The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-25 00:00:00

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LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 24, 1858.

There have been many politicol reputations
seriously damaged by the late factious motions, but
none more so than that of Lord SHAFTESBURY, who
had previously occupied a high position in the
religious world. The part which the quondam,
bishop•maker took, in furtherance of the plot
concocted on a Sunday, was so far at variance
with his professions ; and the earnest declaration
that he was not activated by political inotiveg, in
the motion of which he had given notice, startled
a large number of those with whom he usually
acted. It was, to say the least of it, passing
strange. The party t 3 b 3 served was closely con-
nected with himself, and it was notorious that
bad exercised considertade influence in the ap•
poin talent of the highest dignitaries of the Chute]
—an influence which ho would
doubtless by
anxious to regain. As w e have explai
• ned, tbt
ohjoct of the cJusptracy was not the vindication
of Lord CANNINO'S character or . poli„,
j Those
',were completely disregarded, and no friend
of the Governor-General should have consented
to join in so limited an issue, or hate
Drooressed in th© propcsed vote of cennre,
after the resignation of the Minister alone respon-

Bible with the publication of the despatch. It was
palpably intended to restore Lord PALMERSTON
to the Premiership, and to confer on him the
political dictatorship to which he aspired.
Lord SHAFTESBURY threw himself, heazt and
soul, into this intrigue. On Monday he gave
notice of moving the resolution agreed on at the
Sabbath-day meeting. If he were not present in
person at that assembly, he was thoroughly
acquainted with the nature of the proceedings,
and acted on that knowledge. He derived his
inspiration from head-quarters ; and we confess
that we can see but little distinction between what
he so emphatically denies, and what he is com-
pelled to admit—between being a concoctor of the
artful scheme, or lending himself thereto, and
throwing the weight of his character into the
same balance with the projectors.
But he was not satisfied with the unpleasant
position in which he had involved himself, but by
a spasmodic plunge contrived to make a move-
ment analagous to the unpleasant passage from the
" frying pan into the fire !" He felt that it was
necessary to do something to retrieve himself, and
to stimulate the waning enthusiasm of his quondam
admirers. He accordingly addressed a letter to
the Jupiter Tonans of Printing-house-square, com-
mencing with a grave inaccuracy, declaring that
the Prime Minister stated that he (Lord SHAFTES-
BURY) had attended a political meeting on Sunday
at Cambridge House, and emphatically denying
that he had done so. We pointed out the defi-
ciency of that attempted vindication—that he did
not venture to assert that he was not visiting at
the mansion in Piccadilly while the plot was under
discussion, or that he was not the first to act in
carrying out the artfully-contrived scheme. We
also explained that, although he heard Lord
DERBY'S address, and the imputations so freely
cast on his conduct in becoming the champion of
that factious plot, it was not "until after many
days' chewing the rueful cud" that he attempted
to make any denial.

It now appears, from the Premier's letter,
which will be found in another part of our im-
pression, that he made no such statement as
that ascribed to him by Lord SHAFTES-
BURY. His very words were —"I do
not know whether he (Lord SHAFTESBURY)
attended it ; but I presume he had communicated
to him the result of that Sunday meeting," It
did not, however, suit his purpose to grapple
with the real facts of the case, and therefore, after
a week's silence, when he had many opportunities
of Correcting himself, he chose to ride off on a
collateral issue, and to misrepresent the words of
a brother Nobleman ! Surely to have applied to
Lord DERBY in his place in Parliament would be
the more just, as well as the more courteous pro-
ceeding ; and we do not envy the mental obliquity
that thinks otherwise.

The Liberals, and their would-be leaders, will
now have a few days to consider their position.
The latter will, we opine, return to Westminster
considerably cooled in their ardour for place, by
the result of the three nights and a-half's debate.
The former will, many of them, learn their power,
and will see that a little honest determination
not to be dragged through the mud by their lordly
leaders, is quite enough to make these leaders do
their bidding. We hope the lesson will not be
lost on the independent Liberals. It is rumoured
that there were many traitors in their ranks—so
much the worse for them, had it come to a disso-
lution ; but those who remained faithful were
quite enough to compel the reluctant ex-• Premier
to order his lieutenant, CARDWELL, to retreat.
The independent electors now see that they can
beat even PALMERSTON and RUSSELL combined
Even the union cemented by a dinner was not
strong onough to vanquish the sturdy inheig, who
maintained that it was their duty to vote, neither
for PALMERSTON, nor for RVSSELL, nor for dear
old party, but for honest truth, and for the con-
stituencies which sent them.

