The Sun.
London, England, 1804-02-28 00:00:00

INDISPOSITION OF HIS MAJESTY.

Mr. SECRETARI? YORKE moved the Order of the
Day for the second reading of the Volunteer Corps
Bill.—Which Order was read.

He then moved, That this Bill be now read a
second time.

The Question being put,

S;r ROBERT LAWLEY said, that ever since
he hasl heard publicly that His Majesty had been
confined by a dangerous and distressing illness, he,
as well as the rest of His Majesty's Subjects, had
felt much anxiety on that account. It was not his
wish to inquire minutely into the circumstances of
that illness ; but a report was circulated yesterday,
which, in his opinion, made it necessary that some
explicit communication should be made to that
House on the state of His Majesty's Health, to
take -oir as much as possible, the very distres-
sing apprehensions and very great alarm in the
public mind upon this subject of His Majesty's
afiliaing Indisposition which had spread so much
abroad ; from all that he had heard,. he was bound
to assume to himself that this much-lamented illness
was of a grave nature.—He assumed this to be the
apprehension of the House, as well as his own indi-
vidual apprehension, from the House not .having
proceeded to the consideration of many weighty
questions—Upon the answer which be should re-
ceivc to these few observations and this.snost inter-

Sir ROBERT'LAPPLEY.—" Sir, I move you, I
that this House do now adjourn."
The question being put, that the House do now
adjourn,
Mr. FOX said, he should feel hirnielf highly I
culpable, and deficient in the duty he owed to that
House, in the duty he owed to the Public, and in.
the duty to His Majesty ; and, above all, in the
duty he owed to the Constitution Of this Country,
if he could bring himself, however desirous he
was, to acquiesce in the answer which had• been
given by the Right Honourable Gentleman who had •
just spoken. He did not think, himself, that;in
treating of this business, there was that delicacy
which others felt ; but he did not arrogate to him- 1
self that he was right, because he felt differently I
from others. He viewed this matter in a different 1,
light from many others. He *certainly knew no- I
thing of this afflidion, in any way whatever, ex.
cept from those publications to which every one had,
access ; or what he might occasionally derive from
his own personal inquiries ; and which he was led.
to do, `from that anxiety which we all felt in com-
mon on this serious subjea. But the. Right Hon. •
Gentleman who had just spoken, had given his.ex.
planation ; which was, that the King's Confiders_
tial Servants did not think it necessary for them to I
make any communication. Now he must desire
the House to consider this matter a little more
attentively than merely to take an explanation
of this sort as of course, but to weigh it a
good deal, and let each individual in the House .1
conceive that he was addressed, not in the common
language which they were in the habit of using on 1
familiar and , comparatively trivial occasions—He
meant the real and truly-constitutional language of
that Houae—Speaking is, that language he would
say, that he knew no such a body of persons as the I
King's Confidential Servants :—He knew .that the
Right Honourable Gentleman filled an office of great
importance, that of Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and that there were other Gentlemen about him who
were more frequently consulted than others upon
the state of Public Affairs, and that was the. only.
situation of that Right Hon. Gentleman and .other
persons who were near him. But their situation was
in no other instance different from other Privy
Councillors : they were persons whom His Ma-
jesty more frequently consulted than any others;
they were oftener appointed members of Committees
of business relating to the Crown, than others of His
Majesty's Privy Council. All this was habitual—
, a constant course in the concerns of the State; . but
when from any illness of any sort, His Majesty was
so indisposed as to be unable to perform the 'func-
tions of the Royal Authority, these Right Hon.
Gentlemen, who, were now called the King's Con-
.fidential Servants, were exaaly in the same situation
as any other of His Majesty's. Privy Council. Now,
if the Privy Council had sent a.Message to the
House, it. would have been proper for the House to
consider what was due to the communication of such
a body, and whether the communication had been
regular or other wise ; till coming .from such a body
it would not be of an authentic nature; but what pro.
ceeding could regularly be had on what the Right
Hon.Gentlernan now said, he did not understand-. His
Majesty's Confidential Servants told`the House they-
do not feel it to he their duty to make any. Comm-
cation ! This really was saying nothing, for the
House knew no such body of men as those of His
Majesty's Confidential Servants. The first question
was this: Is His Majesty in a state of Health to
perfOrm the funCtions of the Royal Authority ? An
answer to that question in one way, would super_
-cede the necessity of any further discussion of it ;
but, if His Majesty is not at this moment in such
a state, though there are just 'and well-grounded
hopes in every man's breast that the time will not
be long before he is in that situation, yet he must
say, it was the duty of Government to coinmu.
nicate that situation to the House, and that the
House might consider, from a proper Communica-
tion, and not from Confidential Ministers, what
was fit to be done ; and in considering this,. it
must have an especial reference to the circumstances
of. the time. Some circumstances with reference to
the time in which they occur, would allow a longer
pause than others ; but the House should judge
whether any seep should be taken, and if any, the
House should judge also, and, udge most deliberately,
what that -step should be. The first thing tp be
considered would be, whether it was necessary to
take. any imrhediate step,? But there was a con.
sideration prior to any other for the House, which
was, what time could or could not safely be allowed,
to elapse, before the House took any. step ? and in
this view of things, the House might .compare the
circumstances of this case with what they knew
from public report of the.two last days, which were

