The Sun.
London, England, 1867-08-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 7, 1867.

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N 0 T 1 E.

JEWELLERS AND SILVERSMITHS TO THE QUEEN ArD
TEE T 11. —Messrs. GABRIE L.
(ESTABLISHED IAS).
NEW PAMPHLET, FREE BY POST FOR FOUR STAMPS,
Explaining the Painiesi Syste-n of Dentistry, and
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AT MODERATE UilAnoEs.
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*,* 55, ti.rley-street, eaveudish-squire,
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PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES,

And by Special Appointment to the principal Sovereigns
• and Courts of Europe,
Beg respectfully to state that their only Address is
33 & 39, BRITFON-STREET,
CORNER OF BOND-STREET.

AWARDED TO C. F. HANCOCK. :
Great Exhibition, 1851- Council Modal for Originality and
Taste. Paris Exh ibition,lBsa —Gold Med aille d'Honn our.
International Exhibition, 18.52—Prize Medal, for great
Excellence of Design and Manufacture.
MANUFACTURERS OF THE VICTORIA CROSS.

MR. BRIGHT ON THE LORDS' AiIIENP-

MEA 17S.

MANCHESTER, Tuesday Night.

A meeting was held at the Free Trade Hall, Man-
chester, to-night, to protest against the changes
made by the House of Lords in. the Reform Bill,
and to petition the House of Commons against the
clause giving a representation to. minorities. The
hall was densely crowded in every part, and the re-
ception given to Mr. Bright was most enthusiastic.
There were two resolutions and a petition adopted.
The first resolution denounced the system.of voting
papers as one which would lead to bribery and inti-
midation, and urged its rejection by the House of
Commons. 'The second resolution declared the
attempt of the House of Lords to deprive the elec-
tors of Manchester of the right of voting for all its
three representatives as contrary to immemorial
practice, and one which would CUM a feeling of
lasting abhorrence and bitterness against its authors.
The petition prays the House or-Conn-n*6ns; if the
electors cannot have three votes for three members,
to cause the constituency to be divided into two,
and, if that could not be done, then that the third
member for Manchester be withdrawn and given to
some other constituency.,
All the resolutions and petitions were carried
without a dissentient.

LONDON AND NORTH-
CALEDONIAN RAE

WEST COAST RI

Improved THROUGH SERVI(
EUSTON STATION and the ER
SCOTLAND.

WESTERN AND
LWAYS.

OUTE.

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Glasgow
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Conductors in charge of the Through Luggage
from London to Perth by the trains leaping Euston
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11.20 a.m.
On Saturday Evenings passengers are not booked by the
9.15 p.m. train further north than Edinburgh and Glasgow.
W. CAWKWELL, General Manager.
Euston Station, August, 1867.

travel
Lt 10.0
ing at

LONDON AND NO RTH-WESTERN
RAILWAY.
PARIS EXHIBITION.
NOTICE TO MANUFACTURERS AND OTHERS.
Arrangements are now made for the CONVEYANCE of
ARTIZANS, with their Wives and Families, Factory
Hands, and other workpeople through to PARIS, at
REDUCED FARES, by ordinary Third-Class Trains
Daily, on production of the authorised form of certificate
from their eznployers.
Forms of certificate, and information as to the trains and
arrangements, can be obtained on application to the book-
ing clerks at any of the principal stations.
By order,
W. CAWKWELL, General Manager.
Euston Station, July 25, 1867.