Now, let the Independents maintain their posi-
tion. They can effect vast good by so doing.
They will be the very salt and leaven of the house.
We will do the Tories the justice to berieve.that
they are not so ungrateful as the Whigs. Tories
do not keep out of office the best men of their
party because considerably in advance of them-
selves. Lord STANLEY, Sir JOHN PA.KINGTON,
and Sir FITZROY KELLY, all are welcome to their
Cabinet and Ministry, though all so much in ad-
vance of their Premier ; they have given him
support, and he acknowledged it in forming his
Government. How different from the Whigs !
Who has even thought of seeing Mr. MILNER
GIBSON, Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. ROEBUCK, and other
Liberals of high standing, in a Whig Cabi-
net T Had Tories had corresponding mor,
would they have left them outsiders We affirm
that there is no comparison between the Whigs
and the Tories in the position accorded by each
to the most liberal members of their respective
parties. There is an intolerable selfish family
exclusiveness about the Whigs, from which the
Tories, in constituting a Cabinet, appear to be as
free as men can well be. We believe, there-
fore, that the same more genial spirit of fair-
ness may lead them to concede some of the points
on which the advanced Liberals have set their
hearts. The Tories would not like those points
per se ; but then the Independent Liberals have
stood honourably by them, as a shield against
party manoeuvres. They have refused to let the
family clique turn them out merely to instal
themselves again in office. Lord DERBY and Mr.
DISRAELI may well consider that they are entitled
to some quid pro au* ; and, by conceding it, not
only would consistently enough show political gra-
titude for political support, but they would, we
can well imagine, get through many sessions.

Lord DERBY confesses himself in ft minority in
the House of Commons. He must govern, there-
fore, by concession in some things in which con-
cession is not dishonourable. To whom Can ho
concede? The Palmerstonians he can never re-
concile ; they want office—office only. He can
reconcile them only by turning out. The Inde-
pendent Liberals, on the other hand, do not care
about office—at least but few of them d,
• They
really want measures, not men. He may conci-
liate them and keep in the Government,
too. Not only that, but he may com-
pletely take the wind out of Whig sails
for many a long year. Take the Ballot ; it is
speaking, a Radical more than a
not, properly
Tory measure. Itis simply a measure to give every
man his own vote, and to free him from corrupt
ing influences. Mr. DISRAELI himself has warmly
espoused it; his letter to the electors
sofeaMkiang t f
ry!c-
bone now lies before us, in which, p
Triennial Parliaments and the Ballot, he observes,
" Unless these measures be conceded, I cannot com-
prehend how the conduct of the Gov,:rainent can eve,
be in harmony with the feelings of the people." Tii',
is true now as over, especially of the B
Now, let but the present Ministry make up it
mind to'concede this point, and they will find th
advantage of being "in harmony with the feeling=-
of the people." The Ballot is sure to be carried.
A. few years sooner can make no difference to ai.
empire, but a few years are an important part of
the life of a Government. Let the Tories but
have the manliness to inzet the people on this

point ; let them say, plainly, "We have long
voted with the Whigs on this question, but we
see that it is making way every year ; we know
you wish to vote without fear or favour, you shall
do it. We mean honestly, and we will throw
ourselves upon you."

Suppose this course taken prior to a dissolution,
and who can doubt that the Derbyites would be
kept in power by a vote of acclamation. Lords
RUSSELL and PALMERSTON would have no chance.
They might promise the Ballot too ; but they
would, and deservedly, be mistrusted. Of course,
there would be abundant accusations of incon-
sistency, and all that. The people of England,
practical as they are, would turn a deaf ear to it
all. " Measures ! measures I" would be the reply.
" We shall support the men who think it their
duty to carry the measures we want—we do not
want ' Happy families,' whose happiness seems to
depend on refusing every liberal measure we ask."
Mr. ROEBUCK, in his manly and, telling speech in
the late debate, hit the truth exactly, when he
said, " I believe that more beneficial measures
are to be obtained from that weak Government
than from the strong insolence of those right
honourable gentlemen on the front Opposition
bench." Let Lord PALMERSTON thoroughly
understand that ; for the country entirely concurs
with Mr. ROEBUCK. But let Lord DERBY and
Mr. DISRAELI understand it too. They took
office to govern by a minority ; this implied con-
cession and compromise. As statesmen they must
succeed by compromise. With whom, then,
should they make the compromise, but with the
party—the independent Liberals—which have
warded off the attacks of faction, and so kept
them in ()Sze Y If Lord DERBY be wise, he will
certainly deal fairly with the party which has
frustrated even the grand Sunday conspiracy at
Cambridge House.

