The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-01 00:00:00

REPRESENTATION OF BODMIN.

ADDRESS OF MR. JAMES WYLD, M.P.
(From the West Briton of Friday)
On Monday evening last, Mr. James Wyld, one
of the members for Bodmin, in accordance with the
practice which has of late become general amongst
Liberal representatives, met his constituents in the
Town-hall, for the purpose of explaining his conduct
during the last session of Parliament, and e ex-
pressing his views upon some of the more important
questions which are likely to engage the attention
of the Legislature when next it assembles. The
attendance was very numerous, the large hall being
crowded, and the reception of the hon. member was
of the most cordial and gratifying character. On
entering th 6 hall, shortly after seven o'clock, accom-
panied by Mr. W. Pearce, he was greeted with en-
thusiastic and prolonged cheering.
The MAYOR (Mr. W. Pascoe) took the chair, and
in opening the meeting, he observed that it was
with extreme diffidence that he had consented to
occupy such a public position as he was then placed
in, and he had only been induced to undertake the
. duty of chairman by the fact that he should thus
enjoy the gratification of hearing their talented re-
presentative, Mr. Wyld. He considered it was right
that representatives should visit their constituents
occasionally, in order to explain to them their con-
duct in Parliament, and take council with them
respecting those questions which are likely in future
to engage the attention of the Legislature ; and
that being his opinion he thought they ought to
feel' especially gratified at meeting Mr. Wyld.
Although he had not agreed with that gentleman
on every question that had engaged the attention
of Parliament, he believed that in him they pos-
sesssed a most able, enlightened, efficient, and valu-
able member. (Cheers.) He had intended to refer to
one or two important questions ; but he should con-
tent himself with introducing their worthy member.
Mr. WYLD then rose, and was received with
loud cheers. He said he was exceedingly obliged to
his friend, the mayor for the kind and complimen-
tary observations with which he had introduced
him to the meeting that evening, especially when
he considered, as his worship had stated, that he
had differed from him on some political questions,
and that at the last election he was 'not amongst
his supporters. The mayor had taken the chair in
fulfilment of what he considered to be his public
duty, and when, in the discarge of that duty, he
was pleased to allude to him in the eulogistic terms
which they had just heard, he must confess that
such a tribute to his public conduct was most agree-
able to him. He cordially concurred in the remark
of his worship, that it was the duty of a represen•
tative to come before his constituents to explain to
them his votes during the session-that was past,
and to consult with them relative to the future. It
was not a matter of courtesy, but a right which
they ought to demand, and entertaining this opin-
ion, he had come amongst them that evening in
order to compare his opinions with theirs, and thus
to ascertain whether they corresponded, and whe-
ther he really and truly represented the political
sentiments of the great majority of the electors of
the borough. He was glad that it had become the
fashion of late for representatives to visit their con-
stituents, because the people of this country were
becoming more thoughtful, more intelligent, and he
trusted more powerful ; and he hoped the time was
not far distant when they would demand that the
representative should not be, as in times past, the
mere nominee of some aristocrat or clique, but in
reality the exponent of the views of those whom he
professed to represent. (Hear.) He came before
them on that occasion not only to refer to the mea-
sures of the last session of Parliament, but also to
consult with them as to their future prospects. The
late session had notbeen an unimportant one. They
had seen in it a Ministry that was thought to be all
powerful, scatteredto the wind, and a party that was
thought almost powerless succeed to office ; they
had seen the strange anomaly of those who were
considered to be the friends and supporters of libe-
ral policy opposing all progress, and those who
were regarded as the opponents of political pro-
gress and freedom, taking up liberal measures and
carrying them to a successful issue. The public
mind of this country demanded that great and im-
portant changes and reforms should be introduced
from time to time into our political constitution—
that as the intelligence of the people advanced
they must be entrusted with greater polital power,
and that consequently the franchise must be ex-
tended. When he was last before them, and they
did him the great honour of electing him as one of
their representatives, he told them that although in
favour of the general policy of Lord Palmerston, he
was not a thick and thin supporter of his lordship ;
that he entered Parliament determined to act and
rote honestly and independently according to his
conscientious convictions, and that he should sup-
port Lord Palmerston when he thought him right,
but that he was equally resolved to oppose him if
he considered he was wrong. Mr. Wyld then re-
ferred to the large majority which Lord Palmers-
ton possessed at the end of 1857, which was greater
than that of any minister, not even excepting Mr.