Mr. BRIGHT, when the cheering, amid which he
rose, had subsided, said-1 shall probably express
the unanimous feeling of this great meeting when I
say that we regret the necessity which has called us
together. We have bad during the last two years
prolonged and painful debates on the great question
of Parliamentary Reform. We have seen one Go-
vernment, for which we expected a long and useful
tenure of power, defeated and overthrown. We
have seen another Government, which has for
20 years at least pertinaciously resisted every effort
we have made in the direction of the emancipation
of the people, lead a great party into what the
French call a " cul de sac," or what we in English
call " a blind alley"—(laughter)— and, finally, we
have seen leaders and party capitulate to the
people on the greatest questions of our time. The
bill which the Tory Government have passed in
the teeth of all their past professions, arguments,
and principles, in the teeth even of their present
wishes, contains in it much that is acceptable to the
great body of the people. There has been a general
impression that it was fortunate for the Reform
cause that the bill was in the hands of a Tory Admi-
nistration, for it was believed that the influence of
Lord Derby in the House of Lords was so great that
a bill might pass that house under his influence which
could not have passed if he bad been opposed to it.
But there seems to be in the minds of the majority
of the Lords a great anxiety as to the future influ-
ence of the great borough communities. They would
have maltreated the lodger franchise, but on recon-
sidering the question, with excuses such as honest
men seldom make—(laughter)—they have with-
drawn their opposition. The Lords have not had the
magnanimity to accept frankly and freely the bill as
it came up to them, but have seemed to look out for
points where they could do mischief that would not
recoil on themselves. (Laughter.) They have not
touched finally the great points of the bill, but they
have adopted two propositions, which by the Com-
utouo ITCTG clocidodly adad moat wi9oly rojortod. One
is the proposition to alter the whole plan of voting
throughout the country, to make it unnecessary for
any man to make his appearance at the poll, and
enable every voter to send his vote on a sheet of a
paper to the returning officer, or to some friend who
is an elector, by whom it shall be handed in at the
polling booth. The main object, I believe, is to
enable rich men, who possess or may obtain posses-
sion of property in many counties to vote in all
these counties, without leaving the houses in which
they are living. There are many thousands who
have qualifications for votes in different coUnties,
and one of the main objects of this new plan is to
encourage the creation of non-resident voters ; but
it will serve another purpose. Lord Cranborne,
honestly and consistently opposed to Reform, stated
that under this system the drawing room of the
magistrate, the country gentleman, the landlord
_I am now quoting his words—would become in
some sort the polling booth for the district.
Then, imagine the tenant, the small shop-
keepers in the little country towns and villages,
the timid men of various professions and business
cajoled or forced or induced by any means to come
into the drawing room of the great man of the parish
where, in the presence of the magistrate, they are to
sign their papers and give their vote to be sent away
to the polling-booth of the county. Is it not as clear
as anything can be that a system like this would
withdraw these men from the influence of public
opinion, and that in the drawing room of the pa-
gistrate their courage and independence would pro-
bably fail them, and the very last thing they would
send off through the post would be an independent
and a conscientious vote? (Hear, hear.) There is
not an Irish member on the Liberal sideof the house
who would not say that the establishment of this
system would be the entire breakdown of anything
like freedom to the county elections of Ireland.
What can be more needless than this? (Hear.) Is
there anybody in the kingdom who knows anybody
in the kingdom that has ever asked for this change?
(Cheers.) Does any member of Parliament know
that any petition has ever been presented to the
House of Commons asking for this innovation ?
Does any man believe that there could be gathered
throughout these three realms an assembly like this
to ask for anything so foolish or so mischievous as is
contained in this proposition? (Cheers.) But there
is another questiodiwhich concerns us to-night more,
because, while it has in it all that is mischievous and
all that is odious that can be found in the other pro-
everything like a real
apeosdi,tiionn,miyt letapsiniienei,t besidesso
efatal to a principle so perilous,
representation, that I know nothing in any Reform
Bill that would be worth the penalty or the price we
should have to pay for it if we were to accept this
towns. (Hear.)
position of Mr.
therejected
proposition
bya majority of
came from
pinroiphoesiHtioenusoef lehfnicteedmvmoteinngs itnhlearpgreo
Loweabeu t oln4ot.h
n thequestion
ene was
case

SALE OF lIER MAJESTY'S GUN BOAT LOUISA
CONTRACT DEPARTMENT, ADMIRALTY, SOMERSET
HOUSE, August 2, 1867.
THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING
li the OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the
UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRE-
LAND do hereby give Notice, that on TUESDAY, the
27th instant, at Two o'clock, they will he ready to receive
sealed TENDERS for the PURCHASE of her Majesty's
Gunboat LOUISA, lying at Portsmouth, with her Engines
and Boilers, and the spare Gear and Fixtures mentioned in
the inventory thereof.
Catalogues and conditions of sale may be obtained here
and at her Majesty's Dockyard at Portsmouth.
Persons wishing to become purchasers must apply to the
Admiral Superintendent at H. M.'s Dockyard at Portsmouth
for notes of admission to view the Gunboat.
No Tender will be received after Two o'clock on the
day of treaty, nor will any be noticed unless tho party at-
tends, or an agent for him duly authorised in writing to
make a deposit of £25 per cent. on the amount of the
'lender.
Every Tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the
Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words
" Tender fcr H.M.'s Gunboat Louisa," and must also be
delivered at the Department of the Storekeeper-General,
Admiralty, Somerset House.
By order,
ANTONIO BRADY,
Registrar of Contracts and Public Securities.

