The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDDN WEDNESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 20, 1867.

say that the rescue of these prisoners might be attempted,
and therefore it was desirable to take extra precautions.
Those precautions were taken by sending extra police
with the van. Certainly no information was received of
any such attack being intended as that which really took
place. Now, while four men are lying under sentence of
death, I do not wish to say anything to aggravate the
crimes of the Fenians themselves ; at the same time I must
be allowed to protest against those who, in the public
press and elsewhere, have assumed that these cowardly
outrages are to be classed in the category of political
offences—(hear, hear)—and that, therefore, they are yory
different from ordinary murders. The object of Fenianism
is not the removal of any grievance, or the redress of aoy
evil of which they complain. The avowed and definite
object is to upset the Government of this country and to
constitute an Irish Republic—overthrow of the authority of
the Queen in her own dominions. That is the distinct
treasonable object of the Fenians. The idea of an Irish
Republic is ludicrous to one who knows the character and
condition of that country. lam satisfied that, if it were
possible to establish an Irish Republic and every British
soldier were withdrawn, in the course of six months

opposing parties there would be breaking each other's
heads, and in the course of twelve months they would
be cutting each other's throats from one end of the
country to the other. (Hear, hear.) Some respect is due,
notwithstanding the evils of civil war, to people who
openly and avowedly come forward to oppose the consti-
tuted authorities, and who are prepared by force of arms
to establish their principles. In such a case as that,
political crimes and offences may be alleged ; but no such
character can be given to those whose sole means of

effecting their object of subverting all authority, and
establishing complete anarchy throughout the country,
are secret incendiarism, attacks on unprotected houses,
murders of single and unarmed policemen, attacks upon
police barracks, which were known to be undefended, by
men who have not the courage to show themselves, and
who at the very appearance of a corporal's guard or a dozen
policemen take to flight, and leave their unhappy comrades
who do not show sufficient speed to the tender mercies of
the law which they do not hesitate to violate. (Hear.)
Therefore I say, whatever may be said in mitigation of the
crimes committed by these Fenian conspirators, and what-
ever may be the disposition of the Crown and the people of
this country to show all the mercy consistently with the
discharge of the duties of justice, 'cannot for a single mo-
ment, and I am sure the country will not for a single mo-
ment, connect the idea of offences of this description with
thoso which are ordinarily known by the term of political
offences, and which, as political offences, appeal somewhat
to our sympathies. (Hear, hear.) Ido not think it neces-
sary to dwell on those measures which her Majesty's Go-
vernment has announced an intention of bringing before
Parliament ; nor will I follow the noble earl (Russell) in a
discussion of the general principles of the English Reform
Bill or of the Reform Bills to be introduced for Scotland
and Ireland. We shall, however, have au earlier oppor-
tunity than last year of discussing the merits of the scotch
and Irish bills. He has suggested the arguments with
which 1 should introduce and support those bills, but I can
assure him that I shall use my own arguments, and not
those which he has put into my mouth. I will not deal
with the other topics of the Speech, except to say that the
question of education requires serious consideration. The
circumstances of the three portions of the United Kingdom
are very differentin this respect, and must be treated in a
different manner and at different times. With regard to Eng-
land we require more information as to the state of educa-
tion than we at present possess. We have ample informa-
tion with respect to assisted schools, and some information
with regard to unassisted schools; but with regard to that
portion of our population which is without education
altogether, we require much more information before we
can safely come to a conclusion as to the principles which
should regulate education for England. The question of
Irish education is under the consideration of a commission,
which would have been long since appointed but for the
difficulty which has bee❑ experienced, first from the re-
luctance of the Roman Catholic hierarchy to take any share
in assisting the Government, and next on account of the
death of the Earl of Bosse, who had consented to be presi-
dent of that commission. The other questions will in due
time be hought before you, and it would not be wise in
me now to trespass on your time in regard to them. I will
therefore, conclude by expressing the satisfaction we feel
that the noble earl (Russell) and your lordships see no
ground for objecting to her Majesty's Speech, and that the
first day of the session has been marked by the unanimous
assent of your lordships.