Pitt, and described the circumstances which led to
his lordship's retirement on the adoption of Mr.
Milner Gibson's resolution, and Lord Derby's sub-
sequent acceptance of the Premiership. He charac-
terised the Conspiracy to Murder Bill as an attack
upon the liberties of the people of this country, for
not only would it have affected the foreigners
resident here, but every citizen in the kingdom.
From time immemorial those men whom religious
or political persecution and tyranny had compelled
to fly from their homes on the Continent, had
always found an asylum here, and they were aware
that the arts, manufactures, and general pros-
perity of this country, had all been greatly pro-
moted by those exiles who had been thrown
upon our shores. They had received the Hugue-
nots, the Albigenses, and the Metternich's and
had given to every one, whatever might be his po-
litical principles, a welcome, and shown him that
they were ready to receive him, and to protect him,
provided he conducted himself peaceably and or-
derly. It had been part of the policy of this.coun-
try for centuries to receive into its bosom all exiles
and refugees that might claim their hospitality,
but the effect of the bill of Lord Palmerston, if it
had been sanctioned, would have been to deprive
them of that right, while it would have struck a
severe blow at the liberty of the people generally.
He resisted the introduction of the measure, and
afterwards. when Mr. M. Gibson introduced his re-
solution, he voted in its favour. Referring to the
despotism under which the people in a large part
of the continent were held, especially in France,
where thousands had been banished for holding
opinions adverse to the Emperor, he said that it
was only natural the refugees should seek to over-
turn the state oF thin 7 ::::pt them in exile,
hit it was not natural that they should endeavour
to accomplish this by assassination. They ought to
use every legitimate means in their power, and
even if they then failed they would not be justified
in attempting to removetheir oppressor by the das-
tardly- crime of assassination. The Conspiracy to
Murder Bill was rejected, and Lord Palmerston re-
signed: He had referred to this question at greater
length than he should have otherwise done, because
he considered that in the present position of Europe
it was not yet settled. Despotism, as he had stated,
might be found existing in every quarter of Europe
—and though they must always deprecate and con-
demn such attempts as that of Orsini upon the Em-
peror of the French, yet if they were committed,
the blame must be ascribed principally to those
who refused to govern their subjects upon just con-
stitutional priples. There could be little doubt that
whenever any such attempt was again made on the
life of a continental potentate, another demand would
be made to this country to refuse the right of asylum
to foreign exiles, and it was therefore right that the
constituencies of the kingdom should decide whe-
ther their representative acted rightly in repelling
the measure of Lord Palmerston. He was aware
that in every corner of the British heart there was
a just horror of the crime of assassination—and not
only was it wholly repugnant to the national feel-
4rig to attempt the life of a fellow-being, but they
knew that no such act, from the murder of Julius
Caesar
down to that of Louis XVI., had ever ad-
vanced a people's political freedom; no nation would
become free by the bloody sacrifice of its ruler.
While, therefore, they
showed a determination to
a
resist all future attempts
eni pts by dictation that might
he made by any foreignower to cause them to re-
fuse the refugee and exile
con-
tinued to give the foreigner that
asylum,t and they
hat protection which
was denied him in his own country, they would
show that they had no sympathy or regard for any
ministry
ainssiastsr3,si,nactaiomneuipnoton
their shores. Lord Derby's
who might concoct the crime o
power without any profession of policy or faith ;
they were the accident of an hour, and were entrusted
with office simply because there was no one else to
take their places, or rather, as it had been said, no-
body recommended any one else. Now, much as he
regretted the resignation of Lord Palmerston, for he
leftthe liberal party, and not the liberal party him,
he must say he regretted still more that when his
lordship retired from power he did not recommend
some intelligent and enlightened statesman from the
liberal ranks. Although he was not satisfied with
everything Lord herby had done during the past ses-
sion,he was, as an honest man,bound to saythat more
had been conceded during that period than had been
obtained from the so called liberal government
during several preceding sessions. The hon. mem-
ber next referred to the several India bills that had
been introduced during the session, and to the
measure which was finally passed transferring the
sovereignty of India from the East India Company
to the Queen.