"THE RUIN OF THE FEW IS THE GAIN OF THE MANY."
THE Panic of '66 and its consequent depression
of the Colonial Markets enables the “EAST INDIA
TEA CO3IP ANY" to offer TEAS LOWER THAN EVER.
Six Pounds of Good T,ea tor Cs. 6d. Clip be dear.
The Company's Iik.IIOWS by the per Ships are really
delicious.
9, Great St. Helenet, Jan. 1, I's ChurchyardB67., Bishopsi,Tate-
stre

TEA IS CHEAPER THAN EVER.
is. 6)., 28 , 28 61. Per lb. are the prices at which
PHILLIPS and CO.,
Tea Merchants, 8, King William-street, City, London, E.C..
are selling. good and fine
BLACK TEA.
A. price current post tree. 40s worth carriage free to any
Railway St Aim or Market Town in the United Kingdom.
All goods carriage tree to all parts of London.
Observe— Pnmars and Co. have no Agents.
Sugars are supplied at market prices.

a man through whom mainly, and those who worked
with him, the bill of last year was rejected.
In the House of Lords the scheme comes from
Lord Cairns, a very eminent lawyer ; a very modern
peer indeed—(loud laughter)--a. member, until re-
centlyi
with
the
greatlrishability rt o r a
Tory and u
and Orangentirni party ; a man
who, g
perseverance,
has fought for his party and opposed, as far as I
have seen, every Liberal proposition connected with
holm politics that has been submitted to the house
during all the years he has had a seat in that assem-
bly. There was no man last year who was more
vicious and bitter in his opposition to the bill of last
year than was the then member for Belfast—the now
Lord Cairns sitting in the House of Lords. There-
fore, you see that this proposition, which some weak
men tell us is a proposition of fairness and equality,
and will tend to do all manner of good things in
the boroughs to which it is applied, was made in the
House of Commons by the most eminent opponent
of Reform now in the HOLM, and was made in the
House of Lords by the man who last year was as
powerful and influential probably as any other man
there, it may be, with the exception of Mr. Lowe, in
the opposition which wag then made to the
,Reform

PRICE. Ad
ST A3IPRD sd.

