The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-07 00:00:00

LEGISLATIVE CORRUPTION.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
History does not confirm the statement made by
the Conservative organs of England, that legislative
corruption is the result of an extended franchise.
On the contrary, the closer the body and the more
secret its proceedings, the more corrupt it has in-
variably been. The great cry for Reform in Eng-
land in former years arose mainly from the corrup-
tion with which the Government was administered.
The difficulties of governing have chiefly arisen from
the tendency of individuals to use their power for
selfish ends. When the aristocracy wholly ruled in
tho British Empire the ante-rooms of nobles were
thronged with place-seekers, and the patronage of
the country bestowed almost entirely without regard
to qualification. The most iniquitous measures
were passed, the most flagrant jobs perpetrated,
and it was in the face of these ebuses that the
Radical party acquired strength. When the Court
ceased to be the 'scene of intrigue and dishonesty
Parliament became that stage, and when Parlia-
ment was reformed, and Ministers no longer dared
to appoint their own creatures to posts of trust, the
venal gang sought other fields for the exercise of
their talents. Political corruption gave place to
commercial immorality, and the theatre of late
proceedings has been transferred to that small but
most influential portion of London, called The City.
It is seldom that so grand au opening has been
offered as that supplied by the Limited Law of
Liability, and the manner in which it was
seized upon, and worked out to the detriment
of the public, may be judged by the vast ruin
wrought, and the utter annihilation of confidence
and credit. Men of the highest position, elected
to manage the affairs of their brother share-
holders, have not hesitated to use the trust, for the
accomplishment of their own ends---to cover defal-
cations and mismanagement by deceit and false re-
ports—to attach their names to documents contain-
ing declarations which they must either have known
were untrue, or have known nothingof the statements
certified to in these reports. The direction chiefly
taken by corruption and immorality of late years
in England has been in commercial affairs, simply
because it was there, that most profit was to be made.
But with the wrecks of all this grievous dis-
honesty around us we should pause when discussing
the venality of the Legislatures of the United States
before attributing the cause, to the institutions of
the nation, while in reality, it lies in the corruption
of the human heart. Civilisation does not tend to
make us more honest. The main advantage it con-
fers is in giving another safeguard, and even a better
safeguard, than that of law. Where the Press is
free, a man who may fear nothing else, may tremble
at the publicity of a stigma which can never be
effaced. What it has to do is to secure a healthy tone
of public morality, by the universal denunciation
of those who transgress. The three States
in which legislative corruption has obtained the
strongest hold, are New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania. "It is notorious," says the Nation,
" that no measure can ever be carried through the
New Jersey Legislature without the consent of the
Camden and Amboy Railroad
Corporation, nor
through the Pennsylvania Legislature without
the consent of the Pennsylvania Central Rail-
road Company. Those great Corporations own
the Legislatures of their respective States, and
can pass or reject bills at their pleasure. The New
York Central Railroad Company has
long exer-
cised a powerful, though not undisputed, control
over the legislation of its State, and its power is
constantly increasing." This is narrowing down
an interest into the shape of a single Corporation ;
and from the Corporation there is but one step, to
narrow it still further, to the individual. So long
as the interest remains general, its representation is
not only legitimate, but one of the main duties of
the Legislature. Thus railway property has as
much right to be represented, as landed property,
manufacturing industry, shipping, or any other in-
vestment. The difficulty is, to maintain the general,
and to sink the individual, interest. When the latter
becomes paramount, the door •is open for all sorts
of intrigue. The fight is then between Corpora-
tions representing the same class of property, and,
next to the public good, the greatest injury is sus-
tained by the very class of investment to which the
Corporation belongs, that obtains the control.
When a Legislature is owned by a Railway Com-
pany, the chief injury is done to the other railways
of that State. The way in which corruption grows,
and the influence exercised by the dominant influ-
ence, is shown in the following extract from the
Nation:—