an immense
of
act would, it was said, throw
amount F patranaie into the hands of

the government, and it had been said that a minister
possessing that patronage would have the means of
corrupting and bribing the constituencies of this
country. If that were so, if all that immense pa-
tronage was transferred to the government, it was
highly important that the House of. Commons
should be really the exponents of the sentiments of
the great body of the people of the country, and the
simple fact of this patronage being vested in the
Crown was a powerful argument in favour of an
extension of the franchise, and of popular represen-
tation. That bill was passed, and we were to go-
vern in future not merely for the benefit of this
country but for the benefit of India itself. Meeting
his constituents as he then did, he thought he had a
right to ask their opinion with respect to the
policy that should be pursued in the future govern-
ment of our mighty eastern empire. He for one
was opposed to the policy of blood ; and he dis-
liked the policy of revenge. It was true that the
people had revolted, but then we were Christians,
and as such, it was our duty to forget and forgive.
He was satisfied that our future policy towards
that empire must be one of justice and mercy, and
:'gat if we resolved on the adoption of a policy of
entermination, and sought to govern by the strong
arm of force alone, India would ere long cease to
be ours. A great trust had been committed to this
country, and we had no right to appropriate all
the energies and resources of that Empire to our-
selves. He cautioned them against attempting to
govern or keep in subjection the immense popula-
tion of India by force, as England was not suffi-
ciently populous to succeed in such an attempt ;
but [they must rule in such a manner or would
cause the people to rejoice that England had
been placed over them. A great task was now
committed to them, which was to impart not only
to India but to the whole continent of Asia the
holy principles of Christianity, and thus to pro-
mote a love of liberty, truth, and justice. (Applause.)
He then referred to the debate which took place
on Mr. Cardwell's motion relative to Lord
Ellenborough's celebrated despatch, and observed
that those who listened to that debate clearly saw
that itwas atournament in which the " outs" sought
to turn out the " ins"—that it was clearly a party
move, and although he did not approve of Lord
Ellenborough's despatch they could not avoid asking
one another if they ought to lend themselves to an
attempt to reinstate the late Government, when
they recollected that they had no voice in the di-
rection of the policy of that Government ? They
refused to lend themselves to the attempt to replace
in office the late Government, with its uncertain
policy, and he informed Mr. Cardwell that if he
pressed his motion he should move the previous
question. Other liberal members also signified their
opposition to the resolution, and the result was
that Mr. Cardwell was compelled to withdraw it,
and the unfortunate people who had been compelled
to resign their places, were obliged to contemplate
the sugar-plum of office in the distance. (Laughter
and applause.) So much for the Conspiracy to Mur-
der Bill, and the India Bill, which were the two
great questions of the session. He should only refer
briefly to some of the more prominent of the other
measures which occupied the attention of Parlia-
ment. One of the most important of these was the
bill introduced by the consistent and enlightened
member for Tavistock, Sir John Trelawny, for the
abolition of Church-rates. He voted in favour of
the bill in every stage, because he held that no one
had a right to be called on to contribute one farthing
towards the support of a Church of which he did Rot
approve ; and also because he believed that the
Church of England, of which he was a humble
member, was rich enough to support all the ordin-
ances of her religion. The bill passed the House of
Commons by large majorities, but it was thrown
out in the House of Lords, owing to the de-
termined hostility of the bishops. The question
must, however, be settled in the next session
of Parliament, or Lord Derby would most
assuredly cease to preside over the Councils
of her Majesty. It was high time that a
question which had occasioned so much
heart burning, which infringed on the liberty of the
subject and the rights of conscience, should be dis-
posed of for ever, and the Church of England her-
self must desire that result, if she considered the
question coolly and dispassionately. Mr. Wyld
then referred briefly to Mr. Locke King's bill for
the extension of the county franchise to £lO occu-
piers, and the bill for the removal of the Jewish dis-
abilities, both of which he cordially supported. He
knew the opinions of the constituency of the
borough with respect to the latter measure, because
he had heard the electors expressly declare that
they were in favour of the removal of all religious
tests as applied to members of the House of Com-
mons. Fortunately the time had at length arrived
when no man in this country laboured under any dis-
ability on account of his religious opinions, and the
members of the Jewish persuasion could take their
place in the Ileuse of Commons, though no thanks
were due to Lord Derby for removing the great blot
which had previously existed on the statute book.
