The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-16 00:00:00

it was inopportune in the present state of India, and that
it was unwise to weaken the influence of the Govern-
ment in a country where revolt was raging. But what
are the character and influence cf the East India Com-
pany after the vote of this house ? (Hear, hear.) It
is not that a majority of this house is in favour of im-
mediate legislation which influences our decision upon
this point, but it is the moral consequences of that vote
as affecting the position of the East India Company
which makes us consider it a duty to deal with a ques-
tion which has been thus touched upon and must no
longer be tampered with. (Hear.) That measure it is the
wish, and at present the intention of the Government
te introduce before the Easter recess—(hear, hear)—and
therefore the house and the country will soon be able to
decide upon the motives which have influenced us in the
course we have taken and the provisions we have made
to meet the exigencies of the question. I think when the
house remembers that we have satisfactorily settled the
question which immediately brought us into office, and
teat we are prepared before Easter to lay upon the table
a bill for the government of India, it will agree that we
have not been idle since we entered upon office—(hear)—
and that we have exerted ourselves to deserve the cenfi-
deuce of our Sovereign, our country, and the Parlia-
ment. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman has re-
ferred to a subject upon which years ago he used
to be singularly happy, but one which then excited feel-
ings very different from those which now influence the
house in respect to it. He asks us what policy are we
going to adopt in Ireland. Years ago, when Irish ques-
tions excited all the ascerbity of political passion, and
when a question of Irish policy was certain to lead to
an inflammatory debate, no one was more happy than
the late Secretary to the Admiralty in irritating a ques-
tion of an irritable nature to the very climax of excite-
ment, and in enlivening a painful subject with illustra-
tions which excited our laughter amid all the heat of a
party contest. But really it is so long since Irish ques-
tions have been a source of disturbance and disquietude
in this house that one is hardly equal to the occasion,
wheh the hon. gentleman assures us the country is
awaiting with deep anxiety the announcement of our
Irish policy. I hope, sir, our Irish policy will he the
same as that pursued by Lord Eglinton five years ago.
(Hear, hear.) Lord Eglinton is now in the came high
office—he will be animated by the same feelings and
guided by the same instructions, and I hope we shall
find from those instructims and those feelings that the
same result will be obtained—that he will be the
popular representative of the policy cf this Cabinet,
and that Ireland will continue under his rule as
quiet in temper and as prosperous as it is at pre-
sent. (Cheers.) Again, the honourable gentleman
says, " What do you mean to do about the Orange ma-
gistrates—.do you mean to make Orangemen magis-
trates ?" Well, I am not au Orangeman. (A. laugh.) I am
sorry that circumstances over which none of us could
have any control have led to institutions like Orange and
other kindred societies ; but I cannot help thinking that
they did net spring out of nothing. There were causes
originally which occasioned their formation, and we
must deal with establishments and institutions which we
find in the times in which we live. But if the hon
gentleman wants me to give a pledge that because a
man is an Orangeman he shall net be a magistrate, I
can only say I will never consent to anything so essen-
tially unconstitutional. (Cheers.) I contend that there
ought to be ne disqualification of magistrates except that
which the law of the United Kingdom proclaims and
dewed. If an Orangeman ought not to be a magis-
trate, let us bring in a bill to declare that, for nothing
can be more unjust and more unconstitutional than
that any ruler of a country should make that
a disqualifies ion for place which after all depends on
conviction and not on the law of the land. (Cheers.)
The hon. gentleman next asks, " What are you going to
do about national education—do you mean to disturb
the system of national education which was founded by
the chief of the present Government 9" Sir, we have
no intention of the kind. We shall maintain that
system of education inviolate, but if we can combine
with it, without in the least impugning the principle on
which that national system is founded, a just relief to
those church schools which now receive no assistance
from the State, I think that is a question which will
deserve the consideration not only of her Majesty's
Ministers, but of Parliament. It is one which mode-
rate men on all aides have considered with great respect,
and if we see a mode of adjustment which we believe
will be satisfactory to all parties we do not preclude
ourselves from attempting to give it effect. (Cheers.)
The hon. gentleman went to the climax of all politics,
and that is, Parliamentary Reform. He seems extremely
alarmed at the opinions which are prevalent on these
benches on the subject of Parliamentary Reform.
Nobody, it appears, may poach upon that manor except
the Liberal party. (A laugh.) The hon. gentleman,
in his profuse quotatious,—for which he was always
remarkable (a laugh), though unfortunately they have
not been of late relieved by the brilliancy which in the
old days reconciled us to endless extracts from Hansard
(e laogb),—has fixed on the speech I made recently
at my county town in Buckinghamshire ; and he
Faye I stated that the Parliamentary Reform Bill
of 1832 was a gross Whig job. [An hon. member
behind the Treasury bench.—" So it was."] An hon.
gentleman behind me says, " So it was." (Laughter.)
My hon. friend is nameless—for I don't know from whom
that expression of opinion proceeded—but I moat tell the
hon. gentleman (Mr. Osborne) and the house that it is
a mistake to suppose that I ever used that phrase. On
the contrary, I hope I shall always speak with the re-
spect due to a Parliamentary statute of that importance
which had engaged for so long a time the earnest atten-
tion and solicitude of the country. I certainly did say,
and I have said it before, not merely on the hustings in
Buckinghamshire, but in the House cl Commons, that,
though it was a great statute, which no doubt in its
primary purpose had the welfare of the country and the
advantage of the State for its principal objects, unfortu-
nately, from the unreasoning excitement of the time,
facility was given for perpetrating gross jobs during its
progress through Parliament, of which ample advantage
had been taken. And I believe that has been the general
opinion of the country. I am sure it is an opinion of this
house not restricted to the Conservative benches, and
without doubt it will be the calm decision of posterity.
(Cheers.) Let us now meet this question, with respect
to which the hon. gentleman says it is necessary that wo
should be expliJit, and that there should be no evasion
—let us meet it, I say, with that frankness with which
he desires to see it treated. When that bill was first
proposed in this house there was a party in the country
who laid it down as a principle, while Parliament was
delitraating upon it, that they would have " the bill, the
whole bill, and nothing but the bib." The consequence
was that there were many amendments proposed and
suggested, not only on the Opposition but the Govern-
ment side, which were not duly considered, which were
indeed rudely rejected ; and for a short time after that
bill became law there was considerable dissatisfaction
with many points. of detail which the country in its more
sober moments recognized as not having been maturely
considered at the time of its passage through Parliament.
But in this house it was always laid down by the party
power
oewr einrectohnesnectignenpesowofert,heapnadssiwn'ho,oofwthearet
bill,, properly
the
yine
great cause of suspicion against the Tories was that they
had not given a sincere adhesion to the Reform Bill. It
was said the Tories ought never to be permitted to regain
power in this country, because, it was alleged, if they
got into power they would alter the Reform Bill. And
this was so great a clamour, and such an amount of pre-
judice was fostered in consequence of it throughout the
country, that in 1834 Sir Robert Peel rose in this house
and in the most solemn manner addressed himself to that
question. He made a compact, as it were, with the
country and with Parliament. He engaged with the
party of which he was the leader that he would accept
the Reform Bill, and ho did accept it heartily and sin-
cerely, as the settlement of a great question, and that,
if he found himself in power, he would neither directly
nor indirectly attempt to change or tamper with its pro-
visions. And on that compact the Conservative party,
as it was called, sincerely and properly acted, and
whenever measures were brought forward to change
that Act—not from our side, but from the Li-
beral party—the Whig Ministry were invariably
supported by the Conservative party in maintaining
intact the spirit and provisions of the Reform Act.
(Cheers.) At last, and late is the day, " finality" was
deserted ; and we were told—and told by the leader of the
Whig party— that there must be a new settlement of
the question and a new Reform Bill, and from that mo•
ment I held myself free, and I am sure I am expressing
the opinions of those with whom I act and of the great
body of the Conservative party, not merely in this house
but throughout the country--that from that moment we
held ourselves free to consider that question upon its
merits, and that if any future plan were brought for-
ward to change the Peril imentary oonstitution of this
country we were open to offer those suggestions which,
to our minds, might appear to lead to a settlement most
conducive to the public weal. (Cheers.) The noble lord
the member for the city of London has had ample oppor-
tunities of bringing forward a new Reform Bill. It is, I
think, seven years ago since a new Reform Bill was in-
troduced to this house. It was nut succesaul, though
the opposition did not come from the Conservative side.
