The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-02 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 2, 1867.

Several questions were last evening put to the
leader of the house with respect to the coining Re-
form Bill. There can be no doubt of the great
interest that is felt in the measure, and, as is
usually the case, almost every one has a different
suggestion, a fresh claim, or a new remedy. Mr.
DISRAELI, however, is not to be moved from his
official reticence, and is by no means inclined to
mar the effect of the bill in its collected form by
presenting its details piecemeal to the public. Mr.
SHERIDAN gave notice of a motion in favour of
household suffrage. Mr. WHITE asked for some
information respecting the agents who are to
prepare the bill itself, and other inqui-
ries [were made. The most important topic
touched upon was the representation of Scotland,
which Sir W. MAXWELL brought particularly under
the notice of the house. The hon. baronet remarked
upon the dissatisfaction existing in Scotland, be-
cause no mention of the Scotch representatives had
been made in the new Reform scheme, and he re-
ferred to the return of last year, which showed the
proportional numbers belonging to each kingdom.
Taken in proportion to population Scotland should
have 69 members, taken according to taxation 86,
and according to the mean 78. The present num-
ber of representatives is 58—a number fallingmiser-
ably short of either of these estimates. In the bill of
last year it was proposed to give Scotland seven
additional members. In, 'the bill of 1859 no specific
increase was made, but the claims of Scotland were
acknowledged. Sir W. MAXWELL went on to show
that the largest and wealthiest county in Scotland
sent only half the members returned by the county
of Rutland. It was proposed to give a member to
what was called the black country, but Scotland
had also a black country—Lanarkshire—which was
daily growing in wealth, population, and import-
ance, and which was only represented by a single
member ! The hon. baronet urged that the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer should apply the same rule
to Scotland as he had to England, and reinforce the
county representation. Sir J. OGILVIE, Sir C.
COLEBROOKE, and several other members supported
the claims of Scotland to increased representation,
and Mr. BRUCE more particularly advocated the
right of the Scotch Universities to have one, if
not two, members. In answer to all these various
appeals and arguments, Mr. DISRAELI said that
the Government were far from thinking that there
was any excess of representative power in Eng-
land, and, therefore, they could not consent to
satisfy the claims of Scotland at the expense of
the English representation. At the same time
he declared that they were ready to consider
the state of Scotland without any prejudice,
and simply with regard to its actual requirements.
As for the Scotch Universities, he confessed that for
his own part he was favourable to mixing constitu-
encies, founded upon intellect and education, with
those great material interests which must necessarily
form the bulk of a representative system. The
right hon. gentleman took credit to his own party
for having in 1859 introduced the measure which
gave a corporate representative character to those
Universities, and thus enabled them to prefer their
present claim. It was not, he said, likely that they
would now be indifferent to the claims of the great
scats of learning. However, the right hon. gentleman
naturally enough was unwilling either to fix a
day for the introduction of the Scotch Reform Bill,
or to give any intimation of its character. Since
the day is not yet fixed for laying the English Bill
upon the table it is not reasonable to expect that the
Scotch Bill can be immediately introduced, and its
character must be necessarily very much affected by
the principles which aro accepted for England.
There is a very simple and effectual mode of dis-
posing of the difficulty respecting the increase of re-
presentation. Scotland has had an insufficient num-
ber of members, and prefers a just claim for
more. England is unable to spare any, since,
allowing for a considerable redistribution
of seats, there are so many thriving and
populous districts totally unrepresented, that what-
ever members may be taken from the smaller
boroughs can be speedily apportioned in the manu-
facturing counties, and other great hives of industry.
But there is no special charm in the number of 658,
which has been rigidly adhered to in every succes-
sive Reform Bill, as if the population, property, and
intelligence of the country had remained immovable
since 1832. If 658 was a fair representation
in 1832, most certainly it cannot be a fair
representation in 1867. We might as well
have 700 members at once, and even then
the proportion of members and constituencies would
not be evenly balanced. But, supposing that our
Ministers and politicians shrink from so considerable
a change, why should they not reverse the magic
figures, and have 685 instead of 658. We venture
to assure them that a good many persons will be
none the wiser, while the addition of 27 members
will allow for a fair consideration of the claims of
Scotland and Wales, and a more efficient represen-
tation of England itself. if the Chancellor of the
Exchequer can succeed in giving representatives to
some more- of our unrepresented districts, he will
greatly adckto the-popularity of his scheme, while he
will have justice and common sense on his side.
There will still be plenty to do in the way of redis-
tribution, but the alteration of the standing num-
ber of the members will considerably lighten the
worst part of the duty.