We shall now see how conspirators and assassins
fare in France. We know what becomes of them
if they conspire against an Emperor, but we
have yet to learn whether the law is strong
enough to catch and punish them if they conspire
against and assassinate a private individual. We
have had such impudent denunciations of Eng-
land as a den of assassins, from the pens of French
colonels, bragging on the safe side of the Channel,
that we shall look with some interest for the
views of these same colonels on assassination of
civilians by French military men. The cowardly
murder of M. PEN; for murder it was, in purpose,
whether the victim recover or not, has indeed stirred
all Paris deeply ;—that might be expected. What-
ever the faults of the Parisians, they aro not a
cowardly, not a mean-spirited race .; and a con-
spiracy of forty men, calling themselves soldiers,
and officers too, to kill a man of the pen for the
legitimate use of his own weapon, must rouse the
indignation and detestation of a body of citiz3ll3
who prize honour above almost everything.
But it is the colonels, not the citizens to
whom our eyes are turned ; what will they de-
mand for the assassin HIENNE ? What will
they demand for the forty—who, like a band of
very ancient conspirators—had determined not to
eat or drink till they had killed PENE? If French
Colonels can suffer such a wretch, and such
wretches to remain in their ranks, then, of course,
they must consent to be ranked with Austrian
bullies, aad to share the contempt with which all
Europe regards the brutal cowards who stab ciri-
flans in the streets of Italian cities. •

M. WALEWSKI, too, and „td. PERSIGNY, what
do these gentlemen think of the business ? ORSINI
and his•colleagues were courage itself compared
with these forty savages. (maim, too, had at least
a noble object ; whatever his error in regard to
the means, his end and aim were the liberation of
his fatherland from the yoke of foreign despots.
ORSINI would have shed the blood of one of the
military oppressors of Italy ; M. HIENNE
demanded blood as the punishment of a _squib !
and, because M. PENE was not killed by
his first antagonist, and after ho had
apologised as a gentleman, and his challenger
had accepted his hand, the bloodthirsty
conspirator stabbed him in the most vital parts,
either twice, or once completely through his body !
We hope to hear in some form what the Courts
who wanted us to alter our Conspiracy Laws will
say to this conspiracy. The facts are notorious,
and notoriety is one of the grounds on which they
demanded proceedings against reffig,ees. The deed
is, between man and man, more worthy of the
guillotine for the chief offender, and the galleys for
all the rest, than were the deeds of ORSINI,
PIERRI, RUDIO, and Gomm BERNARD and
ALLSOP, if the charges against them were true,
were less guilty than these officers, because their
object, however chimerical, had nothing in it of
private and selfish revenge. Let the Counts, then,
look to it ; either the French laws are competent
to punish a most atrocious crime, or they are not.
If they are, then let the punishment be inflicted
on these Pretorian murderers ; if they are not,
then will all the States to whom WALEWSKI went
quaking and begging for new laws against refu-
gee conspirators expect that WALEWSKI will get
new laws made for assassins and conspirators at
home.

If Louis NAPOLEON dares not punish in a case
so utterly indefensible as that of M. HIENNE, it
will proclaim his position, in some respects, more
damagingly that that of M. MIGEON. It is, no
doubt, bad enough for the Government to attempt to
carry by dictation, threats, or bribery, every election
in every department ; but it is worse to proclaim
itself the slave of the army. The Emperor of
RUSSIA governs through his army, but he
can order, and he has ordered, an officer
delinquent, in high command, to sweep the streets
of the city in which he was
_governor. The
OzAn is master or his soldiers, and is supported in
doing justice even upon officers. What if it ap-
pear that the Enperor of PRINCE is but the
puppet of his army, but the breath of its nostril; ?
and that he is afraid t 3 punish the most dis-
graceful crime soldiers can commit ? In the in-
terests of humanity we hope it will prove other-
wise. In an Englishman's view it is misfortune
enough for a people to be at the mercy of an
absolute Ruler ; but for ruler and people to be
at the mercy of a band of ruthless Pretoriaus—
men who can insult the citiz3us, and sell the Em-
pire to the highest bidder, is the worst, and gent-
rally the last of misfortunes.

DEATH OF MR. JOHN O'OONNBLL.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.)
DUBLIN, TUESDAY MORNING.

The Freeman's Journal of this (Tuesday) mom-
ing announces the death of John O'Connell, Rol.,
which took place somewhat unexpectedly on Mon-
day evening-, at Kingstown ; the cause being a
36vero attrck of bronchitis, contracted by sitting
in a damp garden chair.

Vise tint and Visctunteav Cambermere Lave issued
cards fcr a dinner and evening party, on Friday, the
28t t inst.
THE " MERRIE MONTH Or NIAY.-Th6 _Yew York
Tintrs complains tdhaamtp!,hderpizrzeisye.atannlodndthisaofg
rerealybl?"s ebveeenn
mnotshtal‘sdiidgeinonflltyne Atlantic. It also says that in May,
1857, there were no less than 21 (out of the 31)
making.Lhor,uly wet days. So much for maypole and raeriy_