The noble lord brought forward another bill. I am not
aware that that measure engaged the sympathy of the
house to any great extent ; but the question became
such by the very fact of its public magnitude that it was
totally impossible that a public man of any leading could
ever neglect to recognise its importance. Lord Aberdeen
became Minister, and after Lord Aberdeen the noble
lord the member for Tiverton, and we always heard that
those Ministers were going to introduce a new Reform
Bill. At last the subject was introduced to the attention
of the House of Commons even in a gracious speech
from the Throne, in which its magnitude was recognised,
and so it was that it came at length to be acknowledged
that a question of this Tait importance c mld no longer
remain unsettled, and that the country was encouraged
to believe that it could not be taken up by state•men for
party purposes or selfish ends. If there is anything more
likely than another to poison the feelings of the people
and to alienate their best st atiments fi orn the institu-
tions of the country, it is the suspicion per nitted to be
engendered in the public mind that schemes for recon-
structing those institutions are used by public men for
party purposes. (Cheers.) It is impossible that a ques-
tion like that of Parliamentary Reform can be hung up
and taken down at the convenience of any statesman,
so that %thee in Opposition he is to brandish it in the
face of those in office, and when a Minister to place it iu
a rusty scabbard. Under these circumstances we feel it
onto tell .
et h. e hon.
our duty to consider that qua Lion, and we shall consider
it with the earnest determination of endeavouring to
make a settlement of it that will be satisfactory to the
sober-mindedi.t tlWeh wa p.
presentdo
opl
notes e ofu e
itohnis; country. The hon. member
for Dover asked me what are the principles on which our
\
Reform Bill is to be f a Ided. I do not think I am called
. a political gentleman what are the principles of
party
or It will not be a bill devised to prop up
proposeh u but, iifnttrhoed uhcoent.ogtehnetlheoninasne
ii pot. 01.,taiir.)013 reform bill, I will tell him what it'
uphold. the interests of a particular

Oft,
the Cabinet who vote is eurport of the bill. Oa the other
hand a noble lord is another place who has been called
to the peerage and placed on the woolsack, is its meet
efficient opponent. But, sir, while lam on this subject,
I Ind is one of the hustings' speeches to which I have
been referred that the Solloitor-General for England
(Mr. Cairns) thus expressed himself
" There are two sorts of questions -questions of princi-
ple and questions of expediency. Now, the admission of
the Jews, for instance, is one of prieciple which must
never be abandoned. But take the qnestiun of Parlia-
mentary reform. That is one of expediency, on which at
different times, and under different circumstances, diffe-
rent opinions may he properly formed. On a question of
expediency, every man in a Government must not hold on
to his own crotchet, otherwise the Government could not
get on ; bat on a question of principle no man should
yield."
(Hear, hear.) There is another subject which has been
totally omitted from the speech of the noble lords and
from the statements made on the hustings--I allude to
the Government of Ireland. (Hear.) I take it that
the future Government of Ireland, whatever party may
be in power, is a subject of deep importance to both
countries. Yet we have no allusion in any speech
either delivered in another place or on the huetings as
to the policy which is to be penned with regard to Ire-
land. All we can judge of is from the appointments
which have been made. Now, Ido not hesitate to say
that these appointments are not looked upon with any
peculiar favour by the Irish people. (" Oh, oh !")
I believe the present Lord Chancellor of Ireland
drew up the Tula and regulations of the Orange Society
in that country. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, the
late Chancellor wrote a letter to the Lord-Lieutenant, I
think, of Down, declaring that the Government would
appoint no man to the magistracy of Ireland who was a
member of an Orange Lodge. (Hear.) What course
does the Government intend to take in that particular I
Then, what is their policy to be on the important ques-
lion of national education in Ireland The right hon.
gentleman the present Home Secretary (Mr. Walpole)
moved and carried an amendment in this house, the
effect of which, if persisted in, would have been tord Ch
thean
celor
de-
stroy the existing system. The late Lo
was a commissioner under that system, while pr
eaglet
Lord Chancellor is a supporter of the rival system of the
Church Education Society. (Hear, hear.) What, then,
will the Government do respecting national education in
There is another question to which I should
like to refer. The hon. member for Warwickshire (Mr.
allpoot or), whose honesty and integrity of purpose I shall
always respect Par)—is in the habit, irrespective of
all Governments, of bringing forward a motion for with-
drawing the present grant to Maynooth. What has
been the conduct of her .Majesty's present advisers with
regard to this subject ! I hold in my hand a paper by
which it seems that no latter than last year 13 members
of the Government voted against the Maynooth grant.
I won't trouble the house with names, but all these 13
mailmen supported the motion of the hon. member for
North Warwickshire. What do they propose to do when
he brings forward the same question next week (Hear,
hear.) What, in short, is the policy of the Governmeat
with reference to Maynooth Let the house remember
what has been the conduct of the new Ministry on this
question ! There is but one right hon. gentleman on
the Ministerial bench, the First Lord of the Admiralty,
who has ever stayed here and given hie support to the
Government when that motion has some on. (Hear.)
All the rest walked away, and were content to leave the
Government to fight that question with the hen. mem-
ber. (Hear, hear.) I don't think it is an irrelevant
question, then, to ask what course is to be adopted
respecting Maynooth. A promise has been held out for
for the year 1859 that Lord Derby will bring in a
Reform Bill. The noble lord has no great opinion of a
Reform Bill. He says he rather objects to it, but still,
it pressed, he will bring in such a measure. Here are
his words :
" Believing that, with all its anomalies and all its imper-
fections, that Act (the late Reform Bill) has given to the
country a representative system the result of which is a
House of Commons which fairly and fully represents the
feeling of the numbers as well as of the intelligence and
the property of this country, I should myself have been
well satisfied if it had been the pleasure of Parliament that
no legislation upon a subjection so exciting should be called
for or demanded from the Government."
That is the opinion of the noble earl. He is very un-
willing to do it, but he says he will do it. But what do
we gather on this question from the description of
right honourable gentlemen on the hustings ! The noble
lord (John Manners) said he was true to the principles
of rational Toryism. He asked what was the meaning
of a Reform Bill, and went on to express his own
opinion that no doubt the representation of the counties
was deficient and unfair. That is the noble lord's defini-
tion of a Reform Bill. The right hon. gentleman (Sir J.)
Pakington) said he had no particular regard for the 101.
I.c.holders, and that he would give no pledge as to what
his course would be. The right hon. gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer said the late Reform Bill
was a gross Whig job. (Ministerial cheers and laughter.)
Tss, bet hew will the right hon. gentleman reconcile
this with the language of one of the makers of the Re-
form Bill, Lord Derby, who said that it adequately re-
presented the property, intelligence, and feelings of the
country I (Hear, hear.) I want to know, then, what
sort of measure we may expect ; for I cannot believe
that the Government intend to carry out the Reform
Bill sketched by the last representative of the late Mr.
Feargus O'Connor in this house—l mean the pre sent
Attorney-General for England. (Laughter.) I wish to
know what are the principles on which the Reform Bill
is to be founded—whether on the principle of rational
Toryism, as expressed by the noble lord (John Manners)
or on the extreme Chartist principles enunciated by the
Attorney-General ! It is true that we have bad the
speech of the noble member for King's Lynn (Lord
Stanley), who is, I believe, a true and rational reformer.
(Cheers.) But he occupies a very peculiar position in
tie Cabinet—a position which I thick we should all
honest. ; but, at the same time, I very much doubt
whether this Reforming eEneae will be able to carry the
Conservative Anchises. (Great laughter.) No, sir, I
much fear that he will find some Dido of Conservatism
to obstruct him in carrying out his good principles.
(Renewed laughter.) Well, then, I think I am jus-
tified in asking what is the policy which her Majesty's
Ministers mean to pursue ! We all remember that in
1845 there was a great statesman at the head of affairs
in this country. That distinguished man, in his wisdom
and sincerity, thought fit to adopt certain measures which
bad originally been introduced by his opponents. What
was the treatment which he received I (Cheers.) Why,
sir, he was denounced by the Conservatives of that day as
the head of an organised hypocrisy. (Renewed cheers.)