to say that there is no one thing that would be more
likely to abolish freedom. than that which would
abolish contested elections. (Cheers.) Go to any
constituency where there has not b,,eu a contest for
many years, and you will find there a deadness
reigns through all its streets and all its parishes on
all the great questions which arc most interesting to
the great body of the people and to the character
and the future of the nation. Now, at present, by
this scheme you are not about to divide these con-
stituencies by wards or parishes, or according to
population, but according to opinions. You are to
have a majority of one opinion electing twa mem-
bers, and then you are to have a minority of another
opinion, it is presumed, electing one other member.
In fact we are about to do that which would really
destroy all the interest which melt have who go to
Ascot and to Epsom ; we are going to have a great
political race, and the last horse is to win just as
much as the first. (Laughter.) I always thought
that the grand object of a general election was to
ascertain what is the opinion of the majorities of the
constituencies upon great questions that are before
Parliament, and upon the character of the adminis-
tration by which the affairs of the country are being
conducted. But according to this system thatis not
to be the case. You are to find out an opinion, and
then you are to emasculate it, and finally, if you can,
by giving an absurd influence to minorities, in fact
wholly to reject it. I understand that when we come
before constituencies—and I have been before seve-
ral constituencies—the members appeal to all the
electors in their addresses, and they address the
electors in their speeches: But upon this system
all the electors cannot vote for them. It is to be a
sort of pick and choose, and a mode of eleltian ja to
be established so complicated and so difficult to
manage that I will undertake to say there is no elec-
tion committee that has ever existed in England that
would not be puzzled to the very last degree if it
were to attempt to manage an election or to conduct
it honourably, or in any way under the new system
which is proposed. But now look at the unconstitu-
tional character of this proposition. What is the first
process of an election ? The first process is that the
candidates and their friends go some of them to the
hustings and with the great body of their supporters,
voters and non-voters, come in front of the hustings,
and there is a sort of preliminary election. There
is the nomination of any number of candidates.
There is the show of hands, and every man who holds
up his hands may vote at least for as many candi-
dates as there are members to be returned. He is not
likely to vote for more. But this is not to be
carried out at the poll. The voter who lifted up his
bands for three members for South Lancashire or
for the city of Manchester, if the bill became law
and if a poll was demanded and took place the fol-
lowing day, could not follow the lifting up of his
hands, which was the first constitutional manifesta-
tion of his opinion, but he could go to the poll and
vote for only two of those candidates. Then there is
a great discrepancy made between the preliminary
election at the hustings and the after and more real
and vital election at the poll. Will any man tell me
that I have ever proposed in Parliament or out of it,
in private conversation, or before great assemblies of
my countrymen, anything so utterly unconstitu-
tional and so utterly absurd and ludicrous as this pro-
position? (Cheers.) Why do you appeal to the
country. Why does the Queen dissolve Parliament
but that she may ascertain the opinion of all the
electoral body of the nation expressed in their sepa-
rate constituencies by the honestly given votes of
the majority of such constituencies? (Hear.) At
present Manchester has two members in the House
of Commons and Salford has one. What will be the
result if this bill passes as it has come down from
the House of Lords ? Salford will have two clearly.
I say nothing of their complexion, but I hope they
will do credit to the electors of Salford. (Hear,
hear.) But Salford will have two members, and
although Manchester will have nominally three yet
really it will only have cue_ _Salforil_would.have_ two
votes in a division, and Manchester, in all human
probability, would have two votes on one side and
one on the other, and in the division Manchester
would really count only for one. (Hear.) Now,
there is no answer to that case at all. It is as clear
as anything can possibly be, or can be made to be,
and I say that the proposition which was rejected
by the House of Commons, and which has been ac-
cepted by the Lords, is a proposition aimed with a
deadly malice at the political power of the great con-
stituencies of the kingdom. (Cheers.) lam rather
an admirer of many things that are ancient some-
times; not because they are very useful, but I can ad-
mire them if they are harmless. (Hear.) I would
not advise my countrymen with hasty and irreverent
hands to pull down that which has been left them by
their forefathers until they see their way clearly to
build in its place something that will tend more
to the true greatness and the lasting happiness
of their country. (Cheers.) But I ask them to
reject this new and worst device of their op-
ponents, because it has within it a principle, as
I believe, disastrous and fatal to everything
which we comprehend, and which our fore-
fathers have comprehended, of the true principle
of popular representation. (Cheers.) I regard it—
I say it it here without fear of whomsoever it may
strike—l regard it as the offspring and the spawn
of feeble minds. (Loud cheers.) It may have been,
for aught I know, born of eccentric genius. (Laugh-
ter.) It may and probably has been discovered in
some of those abysses in which the speculative mind
of man delights to plunge. (" Hear," and a Voice
—" The Cave.") I said that Mr. Disraeli in his
speech on this subject spoke with an earnestness
that could not well be exceeded. Qn a previous
occasion, when the question was only incidentally
mentioned, he condemned all these plans with a
wisdom of expression and a heartiness of feeling
that I could not but admire and honour. I know
not what the House of Commons will do, but I am
certain that I know what the Chancellofrnro\lf,
Ex-
chequer would wish. He has brought
bill; he has byways, many at
rhde Et
hxi
is
some of them o
of them of
conducted this bill to its present pos •
n I be'
conducted trpicearcily,
lieve that he would regret thatatlitbheirsaml
uld t one
e
single point that is useful and
There arc some
struck out of that measure.
whose opinions I respect on many.
ion,
will think I hold a very strong oorpdis
in connection
have used needlessly strong
and thaN't'lllo
with this question. I say tii
ocwuustsreedsqei
ntrtier sort ia.toirl
Parliament
in therem e n t
in connection with the su
has never been a questionbwd.ct
of representation in
interest as I feel in
leintsje(aLnoud cheers.) It seems
may hereafter under this
to me that every
man
resent one of these constituencies
twhheich settlementhave of efltthsios
clause rep who
unhappy 1
would mu always feel thathe is in a position of infe-
riority. Who like to be spoken of as the
lion tnettibernorityanolf
etitileeerba.o)rotltgehntoi-f
minority
and SOY
dsoemn and repudiate the whole scheme from begin-
. (Greatfur the
laughter n
begin-
ning to end, and I say that any man who adopts it
must necessarily shake the faith and lose the confi-
dence of every true friend of Reform and of free-
dom. (Great cheering.)
Mr. Bright had spoken for nearly an hour and a
quarter, when he resumed his scat.