Last night Mr. WALPOLE brought in his Fac-
tory Act Extension Bill, which was read a first
time
.amid general applause. The right hon. gen-
tleman entered into an elaborate explanation of
the measure before the House, in order that the
matter might be fully understood before the ques-
tion again came on for debate. It is not likely
that any one who has considered this subject will
differ from the Home Secretary, when he says
that it is desirable to extend the principle of
these Acts to those trades not yet subject to
them on account of the flagrant evils existing in
them. Originally the Factory Laws were
only applied to the cotton and woollen
factories, but since then they have been
extended by the Bleaching and Drying Acts, and
by the Lace Acts. Six other kinds of trade were
included in 1864, subject to various modifications.
Now that this question is engrossing so much atten-
tion, it is important and interesting to dwell upon
the main principles which have distinguished these
Factory Acts. The first object was to provide for
the health of those who are employed in factories,
on sanitary grounds ; secondly, to take care that
all dangerous machinery is properly guarded ; and,
thirdly, to enforce the half-time 'system with

children under 13 years of age. The object being
that they might be compelled to attend some
school, that their education might proceed
at the same time as their labour. Lastly, all women
and young persons should have their hours of labour
limited to ten hours and a half, and that in ordinary
cases the hours should be taken from six in the
evening. Mr. WALPOLE showed that the chief
difficulty which would impede them in extending
the principles of these Acts would be in considering
the modifications that particular trades would de-
mand from them. The attention of the House was
very properly called to the very valuable report
of the Commissioners, who were appointed to
inquire into the employment of children and
certainly it contained matter enough to engage
notice in its startling details.
In consequence of their first report, which was
presented to the QUEEN in 1863, the Acts previously
referred to were passed relative to six new trades.
Four other reports have been laid on the table of
the House since then, and, as Mr. WALPOLE re-
marked emphatically, " these reports contain a mass
of matter as valuable and as important as any
matter which was ever included in the report of any
Commissioners whatever." Hon. members will do
well to peruse those reports before the debate comes
on on the bill last night introduced, as there are those
may feel inclined to dispute the arguments laid
down, and to cavil at the suggestions proposed. As
many as one hundred and fifty separate trades are
included in these reports, and they concern more
or less the " growth, the health, the physical, the
moral, and the intellectual condition of not fewer
than 1,400,000 women and children." Of course,
this takes in many trades, such as lace, fibsiery,
and straw-plait manufactures; wearing' apparel
manufactures, the metal trades of Staffordshire,
Warwickshire, and 'Worcestershire; paper, glass,
tobacco, printing, bookbinding, and stationery ;
and miscellaneous trades, including brick-
fields. Mr. WALPOLE divided the subject before
them into two parts, which he incorporated into
two bills ; and in order better to distinguish the
separate branches, one was named the trades of
larger establishments, and the other the trades of
small ones. In order the more effectively to arrive
at the proposed end, it is intended that the larger
establishments shall be made subject to the Factory
Act ; and the smaller ones, which could not be ap-
propriately treated, likewise will be placed under a
sort of local supervision. It appears that the various
provisions of the bill will include an immense num-
ber of persons; and smaller establishments, many of
which are carried on in private houses, will be
taken in in the dividing line of the measure.
As a rule young persons will not be permitted
to work at night ; but in certain special cases ar-
rangements will be made that they shall not be
employed during the preceding or succeeding day
of the nights on which they work, nor may they
ba employed for more than a certain number of
nights in succession. A very excellent provision is
that made whereby it will be compulsory to have
fans fixed to all grinding machines, for so injurious
is the dust that comes from the steel and stones that
the grinders only live on an average forty years.
Rules and regulations are also made concerning the
fixing of the stones, so as to prevent the constant
recurrence of accidents. The second Bill,which, in
some cases, takes in private dwelling houses, is
also a very excellent measure, and we hope that the
Home Secretary will have the satisfaction of passing
these wise and useful measures, which, as he said
in conclusion, are calculated to do honour to our
period by " throwing the -protection of wise and
considerate legislation over the women and children
of this country."