Another step which had been made in the direction
of liberal policy was the passing of the Abolition
of the Property Qualification of Members Bill.
They were aware that the previous law was fre-
quently evaded, but any person, although he did
not possess a farthing's worth of property had now
as much right to sit in the House of Commons,
supposing he obtained the suffrages of a consti-
tuency, as the wealthiest in the land. He next re-
ferred to the alteration introduced into the Corrupt
Practices at Elections Act, enabling members to
pay for the conveyance of voters to the polling
booths on the day of election, and which had given
rise to a great deal of discussion. It had been found
that in almost every constiuency in the kingdom a
large number of the electors had to be carried to
the poll, but under the late law, if he or any other
member had paid 6d. a head for the conveyance of
voters resident on the outskirts of a borough, they
would have forfeited their seats ; whereas the
wealthy friends of a rich candidate could send their
carriages for such voters, and tho low would not
interfere. Now, that state of the law was unjust,
because it gave an unfair advantage to his opponent
—as neither he nor his friends could afford to
keep carriages, and he considered that the oppo ii-
tion which had been raised to the abolition of the
prohibitory clause in question was rank hypocrisy.
The people of this country were not bought with
• a ride in an omnibus ; there were too many politi-
cal and literary associat ions—too many newspapers
—too much intelligence amongst the people to per-
mit of their being bought with such a trifle. (Hear,
hear.) While Lord Derby continued to carry such
measures as they had obtained last session, he di
not think that they were bound to inquire whether
he granted them on principle or not ; for though he
did not esteem the man, b 2, had no right to reject
his rneaßirres bocalre hc a part to
whose principles he was opposed. At the same time
the reflection would force itself upon their minds that
although during the past session these measures
had been to some extent liberal, was there not
strong reason to suspect that they would not be so
for the future. They could not forget the fact that
the men who now professed themselves so liberal
were the very parties who obstructed every mea-
sure of a liberal tendency that had been brought
forward for many years. They might have become
converted to liberal principles, and if so, he should
hail their accession to the liberal ranks with plea-
sure ; but still their professions had been made be-
fore the high altar of power, and their political
baptism had taken place in the temple of place.
(Applause.) They might hope that the ministry
in power would faithfully carry out such liberal
measures as the poople required, but he was afraid
that the latter would have to demand with all the
urgency they could employ those measures, before
they would be conceded. (Hear.) They had been
promised a new reform bill by Lord Derby, and
that would be a most important change, and would
constitute an instrument highly calculated to ope-
rate advantageously or injuriously on the future
administration of the affairs of this mighty empire,
according as it was intended merely to promote the
interests of party, or was based on the broad prin-
ciples of equity and justice. He considered, how-
ever, that the very first question which should en-
gage the attention of parliament and the country
was what ought to be the qualification of a voter ;
and for hiS own part he had his views upon that
head. He held that every man who paid a rate had a
rightito the franchise,as had also every man who paid
to the taxation of the country, if he possessed a
fixed residence; but on the other hand, he was of
opinion that no man ought to be entrusted with a
vote who could not read and write. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He was anxious to see the franchise ex-
tended amongst the masses, because he felt that
their rulers would then seek to extend educa-
tion in an equal proportioN. Wherever the people
were entrusted with political power, there they
found that great attention was paid to education
also. Look, for example, at America. Why was it
that that country was so careful in providing for the
education of her people ? Simply because she knew
that every citizen possessed the right of voting, and
that at some future time he might become president
of that young and flourishing republic. In consi-
dering phis question, however, they might descend
from generalities to particulars, and inquire how it
would affect that borough. A common rumour afloat
now was that they were to be deprived of one mem-
ber. Certainly the population of the borough was
not very large, but without intending to flatter
nethoefitrhinosteelwlihg
oenhceeliwevaesaytehraytgnrueinat ;
ba them,enrdsb
shoulde
was n
he must u
bs
eto
not
sayreo g
arded as the only basis of repre-
sentation, because he thought that intelligence
must be taken into account as well, Still they Would
in all probability have to determine whether they
would prefer an extension of
thelimits of the bo-
rough, or to give up the privilege of returning one

of their members. He would ask them to consider
this question calmly and deliberately, and when the
promised measure of reform came before the House
of Commons, they would be in a position to- instruct
their representatives how best to protect their
rights and privileges. He expressed his conviction