far more explicit than any that had been given be.
fore, and taking these two together, the for in-
ference was, which indeed the bulletin this day de.
dared, that we may have the happiness of trust.
ing- on a general account, that His Majesty is still
better than he was yesterday, and that he is in
a gradual progress. towards recovery ; but we had
no reason to expea that progress to be rapid ; this
gradual progress towards' recovery, and no reason
to expect that such recovery will .be rapid, were
placed in concradistinetion to each other. It might
then be rationally .said, that. we had no hope of a
rapid recovery, for His Majesty was only reported
to be in a gradual progress towards recovery; but
then came the most necessary of all questions for
the House to consider ; as we could not expel that
recovery to be otherwise than gradual, how far any
probable hope, which was certainly indulged by us
all, should put off the consideration of what was
to be done to supply the absence of the Royal Au.
thority ? What it was fit the House should do to
supply that absence, he was not Auticipating ; but
what he wanted -was an opportunity to deliberate
upon it; and he thought that. the communication upon
this matter should he mide to the House by the Privy
Council:; but beeause the Chancellor of the. Exchequer
and a number of Gentlemen about him who were called
Confidential. Servants of the Crown, chose to . ob..
serve total silence upon the subject, the House was
not therefore to remain inaCtive ; they ought to
consider the circumstances of the. Country ; they
ought at least to consider how long they could, or
could not, safely go on without the person .1 exer-
cise of the functions of Royal Authority : that :Mi-
nisters should diaate to the House what it was not
to do upon such an occasion, and saying that they
-did not think any communication ought to be made
upon. this most important matter, was assuming to
themselves snore than ever did or could belong to
any Ministers in this Country. Now he should
just state one point which arose out of the Letter
of the Secretary of State to the Lords Lieutenants
of the. Counties, on the Ist of February ; it was a
Circular Letter, in which he told them, there was
reason to expeCt a formidable and immediate attack .
from the Enemy ; we had no reason to think that any
subsequent intelligence had been received that made
danger or apprehension less ; that had past since
had a tendency only to confirm the House in that ap.
prehension, for the SECRETARY of STATE, WilCO
had last occasion to speak of that matter, stated,
that ,he was in the same expectation as formerly.
.This was most momentous ; for if he did not mistake
the Statutes upon our Statute Book, if the French
were to land to-morrow, it would be impossible for
the Country to avail itself of the service of the Vo
lunteers without putting them under Martial Law,
and that without some fresh provision by Parlia-
ment, ctsalti only be done by Prnelaroation of His
Majesty. Now, In what state should we be feund
if that was to be the case ? But were there no con-
stitutional points, without reference to our im_
mediate danger, very well worthy the attention of
the House ? He hoped he was supporting all the
parts of our Constitution ; he had often been charg-
ed with having too much partiality
,for the demo-
cratical part of our Constitution ; he trusted that he
had never been regardless of the monarchical part of
it any more than the popular ; and here he would ask
any Gentleman, whether, according to the letter anti
spirit of the Constitution of this Country, the con-
troul of the King over Parliament was not as essential
as the controul of Parliament over the Executive
Power ? 'ln what did the controul of the King over
Parliament consist ? In proroguing or in dissolving
Parliament, without one moment's notice, whej tt
appears to. His Majesty that its proceedings are in-
consistent with the real welfare of his subjeas :
ttiis was a branch' of prerogative which His Majesty
might exercise without calling for the opinion of his
Privy Council, if he thought fit. He must there.
fort:say, according to the language of the Constitu-
tion of this Country, it might be dangerous for- the
two Houses of Parliament to sit when the controul
provided, by the Constitution over it did not exist.
He might say it . was unconstitutional for them to
deliberate without that controul which the Consti-
tution hadheld to be necessary to be constantly and
actively:. on the watch over its proceedings. He
would not suppose that the House of Commons
would ever do any thing that was absolutely
wrong, at the same time it was not constitutional
for them to he the judges of the propriety of
their own conduct ; the Constitution had entrusted
another power to form a judgment upon that matter ;
and if at any time,, for he was only putting the case
. hypothetically, the. House should be called upon to
perform its duty, and did not perform it, it would be
the duty of the Crown to dissolve such a Parliament.
Whether that might be so or not at the present time,
that House. was not to judge—lt was not for the
House to :say for itself, " we can go on very well
now under the present circumstances, there is no
difficulty:"—that might be very true, but that was
A point ‘vhich the Constitution did not give to the
House the power of deciding,—As to the silence
which had been observed by Ministers, he thought
nothing of it in a constitutional point of view, for
he really wanted to know upon what principle it
was that the King's Ministers should alone have
die power to give information to the House ? Upon
what authority was it that the House was so trust
to. them, or to ask them the time they were to pro.
ceed—Who gave them, in the character of Confiden-
tial Servants of the King, any authority oval. that
House, or in that House, in that character, he had
to learn—he found it in no Sotute—he found
it in no Maxim of Law—he found it in no Reso-
lution of that House—he found it in no one Book
that ever treated upon the subjea—he found no au_
thority whatever for it ; and then, it it was to be
considered upon principle, it was absolutely