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

PARIS, Friday Evening.

The Moniteur states, on the authority of the
Vienna Gazette, that an Imperial decree has been
issued dated February 26, declaring that the Diet of
Bohemia is dissolved in consequence of its having,
by its vote, caused the failure of the constitutional
regulation of the connection of Bohemia with the
Monarchy. New elections will immediately be
proceeded with. A private telegram from Pesth
states that, in consequence of the proclamation of
the Imperial Rescript, the troops were kept in their
quarters.

I yesterday mentioned that a council of directors,
under the presidency of the Emperor, had assembled
at the Tuileries, to discuss the proposed new law
relative to the Press. The council lasted four hourP,
but I am informed that the labour was not concluded.
The Siecle has the following information upon the
subject:—

" The Goverment was between two contrary
pSroommise eocif
rtehfoermcos,uonrcitlrloierds otobsrteinndateerlythreem-
sciusrtreedntths.e
illusory. Others were for progressing more or less
in the path of liberty. According
to our latest in-
formation, the ultra Conservatives were beaten. An
exaggerated increase in the security money required
on starting a newspaper, and fines, no
longer, as in
the primitive project, place the Preis in
the hands of
great
.capitalists. The cases of suspension
or sup-
pression are reduced and rigorously determined.
There is no longer any derogation of the individu-
ality of Deputies, only the •
project declares that
their mission is incompatible with that of a
director of a newspaper. The necessity of
obtaining permission from the Goverment pre-
vious to the publication of a newspaper is no longer
insisted upon, or the administrative jurisdiction.
There may be an appeal to several courts of juris-
diction against a sentence of suspension.
" These are better conditions than were at first
proposed, and which were in flagrant opposition to
the letter of the 19th of January. But we regret
not to find among the number of reforms which are
announced the suppression, or, at least, the reduc-
tion of the stamp duty. Is it not an enormous,
exorbitant tax ? When it is compared with other
taxes, is it not evident that none of them are more
onerous than this tax upon intelligence. The tax is
almost equal to the amount of the subscriptioii. --
" The first project suppressed personal ,punish-
ment. Why should it be restored in the, second?
The Prefect of Police has just published the new
regulations which make known to persons interested
in them how they are lodged and fed at Sainte
Pelagic. All will be for the best in the best pos-
sible of prisons, but the best is worth nothing. The
penalty of imprisonment for offences of the press
is no longer compatible with our habits and manners.
It ought to have disappeared with the Bastille,
which, so to speak, was the subject of it. The pro-
ject of law upon the press will probably be amended
by the Legislative Body. The Tiers party, although
a little disorganised, will not give its consent to
measures which would be, not a reform, but an
aggravation. The Deputies who formerly supported
an extension of the liberties of the press cannot
join with the retrograde party."
The Siecle then again applies itself to the question
of the stamp duty 'upon newspapers, and says it
never asked that it should be applied to purely
literary papers, but in its opinion a better position
ought to be given to those which discuss the great
social and political questions.
I have paid several visits to the Exhibition, but
the many arms of Briarceus and the hundred eyes
of Argus would require some time to inspect and
note down the various objects which now present
themselves to the spectator on the Champ de Mars.
For to-day, therefore, I must content myself with
a bird's-eye view and a brief and passing chronicle
of the sight. The Times, a few days ago, aptly and
correctly said that the chief building looks like an
immense gasometer. That is the name given to it
by almost everybody who sees it. It is not, how-
ever, the main building, but the many adjuncts and
motley and surprising accessories and dependencies