He was accused of having caught the Whigs bathing and
adopted their clothes. (Hear, hear.) He was hurled
from power amid the regret of all right-thinking men in
England ; and what, let me ask, were the expressions
which were then used with reference to his adoption of
the measures of his opponents This was the language
which was held by the right hon. gentleman opposite in
this house :
" The noble lord (Ration), the representative of Mr. Fox,
will not gainsay the motto of that greater leader Men, not
measures.' I would ask geotlemen opposed to him hew has
the opposite system answered for them ? You have per-
mitted men to gain power and enter place, and then carry
measures exactly the reverse to those which they professed
in opposition. You are reconciled to this procedure by
being persuaded that, by carrying measures you disapprove
of and they pretend to disrelish, they are making what
they call the ' best bargain' for you. I say that the par-
liamentary course is for this house to have the advantage
of a Government formed on distinct principles. Here is a
Minister who now brings forward as his own measures the
very schemes and proposals to which, when in opposi-
sition, he always avowed himself a bitter and deter-
mined opponent ; let me ask the admirers of the best
bargain' system how they think the right honourable
gentleman would have acted had they been introduced by
the noble lord opposite lf you are to have a
Parliamentary Government, the conditions are you should
have a Ministry which declares the principles upon which
its policy is founded. What have
hinatead ? We
have a great Parliamentary middle mearr man who
bamboozles one party and plunders the ottlrls(ahe
latighterj, till, having obtained a position to whichcers he is
not entitled, he cries out, ' Let us have no party questions,
but fixity of tenure.'"
(Cheers.) This was the language which was used towards
that great man Sir R. Peel in 1345. What, I ask, is
the Conservative party prepared to do now ? Are we to
have no party questions ! Is there to be fixity of ten-
ure (Cheers.) For my own part lam indifferent to
mere party cries. (Ironical cheers and laughter.) But
I at the same time hold that they who when in opposi-
tion honestly advocate certain measures ought to deem
it their duty when in office honestly to carry these mea-
sures iota effect. (Cheers.) lam not aware that that is
proposition from which any hon. gentleman in this
that is prepared to dissent, and of this I feel assured,
any Minister who assumes the reins of power by a
discreditable manceuvre (cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers),
will
the
eeentraye neither his own cause nor the interests of
possible endeavoured have
now,
sir, in as short a compass as
right hon. andV;ounred to examine the antecedents of the
no explanation of their principles
opposite. They have given
and if the observations or policy in this house,
which I have deemed it my duty
to make should prove to b
them such an explanation,
Isuceessful in drawing from
fur one, shall be well satis-
fied with the result. (Cheers.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER - -Sir,
one of the advantages arising from the recent changes in
the Government is that some voice again sound within
these walla which have for a long time been silent.
I
(Cheers and laughter.) I for one rmuttconfess h
I listened on Friday last to that wild shriek toiatliwbehretny
which Tr.ecireehaded.from the hon. gentleman who has just
,atwlth no feeling of alarm or mortification.
`l3l:'te
ebd"rituand tau-sister.) He will, however, permit
vantage of beiwuZit%hat I have had once more the ad-
which be was wont t:Zrkaaele notes, that the weapon
effectively has become a
little rusty—(great laught4 "
yaBbeu otwh eadt
doubt that with sufficient"l:Qt",,gh I entertain no
brightness which dazzled us etcy-ecteelt '4'll
to add, by way of conselatien to the :Out"
presenthis position, that it is only that va%el'ltelemanb,ni:
eition be can find those opportunities which I cal: ::,es,;-;
bins it is absolutely necessery he should avail hicessit re-s
before be can entirely regain that cunning of fence for
which he was once so celebrated. (Continued laughter.)
Now, the boo. gentleman has to-night repeated the
charge which he wade on _Friday last—viz., that I have
errigcrheaest
been guilty of an act either of great presum
inadvertence in taking my place upon ['lateen° bo
without oferiog to the house any formal pro gramme of
the measures which we are prepared to bring forward or
of the principles which we profess. I am sure, however,
the house will acquit me of any intention of acting
towards it with disrespect. (Hear, hear.) Had I sup•
poled for a moment that hon. members expected any
such exposition on my part I should have been prompt
in my endeavour to act in accordance with their wishes.
But so far as my Parliamentary experience serves me as .

a guide in those matters—and I believe I may say with
truth it is somewhat longer than that of the hon. member
for Dover—the coarse which he has indicated is not that
which has been habitually or, indeed, ever pursued in
the House of Commons. (Hear.) Ido not for instance
recollect that the noble lord opposite (Lord Palmerston)
when he acceded to office in 1855—and he was then in a
more eminent position than that which I have the hon-
our to hold, inasmuch as he was the chief of a Cabinet—
favoured the house with any formal statement as to the
measures which he meant to introduce or the policy which
he intended to advocate. On the contrary, the noble
lord was brought into office as the best Minister to carry
out a particular and pressing object, to the attainment
of which he directed with great success all the energies
of his mind, and I may be permitted—notwithstanding
those imputations of intrigue and manceuvre which have
been made against us, and which I am happy to think
h
no hon. member condescends to believe—(ceers)—to
say that I conceive her Majesty's present advisers were
also called upon to take the reins of Government for the
performance of a special duty to which it was necessary
we should at once direct our attention. A bill was in-
troduced into this house by the late Government and re-
jected—(cries of "No, no'')—and the consequence was
that the authors of the measure resigned. I do not wish
to misstate the case. A bill at all events was brought in
by the Minister, and npou the motion for its second
reading an amendment was carried, which was held to l
be equivalent to its rejection. (Hear.) I was there e I
virtually correct in what I have just said. Under these
circumstances it became our duty to endeavour to effect
a reconciliation between this country and her ally, and
to refrain from pursuing that course of which the house
bad by a large majority signified its disapproval. Now,
so far as that question is concerned I am not aware that
we have exhibited any great neglect in the fulfilment of
our duties, or that that which we have already achieved
affords any very strong evidence of failure in our policy.
(Cheers.) Indeed, it was only this very night I laid upon
the table of the house papers which will in a few hours
be in the hands of every hon. member, and which proves
that the misunderstanding which unfortunately existed
between us and France is entirely at an end. Not only I
may add is it at end, but that great object has been attain
ed without that condition which we were led to suppose
was inevitable—that it should be accompanied by the
passing a measure which this house has virtually re-
jected, and of which the people of this country entirely
disapprove. (Hear, hear.) While addressing myself to
this point I may say, in answer to the accusation which
has liven made against me by the hon. gentleman oppo-
site of having voted for the amendment on the second
reading of the bill after having spoken and voted in
favour of the measure upon a previous occasion, I should
not venture to trouble the house on the subject had not
the hon. gentleman pressed it so closely on its attention
that to pats it over in silence might seem to indicate a
wish upon my part to evade the question. I may say
in answer to that accusation—and the words which I
used in the debate upon the introduction of the bill will
be in the recollection of many hon. members—that I ex-
pressed my readiness to vote for the motion of the noble
lord opposite, because I thought we should, by assent-
ing to it, be taking a step which would serve to show a
faithful ally that we sympathized with him in the diffi-
cult position in which he was placed. (Hear, hear.) I,
however, at the same time stated that I reserved to my-
self the right of taking upon the second reading of the
bill, if ever it should come to a second reading—the
very words which I used—a free and unfettered course.
(Hear, hear.) I described the measure as feeble and
inadequate to the attainment of the object which its
authors professed to have in view, and I do not think
there is a single gentleman in this house who imagined
that I would give it my support in its subsequent stages.
(Hear, hear.) Now, the hon. gentleman opposi is main-
tains that, in not entering into an exposition of our
, policy in the House of Commons, we have pursued a
1 line of conduct which is both unprecedented and unpar-
liamentary. I have adduced the example of the late
Ministry to show that when the Government of 1855
was formed no formal programme was laid before us of
its principles or of the measures which it proposed to in-
troduce. What, let me ask, was the course taken by the
Government by which it was preceded ! The Chief
Minister of the Crown in this house, under the Adminis-
tration of Lord Aberdeen, was the noble lord the mem-
ber for the city of London. The Government was a
coalition Government, and it was but natural that come
explanations should be expected from the noble lord of
the circumstances under which he acceded to office, and
why it was that he had placed himself in intimate poli-
tical connection with a statesman to whom he had been
opposed during the whole of his life. (Hear, hear.) We
might very reasonably have hoped that the noble lord
would have taken the opportunity to inform us how it
was he could reconcile the position which he then occu-
pied with the opinions which he had previously pro-
fessed. (Hear, hear.) But what course did the noble
lord pursue ? Why, upon Feb. 10, 1853, the day upon
which Lord Aberdeen's colleagues took their seats after
their re-election—an instance almost parallel with the
present—the noble lord said :
" I think it may be convenient to the house if I state
the course which her Majesty's Government think it fit to
pursue with respect to the measures which it is their in-
tention to bring forward in the early part of the session.
