The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-23 00:00:00

OPLiIONS OF THE FRENCH PRESS.

The absorbing question of the day, the Minis-
terial crisis in England, engrosses the attention of
the Paris journals.

The Moniteur of yesterday publishes a full report
of the debate in the House of Commons on Friday.
It thus announces the result :
"A member of the English Parliament, Mr.
Gibson, on 'the second readino• of the bill to Sup-
press conspiracies formed in 'England, presented
an amendment, which we publish elsewhere. This
amendment, which, however, in no manner what-
ever implies th 3 rejection of the bill, was adopted
by 234 votes against 215."
The Constitutionnel, in the course of an article
on the subject, refers in the following terms to the
publication in the Moniteur of Count Walewski's
despatch, which was repeatedly alluded to in the
course of the. late debate :

"The publication in theMoiliteur of the despatch
addressed on the 2uthJanuary by Count Walewaki
to Count de Persigny was the object of certain
ob-
servations difficult to account for. The 3loniteur
certainly had the undoubted right to reproduce this
document on the morrow of the day that it had
been laid before the house by Lord Palmerston,
without waiting for the receipt in Paris of the Lou-
don journals with an English translation of the
text,. It was advisable that the French journals
should not incur the risk of altering the highly im-
portant terms of this despatch by a double transla-
tion. This precaution of the llioniteur is justi- '
tied by a saccnd fact which we will now mention.
The diplomatic documents emanating from the
French government are distinguished by a rare
quality ; they are always drawn up in the clearest
and most precise terms. Nevertheless, a spethaker in the
house sought to discover in a phrase of is despatch
an accusation directed against England, who was re-
presented as raisingpoli tical assassination to the dig-
nity of a doctrine.. Bad faith is displayed in this
method of torturing a text which clearly declared
that England had unfortunadely become the refuge
of the chiefs of a party which, in fact, raises a doc-
trine out of political assassination."
The Pays maintains that the Anglo-French
alliance is about the vicissitudes of a minister or a
cabinet ;—it says :

" Lord Palmerston, in spite of his advanced age,
has displayed of late years, in the direction of the
political affairs of his coutury, the rarest gifts of a
statesman. The minister who entered public life
by receiving from Lord Castler. agh the post of
Secretary of War at the hottest period of the
struggle between England and Imperial France,
had thrown off all his old prejudices and there-
collections of his younger days and his great
sagacity, embracing the true interests of England
and of Europe, had led him to become the most
persevering and the most able defender of the
French alliance. Is it for this that Lord Palmer-
ston has fallen ? Are we to interpret his fall as a
check to the alliance ? We do not believe this.
The alliance looses in the noble lord a superior
mind and a tried devotion ; but this alliance rises
superior to persons or to individual will ; it repre-
sentso the new interests of civilisation, antwlancid
not believe that a single party oxide

that has not inscribed the French alliance at the
1 head of its programme."
1 ' The next observation of our contemporary is less
meritorious :
" Had the late hour not prevented the continua-
tion of the debate, we have no doubt that the bill
would have been adopted by a strong majority."
The Patric c3ntains the following sensible re-
marks on the exaggerated article of the Morning
Post which attributed to the majority that voted in
favour of the amendment the intention of menacing
France
" The Post goes a great deal too far in its opinion.
We conceive that this ardent defender of Lord Pal-
merston should be severe towards the triumphant
coalition, but we cannot look at the consequences
of this vote in such very gloomy colours. The ad-
versaries of Lord Palmerston have chosen a 'bad
field for their victory ; this is their greatest fault.
They have defeated him on a question, or rather
about a question, which they not only repudiate,
but on which they must themselves seek to
triumph."
The following is from the Presse:—
" Those who have followed with attention. the
current of the discussion in Parliament, as also in
the press and out of doors, will attribute this vote
to two different motives. The spirit of opposi-
tion, the desire of giving a check to Ministers,
figure largely in this decision ; but it would be
unjust not to record a certain sentiment of pride
and national susceptibility, which is easily aroused
in England."
The Union says :

We have always believed, and we still believe,
that, in the present state of Europe, a Ministerial
crisis in England is an event of gravity, the sole
appearance of which is of a nature to excite the
most serious attention of political men."

The Cocrrier d. Paris exclaims :
" For the honour of England we are happy to
dwell on the regrets expressed by the London
press at the vote on the amendment of Mr. Milner
Gibson."

LIBEL ON TETE EMPEROR OF TEE
FRENCH.