" Corruption does not necessarily or exclusively
take the form of pecuniary bribes, though these are
becoming more and more common. A member of
the Legislature has almost always from one to a
dozen pet measures upon the success of which his
political future may depend. Ile soon finds that he
can do nothing with these, however just they may
be, without pledging his support to other schemes
which may not commend themselves to his judg-
ment. Thus he is driven to take the first step in
trading his vote, and soon finds himself ensnared
into the support of bills which he knows to be
opposed to the public good. Having gone so far,
it is plausibly urged upon him that, since he must
sacrifice the public interest, he might as well gain
some little private advantage. And having once
voted for a bill because of a ' friend' in it, or in
the expectation of a share in its profits, it is easy to
take the next step and accept a direct bribe. In
this way, many respectable men who commence
public life with a horror of bribery gradually sink
into habits of corruption."
- -

It is shown that the growth of this corruption
liaS:l39en in proportion to the growth of wealth, and
it is Omost invariably • so in the history of D,ll

nations. People are generally honest who have no
temptation to be otherwise. But where the tempta-
tion becomes very strong it is necessary to have as
strong checks.,_ Where poor men become members
of a small body exercising great powers among a
corrupt community the temptation to dishonesty is
almost irresistible. Around them men grow rich,
and boast of the means by which their riches have
been attained. Scruples are sneered at, and those
influenced by conscience all behind in the race,
while they do not even galt, in reputation. To those
so placed, honesty ceases to be the best policy, and a
man's principles must be very strong who can Ells-
tain the strain for a lengthened period. The re-
marks of the Nation on the remedy to be applied
are well worthy of consideration. But we hold to the
statement that nothing can work permanent change
but the force of public opinion. It is not by making
bribery more expensive, that it can be suppressed.
Whatever the number of the Legislature, its divi-
sion into parties will generally throw the power into
the hands of the small body that can turn the sdale.
The increase of numbers will make the work of
lobby-agents more difficult and delicate, but it call

scarcely have the effect of suppressing bribery.
" The great question is, what remedy can b 3 ap-
plied with reasonable hope of success ? Many re-
medies have been tried and have failed. One or two
new ones are now suggested, which at least deserve
consideration. The first is, a great increase in the num-
ber of every Legislature thus infected. The Legisla-
ture of New York consists of 32 Senators and 128
Assemblymen, all chosen by single districts. It has
been found easy to control a majority of these
bodies, and even to obtain a two-third vote when
necessary. But it would not be easy to control a
Senate of 64 or 100 members, and an assembly of
300. Massachusetts has all the elements of corrup-
tion which New York has,with the additional temp-
tation of a party majority so strong as to be im-
pregnable ; yet we have never heard its Legislature
charged with subjection to corrupt influences. Its
lower branch has 240 members, and formerly had
over 400.

"A return to the old system of election by counties
is also strongly urged, as likely to secure a higher
grade of members, and not without reason, as the
list of candidates for the New- York Convention
shows. The delegates are elected in groups of four,
and in almost every district one or two of the four
are very strong men whose reputation is depended
upon to elect their associates. But the system of
election by counties on a general ticket would put
into the Legislature none but Democrats from one
end of the State of New York, and none but
Republicans from the other end, unless some plan
for giving a representation to the minority were
adopted. If this were done all our objections would
be removed. Thus, if New York city elected thirty
Assemblymen, an elector voting for only ten mem-
bers might be allowed to give each of them three
votes by marking a desire to that effect on his
ballot. One who voted for only five, might give
to each, six votes, and so on. In this manner the
advantages of an election by the whole county
might be secured without depriving the minority of
representation.
"On the same principle the State might be
divided into eight Senate districts, as it was before
1817, and eight or ten members be chosen from
each. This would relieve Senators from the dicta-
tion of local politicians, which is rarely exercised
for good purposes, while it would bring into service
men of high standing without depriving younger
men of an opportunity to come in upon their merits.
"An extension of the rule forbidding special
legislation where general laws are possible would
undoubtedly do some good. Bad as affairs are in
New York, they would be far worse if the Consti-
tution of 1816 had not laid restrictions upon special
charters. A similar but more stringent rule should
be applied to legislative grants of all kinds to the
utmost practicable extent."

COUNTRY MARKETS.

COLCHESTER.--MAY 4.

Another scanty supply of wheat. Trade slow, and is
per qr. advance on last week's prices. Beans and peas
sold readily at is per qr. dearer, but very scarce.
Wheat, white his 74s Beans, Mazagan......33s 3 s
red' 6's F7s Middle and small ..44s 48s
Barley .. l2s 48s Peas white. 38s 424
Oats