In the first place, I beg to say at once that it is not my
intention, nor is it at all necessary for me, to make any
statement with regard to the general principles and views
of her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) A statement of that
kind has already been made by my noble friend at the head
of the Government in another place, and that statement is
so generally known as to require no further remark on
that subject."
That was a Government of which the bon. gentleman
the member for D,ver, who is my accuser upon this
occasion was, although a subaltern, still a distinguished
member—(hear, hear)—and yet he submitted in silence
for five years to this unprecedented unparliamentary
course. (Cheers.) Now, let us remember what were
the relations between the noble lord the member for the
city of London and Lord Aberdeen. They had come
together for the first time in a somewhat unexpected
combination, but although there might then have been
reasons for expecting some formal statement, none was
male. The noble earl now at the head of the Govern-
ment and myself have been for many years in relations
of intimate political confidence and communication, and
therefore I can appeal to the statement made by my noble
friend in another place with much more authority than
the noble lord the member for London could do under
the circumstances I have mentioned, and yet the noble
lord's appeal was considered by the House of Commons
to be perfectly satisfactory. But then the hon. gentleman
who is so anxious that we should take a course which
is not unprecedented nor even unparliamentary—
he is indignant at the formation of a Government all the
members of which are not upon all questions entirely of
the same mind. (Hear, hear.) " What," says the hon.
gentleman, " are you going to do about church rates 1
Well, then, I say to the hon. gentleman, " What did
you do about church rates 1 " (Cheers and laughter.) I
find that upon the question of church rates the late Go-
vernment was beaten in this session, and although I may
not refer to speeches, yet I may allude to the division of
Wednesday, Feb. 17. I find that an Under-Secretary of
State, and a noble lord holding high office in the Reeve-
hold voted against the Ministerial suggestion, while the
hon. member for Dover, like most of the other members
of the Government, stayed away. (Hear, and laughter.)
Why do I mention these things I Not to taunt the hon.
member for Dover (a laugh) or any of his late colleagues,
but rather to remove some of the difficulties which are
' apparent to him, and which he considers to be obstacles
in the way of the present Government. He will now know
how those difficulties may possibly be evaded. (" Hear,
hear, and a 'augh.'') But, again says the hon. member,
" What are you going to do about the Jew Bill." I re-
ply, what did your Government do ? You respect Par-
liamentary majorities ; you were proud of the majority
you had upon the measure to which I have always given
a cordial support, but what was wanted from the late
Government was support in the House of Lords, where
the difficulty arose, and what did we find there ? We
found a member of the Government in that house always
voting against the measure, which had been carried in
this house by large majorities. (Hear.) Therefore, sir,
this is not the only Cabinet in which differences oopi-
mon exist, even upon the Jew Bill. (Hear.) Then,
again, how did the hon. gentleman and his friends act
upon the ballot question ! We had a division upon
that question last session, and I want to know how
the late united Government—whose members all held
the same views upon the same subjects, or who
ought to have done so—how they voted upon a
question so interesting to all sinosre and earnest re-
formers 1 I find that upon the 30th of last June the
subject of the bal of same before this house, and a divi-
sion took place. I find the Prime Minister, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, the President of the Board
of Control, and other members of the Government
voted in the majority against the ballot. But in the mi-
nority I find the names of a nobleman holding office in
the Household, of the Attorney-General, of the Vice-
President of a Board, and the distinguished Secretary
for the Admiralty—(hear, hear, and a laugb)—that dis-
tinguished individual who is now alarmed at the prospect
of a Cabinet being in existence which is not of the same
mind upon all questions that can possib y be brought
under the consideration of Parliament. (Cheers.) Now,
I think the course that was taken by my noble friend in
another place was a much more judicious course than
that which should have been pursued according to the
views of the hon. gentleman—via., that a Minister should
state a formal programme of measures which are never
carried, and elaborately develop a policy which a de-
luded people afterwards find to be barren of all results.
I think it is much better when the general principles of
a political connection are known that the Government
should bring their plans before Parliament than that
they should simply give the house a long catalogue of
measures which are never to be passed, and vague an-
nouncements of a policy to which no one can attach a
practical or precise idea. (Hear, hear.) We represent the
Conservative party. We wish to support and maintain
the institutions of the country, but we also wish to im-
prove them. (Hear.) We believe that the best way to
ttr.laintain the institutions of the country is to improve
of
:0".
.:::ii
~
,i.
,;nei__:ta,,,m..:::i
~it
a,
,f
.tirpeotiribel
ameliorationleceoandts
on..enr,n when improvement is necessary, and therefore we
\
e,e,"use.•re.yi.n _',, be
~,
otgenerßo:tnloien,m aat
on
of
f 0
society
iseutcyh
asa monopolist
h e and
his
11:c:iitsieilte. considered.
so much
mtahnesne_erg
e. snoe r
a l greedy
yiviews
s and
is
I deny
ta,,,,,,,,, na.,
treated
w.lthndia all, which the "n• gentleman of the
rity.
bill upon
toourmaintain htobae that:Pre.
Part then with
been i
course we are about to take propel tinauesY•thal am
'
eminently consistent with all uwpeo oh the subject it othn;
I believe will be completely satisfactaovrey to "id' a"
,hear.) I never stated,
1
nor do , .lie countr.
say now. that
the course we are taking is in deference to the majo,it,
of this house. A majority of this house is always to
h...
respected,
but is not to be obeyed with servility. eve
were opposed to
e introduction of the bill of the noble
th
lord opposite (Lord "'Anacreon) upon the ground that

claws. It will be founded on principles of general justice iHe did not 'say that measures were all they need look to, notoriously and evidently the landed interest ;of transferring it to the militia, but the saving would tell on
—and, I hope, it will give universal sati-faction. (Cheers 1 and that men were of no consequence. The morality of prevailed. With regard to the two parties, my belief was the gross amount.
and laughter from the Opposition.) But, says the hon, this country must have fallen to a very low ebb when you that there would not be that monopoly of power which the Sir G. C. LEWIS reminded the right how, gentleman that,
could not pretty well toll from the principles of the men Tory party had then, for nearly 70 years pursued. , 1 under the Appropriation Act, there was power to make tbe
gentleman, what business have you and your cellea,guel
what their measures were likely to be. Still they must thought that that party which give the greatest satisfac- i transfer, and that therefore this additional vote was unne-
in that place ; you have not a majority in the House of
take care that they did not by any false move give an ad- lion to the people at large, should, by their measures and i cessary.
Commons. (Hear.) Why that is the very question. •
impossible
vantage to their opponents. It was not to see conduct conciliate the people at large, was the party whit; After an observation from the CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER t
Ido not at all agree with him that we are not supported that the position of the present Government was weak, and would be likely to succeed to power 'during the existence the ameudment was withdrawn, and the vote agreed to.
by a majority of this house. I entirely repudiate the could only be strengthened by imprudence on the part of of the Reform Bill. I think that events have not proved 849,2851. Salaries of the Customs, &c.
statement of the hon. gentleman. (Cheers.) Where is the the opposition. They occupied tho opposite benches for me wrong in my belief. (Hear, hear.) The Government Mr. HAMILTON having promised explanation at a future
majority of this house, and who has it t Has the noble the first time only on Friday night, and they had already of Sir Robert Peel was one of the strongest which has stage,
the vote was agreed to.
lord the member for Tiverton a majority of this house ! made two remarkable concessions. In the first place, that since been seen • the power which he exercised and the 650,000/. Inland Revenue.—Agreed to.
If so, why is he sitting on that bench ? Has the noble Conspiracy Bill which he believed was originally suggested confidence whic'h he enjoyed in this house are a proof that 242,7001. SuPerannuations, Customs, post_office, &c.
lord the member for London a majority of the house ? by Lord Derby had been abandoned ; and secondly, the I the bill was not one-sided in its character. Under the cir- Agreed to, and the house resumed.