possible to support it for a moment, for it was di-
reetly contrary to the principles of our Constitution
—He might hear, in answer to. this from Mini-
sters—" We are_ willing to take upon ourselves the
responsibility of all this."—He did not like to
talk of responsibility in any case ; it was an inade-
quate thing in comparison to the danger of trust-
ing, and wholly- inefficacious after any disaster had.
befallen us, in any case ; but here, the case was so
grave, so important, of so much magnitude, so tre-
zriendoos, that it was trifling With- the Public to ,
talk of the responsibility of any
as a reason for the House to omit any thing
that might be considered as its duty ; something
more than responsibility must be looked to. But,
upon what principle, he asked, could the House
proceed, without some provision for the exercise
of' the Royal Authority now, more than it had
lore for the last fortnight ?--If the House went on
for a fortnight longer, 'what was to hinder it from
going on f.or another fortnight, and so on while it
might think fit ? Where were the limits ? What
was the principle, by which they were to be guid-.
ed ?—Did the Right Hon. Gentlemen state any one
point on which- the Proceedings of the House were
to rest ?—Nothing like it.—What then was to he
dOne ?—Let an inquiry be made into the State of
His Majesty's Health—Let the examination he
as secret as any bOdy pleased ; but let some irquiry
be made ; and let the result of it come to the House,
as an authentic communication, and then the House
would have some means of considering what would be
Et to be done ; otherwise the House could know no-
thing of whatit ought to do. Who were 'the'proper
persons to judge of what was expedient to be done at
this momentous crisis ? The two Houses of Parlisa-
'tient, after they had the Report of the Privy Coon.
cif. The House could not constitutionally ask those
who called themselves the King's Confidential Ser.
vants,any questions whatever upon this grave and
portant matter, much less cotild they-receive the gra-
tuitous sentiments of such Gentlemen; they hart no
constitutional means of conveying authentic infor-
mation to the House more than any other Gentle.
men, nor indeed could the body of the Privy Colin_
oil, with any propriety, make a Communication to
that House without consulting others whose profes-
sional experience and education qualified them bet-
ter than any to form an opinion upon that subjea,--
If the House went on with the Bill now before the
}louse, it might go on with any other Bill, and
that at a period When we were allowed to be in -a
state of imminent danger of the attack of the
Enemy by means of invasion, when preparations for
that purpose arc not only formidable, but the attempt
expected to be almost immediate, and when we ma),
within an hour have occasion for the exercise of the
most important part of the Royal Prerogative
Therefore it appeared to him that the House oughr
not to proceed on any other business until that which
was most momentous should be first provided-tor in
some way or other : for these reasons he sbOuld
support the Motion, of the Honourable Baronet.
behind him, unless , some better •reasons were
assigned than the Right Honourable Gentleman had
submitted to the House. He really did not see -any
other course for the House to follow in the pet.-
formance of its duty to the Public The mischief
which wastsupposed to attend discussida he did not
see in the same light as some others did ;' however,
whatever it :vv, it was unavoidable, and wishitig
that it should not be discussed at all, when it became
absolutely necessary ro discUss it, was a false deli-
cacy; for it was under the notion of delicacy to with-
hold from the Public the duty which that House
owed to the Public, and perhaps exposing us to an
invasion of a foreign enemy without being- provid-
ed with the means necessary for supporting the
Royal Authority, to give order and method to our
natural force..

The CILINCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
said,-that before he adverted to other parts of the
Hon. Gentleman's speech,- he wished to take some
notice of the attentintrhe had been pleased to be-
stow on the terms which he (Mr. A D D tiGION) used
as descriptive of those who hold official situations
in His M ;jesty's Government ; he had described
that situation in a manner well known to that Hon.
Gentleman, as His Majesty's Confidential Servants."
That was not 'a description which justified the oh-
servatlons made by that Hon. Gentleman upon that
subjeft ; but that description was given to spew the
sense Ministers had of the responsibility attaching
on them, as being more peculiarly so than- at any
other time, for every step that play be taken or
may not be taken in the present state of affairs.
That Hon. Gentleman seemed to think. there was a
wish to conceal from the House and the Public that
which it was material for the House and the Public to
know. There was on the part of His Majesty's Mini.
sters no unworthy wish of concealing any thins that it
was material should be known : there certainly were
considerations of delicacy, -which would justify
Ministers in abstaining from Communication to the
House at present, not that false delicacy, of which the
Hon. Gentleman spoke ; Ministers would never suffer
any considerations of false' delicacy to impose on
them any restriction in the discharge of Their pub-
lic duty ; but he was well satisfied that . Ministers
vinuld have afted consistently with the feelings
and the wishes of a great majority of that House
and of this Country, if they abstained from all pre-
mature Communication en that delicate and most
interesting subject ; but Ministers knew that what-
ener may be due to considerations of delicacy, and
a great deal was due to them, yet that they should
make way whenever they should happen to be op-
posed to their public duty, a dilemma which, hap.
pity. for them, had not yet occurred ;- but the argu.
ment of the Honourable Gentleman who spoke last
went to this, that if the Sovereign was disabled
from exercising personally the Royal Fun lions fo-r
ever so short a time, immediately there was to be a
Communication made to that House, and then
some probable proceeding instituted upon it. The
Hon. Gentleman did not mean to contend that—he
could .tot mean to contend any thing so extravagant,
but he m tintained that his arguments of necessity
went to that conclusion. Now, it was a question
of extreme delicacy and difficulty to determine how
long the interval should he before the Communica_
tion should he made to the House ; he had said, that
he felt a petfeCt persuasion that whatever the opi-
nion of that Hon. Gentleman might be, that the
prevailing wish of the majority of that House, and

