The Sun.
London, England, 1867-10-30 00:00:00

T.HE SUN. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 30, 1867.

scholarship which no one appreciates more than my-
self. He has commemorated the withdrawal of his
confidence in a letter which, strange to say, has not
a quotation. (A laugh.) I picture him to myself
at this moment in the castellated shades of Thurso—
(laughter)—with the Edinburgh Review on one side
and on the other the Conservative surrender.
(Laughter.) He who has written the summary of
the session in the Edinburgh is not mounted on the
fiery barb of Francis Jeffrey ; he is rather placed on
a hearse horse, with which he consummates the en-
tombment of Whig principles. (Loud laughter.)
The Conservative surrender—to borrow an expres-
sion from the pleasing volume of art of my friend
the chairman—is what one would call a replica. You
find the subject treated in speeches, in articles, in
reviews, and sometimes in manifestoes. (Laughter.)
The colouring is not without charm, but the draw-
ing is inaccurate, the perspective is false, the subject
is monstrous. (Great laughter.) Far be it from me
to discover a man from his style, for it is thus com-
memorative for ever of the character that knows you
under these circumstances. If, therefore, I make
an observation on the " Conservative surrender," it
is founded entirely upon abstract principles. (Laugh-
ter.) I should say that article was written by a
very clever man who has made a very great mis-
take ; the leaders of the Conservative party are
traitors, the Conservative party are false; they do
not know they have been abused ; they have not
recognised that their confidence has been betrayed and
outraged. (Laughter.) I see many gentlemen here
who have been, I have no doubt, inspectors, like my-
self, as magistrates, of peculiar asylums, who meet
there some cases which I have always thought at the
same time the most absurd and the most distressing—
it is when the lunatic believes all the world is mad and
that he himself is sane. (Laughter and cheers.) But
to pass from such gloomy imagery. Really these
Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews, although no
man more admires them than myself,—l admire
them as I do first-class, first-rate posting horses,
which in old days, for half a century or so,—to use
a Manchester phrase, carried on a "roaring trade."
Soon there come some revolutions or progress which
no person ever contemplated. They find things so
altered that they do not understand them, and
instead of that intense competition and mutual
vindictiveness which before distinguished them, they
suddenly quite agree—the " boots" of the Blue Boar
and the chamber-maid of the Red Lion embrace,
and they are quite in accord in this—in denouncing
the infamy of railroads. (Loud laughter and
cheers.) Now, it occurs to me that hitherto I have
been speaking upon the English Reform Bill, but
you must remember that I have been speaking of
an Act that has been passed, and that I have
already declared in a place even more public than
this that I thought the same principles, adapted to
such changes as the laws of' this country require,
ought to be adopted in Scotland as in England.
With regard to the Scotch Reform Bill, there are
two points of great importance. One is the ext en-
sion of the franchise, and the other the increase of
the representation. (Cheers.) The other clauses
of the Scotch Reform Bill are really matters of de-
tail. But with regard to these two points I will
repeat what I have stated in other places—that it is
our intention to extend to Scotland that ample and
considerable increase of the franchise which we
have established in England. The next point is one
of much more difficulty and delicacy, and I think it
requires your very earnest consideration. My opinion
is that in due consideration to the increase of popu-
lation, of wealth, and of the tax-paying power, and
other influences, the representation of Scotland
ought to be increased, but when yon come to the
mode by which you can increase it you will find very
great difficulties in the way ; and I say at once that
unless the Scotch members can forget for a mo-
ment all party feelings and will support the Govern-
ment, whatever that Government be, which is pre-
pared to increase the representation of Scotland, no
increase in the representation of Scotland can pos-
sibly occur. inlaying given most deliberate conside-
ration to the subject my opinion is that you cannot
increase the representation of Scotland unless you
increase the number of representatives of the House
of Commons. (Hear.) Ido not express the opinion
as a mere abstract opinion formed by reflection upon
certain circumstances. I say, as one who is and
has been a leader of the House of Commons, and
who knows something of the character, disposition,
and mind of members of the House of Commons—
and I am certain as that I am speaking now—that
there is no other mode by which the representation
of Scotland can be increased. You will have fifty
other modes—(laughter)—before you, and some of
them proposed, I am sorry to say, by members for
Scotland. Nothing is more easy than to point out
a class of English boroughs, for example, with a
small population, and contrast their circumstances,
social, commercial, and political, with some flourish-
ing places in Scotland, and form an argument for
the enfranchisement of the places in Scotland ; but
the people of England know that they are represented
at present by 500 members, that their members have
already been diminished to increase the representa-
tion of Scotland, and that they do not believe—
various as their opinions may be as to the distribu-
tion of seats and disposition of power—they do not
believe but that they can completely dispose of them
for their own use, and will not let Scotland have
one, and Ido not blame them. And permit me to
say I cannot blame them therefore. If any members
means to disfranchise
for Scotland join in taking

