The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-27 00:00:00

THE NEW GOY,

INDIA BILL,

(From the Daily News.)

Mr. Disraeli's speech last night, in exposition of the new
India Bill, will be read with as much interest by men of all
classes throughout the kingdom, as it was listened to, during
its animated delivery, by the members of the House of Com-
mons. Cavillers who expected to find in it do much of
Oriental show and glitter will be compelled to own their dis-
appointment; while plain folks like ourselves, who only re-
membered the antecedents of the present Cabinet, and the
dexterity of their eloquent mouthpiece in Parliament, will be
rejoiced to find that instead of a Jesuitical apology for an
artful Tory scheme, ws have a manly and straightforward
statement of a measure infinitely more liberal than that ..pro-
pounded a few weeks ago by the late Administration. Tro
manner in which the right bon. gentleman was greeted during
the course of his address appears to have been sufficiently in-
dicative of the prevalent feeling on both sides of the house ;
and whether the bill ever passes into law or not, we may truly
say that its introduction marks the beginning of the end.
Since the day that Lord North brought forward the memo-
rable Regulation Bill, 851egislative yearshave come and gone,
and many statesmen of eminence and leaders of Parliamentary
party have undertaken to propound comprehensive measures
for the better government of our dependencies in India.
Before the Regulation Act had lost the gloss of novelty,
things went so ill in the East, and the public dissatisfaction
grew so loud at home, that Burke and. Fox made up their
minds to try what they could do by way of legislation, and
having staked the existence of the Administration of 1783
upon the success of their famous project, they were officially
overwhelmed by its ruin. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas succeeded
better, and by their hands was framed that system which has
been commonly designated the "double Government," and
which we have seen gradually undermined and prepared for
extinction in our own day. Sir C. Wood professed, indeed,
in words, to respect the principle in 1854, although as the
colleague of Lord Palmerston in 1858 he affects to take credit
for foresight in providing for its eventual annihi'ation. And
finally, Lord Ellenborough and Mr. Disraeli, when suddenly
called upon to frame a measure for the future government of
India, pronounce their Amen to the interdict of their pre-
decessors, upon the further prolongation of the corporate
existence of the East India Company. Provision is made in
their plan for giving holders of India stock a certain voice in
election of the members of the council whose function and
authority are to succeed those of the Directors. But as an
organic body, the great association of merchant adventurers
that for two centuries traded to the East and conquered the
fairest regions thereof for au English possession will, if
the measure introducer'. last night become law, utterly and
irrevocably cease to be.
In this respect the two schemes now before Parliament
agree. In almost every other essential particular they differ.
It is not, indeed, very easy to feel quite sure that one has
gathered at first a complete and accurate conception of
all the details of so complicated a measure. Of necessity
these are very numerous and very varied. We have before
nit the ground-plan of a vast edifice, designed for the carrying
out of the most difficult and varied work, and requiring to be
judged emphatically, if not exclusively, by its fitness for the
business to be transacted there. We do not desire to be un-
ders ood as hazarding any hasty or inconsiderate opinion on
the minor features of the scheme. But there are some which
stand out prominently, contrasted with those of the rival
project, about which we have no difficilty in stating our im-
pression.
In the first place, it is to be clearly noted that whereas
Lord Palmerston's bill in form and substa ce destroyed all
power, authority,' and influence save that of the Crown, Lord
Ellenborough's measure seeks to create a Consultative (Jenn-
e 1, one-half of which shall from time to time be freely elected,
and the dotes and opinions of which are to be absolutely in-
dependent of the Minister or the Parliament of the day. The
Council, it will be seen, is to consist of eighteen members,
five of whom it is proposed shall be elected by five great com-
mercial cities of the United Kingdom respectively, and four
by the constituency to be formed of the holders of East India
stock and of persons who shall have served or dwelt a certain
number of years in British India. Of the last-named elemen .
it is iinpossibl to speak too highly. It is a step, and a very
decided one, in the right direction. It is the creation of an
Experience Franchise. It is the first practical attempt to
realise what theorists have so long dreamed and dis-
coursed about—an Education Franchise ; for this is to give
a right of voting to the men who have experimentally
had the opportunity of learning the wants and washes of
the country whose affairs they ar3 appointed to deal with.
We have here a bar, as far as it goes, to the perpetuation of
those oligarchic jobs for which there was such unblushing
facility given by Lord Palmerston's Bill. But if we under-
stand Mr. Disraeli's exposition aright, there are checks of
other kinds likely to be interposed. Service or residence for
a specified number of years in India is to be made an indis-
pensable qualificati,n for all the eighteen members of Coun-
cil. It is possible that valid objections may be urged to the
exclu-ion from the Council of all who have not actually visited
India ; but it is certain that the whole harpy brood of aris-
tocratic breeding will be roused to indignation by this un-
palatable condition. There is not a pauper or roue of quality
who did not feel his plight improved by the prospect of the
Palmerston Bill passing into law. There is not one of the class
who will not set his evil tongue in motion against the counter
proposition now before us. The country will judge impar-
tially between the two plans.
We own we could have wished that some less apparently
partial proposition had been devised than that of conferring
the peculiar right of choosing five members of Council on the
citizens of London, Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Bel-
fast. It is easy to foresee the local jealousies to which any
selection must necessarily give rise. Already we have evi-
dence of the outbreak of such feelings. We will not at present
enter into the discussion; but we are bound to own frankly
that the choice to be made w,s between alternative-, any one
of which would have probably provoked an equal amount of
opposition. Meanwhile we cheerfully recoguise in the gene-
ral scope and tendency of the measure an earnest desire to
obey the dictates of public opinion, and to embody guaran-
tees for its permanent control.