INCITEMENT TO ASSASSINATION.

At the Bow-street Police-court, yesterday, Mr.
Bodkin, counsel to the Treasury, attended to eon-
duct a prosecution against Edward Truelove, a
well-dressed, middle-aged man, described as a book-
seller, who was charged with having " unlawfully
written and published a false, malicious, scanda-
lous, and seditious libel concerning his Majesty
the Emperor of the French, with the view to In-
cite divers persons to assassinate his said Majesty."
Mr. Bodkin appeared for the prosecution, and
Mr. Sleigh for the defence.
The warrant having been read by Mr. Burnaby,
the chief clerk,
Mr. Bodkin said—Sir, this is a case in which
the Government have thought proper to in-
terfere. The defendant is the publisher-of a
pamphlet, whether be is the author or no I cannot
say, but it purports to be written by "W. E.
Adams," and published by defendant, at 240,
Strand, at the price of id. It is of a character
which I cannot but designate as atrocious. It
advocates the props iety of assassination, and in
terms, not indeed direct, but not to be misunder-
stood, applies this doctrine to the Emperor Of the
French. I do not wish to be the party to give
any unnecessary publicity to so scandalous a pub-
lication, and as you have already seen the pamph-
let I do not think it necessary to read it. now.
Unless a remand is applied for on the other side,
I shall ask you to commit the prisoner for trial
at once. The learned counsel then called

Frederic Williamson, wbo deposed—l am a de-

tective officer. I went on Saturday to the house
of the defendant, at 240, Strand, where he carri-s
on business as a bookseller. I saw him and pur-
chased one of these pamphlets. (Witness hers
produced a pamphlet in eight pages, entitled
" Tyrannicide : Is it Justifiable ?" By IV. E.
Adams. Edward Truelove, 240, Strand.) They
were ld. each.

This being the csse for the pr:)secu' ion,
Mr. Sleigh said—Sir, I am enlyj est instructed in
this case, and have had no opportunity of reading
the pamphlet through ; but I cannot help saying, I
look with very considerable alarm on such proceed-
ings on the part of the Government. We are told
that this is a libel on the Emperor of the French,
advocating his asawsination, but I am.prepared to
•ay---

Mr. Henry—lf you have not read, Mr. Sleigh,
had you not better take time to do so ? I have no
objection to wait while you read it.
Mr.- Sleigh—l have not lr.d time to read. it all,
but I have looked through every page,. and I
challenze any one to show me where the Emperor
of the French is named. I cannot help expressing
alarm at this interference ; a man's shop being
entered, and himself brought up in custody, for a
publication which does not contain any reflection
on any human being. I submit with considerable
confidence that this is not a libel. The learned
counsel proceeded to say that if the magistrate
thought it was a libel, the defendant ought to have
time to prepare his defence. In that case he shoul
apply for a remand—defendant to be admitted to
bail. He observed that defendant was not asked
by the officer whether he knew what the pamphlet
contained. This was different from the case of Pel-
tier, which was a personal libel
Mr. Henry—So is this. There is no doubt
about it.

Mr. Bodkin—lt is not neeenary that the nam•
should be mentione I.

Mr. Henry—There is internal evidence as clear
as possible showing to whom it alludes.
Mr. Bodkin—To my friend's application for time
I shall not object, nor to the admission of defendant
to bail in the usual amounts ; but I must ask my
friend to do Government the justice to remember
that if it was their design to be harsh they might
have indicted the defendant at once.

Mr. Henry—That was the course adopted in
Peltier's case.

Mr. Bodkin—lt is the usual course, but as a
constitutional jealousy of that mode of proceeding
has arisen, it was thought right to a iopt the course
which has been taken, in order that if there was
anything to be preferred in his favour, he might
have a full opportunity of advancing it.
Mr. Sleigh could not adopt the suggestion that
Government bad acted with leniency in the matter.
They might have taken out a summons instead of
a warrant.
Mr. Bodkin—We are going to have a new Go-
vernuieut ; but I hope no Government will know
its duty so badly as to take that course in such a
case.

Defendant was then reniande 1, being admitted
to bail in two sureties of 401., and his own recog-
nisance for 1001.

Mr. Sleigh asked his worship to fix .a lower
amount of bail-201. for instance—as defendant
was but a humble tradesman, but Mr. Henry de-
clined, and in the course of an hour bail to the
amount fixed was provided, and defendant was set
at liberty.