The Sun.
London, England, 1867-01-17 00:00:00

Manifesto of the Count de Chambord.

The Count de Chambord, under the form of a
letter addressed to General de Saint-Priest, but dis-
tributed amongst his partisans throughout France,
has given expression to his views on the new situa-
tion of Europe, the temporal power of the Pope,
and the condition of France. The letter is dated
Frohsdorf, December 9. The following is a trans-
lation

The year which is about to close, my friend, has not
been a happy one for Europe, and for France especially.
The gravity of the circumstances strikes all minds ; the
situation is full of uncertainty and peril ; public opinion is
agitated. The interests that are threatened are disturbed
for the present and alarmed for the future. Scarcely
escaped from one violent shock they fear fresh ones.
Questions that seemed settled are revived. They are
arming on all sides; oa all sides they are preparing for-
midable means of destruction and war. The events of
which Germany and Italy have been the theatre have
defeated all calculations, deceived all anticipations, have
rudely broken the equilibrium of Europe, and no coun-
try has felt more strongly than ours the force of the re-
bound. Still, thanks be to God, looking at things calmly
and coolly, I see nothing irreparable in what has occurred.
Our preponderating influence has been profoundly dis-
turbed, but wise and firm conduct, without temerity and
without weakness, may restore it. Yes, France, with her
energy, her fidelity, her disinterestedness, prompt in em-
bracing every grand idea, in devoting herself to every just
cause, with her army as admirable for its discipline as for
its valour, with her powerful unity, the work of ages, will
always advance at the head of nations. Her grandeur is
necessary to the order, the stability, the repose of Europe.
But this is an additional reason for not neglecting the

counsels of a discriminating policy, for not accepting in
silence what our fathers endeavoured at all times to prevent,
for not allowing two vast States, one of which especially
disposes of an incontestable military force, to be formed at
our doors. Justly jealous of the honour and dignity of
our country, let us fear even the appearance of a diminu-
tion of the influence belonging to it. Here my thoughts
naturally turn sadly towards Rome, where at this moment
we allow one of the great things to fall which God Las
made for France. I mean the temporal power of the head of
the church, an indispensable guarantee of his independence
and of the free exercise of his spiritual authority through-
out the universe. When 18 years ago we sustained this
institution of a thousand years, overthrown for an instant
by the Revolution, we openly claimed as a sacred right the
duty of defending it against fresh attacks, and while our
soldiers guarded the holy city the revolution trembled
before them; but after their departure what will happen?
Had other ideas animated the government of our country,
faithful to its national traditions and to its glorious title
of Eldest Son of the Church, France would have had
something more to offer to the Holy Father than a pro-
visional and temporary support. Sustained by it, Pius
IX. would have had nothing to fear from his enemies. He
would have accomplished in peace his double mission as
Pontiff and King, and his people would long since have
been indebted to him far the ameliorations of which he
himself had taken the generous and paternal initiative.
Just now we are perhaps approaching a catastrophe the
consequences of which are incalculable. It is not the
future of his pontifical sovereignty which is alone in
peril. Hitherto the only object, it was said, of stripping
the head of the church of his temporal power was to re-
store him to the holy and honourable poverty of the
apostolic age, in order that, released from all cares of the
world, he might more ;reely exercise his spiritual authority.
But there is no longer any disguise that it is his spiritual
authority which is to be assailed through his temporal
power; it is the very principle of all religion and all
authority that is attacked. It will soon be logically re-
quired that the idea of God shall disappear from our
laws and our tribunals ; then there will no longer be any
other bond between men but interest; justice will merely
be a convention; no other means to obtain it than force
will be required, and the social edifice, undermined in its
foundations, will fall on every side. The interference of
the church in politics is repelled, and not without reason ;
people wish the clergy to confine themselves to their holy
functions, without meddling with outside matters. But
how will they be able to avoid occupying themselves with
these things when trouble hasbeen thro.wn into the govern-
ment of the church, when its venerated head shall no
longer be free, when he will be forced to leave Rome and
wander without shelter ? No, the cause of the temporal
sovereignty of the Pope is not isolated ; it is that of all
religion, all society and liberty. At any cost therefore
we should prevent his fall. Let it be said in praise of our
country, at no period and under no circumstances has she
been deceived with regard to the character and signifi-
cance of what she saw accomplished. Her correct judg-
ment has not ceased to indicate what was to be done, and
what avoided. Thus her first impressions upon Italy,
upon the Mexican expedition, upon the struggle in Ger-
many, pointed out at once, within the narrow limits left to
their manifestations, the dangerous consequences of a policy
pursued in spite of the reiterated warnings which facts
have not failed to justify. You draw an afflicting picture,
my dear friend, of the internal state of France. I admit
with you the depths of the evil which arrests at home the
grandeur of our destinies. You know long since the
wishes for my country which my reason and my heart
dictate. Is it necessary to repeat them here ? A power
founded on hereditary monarchy, respected in its principle
and its action, without w oakum as without caprice ; a re-
presentative government in its vigorous vitality; public
expenditure seriously -controlled ; the reign of the laws ;
free access for all to employments and honours; religious
and civil liberty preserved and unassailable; internal admi-
nistration freed from the fetters of an excessive centralisa-
tion; landed property restored to freedom and indepen-
dence by the diminution of the burdens which weigh upon
it ; agriculture, commerce, and industry constantly encou-
raged ; and beyond all this that great point—rectitude—
which is not less an obligation in public than in private
life—rectitude which constitutes the moral value of states
as of private persons. It is necessary to add that one of
the first wants of France, after so many internal commo-
tions, is union ? The only policy which is suitable for
France is a policy of conciliation, one which would bury
in oblivion all old divisions, which would make an appeal
to all the noble and enlightened hearts which, loving their
country as a mother, desire to make it great, free, happy,
and honoured. As for me, my grief is that I see the woes
of my country from a distance without being permitted to
participate in them. But if, in the trials which may yet
be in store for it, Providence should call me one day to
servo it, be assured you will see me appearing
resolutely in
your midst to save us or to perish together. You know, my
dear friend, that these have always been my ideas ; they
were the ideas of my youth, they are my ideas of to-day
confirmed by mature experience. Accept, dear general,
the renewal of the assurance of my sincere and constant
affection. HENRY V.