... _.........
_
boroughs in England with the idea that they are
obtaining them " for group boroughs" or divided
counties in Scotland, they will find that in the last

scene of the pantomime all changes in the disfran.
chimed boroughs are apportioned from the smal

English city to the small Scotch city ; therefore it
will be necessary for the people of Scotland to make
up their minds on this subject. So far as the Go-

Ternment are c)ncerned, they will, at the earliest
- --

opportunity, when they meet iu February, bring
forward their Scotch Reform Bill. They will propose
a considerable increase in the number of Scotch

members, which must be finished by increasing the
number of the members of the House of Commons
_ __

—(applause)—and they will stand by that proposi-
tion if the Scotch members support them. (Cheers.)
I don't mean to say that there is no inconvenience
in altering the number of the members of the House

of Commons ; the number has been changed before
this, and the question is not whether you are to in-

crease it, but whether you are to increase the num

ber of members for an adequate and proper purpose.
(Applause.) It is said, if you increase the number

you will have every twopenny-halfpenny borough
that rises like a fungus in the night, and gets a

population God knows how--(laughter)—where
they come from, or where they go to—for they often

as soon disappear—clattering at the door of the
House of Commons. My answer to that is, the
good sense of the House of Commons would imme-

diately put an end to such an appeal ; but when it
comes to the question whether your ancient nation,
which joined us on equal terms—(loud applause)

from its altered circumstances, should receive in-

creased representation, I believe that the good sense
of the House of Commons will fairly consider that
question, and they will say that there is no cabalistic

charm in the number 658. With regard to the

question of education, ever since I have been in

public life I have done everything I possibly could
to promote the cause of the education of the people.

I have done so because I have always felt, with the

limited population of the United Kingdom, com-

pared with the Imperial position it occupies with re-
ference to the question, it is not only our duty, but
it is an absolute necessity of the State that we should

make every man the most effective being that eda-

cation can constitute him.

It was said in the old

times that one Englishman could beat three mem-

berg of some other nation—(laughter)--but I think

if we want to maintain the power of England we
ought to make him equal in the business of life to

three other men that any other nation can furnish.

Therefore, as far as I am concerned, whether it

be after a more greatly advanced system of
education—whether it he that system of com-

peting which I have ever supported, though
I am not unconscious of the pedantry with
which it has been accompanied —if I eve
wanted an instance at any time to convince me of