Why, it is only a fortnight ago that the noble lord the Secretary for War had given an opinion in favour of those cumetances which I have stated, I think that with regard MILITIA ACT CONTINUANCE BILL.
member for Tiverton beat him by a majority of 200. competitive examinations for the artillery and engineers to this question of reform, we have but little security in- General PEEL obtained leave to bring in this bill.
which his predecessor (Lord Panmure) intimated it to be deed. If we refer to the speech of Lord Derby in another UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE MATRICULATION
(Cheers.) Then, where is the majority ? Is it repre- his intention to abandon. (Hear.) Their difficulties would place, we are told that he is not sure whether there are any FEES BILL.
seated by the hon. member for Dover (laughter) or the
increase with the cabinet meetings. On the question of defects in the present system. If he finds any defects he This Bill was brought in by Mr. GP A.
"F,Am
BILLmog.,
hon. member for King's County, or by the hon. MEM-
national education the First Lord of the Admiralty would will consider them, and if he finds a remedy he will bring BOARD OF HEALTH (SKIPTON)
ber for Richmond (laughter), for they are the gentlemen find some difficulty in reconciling his views with those of it forward. (Hear) We have, therefore, the danger, Mr. ADDERLEY obtained leave to bring in a bill to con-
who want frown us a declaration of our policy, and a the President of the Board of Trade ; while the noble lord first, that he may find no defects; and, secondly,' that even firm a certain provisional order of the General Beard of
programme of the business which we mean to introduce. at the head of the Government would have seine family if he does, he may not bring forward any remedy. (Hear, Health, applyingly the Public Haftelth Act, 1848, to the district
If they have not the majority, and it the two noble lords differences to settle with his youthful Secretary for the hear.) According to his own showing, therefore, Lord of Skipton, e West Riding e county of York, and to
Colonies on the question of church rates. The right hon. Derby is not likely to give us his reform bill, and with re•
further declare the limits of the district of Toxteth Park, in
to whom I have referred have not the majority, it does
gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) said he and his friends were a ference to the right hon. gentleman, I must say that I the county palatine of Lancaster, for the purposes of the said
not follow that I am to suppose we do not possess it.
(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, we shall carry on the Conservative Government guiding a Conservative party. should look with great suspicion at any measure of the act.
.He (11r. Horsm. anthad always found very great, difficulty kind in which he took a part. (" Hear," and " Oh.") I The Marine Mutiny Bill was brought in and read a first
affairs of the country with the utmost energy, and I hope in understanding the word Conservative; anti the best de- cannot sit down withotft stating that I am much gratified time.
with the utmost prudence. (Hear, hear.) We shall finition he had ever met with eras that discovered by a to find that the correspondence between the Government The house adjourned at nine o'clock.
endeavour to do our duty to oar Sovereign, to the Scotehman soon after the passing of the Reform Bill. of her Majesty and the Emperor of the French has resulted nen.------__
country, and to Parliament, and so long as we are ani- This gentleman having been told by a candidate in the terininairien of theme differences which produced so
mated by that conviction, and till the fatal truth is for the county of Edinburgh, Sir George Clerk, that painful a result. I think that the noble lord at the head of
proved by facts which I do
Lnoeutd aantinedipaltoen,:csohnatlilnubeed- he was not a Tory, but a Conservative, looked in the Foreign Affairs is likely to carry into the affairs of his
lieve that we possess the constitutional confidence of the dictionary to discover the meaning of the word. department a due regard to the dignity of this country
the House of Commons. (
He found that "to conserve" meant "to preserve." and a spirit of conciliation towards our allies. (Hear.) I
That did not much help him. On looking at the hope we shall maintain the alliance of France, which is
cheering.)one of main importance throughout Europe. I hope we shall
word preserve he found that it meant " to pickle ;" and
Mr. HORSMAN said he had the misfortune to dissent hisremark upon this was that he had always believed that not consider that power as the ouly friendly power in Europe.
from so much that fell from the hon. member for Dover— the Tories had brought them into a pickle, but he had never I believe that the position of England at this time is such
(ironical laughter from the ministerial benches)—that if the supposed that they would confess it. (Cries of " Oh, eh.") that there is nothing which she should ask from any power
Now, he thought the course which the Opposition ought which can interfere with our friendly relations with that
hon. gentleman had confined himself to the constitutional
to pursue was to remain patiently on that side of the house power. I trust, therefore,that such a course will be pursued
question of the position of the government and the princi- until they found themselves in such a position that a move that whatever I may think of the domestic policy of the Go-
pies which it was prepared to avow, he should have loft might be made wisely and consistently. For his part he eernment, I may at least approve of the conduct of foreign
that question where it stood. But his hon. friend, repro - did not think that sitting on that side of the house was a affairs.
DR(HeUMMOND said they appeared to be entering
at, hear.)
scanting the late government— (no, no, from the opposition very great disadvantage—he did not think their constitu-
Mr.
side of the house, followed by another burst of ironical tions would be very much damaged by change of climate ;
upon a debate touchi the Reform Bill which could not be
ng
laughter from the ministerial side)—and questioning the and he was for their remaining there until they found a useful one. But ho could not hear the remarks of the
present one, had given to the question somewhat of the themselves under the leadership of those who would enable noble lord J. Russell) and of the right hon. gentleman (the
character of a triangular duel, by accusing a large section them to remove to the other side of the house, and to main- Chancellor of the Exchequer) without saying that ho con
of his own party of having contributed to the formation of taro their position there with honour to themselves and curn3d more in those which full upon that (the Government)
the present government. Now he begged to say that he with advantage to the country. side of the house than in those which fell upon the other.
differed from his hon. friend, not only as to the eircurin Lord J. RUSSELL-4 am not one of those who consider
stances under which the present government was formed, it to be necessary that a Minister, on taking his place in The noble lord had touched upon the real animus of the
framers of the Reform Bill when he spoke of the exclusion
from office of the Whigs for 70 years. (Cheers.)
but also as to their present position and character, and as this house, should make a declaration of the policy which Lord PALMERSTON—I have no desire to interpose iu
to the course which it was incumbent
pursue. They (the opposition) had before them e oppo
insrelation ition to
he means to pursue. I stated that as my opinion in 1853, the passage of arms which has taken place between my
to her Majesty's government, the old and familiar option and to that opinion I still adhere ; and I should never hon, friend the member for Dover and the right hon. gentle-
of three courses. They might at once by a hostile vote think of calling upon the right hon, gentleman to make man the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a passage in which
place them in a minority, with a view of expelling them any declaration of his policy. I conceive that when a party I .think the house will admit that each knight has distin-
from office, or evading that direct course, they might, by
has sat for years in this house, and has given opinions on
means of a series of eloquent attacks like those of his hon. guielied himself is the manner in which ha has wielded his
friend (Mr. B. Osborne), go on day after day obstructing a variety of questions that have coins before it, when they weapons. So much so indeed that it is difficult to say on
to a certain extent public business without raising any de• come into office they will generally maintain those opinions.
cider! issue; or they might pursue a third course—they At the same time, having
filled office myself, lam per- which side the advantage rests. (Cries of "Oh !" from the
might extend to the government that courtesy which was featly aware that a party acceding to office may find some Ministerial benches.) I wish, however, to say a few words
usually extended to the servants of the crown, and post- questions in such a position that they cannot immediately in reply to what fell from my right hon. friend behind me
pone till the occasion most convenient to themselves that ant upoii the opinions which they have formerly expressed, (Mr. Hemmen). lam not going to seek in his speech an
decidwily hostile movement which they hoped would one and that on these questions their course may somewhat answer which he appeared to give to the right hon. gentle-
day displace them from theirseats. (Laughter.) Now it ap- vary from that which they have previously pursued. I was
man the member for Bucks, who inquired with some
peened to him that the firs; and last of these courses ware not surprised, therefore, when the noble lord at tbo head of
perfectly legitimate, and that no one could make any Par- the Government declared in another place that, it having anxiety where the majority of this house is to be found.