THZ ST. GEORGE'S CHALLENGE VASE " AND
" DRAGON CUP."—The following letter is addressed
to the various commanding officers of volunteer battalions
and corps in Great Britain:—" My Lords and Sirs,—The
time having again arrived when, as chairman of the St.
George Challenge Vase Committee, it is necessary that I
should communicate with you in reference to the next
competition for that popular prize, I beg to inform you
that owing to the courteous co-operation on the part of
Capt. Costin we are in a position to effect a still greater
extension in the representation of the contest this year at
Wimbledon, and consequently a considerable addition to
the number and value of the
rues, which will, I trust,
render it still more interesting to the general body of vo-
lunteer riflemen throughout the country. We have to in-
form you that the first stage, or vase contest, and the second
p
stage, or Dragon Cup, will be shot for as usual, and upon
the same principles, with a few exceptions, which will be
included in the amended rules shortly to be published; that
instead of one representative from each company of a bat-
talion and corps, two representatives from each will be eli-
gible to enter the contest upon the same terms as before ;
also that instead of 30 money prizes being awarded, as was
the case last year, no less than 50 will be awarded this year,
some of which will be awarded in the second stage, or
Dragon Cup
contest, to which allusion will be made in the
rules. We trust, therefore, that the full quota of represen-
tatives will be sent from each company and corps in the
kingdom, according to the regulations laid down, bearing
in mind that unless the entries are madoin that proportion
we shall scarcely be able to carry out our principle of con-
tinuous progress, by which the two contests in question
should maintain that popularity which is so necessary, to
their present and future success with the volunteer rifle-
men of Great Britain.—l remain, faithfully your, C. B.
LINDSAY, Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding St. George's
Rifles, and chairman of the Challenge Yase Committee.
oYereton-park, Jan. 15,"