The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-03 00:00:00

.EVENING, FiEi,'BRU'ARY 3, TENS

into intrigues, or kept up communications, whether
in France or foreign countries. _

3. Every individual who, without being legally
authorised, shall have manufactured, sold, or dis-
tributed—

I. Destructive machines, acting by explosion
or otherwise ;
11, Fulminating powder, of whatever descrip-
tion—
sball be puiliAied with imprisonment for six months
to five years, awl to a fine of 50 to 3,000 francs.
Article 7 eclares as follows :

" Any individual may be interne in France or
Algeria, or expelled, who was condemned, expelled,
interne, or transported in May or June, 1848, in
June, 1849, or in December, 1851, and who may
again have been pointed out by important circum-
stances as dangerous to the public safety."
THE BOURSE, Feb. 2.—The following were the
closing quotations:-
4i per Cents 95
Do. end month — -
3 per Cent. ..... 69 10
Do. end month 69 30
Bank Shares 2200
Credit Mobili or
Do. Account 9lO --

Credit Foncier
Belgian 4.1,
Pie hnontese
R0man......... .........
Austrian
Spanish Threes
Home Debt 361

RAIL'
Orleans
Northern
New Ditto 807;
Lyon and Mediteran. 875
New Ditto B5O
Geneva

Midi
Western 69T
Strasburg
Grand Central ..
Sardinian
Austrian

THE PRINCIPALITIES.

The following is the text of the Imperial firman
addressed to Prince Alexander Ghika, Caimacan of
Wallachia, ordering the dissolution of the Divan
of that PrincilAlity

"The Divan, which was convoked in virtue of
»y firman, in order to carry into execution in the
province of Wallachia, which forms an integral part of
my empire, articles 23 and 24 of the treaty of the 30,h
March, 1856, assembled for the purpose of exprewiing
the wishee of the country, and of giving to the com-
mission, of which the delegate from my Sublime Porte
as well as those of the guaranteeing powers form part,
the necessary information for the accomplishment of its
mandate. The said commission having declared that
this Divan cannot be of any further utility, I have
decided, in concert with my allies, to order its dissolution.
On the reception of my Imperial order, you will have to
dissolve the said Divan ad hoe, and to notify this docu-
ment to all whom it may concern." (Signed by the
Sultan.)

THE EDUCATIONAL FRAISTODISE..

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
Having experienced that your columns are op -n
to the advocacy of fair and just principles, I ven-
ture to express my views upon the subject of the

new educational qualification for voters. Education,
impartially and efficiendy effected, would form a

grand. medium of suffrage ; bat, partially and
inefficiently carried out, would form one of
the most dangerous instruments that a Go-
vernment could possess. This educational suffrage,
intended by this frail Government, is based upon
the Russian policy, where all are educated that are
not born serfs, in the way which snits the power of
despotism, bybringing the child up in the way which
the Sate requires it to go, the child ever associating
the State power with some hing sacred. Scarcely
ever possessing a thought that does not identify
the State with all that is righteous ; having some
purposely confused idea that the State is of some
divine potentiality. Implicit obedience and
reverence follow, where even iniquity abounds ;
the free education has bound the child, the youth,
and the man to another bondage ; leaving him a
little better than the instinctive animal, with one
idea prevailing always, i.e., vassallage.
There would be no great objection to this kind
of state-bound man, were the state perfect—based
upon first principles—but since this immaculacy
does not exist in any state throughout the world,
there is danger in any kind of partial or political

education. fhere is still greater danger where edu-
cation assumes a semblance of freedom ; where
education is to qualify any voter, unless it be left
indefinite as to where educated—by what profes-
sion, persuasion, religion, or class. Any pre-
ference of an university ,or college education
would not only frustrate the advantage, but
would augment the evils of partial suffrage.
Now no good can come out of the creation of new
constituencies under any class system, such as the
Church, the law, the army, professors of medicine,
science, and art, nor of Banking nor E tst India
Companies. Votes given in such classified forms
will be setting every man interestedly against his
neighbour. The national object of the statesman
will be overthrown : the member would be
bound not to give an independent, but a depen-
dent, vote iu the House of Parliament ; and when
a measure touching the interest of the Church, the
army, or the arts, or any of the classes be directly
under discussion for lawful enactment, the in-
terest of the class, not that of the entire nation,
must be considered. The law representative
would not fail to uphold the law interest, for if he
did not, he would certainly not represent their
interest again, as would the other class repres,nta-
fives regard their respective interests. The result
would be that the law interest, the most crafty of
all and already too numerous and powerful in the
House, would soon enjoy other immunities,
benefitting their Glass only while it injured and
puni.hed the whole country besides. The Church,
also equally powerful and influential, would not
forget her loaves and fishes though the country
were starving by her encroachments : her command-
ment of love the neighbour would soon be effaced
from the requirements of the Church, substituting
for it, love the Church above all things and wink
at all her corruption.