liaruentary objection to either of them ; but the course been declared by a large majority in this house that an My right hon. friend seemed to know where that majority
which he did dissent. from, and which he thought India Bill should be introduced, he considered that the is ;he appeared to be conscious that he could wield it when
the house would not approve, was that of which his hon. staving off of the question for another year was no longer he pleased, and although he spoke in very handsome terms
friend had set an example that night. If they (the oppoen an attainable object. It is not then on the subject intro- of the Government, he yet informed the right hon. gentle-
duced by the hon. member for Dover (Mr. B. °Amino) but man opposite that whenever the time came when ho should
tion) could justly charge the present government with
having stolen office by intrigue or stormed it by faction on another subject introduced by the right hen. gentle- think it fit to wield that majority ho was prepared to wield
if they could bring home to them the charge that while in man opposite that I have risen to speak. Before pro- that majority, and eject front office the Ministry who now
opposition their opposition was systematically conducted ceeding to notice that subject, however, I may perhaps be sat opposite. (A. laugh.) With regard to those who sit on
in a manner that was unfair and -unbecoming, then he allowed to say that Ido not fool it necessary either to review those benches, I can only say that we have submitted in
thought they would be perfectly justified in showing them the course of the late Government or to make any state- deference to the opinion of this house, and that there shall
no quarter ; but he must say that from the day when the went with regard to that bill which led to the resignation be no factious attempts on our part to anticipate the time
late government was formed the opposition to it was, in of the late Government. With regard to that Govern- when the majority which my right hon. friend hail allnded to
his judgment, conducted with a moderation and a forbear- ment, let me observe that I shall always respect my noble shall cause the right hon. gentlemen opposite to continue
anco to which he could remember no parallel in his experi- friend who was at the head of it. I shall always think opposite no longer. But my right hon. friend, referring to
ence in Parliament. (Hear hear.) During the whole that the public are indebted to him for the great exertions the late Government seemed to consider that mycourse had
period of the Russian war, 'during the negotiations for that he made during the war, and for the opportune me- been rather to ask the support of those who sit on the
Principalities, and during ;he progress of the disturbances m( ent which he chose for signing the peace with Russia. other side of the house than to pursae the line of conduct
peace and the subsequent disputes with regard to the
in India, there were many occasions on which an opposi- Hear, hear.) I think those are obligations which nothing which would have received the support of those by whom
can efface from the memory of the people of this country. the late Government was generally supported. I can only
tion so minded might hews indulged in a good deal more As respects the vote which led to the dissolution of the say, sir, that, sorry as I was to lose the assistance of my
than occasional unfriendly- criticism. Ho had a strong late Government. I cannot suppose that my hon friend the right hon. friend, I was not aware that that loss was oc-
persuasion that if the liberal party had occupied the same member for Dorset meant to say that there was any die- casion by any failure in political conduct on my part.
benches daring the same period, such a total abdication of creditable manccuvre on the part of those members of the If it boas my right hon. friend says, that, as the head of
the functions of an opposition would have been considered Liberal party who fell it their duty from the first to oppose the Goveinment, I looken °lslay for support on the other
unpatriotic ; and
the Conspiracy Bill. I stated at once my objections to side of tke house, I must say that the result has shown that
"' unless his memory deceived him , when
als o
thatdo they had
they did occupy those beechee they felt it their duty to that bill ; I persevered until by means of a vote of this the expectations I might have formed were not founded on
take more party divisions n three weeks than their degene- house we got rid of that bill.; and I consider that that very good grounds. (Hear, and laughter.) But I must
rate successors ventured upon in throe years. (Hear, hear.) course was not only a course conducive to the interests of say, that, in pursuing that' course which I and my col-
the country, but a manly and open course with regard to a leagues thought was for the good of the country, we were
measure of public policy. (Hear.) Sir, the right hon. happy to receive support from every part of the house. We
great avidity for office. In 1855 Lord Derby was ridiculed gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) in'g,oing over, with very consider- regretted when measures had not the support of those who
acknowledgell e
must
for his cowardice in gentlemen opposite the justice to
not accepting office. He had accepted able talent--talent which is not now to us—the various ,sat on the same side as ourselves, but we rejoiced to find
had not of late manifested any very
it in 1858, and they were now astonished at his temerity, questions on which he touched, and drawing a contrast that any portion of the house approved of the course which
(Laughter.) -Moreover, as regarded the construction between the late Government and the present one, has not we thought just. And I must say that I think the °wen-
d the present Governmert, he must say that the appoint- succeeded in effacing from my mind the recollection that sional support we received from members] who did not
ments were, on the whole, such as public opinion was during the many years that I have been in this house, habitually act with us was as creditable to the Government
Most likely to endorse, and he thought that in the sub- while the party to which he belonged has pursued a policy as it was honourable to those who gave it—(hear, hear)—
ordinate appointments the head of the Government which I consider reforming, and that upon all the great and undoubtedly, if again it should be our lot to bo re-
had manifested a commendable desire to maintain that questions of religious and civil liberty, upon question' re- spensible for the conduct of affairs, I should not think my-
intellectual character in which they must all feel a pride lating to the Roman Catholics, the Protestant Dissenters, self acting otherwise than in accordance with the interests
and an interest. (Hear, hear.) The country had, it and the Jews, and upon the questions of reform and corn- of the country merely because our measures might receive
must be admitted, viewed the change of government mercial liberty or free trade, I have been opposed to the the support of those who did not generally act with us.
with great indifference, and had not evinced that anxiety views of the Conservative party, I cannot but expect that (Hear.) Now, sir, when my right hon. friend seems to
and alarm which many hon. gentlemen naturally ex-
questions will arise on which they will be found main- imply that lam not a liberal, but a tory, I beg leave to
petted. (Laughter.) The funds had continued not to fall, tanning their principles, and I shall be found differing from remind him that in all those measures of domestic policy
them ; but that is no reason why I should endeavour to which my noble friend the member for the City of London
and the country had most provokingly refused to rise.
(Renewed laughter.) A business-like and practical corm- embarrass a Government who have just taken their seats. has brought forward, and in which he takes, and justly,
try like this could not bo expected to rise very often. The (dear.) If her Majesty has been obliged to appoint them so much pride, I acted with him, and gave him all the sup-
country rose last year, and returned to that house a power- to the high offices which they hold, it is our duty port in my power. (Hear, hear.) My right hon. friend
ful majority to sustain the most powerful minister that in the House of Commons to hear the various mea- has referred to the vote which has placed us upon this side
had been seen in modern times, and it now had a right to sures they have to propose, and to consider of the house. Sir lam not going to impugn the conduct of
ask what had become of that minister and of that majority? the merits of those measures, and also to consider those by whose vote we were placed in the position we now
(Fleur.) Now, he should speak as he felt towards that gen-
how far those measures accord with the promises they have hold. No doubt the larger portion of those who voted were
Woman who sat on that (the opposition) front bench, with made. (Hear, hear.) There have been two questions sincere in giving a vote for the introduction of the bill, and
whom he had been associated for many years in the inter- touched upon by the right hon. gentleman upon which I afterwards joining in a vote against it. Bat nevertheless' I
course of public life and of pri rate friendship ; while of the
confess I was not entirely satisfied with what he said, those must remind the right hon. gentleman that the vote on the
noble lord at the head of the late Government he could questions being, first,. the appointment of Orange magic- introduction of thebill against the amendment then proposed
only speak as every man must do who had ever stood to trates in Ireland ; and, secondly, the support of national by the lion. member for Bridgewater (Mr. Kinglake) was
him in the position of official subordination, and who ra- education in Ireland. Now, with regard to Orange magis- a vote utterly and entirely at variance with the vote given
membered that unvarying courtesy and kindness, that trates, the right hon. gentleman states very fluently a prin- upon the precisely similar occasion of the second reading.