that in many cases the working classes were as in-
telligent, or even more se, than their employers, but
whether he was right in this or not did not sig-
nify ; education had made such rapid strides of late
years, that whether it was agreeable to the govern-
ing classes or not, a large extension of the franchise
must form one of the main features in the next Re-
form Bill. He might also be permitted to repeat the
opinion he had before expressed, especially as it was
one to which they had heartily responded—viz., that
no measure of reform would be satisfactory unless it
included the vote by ballot. Nay, he thought that
an extension of the franchise without the ballot
would prove a very serious injury instead of a bene-
fit. But it was said that a new Reform Bill was
not required. That, however, was an assertion
which would not bear examination. He dared say
that they had watched the progress of legislation
during the last few years, and, if so, they would
have seen that every measure that had been passed
for the regulation and government of any public
body or of any of our dependencies, conferred the
right of nominating a part of the members of the
council upon the Crown. A bill had been lately
passed upon the subject of medical government, and
the Crown had the right of nominating a portion of
the council ; so in the case of the India Bill the
Crown nominated a large proportion of the council,
and unless the House of Commons became a fair
reflex of the people of the kingdom, enormous
power would thus pass into the hands of the Go-
vernment without there being any check or con-
trol over its exercise. He replied to the remark of
Mr. Cornewall Lewis as to the feeling of the coun-
try becoming democratic, and denied that the con-
cession of the people's rights would ever have the
effect of rendering them less mindful of the great
principles of right and truth. He pointed to Hol-
land, Switzerland, and Piedmont as examples of the
fact that in those countries where the people en-
joyed tb e largest share of political freedom, they were
the most contented, intelligent, prosperous, and
orderly, while those nations that were kept in the
most abject state of political serfdom, were the most
discontented and disturbed. In Dod's Parliamentary
Companion he found it stated of certain boroughs
that Mr. So and So, or Lord This and That, had
great political influence—that was, possessed the
power of nominating the members. What was the
effect of this state of things ? Why the Ministry
in power required a majority of the 'House of Com-
mons to support it, and in order to obtain that
majority it consented to distribute its patronage
amongst the relations or nominees of those gentle-
men and noblemen. He should not perhaps object so
strongly to the system if it conferred any equiva-
lent benefit upon the country, but the fact was that
the people and nation at large were seriously
damaged by the practice. The recent inquiry at
Weedon afforded them an illustration of the mis-
chief it entailed. It led to disasters in India and
every other place where we happened to be engaged
in hostilities, and to our diplomacy being so miser-
able as to be the laughing stock of all the world.
Enormous expenses were thrown upon the country
owing to the incompetency of the nominees and
supporters of the mmistry, who were thrust into
office without consideration as to whether they
were qualified, and thus we suffered, in purse, cha-
racter, and reputation. (Hear.) The House of Com-
mons was not a fair exponent of public opinion, and
the people found that their sentiments and feelings
were much better expressed by another power.; he
referred to the newspaper press. It was to that
great engine that the people might be truly said
to be indebted for all the advance in political free-
dom which they had obtained. Established by com-
mercial enterprise, newspapers had, owing to the,
ability, the honesty, independence, and fearless-
ness of those who conducted them, succeeded in
causing most important and salutary reforms to be
introduced into our public establishments. Such
was the influence which that press had now attained
that he had seen in the House of Commons, the
members, adopting, not their own views on im-
portant questions, but the views advocated by the
newspapers. It had struck him at the time that if
the members of the house were a true and real re-
flex of the people of this country, the press would
not lead the House of Commons, but would follow
it. The hon. member next said that amongst the
other questions which were likely to occupy a large
share of attention in Parliament, but which had
not in his opinion been sufficiently considered by
the country, was the question of the revival of
negro slavery. This country had expended in the
suppression of African slavery immense trea-
sure. We had paid, as they were aware, twenty
millions in one sum as compensation to the
West Indian planters, and for years we had main-
tained a large squadron on the coast of Africa. The
point for consideration, however, was not as to the
mere expense involved, but the more important
question of humanity. The Emperor of the French
supposed that his tropical colonies could not do
without African cultivators, and he had determined
to introduce what he termed free labourers. The
Emperor accordingly authorised his ships to pro-
ceed to the coast of Africa. There the captains
entered into treaty with the chiefs on the coast, who
kidnapped a number of Neir people, and they were
sent on board and conveyed to the French colonies.
