affair, we may
hope, not without reason, that some happy in-
fluences may finally triumph over the
doubts and uncertainties that abound in
the affair. In the first place, the Emperor
NAPOLEON cannot possibly wish for a war with
Italy, and his opinion must naturally sway events a
good deal ; in the next the course pursued by King
VICTOR EMMANUEL gives us no reason to believe
that he will allow anything to be construed into an
affront that the French may do in the furtherance
of their mission in Italy. Last, but not least, it may
be supposed that GARIBALDI will learn reason,
and, in the face of the mighty perils that sur-
round his cherished country, will consent to the
sacrifice of his purpose, and give up at least for the
present his endeavours to reach Rome as a con-
queror. The September Convention will hare to
be considered when these more urgent affairs are
settled ; but first and foremost it will be necessary
to come to some decision or other about the state
of Rome. One thing is certain, that peace cannot
long be maintained in any form with two armies
near each other, which with insurrectionary bands
as well, is the real difficulty.

The arrival of the Cuba, with intelligence from
New York on the 22nd ultimo, does not bring ns
much news of importance. Thanks to the agency
of the Atlantic cable, there is little news left for the
mails to bring. We now look to them for the am-
plification or correction of the more hurried intelli-
gence sent by the submarine messenger. We learn
by the mail that the elections in Virginia began on
the 22nd of October, and that the Conservatives,
being greatly encouraged by the recent Democratic
gains, were manifesting unexpected interest in them.
However, the telegram of nine days' later tells
us that the Radicals have carried the Virginia and
Georgia elections. What majorities they had
are not stated, but it is probable they have been
considerably reduced. Thanks to the registration
system, which has so largely increased the number
of negro voters, the Democratic party are less likely
to gain ground in the Southern States than in the
North, although their policy is rather Southern
than Northern. It would be unreasonable to expect
that the negroes would not vote for the Radicals
who are so loudly advocating their interests, and
with whom confiscation of the planters' estates is a
common topic. It would need far wiser and better
educated men than the majority of the recently-
emancipated negroes to realise the true state of the
case, and to estimate at their intrinsic value the pro-
fessions of their ItidicAl advisers. Negroes in the
North might better appreciate the worth of that
partisanship ; but in the Southern States the negroes
are many, the Radicals are few, and come there, for
the most part, for the express purpose of influencing
them. The whites with whom they are surrounded,
however cruelly they may have formerly abused
their power, do not shrink from association with
them, and consequently the negro who has spent
his life on a Southern plantation may well be
excused for ignoring the fact that in those Northern
cities which he has been taught to consider
a Paradise of freedom and equality a stronger
line of demarcation separates white and black than
in the South.

Judge KELLEY, a prominent Radical member of
Congress, has been making a speech at Phil-
adelphia, in which he advocated the nomination of
General GRANT to the Presidency, and declared the
General to be fully in accord with Congress, a
statement concerning which some reasonable doubts
may be entertained. The sight of a judicial
authority taking part in the angry contentions of
political life is a strange one to Englishmen, and it
is undoubtedly one of the wisest checks pro-
vided by the English constitution that they
are not allowed to do so. In America
the excitement of a contested election carries every-
thing away with it—ministers of religion and
officers of public justice alike. The effect can hardly
fail to be most damaging to public morality, most
injurious to the independence and integrity of such
authorities themselves, besides lessening alike the
weight of their personal influence and the dignity
of their position in the eyes of the populace. The
Southern elections are so little reliable, thanks to
the confused and artificial position of the people,
that General MOWER'S statement that the Louisiana
election has been decided in favour of the Conven-
tion, must be accepted with some degree of reserve.
There is intelligence from Mexico and from South
America, neither being of a very satisfactory cha-
racter. Admiral TEGETHOFF has been forced to
relinquish his endeavour to obtain the body of the
murdered EMPEROR, and the revolution in Peru is
assuming serious proportions,

The Special Commission at Manchester has had
a painful duty to perform, but there is little doubt
that they have performed it justly and conscien-
tiously. It is always an unwelcome thing in this
country to condemn men to severe penalties for
political offences, and though the extravagant
theorists who carry their hatred to all constituted
authority, so far as to espouse actively the cause of
Fenianism, are happily very few and influential in
this country, the feeling of classes has been
throughout the whole affair in favour of
mercy and indulgence; and in this feeling
they have been fully supported by both the late and
present Governments. Probably in no other coun-
try would so much leniency have been shown to
the instigators and the promoters of a dangerous
and treasonable insurrection. It is not the fault of
the British authorities if the Fenians have refused to
rrofit by the mercy shown them, and after having
escaped unexpectedly the consequences of their
crimes in the sister island, have outraged the laws
and destroyed life and property in a district in
which they cannot even pretend to be dis-
affected with the national administration. It
has been felt from the . first that it would be
necessary to punish the offenders at Manchester
with full severity, and if political theories are to be
allowed to justify murder no one's life would be
safe, and no laws can be upheld. The sentencing
of live men to death is happily an unwonted thing
iu England, and, no doubt, many will regret that it
has been found necessary to do so. At the same
time those who are influenced by the impassioned
appeals of the pris-oners and their advocates should