Bill of the late Government. (Holr, hear.) I think
I have shown that the measure comes at any rate
from a suspicious quarter. (Laughter and cheers.)
I must say that while the question was under dis-
cussion in the House of Lords this year, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer made a speech against it
most distinct and earnest, and I think it will be ad-
mitted by all those who heard him, one of the most
elrnest speeches that he has made during the whole
of the protracted discussions of this session. Now,
it is pretended that the minorities who cannot be at
the bead of the poll—that is the great gri'vance—
(laughter) are very Mused, and that this nice
scheme will be a complete remedy for this grievance.
There is, I believe, all the world over, wherever there
prevails a system of elections, always to be found a
minority. (Laughter.) People are not unanimous on
almost any question, and even when their interests
are sometimes most clearly involved, there will be
a minority opposed ignorantly to its own interests.
In this very city, when Mr. Wilson and I met
day after day, when we spent five years—
seven years, almost day and night, of our
lives to persuade the people that a well filled
table was much better than one which appeared as
if it had been spread by the hand of famine itself,
there was a great minority in this city of Manches-
ter that in every possible way and through its organs
of the press was heaping upon us every kind of
abuse as if we were really doing the greatest pos-
sible damage to our country. And so, I suppose, by
some order of nature, depending, a little, no doubt,
upon the generosity of men's hearts and upon the
their heads—(cheers):---however good or great
may be the offer made to the nation, there will
always be a minority, and sometimes I have knotin
even majorities unwilling to accept it. Now, it
there be majorities everywhere throughout the three
kingdoms, what a great pity it is that the remedy
should only be offered in 11 cases—at least, I think,
taking counties and boroughs; including these four
new three-membered boroughs, there will not be
more than 12 cases, in which this new, rule can be
applied. But is it extraordinary that they should
begin to apply the rule just where, if there be a
grievance, the grievance must necessarily be the
least ? (Hear.) The more members that are to be
elected in any constituency the more chance there is
that the minority will have a representative. You
know, in a borough like the borough of Rochdale,
for example, where only one member is returned,
even Lord Cairns could not devise a plan by which
the minorities' grievance can be remedied. (Laugh-
ter.) For the boroughs returning one member the
case is without remedy. (Laughter.) In boroughs
returning two members there is a chance of remedy.
In a constituency, like that of South Lancashire,
returning three members, there is not a small pro-
bability that one of those members will be of politics
differing from the other two, and differing in politics
from the majority of the constituency. And the
more the number of members in any constituency
the more difficult it is for the majority to keep in a
compact body with regard to all the members, so
that the minority shall find no expression of its
opinion through any one of those that shall be
returned. And yet here, where the three mem-
bers exist under this bill, this new scheme is
about to be adopted ; but, I maintain, there is
no grievance, and, therefore, that there requires no
'remedy. (Cheers.) I assert, without fear of contra-
diction, that the aggrieved party, if there be one,
has never told its grief. (A laugh.) And that until
some superlatively fine people who find out what
nobody else is very likely to discover had hit upon
this blot every minority at the elections in the United
Kingdom went to its several homes satisfied that
that had been done which the true interest and re-
presentation of the country required. Now,
hitherto, every constituency has been considered a
united body. A writ has come down from the
Crown, and the constituencies have been required
to return. The object was that the majority in
every constituency should-cloolare bj-16a otio;oo kbo
prevalent opinion of the constituency in order that
prevalent opinion might be represented in the House
of Commons. In every constituency there is a
minority and a majority, and the majorities of all
the constituencies make a Parliament which assem-
bles in Westminster ; and then in Parliament a
majority of those majorities in the division lobbies
decides what shall be the fate of any bill or pro-
position which has been submitted to the house.