the advantage of national education, I should have

always referred to the country of which I am now

the guest. (Cheers.) It has been my lot, as it has

probably been the lot of the majority of those pre-
sent, to have found myself in many distant lands—
I have never been in any one without finding a
Scotchman, and I never found a Scotchman who
was not at the head of the poll. (Laughter.) He
was prosperous ; he was thriving ; often the confi-
dential adviser of persons of the highest position,
even of rulers of States ; and although I myself am
inclined to attribute much to organisation and to
race, I am bound to say I never met a Scotchman
yet, even if he were the confidential adviser of a
Pasha, who did not tell me he owed his rise to his
parish school. (Cheers.) Well, gentlemen, under
these circumstances, do not suppose for a moment
I at all depreciate the system of national education,
but I think no person who has can lidly and com-
pletely examined its details but must acknowledge,
though the principles on which it is founded are
admirable, the application of these principles is not
certainly complete and extensive. I can only say
that, since the report of the commission upon your
schools was submitted it has been considered by the
Government, and I hope that in this session we
shall bring forward a measure upon national educa-
tion which will be successful, and pass the Legisla-
ture; and if we can give you a good Reform Bill
and a good Education Bill I think you will remem-
ber the last year of the old Parliament with feelings
of softness and regard. (Laughter and cheers.)
Gentlemen, I may be allowed to say one word upon
the subject of education generally. I think myself
that the issue that has been raised is in a certain
sense a false issue, but as it touches very great prin-
ciples and the character of the nation, I would say
myself that I do not believe that in this United
Kingdom any form of education founded upon a
compulsory principle, and forcing every part of the
country to adopt the same system, could be success-
ful. (Hear.) I am not prepared at this moment
to believe that the same system ought to be ex-
tended to every part of her Majesty's dominions,
and I am not prepared to admit that the British
nation generally is an uneducated nation. (Hear,
hear.) On the contrary, so far as our primary
education is concerned, no doubt the multiplicity of
our education and the value of labour have pre-
vented that complete education in a primary sense
which is to be desired ; but if you look even to our
primary education as compared with the primary
education of other countries for the last 30 years it
may not reach in some respects the point which
other nations have attained, still, as a whole, during
these 30 years the advance in England has been
greatest, but I deny that the education of the people
of England differs merely. lam talking of the
general population in regard to our system of
primary education. I say that the technical edu-
cation of the English artisans, especially since what
I may describe as the Albertine movement took
place—since Albert first laid down those principles
which have been carried out in the localities affected
—the technical education of England has been im-
proved, and if you come to mere secular education
there is an influence prevalent in England which
exists in no other country, and which forms in a
very great degree the character and opinions and
conduct of the English people, and that is the in-
fluence of a free press ; that influence is never con-
sidered. The press of this country, conducted by
whatever party, is, on the whole, conducted with
great energy, with great intelligence, and with high
moral feeling, and it perhaps imparts a secular edu-
cation to the people of this country, which none of
the boasted climes that have been held up as models
we cannot rival can for a moment compete with. I
do not care what may be the opinions or feelings of
those who conduct the press of this country. It is
immaterial whether they are animated by a high
moral feeling or motive, but this is quite clear—they
cannot successfully direct their labours to any great
class in this country unless they give that class credit
for that high moral feeling, and therefore, without in-
dulging in any cant upon the subject, Isaithe condi-
tion of our press, which for energy, geneinl intelli-
gence, information, and moral feeling cannot be excel-
led, is a proof of the sound condition of the country and
of the progress of secular education highly profit-
able, which is at present going on. I cannot deny
that the great measure which has been passed this
year will give, in some degree, a new character to
our Constitution, and introduce some new powers
and influences into its action ; and, indeed, to ac-
complish such ends was the object of those who
brought it forward. I hear every day that in con-
sequence of the changes that have been effected, we
must expect great questions will arise, and I should
be sorry that great questions should not arise.
(Hear.) Great questions are a proof that the coun-
try is progressing. If there were no great ques-
tions it would only show that we are iu a stagnant
state ; but we ought to contrast the present state
of affairs, when the Reform Bill of 1867 has been
passed, with what was the state which will be re-
membered by my noble friend the Duke of Buc-
cleuch. (Cheers.) Whatever different feeling
there was in the country at that time, no one can
believe that the Rise and experienced men of those
days were afraid of the Reform Bill. It was not
the Reform Bill that was brought forward by Lord
Grey, the eminent statesman, who produced that
alarm ; it was the way in which that Reform Bill
was passed ; it was the bludgeon and the brickbats ;
it was Nottingham Castle in flames ; it was cities
like Bristol that were sacked. But contrast that
state of affairs, with what was our experience. We
have had a riot, a little riot, just to show that we
are freemen. (Laughter.) We have had, as we
had in 1832, violent opinions expressed, but in 1832
they were expressed by men of mark—by men who
influenced opinion. By whom are they expressed
now ? By the nincompoops of politics—(cheers
and laughter)—by men more absurd than Hudibras.
(Continued laughter.) If you consider the different
position of the country at these two periods, it is
very remarkable. You passed a Reform Bill then,

and everybody was frightened ; they were so
frightened, that they collected together and believed
that the only security against further danger
was the associating together to prevent further
change. Now we all feel what an error was that.