One of these ships, having a large number of negroes
on board, put into a Portuguese port, and while
there, some of the Africans were asked if they were
really free labourers. The poor people replied that
they had been forcibly seized and sent away from
their own country, and they were then kept on
board against their will. Upon this the vessel was
seized, under the treaty to which France was a
contracting party, as a slaver, but the Emperor
Napoleon had demanded that the ship and slaves
should be restored. Under these circumstances the
question for them to consider was whether, seeing
that the Emperor of the French had set at nought
all the treaties that had been passed for the sup-
pression of the slave trade, it was worth the while
of this country to keep up the naval force which
we had on the coast of Africa. If the Government
should determine upon carrying out the policy that
had been so long adopted, we might become in-
volved in a serious dispute with same of the conti-
nental Powers, which might entail upon the coun-
' try an outlay of millions of money, as well as a
large sacrifice of human life ; and it was desirable
that the people should make up their minds on
the point before the naval estimates were voted,
as the amount required for the • maintenance
of the squadron on the coast of Africa
could thin either be granted or disallowed,
as the case might be decided. He ought
to explain, however, that the effect of the
removal of our cruisers, Would be' that those por-
tions of the continent of Africa, in which England
had introduced some of the blessings of civili9ation,
and some knowledge of the great truths of Chris-

tianity, would be-come once more demoralised--
would be thrown back into their former condition
of barbarism, and become the prey of tyrannical
chiefs, and equally heartless and unscrupulous
slave dealers, who would be left to engage in their
kidnapping expeditions without molestation or
hindrance. (Hear.) " Dr. Livingstone had told
them that in those portions of Africa where the
slave trade had not been carried on, industry had
progressed amongst the natives, who had raised
different kinds of produce which had been sent
away to England. He had now explained the po-
sition in which the question stood, and it would be
for the constituency to instruct their members as
to their views upon the subject before the meeting
of Parliathent. Mr. Wyld then concluded by cor-
dially thanking the meeting for the attention with
which it had listened to him, and sat down amid
loud cheers.

Mr. J. C. GROSE asked Mr. Wyld to explain
whether, in his opinion, they ought to endeavour
to prevent the slave trade.
Mr. WYLD could not hesitate for an instant in
replying to the question. It was impossible for
any man who cared anything for Christianity or
humanity to contemplate the horrors of the middle
passage, or to hesitate as to his duty, in endeavour-
ing to put a stop to the accursed traffic. The ex-
tension of trade and commerce and the acquisition
of wealth might appear to some as the highest des-
tiny of a nation ; but for his own part he believed
that a higher duty devolved upon this country,
and that was to carry the blessings of Christianity
and civilisation into every clime and land, and thus
to endeavour, not by force or violence, but by ex-
ample, precept, and legitimate influence, to induce
other nations to adopt those purer and nobler prin-
ciples which all good men prized. Referring to our re-
lations with France, he cautioned them against being
misled by the cry that the port and fortifications of
Cherbourg had been constructed as a menace to
England. A great many similar cries had been raised
in this country at different periods, and he believed
that they had been promulgated solely for the pur-
pose of diverting the minds of the people from
questions of an important character. Whenever the
people demanded some important measure of poli-
tical or social reform which it was not convenient
for the Government to grant, a cry was raised of a
menace on the part of some other state. The port
had, in his opinion, been constructed in order that
the French navy and mercantile marine might pos-
sess a port to which they could resort with safety
but at the same time the fortifications had been con-
structed of such strength and power that he defied
any engineer in the world to say they could be suc-
cessfully assailed by an enemy's fleet. He had no
idea, however, that ,the works had been carried out
as a menace to this country, but merely as a defence
to the coast, and also because the Emperor deter-

mined to carry out a design which he had formed
for the protection. of that portion of his kingdom.