IA the Public was, that no uommunication suoulo
yet be Made on the part of the Servants of the
CrOwn.' What was the Communication of yester-
day ? He apprehended that Communication to he
very different from what • the consequence of His
Majesty's real situation would have indicated—the
Hon. Gentleman seemed to say that His Majesty's
illness was not likely to be of a short duration. That
it had been stated, that the reported amendment
was not to be expeded soon, and that to-day it was
Only, that His Majesty was gradually advancing.
towards recovery.' Now, said Mr. ADDING TON', "
am very much inclined,, from information whiCh
the House will allow me to advert to, because I ant ii
possessed of it, and others are possessed of it, though
the House is not—l think myself bound to state,
that the Physicians in. making that communication
rather referred to the anxiety of the Public than to
the conjecture made by them of the duration of the
complaint, and I have the satisfalion of stating,
on their authority, comparing the present situation
with the situation of His Majesty at corresponding
occasions, on two former occasions, they are unani.
mously convinced that His Majesty's illness will be of
shorter duration. Now, perhaps, the Hon.-Gen-
tleman may think that I have-yielded up my re.
ludance to• milking any comMunication upon
subject roc readily : He cannot think that I 'do not
consider the present situation of the Country, hut
he mistakes if he supposes that His Majesty's Sign
Manual is necessary' to call forth the Volunteers—but
I am ready us admit there may he circumstances in
which it would be necessary that the Royal Authority
should be exercised by His Majesty—l have ihe
happiness of stating that if such a6eeessity existed
at the present MOrritmtv there would be no ohititktion
whatever to the ptd business ; that at the moment
in which I am speaking, I am justified in contraditt-
ing, not the statement, but the supposition of the ff
Hon. Gentleman ; I cannot enter into a stateMent
with the particularity 'which the anxiety of Gen_
tlemen might call for, but if at the •present moment
the necessity existed for the exercise tf the Royal •
Fundions, any interruption from die supposed
situation of His Majesty would not exist. Now-
let me implore the House to believe, that until we
have given it reason to the contrary, those w horn-I •
still beg leave to call His Majesty's •Confidential
Servants will not mislead • it, .or in any degree
shun a responsibility the most tremendous . that
ever attached to any body of mein and under J
circumstances which will admit of 'no justification
if they are wrong: That they 'wilt at tend to, the
calls of their duty, and will consider also what may
be the duty of others ; that tiley will not suspend
communication longer than they conceive it -to be
incumbent on them to do it, not on any points rif
.delicacy upon sentiments of public duty. At the
present moment I think in such circumstances that
a comweication on the part of the Confidential
-Servanos of His Majesty would he indecent and on.
warrantable, and what every Man in this House, and
'• in thbs Country would for ever lament,. Orilliese
grounds I most object to: the Motion' of the- lion.
Baronet, r• ;t without observing that it is wholly
inapplicable to our situation. Indeed the aitua-
! tibia of affairs owing to, the state of His Ma-
! testy, appeared to me to render it lather fleets- ,
nary that the House should continue sitting, in.
stead of adjourning. So much so, that -instead
of an adjournment,' I thought .some proposition
should have been made against the House ad-
journing to this day, when the adjournment was
moved on Friday. I feel iiimportant that the House
should continue. sitting ; • and how the Hon. Gen-
tletuan opposite to me, wi'o is so desirous of a cam-
monication being made to the House, who calls so
earnestly for information, can reconcile it with a
Motion fur an Adjournment, leave to him to ex-
plain. I hope now that the Motion for the second
reading of the Volunteer Bill will be carried,
there being no circumstances to justify any- further
delay of that measure."
• Mi.. PITT said, he had not the good fortune to•
be in the House when the- Hon. Baronet made his
Motion, and he was•not quite sure that he now per-
fedi}, understood what the object of it was. He
had, :however, been informed, that the Hon. lia-
r(lnt had made a Motion for Adjournment, and that
the ground he assigned for it was, that no regular
conimunication had been made to the House upon a
subjed which so much interested the feelings of all
classes of the Community. He confessed that what-
ever opinion he might entertain, upon the whole of
that critical and anxious situation in 'Which the
Country was now placed, and a more critical and
anxious one never existed' in the history of this
Country, he could not think that the Motion for
Adjournment was one, which, in any possible view
of the subject, could he either expedient or proper.
He certainly did feel, that if unfortunately the mo-
ment should come, which lie most earnestly hoped
would never be the case, when Parliament should
lie obliged to take cognizance of .a suspension in the.
exercise of the Royal Fundions,- from that moment
he thought, on the constitutional grounds stated by
the Hon Gentle Man opposite to him (Mr. Fox),
that Parliament should be precluded from doing any -,
at except that 'of taking the necessary measures for
supplying the deficiency in the Executive Branch of
the Constitution. This was an opinion be had al-
ways entertained, and this was the conduit which
was adopted by Parliament on a former melancholy
occasion ; -and although-at the period to which lie
alluded, there was very considerable difference of
opinion as to 'the particular mode which ought to be
adopted, yet he believed the general principle which
had now been. laid down was universally approved
of. But' he certainly did not think that a mere ge-
neral apprehension anti impression, however well
founded they might appear to be, that the personal
exercise of the Royal Atethority had been suspended,
would justify Parliament in-suspending all, its other
functions, unless that fad was communicated to
them in -a way that would render it necessary for
them to take notice of it. If, however, the regu-
lar Reports of the Physicians appointed to attend
His Majesty should indUce Gentlemen to think that
it was the duty of Ministers, under all the circum-
stances of the case, to take immediate steps for
making a Cemmunication to Parliament -upon, the
subject, it was not only proper, but it was the duty
of those Members who entertained that opinion, to in-
quire of Ministers why they had not made such Com-
municatinn to Parliament. Ne confessed he felt