The Church, the Law, and the Army, are already
three powerful ministerial adjuncts, and to add to
the power they already possess is evidently only
the Russian system attempted here, to enslave a
comparatively free people. Who:everlexpected anj,
better kind of reform from Lord Palmerston ? He
is utterly incapable of real reform. Subtle
diplomacy is his forte, and he will ever deal with
the franchise as he would deal with an enemy,
evade and outwit a just claim, or punish the pre
su mp tive expectant.
To encourage education is good, but to play a
trick of this kind with a country, under the specious
garb of reform, proves that something more than
education is necessary. Something more than the
education of the mind only is required ; the heart
and the conscience must form a part of education
henceforth.

A nut system must be instituted among the
higher classes of education, for virtue must find its
place somewhere. Certainly the labouring people
of Great Britain exhibit a tendency to integrity
greater than do the higher orders. Do you find
the men of labour exercising undue and unjust in-
fluence over their employers because of their ii ume-
rical strength 7 Do they not toil on in peace early
and late, day after day, year after year ? not in-
creasing in their substance even with frugality,
caution, and economy—their day of toil never
ending inlife—their family wants increasing without
the commensurate increase of means attainable in
their locality where all the surrounding ties of kin-
dred centre.

Yet numerous, almost general, are the hearts of
the higher orders hardened against their social
and political claims ; and Lord Palmerston would
certainly pu, aside their just claims as if he never
had received an education at all.
I recognise no education that has not inculcated
a sound integrity of purpose. I call no man great,
though he be Premier, if he be not good in heart,
Justitia cum core is my maxim.
It is also the higher orders that require the edu-
cation—that most essential part of it—which bears
upon first principles--that which no man can ignore
with impunity. Compromise is a subterfuge, expe-
diency a deception, and evasion an excuse, at-
tempted only by the vain ungrounded man in
virtue.

There seems a disease of bo.h heart and mind
among the influential and affluent men of this thy.
Two thousand two hundred years back, better sen-
timents were promulgated than now. How comes
it that the sentiments of that great, good, and vir-
tuous man, which Eusebius " declared, of all the
Greeks, reached the vestibule of truth," are not
prominently taught and imbibed in our colleges
and universities. How is it this " Maximus Philo-
sophorum" has no weight and influence ia our day
that we would call a day of advanced civilisation
and educLtion ? -
That broad-shouldered man, which the Times
journal would have denounced unqualified for the
English army—because of the width of his shoulders,
and unfit to mess and associate with the witless sons
of lords—is none other than Plato. How comes it
that the journal which was once the first in Great
Britain, should have blundered so egregiously as to
have forgotten Plato ? But not only have the Col-
logiates and the Times forgotten the shoulders, of
Plato, but, what is much worse, the sentiments of
that great man are altugother and alike oblivious in
every utterance that journal fawningly brings forth
for the Ministerial interest.
Plato was more deeply interested in a good form
of Government, having witnessed the corruptions
in his own country—the Atlien'an democracy.
Also that of the despotic and absolute rule of
Dionysius ; had he lived in our day he would have
had more ample means of witnessing the corrup-
tion of a monarchy under a denominated constitu-
tional form—the whole of which were and are alike
opposed to his exalted views.
His ethics require to be taught to the great
statesmen of this day, they require little revision
for this day. Neither does the advocacy of virtue
ever require modification. Virtue is an abstract
principle which man never can modify, although in
this day various are the attempts to dress it iii o
corrupt semblance. Whereas Plato asserts ' vice
to lee a disease of the mind," but " virtue is pur-
chased as the true good of the soul."
My advocacy is to injure no class whatever. I seek
not the destruction of the possessor s of wealth nor of
honours ; but I seek their fundamental ameliora-
tion in the thorough possession of happiness.
Happiness is never unconnected with virtue. If,
therefore, our members of State have disregarded
the line of rectitude, which should benefit the
majority of their country, they have simultaneously
disregarded that which shall ever benefit themselves
the most—i.e. vii tue.
Plato attests the fact when he said that " virtu-
ous conduct, apart from its benefits to society, is
advantageous to the individual practising it, inas-
much it enure that regularlity of the imagination j