If those who had raised the cry of" menace" had
really believed it, why did they not call out the mi-
litia and enrol corps of volunteers for the protection
of the kingdom. Had they resorted to the latter
plan, large numbers of young men would have come ,
forward and enrolled themselves. We might thus I
have had a force of some 400,000 or 500,000 volun-
teers, who would have been amply sufficient to repel
any foreign invasion that might have been attempted,
as a similar force would have done in the days of
Napoleon, had that renowned soldier ventured on
carrying out his design of invading this country.
He believed, however, that the love of freedom was
too strongly implanted in the hearts c 7 the people
of this country ever to allow them to submit to the
yoke of any foreign despot, and that were any at-
tempt at invasion made, they would rise to a man
and repel it. (Applause.) The parties who raised
the cry did not themselves believe it, or they would
not have stood passively looking on, and they might
depend that when these persons began to talk of
menace, some deep political intrigue was being con-
cocted. He then referred to the treaty that had
been concluded with China, by which the whole of
that empire, hither to closed against us, had been
thrown open, and said that this advantage would
not be made available for the extension of our com-
mercial relations only, but ought to seized as a
means of extending the blessings of civilisation.
There was another topic to which he would refer
before he sat down, because he considered it was a
subject to which it was the duty of their represen-
tatives to devote some attention; he alluded to the
formation of railway communication with the town.
In the present age unless a town possessed the ad-
vantage of rapid communication afforded by rail-
ways, with easy access, it would most assuredly de-
crease in importance, and that being the case, he
had endeavoured to ascertain the position in which
Bodmin stood in this respect. If he read the acts of
Parliament of the Cornwall Railway Company
aright, he thought there could be no question but
that they were entitled to have a railway brought
within a short distance of the town, and it appeared
to him that their representatives would be neglect-
ing their duty to their constituents if they did not
do all in their power to secure that advantage ; and
if the application of the inhabitants to the railway
company upon the subject should be unsuccessful,
to endeavour to compel them to carry out the pro-
visions of their act of Parliament. The Board of
Trade possessed the power of compelling the com-
pany to construct the line according to their act.
and it would be his duty to endeavour to enforce the
,carrying out of the undertaking within the next few
months. Supposing that the railway did not come
near to the town, and the judges had to travel the dis-
tance from the line to the borough, it might happen
that an attempt would be made to remove the assizes
to a town more favourably situated. It was for them
to consider whether, having enjoyed the benefit re-
sulting from the assizes and quarter sessions being
held there,they would consent w the removal of these
courts, or they would take the necessary steps to
secure advantages of speedy communication and
easy access, which a railway would afford. (Hear,
hear.) Another question in which they were inte-
rested was the county police force. For some time
past the Government had been endeavouring to fix
on the country a semi-military and semi-armed force.
Now, on more than one occasion the question had
forced itself on his attention—if this force was
raised simply for the purpose of repressing crime
and preventing theft, why was it required that
they should practice the sword exercise, and be-
come expert in cuts one, two, and three ? Was it
not more probable that those who had originated
the force contemplated that a time might arise
when the people would demand their political
rights, and that such a force would aid the govern-
ment in smothering any such demand ? Whether
that were so or not, he thought that before this
force should be "forced on any borough or place, the
inhabitants should first have the right to say whe-
ther they wanted it or not. (Hear, hear.) He
believed the services of the force were not required
in that borough, because from the returns, he found
there was less crime than in almost any other town
in the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) The imperfect
condition of the lock-up had been urged as a kind
of charge against them, but in his opinion so far
from that constituting a charge against them, it
was something to their credit, for it showed that
the inhabitants were so peaceable and orderly that
a lock-up was not wanted. If the present building
was sufficient, and it could be kept up for £5 a-year
there was no reason in the world why they should
pay £3O for the accommodation and convenience
of the constabulary. (Hear, hear.) He then
explained that he had presented a memo-
rial from the inhabitants of the borough
to Mr. Walpole, praying that they might not
be subjected to the county police rate,- and thatthe
question stood over for the present. In conclusion,
he said that it rested entirely with themselves
whether they would have the rural police in the
borough or not.