Inn
II VV:IV P. 17105( WITICUIt altu Treal

:3u5 .rspon

SIDI.

liry for Ministers to determine haw long the Com-
muniCation ought to be delayed, and at what mo—
mant it might to.be made. Whatever his opinion
of Ministers might br on other points, he was sure
there was no man in. His Majesty's Councils, who
did not feel that responsibility which, great as it
must he at all times, and under any circumstances,
was in the present state of the Count!), increased
tenfold. Looking, as he dial for one, with the feel.
ings he had always cherished, to the possibility of •
reaching the moment of the complete restoration of
His Majesty's health without the necessity of any'
interference on the part of ParliaMent,- yet he tier_
tainy did feel that in the present critical situa.
tion of the Country, they must count days,
and even hours, in judging of the interval
that ought to be allowed before the interfe-
rence of • Parliament became necessary. He must,
therefore, say, that it would become Ministers.,
well and maturely to consider the situation of the
Country in deciding upon the line of condud they
ought to adopt. Ministers ought, and of course
did know more of the state of affairs than other
persons ; they ,might be acquainted with ciacutn.
stances which might warrant them in thinking that
a delay of a few days might be hazarded, but every
Member in that House, every man in the-Coun:
try, knew that the, Country was threatened with a
danger which might prodtice the most awful crisis
it ever experienced. He, however, did not know
in whom (unless upon a supposition of criminal
negligence), except those persons who, in- conse.
quence of this calamitous event, were left in the si.
N Mation of Hia-ajesty's aaual Ministers, he did
not, he said, knoilv to whom, except to them, be-
longed in the first instance the responsibility of
communication. It was undoubtedly a very nice
and difficult paint to decide what the aaual situa:
tion of Ministers was, because they were left in a
's:atiation for which the Constittiiion has made no
provisioo. Without at; present
,enreririg into that
discusion, he was clear that, they being, up to the
moment'td the supposed inability of His Majesty to
exercise his royal functions, entrusted with the ma-
rt:Vl-Dent of r tiltlio affairs, it was not possible that
they could be displaced from their situations, or aba
solved from the clatiespf. their -offices, .until the taa
Was ascertained by Parliarrierti. - He. would•not take
upon himself to say hoW long the Communication
might be delay edam at what Moment it (igh: to he
made, but tindOubted;y the danger and•pressure of
the moment might, even agaiost men's wishes 'and
feelings, create a sort of imparieoce upon this point,
-anti make it• a piebiic duty to calli for dired Corn.-
municatiort to Parliament. Hs stid there-fort' hope,
that Ministers• ivoitld ocit; 'both. for the. sake of .the
Sovereign and 'of'-the Country, posh any feelio,,ta- of.. •
delicacy, and sentiments of reverence. and ,
which they in common withevei y loyal man in the
Country must feel; he hoped, he said, they would:not
push. those sentiments to the 'extent of • endan:.
gering that, which had , always been the dearest
objet of His Majesty's. care, viz. the safety of
those SuhjeAs whose happiness it had been the study
of his life to promote. Having said this, God for.
bid that he should anticipate the melancholy too:
ment of their being obliged, by the continuance . of
His Majesty's Illness, anadopt any measures upon .
the subjed ; but at present he was of opinion that
the responsibility of making the communication '
ought to be left where it was now placed ; and
whatever might be his opinion of the condua of
Ministers upon other points, he could not believe•
that they would push to a dangerous and criminal
-excess, that awful responsibility which belonged to
them. In the mean time there did •notappear to
him to exist any circumstances which called upon
them to suspend all their Parliamentary duties, until
that communication-to which he had before alluded
was made to Parliament (and which he most fervent-
ly hoped it, would never be necessary to make) they
were bound by the duty which they owed their
country, especially in the arduous situation 'in which
it was now placed, not to abandon their funiftionS,
or to negled their duties; for if any thing could
aggravate • the feelings of public aflliaion, or
place the country in a state of real ,dahger,.. it
would 'be if any sudden alarm should occur in the
interval when the exercise of the Royal Functions
was suspended, and-when Parliament had abandoned
its duty, and abstained from proceeding with the
. necessary measures, because, by preparing them for
the Royal Assent, they might accelerate the effect
of any Legislative measure which it might be flea.
cessary to adopt to strengthen the Country in the
present crisis. He felt the -measure which had -
been .appointed -for discussion' this day, viz, the
Volunteer Bill, as coming under this description ;
not indeed the measure itself, at least in its pre.
sent shape, but the subjed with which it was con.
nedcd, because he thought it might be made the
means of giving us .more substantial and effeaual
means of defence than those we now possessed. He
did not mean to say that we had not now great and
sufficient means of defence, but that they. might'
still be more completely organized and consolidated.
He, was therefore most clearly of opinion, than is hat.
ever else it might become their duty to do, whether
it might become necessary for them to institute A
Parliamentary Inquiry or not; still that in the mean
time !hey ought not to abandon their fun6tions, but
to proceed as far as possible with those meastires„
which were .calculated to add to the Defence and
Security' of the Country ; by which means they
would avoid the mischief of unnecessary delay, .and
would dimipish the evil which must exist even from
the interval of interruption of the Royal Fundions,
which had already taken place. If, then, there
was any weight in these considerations, he hoped
they would not now adjourn ; indeed they ought
not to adjourn, even upon the principles of the
Hon. Baronet who made' the motion ; because, if
further communication was necessary,a most • un-
ouestianably the House ought to sit to put them in
a situation of hearing it. If any further. interval
.was to elapse -before a
.communication took place,
still there was the same objection to the Motion for
Adjournment; because, though he did not mean to
throw,out any insinuation against. Ministers, and
though they had no temptation whatever to ad,
wrong, yet it could not for a moment be doubted,
but at such a moment, and tinder such circumstances,
it was the duty of Parliament to continue sluing.—
Under these circumstances he entertained a strong