(Applause.) Now, I am obliged to make a com-
plaint against these rash or innovating Peers.
(Laughter.) This plan has prevailed in this
country for 600 years, and during the whole of that
period there is no record in history—none of us have
ever beard of it—that there has been a complaint
that the existing and time-honoured plan did not
give a fair representation of all these to whom the
power and privilege of representation was in-
trusted. (Hear, hear.) As I said of the voting papers
there has been no petition in Parliament. Did
the minority at your last election, or do you think
the minority at the recent election for Birmingham,
or have you ever heard that any minority in the
three kingdoms has gone supplicating as that has of
the House of Commons, and saying—,, Help us,
for we voted every man we could vote, we stumped
the county ; we held meetings in the boroughs ;
our papers fulminated every morning on behalf of
our politics ; some of us did things which we would
rather not condescend to particulars about—
(laughter)—and yet, after making almost super-
human efforts, we found ourselves at the bottom of
the poll? Cannot Parliament pass a law—for in
this country Parliament is omnipotent—that shall
make the minority henceforth equal in power to a
majority of electors ?" (Laughter.) If tbis scheme
be right, why is it to be confined to these four
boroughs? (Hear.) If Manchester and Birming-
ham are to have this experiment tried upon them
—they call it an experiment—(laughter)---but they
know perfectly well its result—you might as well
ask a man who was about to inflict the last penalty
of the law on an unhappy fellowman to try an expe-
riment upon him. (Laughter.) It is an experi-
ment from which probably there will be no return.
(Hear.) It is an experiment which will effectually
not only damage, but strangle the political repre-
sentation and power of every great borough to which
it is applied. (Applause.) But if it is a good thing
for Birmingham and Manchester, why is it not a
good thing for Finsbury and Westminster ? Why,
I suppose that nobody would complain if it were
thought desirable, in adding to the number of great
constituencies, that the constituencies themselves
should be geographically, or according to population
in some fair way, divided. (Hear.) In the bill
which I proposed some years ago, and which grad-
ually, under favour of Lord Derby's Government, is
being adopted—(cheers)—l proposed to give to
Glasgow and Liverpool, and I think to Manchester,
not fewer than six members each, and I proposed
that those very large cities should be divided into
three portions, Well
and that each of these portions s hould
return two members to Parliament. (Hear.) ,
we hbonld not complain of an arrangsment like that
even though the number of members
gieen wa.s
but
proposed to give ,
greater than that which it is • u think
there are gentlemen who says Don 3°
the adoption of this plan
in
would g
fierce contests and of many expensive contests et rid of many
cies where three
sti
the boroughs and the cons
Vell, but that is
members are to be returned ?
exactly one of my objections to this scheme. I.
called fierce contests,
am not in favour of what are c‘t
but I like very earnest contests—(applause)—
and I am not in favour of very expensive elections,
but I am in favour of all that is
just and honest ex-
penditure which is nece
sary to instruct a constitu-
..
ble it fairly to express its opinions at
ency and to enable
the poll. (Cheers.) But if there be a man more
than any outside the world we live in, and a long
way behind the times
in which we now speak, it
must be that man who thinks•it desirable to do some-
thing
by parliamentary machinery that shall putt an
kingdom. I venture
end to election contests in this

THE CIVIL SERVICE,: COLLEGE.—The Earl of
Derby and the Earl Russell have each contributed £lOO
to the building fund of the Civil Service College. The
institution, which is to be conducted as far as possible on
the model of Marlborough School and Wellington College,
although primarily intended for civil servants of the
Crown, will not be exclusive in this respect. The sons
of gentlemen, not civil servants, are to bo admissible.
The committee have appointed Mr. A. G. Goodliffe, of the
India Office, and Mr. J. C. C. M'Cattl, of the Civil Service
Commission,• to be their honorary secretaries.
BIRTH EXTRAOP,DINARY.—On Thursday morning
the wife of Mr. Patrick Mullin], Ballyually, Moville, pre-
sented him with five children, three sons and two
daughters. All were born alive. Four survived their
birth but a short time, and one is still living.—Northern