It is as fallacious a triumph in polities as in science

to suppose that you can establish a party upon re-
sistance to change ; and for this reason, the change

is inevitable in a progressive country. Change is
constant; and the great question is, not whether
you still resist change which is inevitable, but
whether that change shall be carried out in defe-

rence to the manners, the customs, the laws, and

the traditions of a people, or whether it shall be
carried out in deference to abstract principles and
arbitrary and general doctrines. One is a national

system ; the other, to give it the worst epithet which
it may deserve, is a philosophic system. But,
although they both have very great advantages, this

must be remembered. The national system is sup-
ported, no doubt, with the fervour of patriotism ;

,he philosophic has a singular exemption from the

force of prejudice, but the national system, although
t may occasionally improve by its advanced views
he condition of a country, precipitates progress,

and may occasion revolution, and destroy States.
(hear, hear.) Nov, I have always considered that

the Tory party was the national party of England.

it is not the freedom of a combination of oligarchs
and philosophers who practise upon the sectarian
prejudices of a portion of the people. It is the
freedom of all classes, from the highest to the

most homely, and it retains a series of institutions
that are inherent and ought to be in practice the
embodiment of the natioLal requirements, and the

security of the national rights. Whenever the
Tory party degenerates into oligarchy it becomes
unpopular, whenever the national institutions do

not fulfil their original intentions the Tory party

becomes odion4 ; but when the people are led by

their natural leaders, and whet), by their united in-
fluence, the national institutions fulfil their original
intentions, then the Tory party is triumphant, and
then, under Providence, it will secure the pros-

perity and happiness of the country. (Cheers.)
Events may now be occurring which may in-

fluence the condition of Europe and affect the

position of this country. For my own part, I should

not be doing my duty if I did not express my con-

viction that it is not only the interest but the inten-
tion of the great powers of Europe to favour, and to

favour permanently, the cause of peace. But no
loubt, whatever Ministry may have to regulate the
fortunes of this country, whatever may be their

abilities, whatever may he the favourable circum-
stances they can command, they are nothing without
the confidence of the great mass of the nation, and
without the encouragement which assemblies like
these must give to all. (Cheers) For myself I assure
you, encouraged as I have been to-day by the cor-
dial kindness with which you have greeted me, I am
the last man who would attempt to depreciate the
difficulties which a British Minister has to meet, or
would attempt to exaggerate the qualities which my
colleagues possess. Indeed, when I remember the
interests of these British isles, so vast, so various,
and so complicated—when I recall to recollection
the differences of race which, however blended, leave
a very significant characteristic ; when I recollect
that the great majority of the population of the
United Kingdom rise every day and depend for their
daisy sustenance on their daily labour; when I re-
member that it is ou the common sense, the pru-
dence, and the courage of a community thus cir-
cumstanced that depends the fate of uncounted mil-
lions in ancient provinces, and that around the globe
there is a circle of domestic settlements that watch
us for example and inspiration ; when I know that
not a sun rises on a British Minister that does not
bring him care and even inexpressible anxiety—an
unexpected war, a disturbed and discontented colony,
a pestilence, a famine, a mutiny, a declining trade,
a decaying revenue, a collapse of credit, perhaps
some insane and fantastic conspiracy—I declare I
feel very often I wonder where there is the strength
of heart to deal with such colossal ciroumstances—
(cheers)—but when I withdraw from the pressure
of individual interest and take a larger and deeper
view of human affairs, I recognise that in this
country, whatever may have been the tumult
and the turmoil of our now almost countless gene-
ration, there have been three master influences that
have at all times controlled and commanded our
powers and passions, and they are industry, liberty,
and religion. (Hear, hear.) So long as this sacred
combination influences the destiny of this country
it will not die. (Cheers.) History will recognise
its life, not record its decline and fall. (Cheers.)
It will say this is a great and understanding people,
and it is from such materials we make the magni-
ficence of the nation, and establish the splendour of
the terrestrial globe. (At 11 o'clock the right hon.
gentleman concluded, amid enthusiastic cheering, a
speech which occupied upwards of two hours and a
half in delivery.)

The VICE-CHAIRMAN proposed " Her Majesty's
Ministers," for whom Lord Joint. MANNERS replied.
Mr. LAWSON gave " The Two Houses of Parlia-
ment," for which the Duke of MONTROSE and Sir
GRAHAM MONTGOMERY responded.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed
" The Lord Provost and Magistrates, and Pro-
sperity to the City of Edinburgh," the toast being
answered by Bailie HANDYSIDE.
The remaining toasts were--" The Duke of Buc-
cleuch, Lord-Lieutenant of the County ;" " The
Agricultural, Commercial, and Manufacturing In-
terests of the Empire ;" " The Chairman," " The
Conservative Press," " Mrs. Disraeli," " The Vice
Chairman and Croupiers," &c.