iMpe,
Mat tocy WiAIICI mut: taispassionately •--- h
sent state of public affairs, because it was one which
ought to suspend every idea of party dissention; this
was not a moment for any man, or set of men, teen-
deavour to obtain a triumi h over their opponents'
The crisis was mucfr too serious and awful. The
danger with which the Country was threatened was,
great enough, without aggravating it by persons'
animosities or party 'dissentions. In Mentioning,
the danger with which the Country was threatened,
he'wished to be understood, that in his opinion hoi
thing could render that danger fatal but a spirit e
animosity prevailing among men of weight and
consideration in the Country. Unanimity was
now more than ever desirable ; he meant as t°
great and essential measures ; as to the ordinary ba'
sines of Parliament, he saw no reason why ther
might not debate them now as well as at any °the
period, and therefore he was desirous that tiler
should now enter upon the business appointed fog
discussion that day;
Air. W DH A' rose to submit a few obser""
tions to the House, in-consequence of what had fat
oi
len from different Gentlemen in the course,

this most interesting discussion. His Right blot
Friend who -had just sat down, had 'argued thTw''
question, as if it had been proposed to adjourn fo=
some days, and to stispend ahe Fontlions of Parlia;f
ment, but certainly that was not the intend:in a •
the Hon. Baronet who made the Motion, becauseeP,
it was, he certainly would not give it his
The Motion merely meant, as he understpod its
adjournment hir this day.. fie could not helps b"
fore he proceeded any farther, rettnning. lois,tha'S '
to the Hon. 13;1rOrtet who made the Motion, for-`1;
charging that which he considered to be a tithst in"
portant duty, and the omission of which might bu::
been attended with the most dangerous consequenc,e;
He had often, in-the course of his Parliamentary
heardaliscussions about Confidence, and had throw;
often argued upon the necessity of reposing a ret;;
sonable degree of confidence in Ministers, uti;s
never heard it argued-for to the•exterrt that it ;
been argued for this night by the Chancellor of
Exchequer. The substance of his argument ansou';
ed to this, that upon,every question of this sort .1107 c,
ever important it might be, the.. Ministers hops:o r
liament would repose implicit confidence i OEO'l4.
that upon no other seem ity than their own relf'lis.
bilitys. Now, without Meaning to say any tit"g,-,,ca
risspeelful or harsh to Minister:, that was a confit`e-pis
which, in his opinion, ought not to be reposed to
Ministers. -The Chane.of the Exchequer had
svhet her they would contend that upon-e very°ll
114
racy illness of the ,Icing, by which ht was disabl
4vas
frinn exercising the funetions of Royalty, rkt
necessary to slyly •;for the interference of rarrft
melt ? If he 'were bonrid to answer that quebti°r
stria conformity to the theory of the Constituttl
his answer would be, " yes." But it was very
known that-general theories silted) s admitted of s°Tig
tnitigation, and in certain cases Parliament Irligo
•connive at .a-short -neglea of its duties,, bit( vibur
such a point there must exist son' ntssi-tariof" roe
.
how was Parliament to aseerteitts what.Y;as r"
3 _o_
per point of liMitation if, as in the presibi 07 iv!
they were deprived of all regular information. •