generous confidence and protection, which euperadcled feel- ciple which is generally a right principle, namely, that if (Hear.) The gentlemen who pursued that course have, un-
ings of personal obligation to those of admiration and there be no act of Parliament to disqualify, the Lord doubtedly, reasons which they fairly thought justified
esteem. ,But the question here arose, by whom was the Chancellor ought not to impose arbitrary restrictions. But them in taking advantage of the opportunity which was
late Governmeat displaced? Its displacement was not, as the right hon. gentleman apparently forgets that many given them for placing the Government in a minority. I
the hon. gentleman (Ir. B. Osborne) supposed, the result years ago it was proposed by the late Mr. Hume to adopt do not blame them, but I cannot tchnit, the assertion that
of a discreditable manoeuvre. (Cheers.) He accepted all somewhat severe measures against Orangemen in Ireland ; there was not a manoeuvre in the step—though I admit
the consequences of the late vote ; and he maintained that that I then proposed an address to the Crown, to the effect that that manceuvre might bo a blameless one. Those who
there was Do ineonsistency with the feelings which he had that the then Sovereign, the late King William, might be sit on these benches, I may say, sir, have no intention of
just expressed in his repeatinglout of office what he respect-
pleased to discourage the Orange societies and the qualities adopting any similar course. The right hon. gentlemen
fully but pertinaciously urged in office, that the defeat of
which belonged to them (I do not know whether or not opposite have undertaken that constitutional responsibility
the Government and the subsequent embarrassment ani they retain those qualities at present), and that to that ad- which belongs to office. From what has passed, it appears
disorganisation of the party were the inevitable result of dress we had the good fortune to obtain the entire assent that they intend to adopt some of the principal measures
eaultwr
aalyt:i
ng
the noble lord's (Lord Pelenoreton's) fatal and inveterate of Mr. O'Connell on the one hand and of the present Earl which wo had proposed. So long as they follow out those
habit of always looking to the opposition benches for sym- of Derby on the other. Ido not think it would be beneath measures, they will receive all the support which wo can
morn intent apps- the present Government to keep the address in view, and give them. (Hear.) Sin with regard to the course which
pathy and support—(opposition cheers)—turning a cold
beingfoes than on confirm- to act in accordance with its spirit, though there may be we on this side pursued during the three years wo held
shoulder
circumstances— I do not say whether there are or not— office, lam content to leave that to the impartial judgment
ing friends, relying. too much on adroitness and dexterity
y conciliatingto his friends,
and
n
which render the Orange Society different from what it of the country. I was called to be the head of the Govern-
for the firmness and strength which were to be acquired was. lAtieli regard to the question of national education in ment, not through any effort of my own, not by any pro-
only by constant fidelity to political opinions, and, above Ireland, the right hon. gentleman proposes to give certain ceeding of which I was the mover, but simply because the
all, committing the great mistake of imagining that that advantages which would entirely destroy the quality of combinations had failed. (Hear.) The Government of
powerful, that earnest, that high mottled majority education in that country, whioh vermin cut up by the root whi oh I was a member carried to a successful termination
which was so triumphantly given in answer to an ap- the very institution which he professes to value—that syn. a great and difficult war. In conjunction with our great
peal to the country had no other mission than that of sup • teni of national education which, by the admission of all ally, we obtained a peace. We persevered in requiring a
porting the personal position of a minister, regardless of Parties, has been successful ever since it was established, complete execution of that treaty, although many difficul-
the principles of a party. It was this carelessness, this in 1831, by Lord Derby, and which would lead to great ties intervened ; we had other difficulties connected with
false security, this miscalculation both of the noble lord's jealousies on account of ono party having an advantage this matter which we succeeded in overcoming. When that
own position and of the position of his party, which over another, and to requirements on the part of the great calamity which has' convulsed our Indian empire
had led to the fall of the most powerful Minister that this Roman Catholics to which neither the present Govern- occurred we left no exertion untried to meet evils which
country had had since the passing of the Reform Bill, and ment nor this house would yield. But, sir, I come were occurring. With regard to our internal legislation,
which had made the Liberal party a disunited and disor- now to what alone led me to rise to address the house, in the course of three years wo succeeded in passing mea-
ganised body, under a Ministry which they knew could namely, the description which the right hon. gentleman sores of great national importance. These comprised 'me-
net be permanent. He thougnit the right hon. gentleman has given of the Reform Bill. Now, sir, the right sures connected with trade and commerce, and measures
(Mr. Disraeli) was perfectly justified in retorting upon the hon. gentleman has at various times, both in this house abolishing systems of long duration, and perfecting
hon. member (Mr. Osborne) when he asked, " What are and in addressing his constituents, spoken of the Reform arrangements which had long been desired. It is owing
your principles ?' by asking what were the principles of Bill of 1831 with very great respect, But the right hon. to our perseverance last session that, although that session
the late Government three weeks ago. Why that was a gentleman is now in the position of the members of a was short in consequence of the dissolution of Parliament,
question which some of them had been in the habit of cabinet which proposes to bring in a now reform bill ; and and we were told by the right hon. gentleman opposite
asking themselves. Was parliamentary reform one of their I own that I cannot expect anything just or anything im- (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) we were wasting the
principles ? That question was indefinitely postponed. partial from a man who has recently given so unfair, and session, we carried through three measures of great import-
Was religious freedom one of their principles? On that I will say so unfounded, a description of the existing act, anew These were the two acts relating to the divorce and tes-
point he must say the answer of the right hon. gentleman This is the manner in which the right hon, gentleman speaks tamentary jurisdiction and the act for punishing criminal
(Mr. Disraeli) seemed to him most complete. The conduct of the Reform Bill :—" I have never changed my opinions breaches of trust. (Hear.) I merely mention these things,
of three members of the Government on that question, as to that Reform Bill. I consider that a subject of that and I will add nothing more, because we are willing to leave
when in opposition, did them great honour. The right hon. magnitude was dealt with in a manner that was entirely our administration to impartial history, and we feel perfectly
gentleman s own conduct in reference to it was, he must unworthy of it. I did believe then, I believe now, and I satisfied that, when the results of that administration are
say, such as would prevent him from ever speaking of him think almost everybody now considers, that there was in looked at, we shall be found not to have abused the confidenc e
otherwise than with respect. But what was the position the concoction of that bill a greater number of jobs than which our sovereign and the coentry, and Parliament placed
of the Liberal party ? For the first time in the history of were ever perpetrated before; and, though the nominal in us, (Hear, hear.)
that party—to their shame and dishonour be it said- -the object of the bill was to improve the representation of the Mr. HORSMAN explained that in answer to his hon.
question of religious freedom had so retrograded, that that people, the great szbetantial object was the consolidation friend's statement as to the course of the opposition, he had
which was inscribed on the Liberal banner, that in connec- of Whig power." Let use ask who then were the Minis- merely quoted the statement made upon the hustings by the
tion with which they had gained their most glorious vic- tars who had charge of the affairs of this country ? At hon. member for Northampton, without pretending to say
tories, and conferred their most glorious benefits on man- the head of the cabinet was Lord Grey, a man who for that that sta. ernout embodied his (Mr. Horsmau's) opinions.
kind—for the first time, he said, religious freedom was, in years was kept from power for which ho was so highly The report of the committee was then agreed to,
a Liberal Cabinet, made an open question. That was what fitted by his perseverance in relation to an unpopular MUTINY BILL.
was done last year. This year the question was abandoned question, viz., the rights of the Roman Catholics, The Leave was given to bring in the usual Military and Marine
by the Cabinet, and entrusted to mere vigorous and faith- other chief Minister of the day was Lord Althorp, one Mutiny Bills.
ful hands. Well, then again, there was the question of who, as was well known to all who knew him, was adverse SALE OF COMAISSIONS IN THE AR lILLERY.
church-rates. Was that one of their principles? Why to office, adverse to patronage, adverse to all the accom• Upon the motion for going into committee of supply,
they knew that during the recess a very large and infinen. panirneuts of official position. Now these were "the two Mr. BAGWELL called the attention of the gallant member
tial deputation waited on the Premier upon the question I men upon whose memory the right hon. gentleman has the Secretary fur War to a circumstance which he thought ro-
of church rates ;they wont home, stung with the indignity I cast these reflections, against whose memory he brings quirel serious consideration. A young gentleman, a ward of
of not having been received in the manner they had a right I these reproaches. I say that these reflections and re- his, studying in Londou fur a commission in the Artillery,
to expect. (Hear.) Then, as to the question of adininistra- I preaches are totally unjust and unfounded. (Hearn Nor saw in a doily paper an advertisement, that certain army
tive reform, and the pure dispensation of patronage, need is Ines all' My right hoe. friend opposite, the member for age nts would procure commissions in the canal, y, without
he refer to the shabby nepotism which, in the county of 1 Carlisle, and myself, were the two Lumbers who had to examination, upoa payment of 550/. The young gentleman
Kent and in Manchester, filched from their legitimate Prepare the bill. We had many persons engaged with us entered into sonic communication with the parties advertis-
claimants those professional employments which, contrary k who acted according to principles which were geographic ing, but ultimately brought the facts to his (Mr. Bagwell's)
to all precedent, had been appropriated to aristocratic con- I and statistical, and had no regard to pasty views. Ard all knowledge. He went to the parties advertising, and by them
nexions of the Cabinet ? (Hear, hear.) Lastly, was it, he the plans and measures which resulted from those princi- he was to d that if he would place 550/. in the hands of their
asked, on the question ( f national independence and the I plea so acted upon by myself and my right hon. friend were bankers, in Regent-street he should have an order to raise
honour of the country that they prided themselves as a submitted to a cabinet of which Lord Derby was a member. 50 men, upon the raisiwg of which his ward would have his
party ? Why, it was on thatquestion that the late Go- I ask, then, if the right hon. gentleman is prepared, with• commission. Now, ho wished to know to whom this 550?.