Mr. C. E. PEARSE felt bound, as an act of justice
to Mr. Wyld, to state that that gentleman when
applied to on the subject of the petition, evinced the
utmost courtesy and attention to the wishes of the
committee ; whereas the Hon. Captain Vivian, their
other representative, had forgotten yet to answer
the letter that was addressed to him on the subject..
Referring to the question of the county police, he
contended that there was no crime in the borough
which would justify the Secretary of State in
saddling the inhabitants with an expense of £3OO or
£4OO a-year, which they would be required to pay
if the county constabulary was forced upon them.
Mr. GROSE proposed that the sense of the meeting
should be taken as to whether it was desirable the
borough should be brought under the jurisdictionof
the county constabulary.
Mr. H. MUDGE explained that he differed from
Mr. Wyld, with regard to the act legalising the
payments by candidates of the travelling expenses
of distant voters when proceeding to the poll, and
urged that this alteration in the law would have the
effect of rendering inoperative the measure abolish-
ing the property qualification of members. With
reference to what had fallen from Mr. Wyld on the
subject of compelling the Cornwall Railway Com-
pany to bring the line near to Bodmin, he asked
whether it would not be desirable in the first in-
stance to obtain the opinion of counsel upon the
point, before any steps were taken.
Mr. WYLD replied that he had not seen the plans
and sections of the line, otherwise he could have
answered Mr. Mudge's first question. He was
clearly of opinion that under the act of Parliament
they could compel that company to afford accom-
modation to Bodmin.

In 2nswer to questions from Mr. Grose, Mr.
W. Ireland Mr. George Coleman, as members of
tbe Town Council, declared that they were strongly
o posed to the town being placed under the control
of the county police.
Mr. PEARSE moved, and Mr. MUDGE seconded,
a resolution declaring that the inhabitants were
strongly opposed to the introduction of the county
police force to the town. The resolution, on being
put, was carried unanimously.
Mr. SERJEANT then proposed a vote of thanks to
Mr. Wyld for having attended and favoiwed them
with the explanation they had just heard, and ex-
pressing the entire confidence of the meeting in
him.

Mr. PEARSE seconded the resolution.
Mr. MUDGE should like the resolution which
might be approved by the meeting to be adopted
unanimously, but still he could not support it if it
contained the word " entire," owing to Mr. Wyld's
approval of the alteration in the law which prohi-
bited_ members from paying for- tie conveyance of
voters to the poll._

Mr. WYLD- said that thcre would not be the
slightest objection to the word " entire" being
struck out.

The resolution as altered was then put to the
meeting and carried unanimously, amid applause.
Mr. WYLD having thanked the meeting for this
renewed mark of their confidence,
Mr. PEARSE asked Mr. Wyld to explain his
views relative to the puseyism of one peculiar sec-
tion of the Church.
Mr' WYLD stated that he was as strongly op-
pose,' to the confessional and all other popish prac-
tices introduced by parties who were far on their
way to Rome, as Mr. Pearse or any other person
could be.

Thanks were then voted to the chairman, and the
meeting separated.

THE
SPANISH FLEET.---The Peninsular Corre-
spondence of Madrid says :—" Great activity prevails in the
principal naval arsenals of this country. The Spanish
navy, which has 5 steam-frigates and 16 smaller vessels
more than last year, is being augmented as fast as the state
of the finances will; admit. It now consists of 4 screw
steam-frigates, one of 50 guns and 390-horse power, one of
35 guns and 360-horse power, two of 31 guns and 360-
horse power each ; 9 screw steamers of 1 gun and 80-horse
power each ; 3 paddle steamers, 2 of 16 guns, and I of 10
guns, and of 500-horse power each ;26 sloops of 6 guns
and of different power—in all, 42 steamers of 202 guns and
8,910-horse power. The sailing vessels are 2 ships of the
1 of 24, lof 20, 1 of
vlineter,es 2arefribgeiantegs
bonfil4t,22guefn3so, Igunof 3a,2. In addition, 13
18-"6 of of 16, lof 12, and lof 10 guns- The number of sail-
ing vessels will therefore be 41, mounting 560 guns."
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