the SatisfaClion that Parliament coulti obtainsapat-
i
Ministers was this "we know our ,duty,' an
upon,ounresponsibiliey, and therefore you, the, e";),
mons of England, must. wait sill we tell 1".04.
it is right anti fit you •shouid interfere." ihr:jot.
this doctrine he entered his protest ; it was a
tripe pregnant with the most serious tniSc.ld'„%tr.
It was one that had never before been 100
ced; that whenever the Sovereign cease`'
whatever cause, to have his reguliir a';','hout -
that Ministers should keep the contour-sr ss'ikesl,
an Executive Government as long as theY
erse
or until circumstances required an actual ex.,,
of the Royal Authority. IF this prineinle ept
once admitted, how long might the Country be
without an Executive Government ; He say/ it
reason why, upon the principle now laid tloWil:',lis
might not be kept so for six months. Psis It ~lte
Hon. Friend (Mr. PITT) certainly did not agoe,toj •
question to that extent ; he had displayed his:'"4l,
judgment upon this question, but still he
sonsness) could not contor with him in oPt° tier
because he seemed to'Vvish to defer the period °.ble,
Cotntnunication -to Parliament as 'long as P°'sliicsa
The question now was, whether the proper
for Communication was come or not ? tots ha'
said, why should we interfere now, when. "'; pre
not interfered before ? His answer was thissio
liatnent did not interfere now, when was lc as tile'
terfere ? The time that had elapsed'alreadY Wit Wi's
strongest reason for- interfering at. present. 0001"
true, as his Right Hon. Friend hail ,Said, theY cest4
ed the days and hours upon this most inter colt'
subject, but the time must come when they Iscf
count no more. This question told been arg`:etioo
if the irthnediate consequence of a Communs. OE
0
to Parliament must be the immediate aciOnti° cue
stiovmeeGin,e)vaestre
rinmsestiolts,uhp)upilytitiihsewdeafiscnieontct}i'leotc. toshee;E:ji;
not call for any. Parliamentary precteding,, f that
inquiry, audit would depend upon the result 064
inqniry whether a nyfurther proceeding were ''''ciciogr,
or not. With regard to the Reports of-the couP
by which atone that House arid the Poblic,
13
form any judgment upon the suhi-tt, the (.'
sel
n
de°
of the E;tCH FI2U Eit had taken unv,,e ; '
'
to' say,' that, Pailiatnent ought to he go. j ths
him, and 11Q1 by them; he had toot only 0%1,00
the House was not only to believe him in pre'
o. they!
to the Physicians, but even in coniradiElion tiO ,
tP
o •
The Right lion. Gentleman had undertaket ,ic foe
give the meatoirg of the words contained in ,ieisisy'
ports, of the Phy.sicians, but the meamogot
sicians themselves. .This was znesort ot co
which the Right Hon Gentleman had c4"111 e'
he believed it was :a degree. of confidence' `wheels 110'
never been claimed by any Minister before• ofor
reiy
House and the Public thou flit they c (Ate vieta
the'RepOrts of the Physicians,' but now the ite;
informed .that they were only to rely of'" ,y.
- 10"
ports, a nhe Ministers. About fo"l•rt"e of
they received the alarming notific,tti°3 orovce
King's Indisposition. Thas.yers notification ro onj
that the illness could net he a• su ides ones, 00
foolY'
that was likely to terminate very 8 rt
that
tpo
undoubtedly • the general opinion wasp v
ixas of a nature that would Preorefit 11
inati°
lexercise of tote Royal Fun 'lions. What Ini