vernment had been driven out of office. Now, he thought ' out the slightest proof, to say that Lord Gray, Lord was to go. He had applied to Sir C. Yorke, who stated he
it right to bring to the mind of the noble lord (Lord Pal- Althorp, and Lord Derby were parties to that series knew nothing about the matter. Au impressions might arise
merston) all these facts, that the might be well pondered .of Whig jobs which he has described ? (Ilear, hear.) that the whole was seine swindling production. He be-
before he returned to office. (Laughter.) y The season of j The right honourable gentleman has not brought out the Neves, however, that the advertisers had actually pow rto
adversity was a season favourable to the admission of I slightest tittle of proof in support. If he were to do so, I raise 50 men, and to get the comraissiree When 7,500 men
truth. With the sunshine of prosperity came adulation ; am ready to go through the history of the bill. I believe were got by recruiting within a month there could be no
and it was quite evident that the assiduity and eloquence that I could almost do so now from memory, and go through very great difficulty in raising 50 men .'ut this was not the
of his hon. friend (sir. th Osborne) were likely to lean its details, to answer the statement of the right hon. gen- question. It was, where did this 5501 Cot Ho believed
to the noble lord's return to office, end to leave the mem- tlernan. But I think that it would be right fcr the right that ao underhand system was in forces id that something
ment a very short time for
hers of the late Govern peni- ' Lon. gentleman, ben re he brings these charges against the wrong was going on. With a view to c.ear up the matter,
Unice and further resolves. It was said that it sv mid be 1 memory of those illustrious persons, himself go through he now asked au explanation of the Government.
unwise to allow the present Government to remain undis- i the particulars, and make himself master of the details of General PEEL said that, having made inquiry at the Horse
turbed, because in that case they
might settle themselves j the bill, so that his charges may, at least, appear to rest Guards, he had found that no agent was authorised by the
tili next year, and in the moan tim
might do a great , upon some tangible grounds. There is, however, some- Commander-in• Chief to issue the advertisement alluded to by
deal of misohief. He did not think that oven the sepal- thing more. Upon the opposition benches there sat at that the lion. member. On the contrary, lie hen found that, by
ling prospect of fixity of tenure on the part of the present time Sir Rein. peel and Mr. Gouiburn, men of the highest the S7th section of tho Mutiny Act, any person directly or
Government for five or six years would, by the majority honour. They never brought charges of a character
Gout- indirectly interfering with the recruiting service, without the
on that side of the house, who preferred erinciples to lar to those which I have read, ant I remember Mr. permission of the Adjutant-General or the East India em-
place and the charactei of a party to the locating of its burn remarking that he hal never repeated such charges, pane, subjected himself to a penalty of 20?. for each offence.
chiefs in office, he viewed with very great concern. (freer, although they were at that time to be heard out of doors. The advertisement had been issued witlisut any authority
hear.) hi the first place, he doubted the inclination of the 1 believe that there was but one person in the house who from the Horse Guards.
right lion. gentleman opp )eito and his friends to do inns- . made them. The right hon. gew ',alien can know nothing '
she house then went into committee of supply.
chief. They and their part comprised very much of the of the facts, But I own that I look with very great sue- In committee,
intelligence, the wealth, land the character of the country. picion and doubt upon any reform bill of which ho is to be General PEEL moved a vote of 500,000/. towards the ex-
The leaders of the party were men of high honour and the concoctor if this is Le manner iu which he speaks of the poises of the embodied
militia for the current year, explain-
undoubted I antis:air/in ; and, so far as questions of greet last. (Hear, near.) I remember mentioning in this house mg, that the necessity for inereasine the vote arose from the
natiteel honour were concerned, he believed the motives on a former oecaeion a story of Cardinal (10 Betz and the fact, that unusually large draughts of troops had been scut
of [heh ministers of England were equally to be trusted to great Conde. Upon coining to the room to consider terms t
He foo r
Igarndia,rison andduty. in conseThiquerty-nce the militiaimen htsad
hart been to be called t
to
out
whatever party the ministers might belong (Hear, hear.) of a peace, Conde found a quantity of pamphlets. seven reg
But, on the other hand, even if they had the disposition looked them over, anti found that they insinuated bad mo- India since the commencement of the mutiny. 200,0011. had
they had not the power to do mischief. Power was apps- tiv,e3l ,for nvern step which the other side had taken. been the amount originally contemplated, but the expenses
tautly deposited at present with the opposition. He be- "., th",' said he, "these men impute to us the sort of con- had exceeded that amount by 500,0001.
lie ved that they could contest every move and dictate duct they would hold if they were in our places." (Hear.) Sir G. C. LEWIS said that the assumption under the late
every measure, and that their power was greater I believe that is a just reproach. I believe that the right Government was, that the saving to accrue from the transfer
on that (the opposition) side of the house at pre- , non. gentieman's charge on the suldect is a proof of the of so many troop, to the service of the East India Company,
sent than it was on the other side six weeks ago. ' spirit in which he would concoct a bill. (" Oh, oh," from would, with the addition of 2,e0,000/., be sufficient to defray
He believed that the interest of truth and , progress ' tee government side of the house.) The men who carried the extraordinary expense of the militia. Before leaving
might be more s irely promoted ley a real liberality through the Reform Bill had no wish to act with unfair. office lie had not been led by any information from the war
in opposition than by a sham libeta'itY in office; ness either as regarded the commercial interest on the one department to expect that any additional vote would be
and !while he admitted that the most desirable state hand, and the landed interest on the other. I recollect necessary. If this was merely a formal vote on account lie
of things foe ithem was that there should be a popular stating at the clues of the debate that I
believedblieved that the would not object to it, but if it was intendedto add 500,0001.
administration in case, he was convinced that the most tended interest would grave a majority. I n so, be- to the expense of them ilitia, he thought the cmmittee
unsatisfactory state of things that could be conceived, the cause I not only reckoned )he representat. ves of counties should have some explanation before the vote was agreed to.
moat unsafe, and the most unwholesome, was to have (whom the right honourable gentleman assumes to be the The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the vote
neither a Liberal administration on ti • one side of the only representatives of the landed interest), but the mem- would be no actual increase in the estimates, as 800,0001.
country places inwhich
house nor a Liberal opposition on the other, (Hear, hear,) bore for a great number of would be saved in those of the army, There was LW power

Country Markets.

CHELMSFORD-MARCH U.

The wheat tiade to-day was in a rather dull state,
and is below the rates of last week. Spring corn also
dull, and all else unchanged in value.
Wheat, white, old, per s. s. s. s.
qr. 45 51 I Oats, per qr 24 29
new.... 45 51 Peas, Partridge 40 43
red, old 42 46 White 38 42
new.... 40 46 Boiling 39 44
Barley 34 40 Dun 38 40
Chevalier 38 44 1 Beans, Tiak 36 38
Grinding 9i 32 1 Harrow ticks 36 40
Halt 70 73 1 Mazagan . 32 35
Chevalier 72 73 I Ditto, new... 32 34

-a \ •
OS 4.4 rn
,23) °g
ce o

•
- -
66 -
3691 154

Colchester4 670,
Harwich — 809,
Leigh
kialdon l39n 129,

KIRKCALDY—MARCH 13.
Wo had good supplies of grain to-day of all kinds. Sales
quick, and prices of barley and oats is per qr. higher than
the rates of, last week. Wheat a slow sale, at ls per qr.
reduction.
Wheat. Barley. I Oats. I Beans.
First
Second
28s 61 I 23s 01 f Os Oa
Third . 34s 0,1 23s 01 131 03 I Os Od

:.—MARou 13.
t the close of the market
Wallsend, &a.

s
Edon
_.16 0
Fiarton
Powell's DufTryn Steam 21 6
Riddell l4 9
Haswell 19 3
Cassop 18 0
detign Hall l6 6
Lambton l9 0
3t, 40 ; sold, 32.