The Address was then agreed to, and their lordships
adjourned at eight o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—LAST EVENING.
The SPEAKER having resumed the chair,
The standing orders were then read and agreed to.

NEW MEMBER.
Lord DE BURGH took the oath and his seat for Gal-
way county.

A BYSSINIA.

Sir S. NORTLICOTE laid on the table papers connected
with matters in Abyssinia.
Col. SYKES rave notice that on Friday he should move
for a return of the names, nationalities, ec., of the pri-
soners in Abyssinia, and also he should ask a question of
the Secretary of War whether Consul Cameron held a
commission in the army, and, if not, under what circum-
stances ho quitted it.
ARTISANS' DWELLINGS.

Mr. 31‘0. TORRENS gave notice of his intention to
introduce a bill for the improvement of the dwellings of
the working classes.
HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH—THE ADDRESS.

Her Majesty's Speech on the opening of Parliament
having been read by the Speaker,
Mr. DYKE rose to move that an address be presented
to Her Majesty in answer to her most gracious speech. He
said he had to ask that indulgence invariably extended to
those placed in a similar position. 11 er Majesty had expressed
her regret in calling her Parliament together at an un-
usual period ; the ground of that regret was apparent in
the first part of the Royal Speech, and that circumstance,
of course, would necessitate the voting of the supplies for
the expedition to Abyssinia. With respect to the
expedition to Abyssinia, it was for the interest of
all parties that a full consideration of all the

matters connected with the unhappy war should take
place, and although he should not on that occasion enter
at full length into all the details of the Abyssinian expe-
dition, ho could not forbear touching lightly upon some
of the leading points. The hon. gentleman then re-
ferred to the steps that had already been taken to
procure the liberation of the prisoners. Tho most recent
matter of importance was the despatch of a letter by the
noble lord at the head of the Foreign Department, and if
it was asked why earlier action on the matter had
not been taken, ho could only say that an
answer to the letter he had referred to could
only have been received within three days of the
breaking up of last session. The King of Abyssinia had
been informed that unless he delivered up the prisoners
active steps would be taken to enforce their liberation ; yet
notwithstanding that, they still remained in captivity, and it
was some satisfaction to know that the war was mainly for
that purpose, and not for the purpose of aggrandisement.
(Hear.) If in the course of the discussions that must follow
it was shown that every diplomatic means were taken to effect
the release of the prisoners Parliament would endorse the
policy of the Government on the subject. (dear, hear.)
With respect to Italy it was a matter of regret that violent
persons should have attempted to invade that tranquillity
that that country so much required. The Emperor
Napoleon had taken some steps in the matter, and
he could not but think that a sovereign who
had expressed so much good-will towards this coun-
try would not act now in opposition to all his former po-
licy. Unhappily the deplorable state of affairs which had
existed in Ireland had extended to this country, but he
hoped the wishes expressed by her Majesty would be
realised, that the law would be found adequate for the
suppression of such treasonable proceedings. With respect
to the question of Parliamentary Reform last session many
hard things had been said ; he hoped these would now be
forgotten, and that Parliament would apply itself to the
completion of that great question, and thus bring about a
settlement of a "matter which had caused the greatest
anxiety. He hoped to bring forward a bill for the sup-.
pression of bribery at elections, which would be one
calculated to root out bribery, which was one of
the great evils connected with their electoral
system, and its suppression could but lead to

the most satisfactory results. The great difficulty
was to define the exact point for legislation to commence,
but doubtless that would be satisfactorily dealt with
by Parliament. With respect to the question of education,
he did not think there was a question that more urgently
required the attention of the house. It was melancholy to
run down the list of those who at various times took their
trial ; it was lamentable to find so many unable either to
read or write. If that great evil could be satisfactorily
surmounted, it would be one of the greatest blessings that
could be conferred upon the country. The bill for the
regulation of tho introduction and slaughter of foreign
cattle he hoped would be one calculated to give satisfaction to

all classes, and thanking the house for the kindness they
had exhibited to him, he would express a hope that by the
blessing of Providence the prospects of the country would
continue to increase, and that their private exertions
would add to the good of all her -Majesty's subjects.
The hon gentleman then read the Address, which was
as usual a mere echo of the Royal Speech.
001. HOGG, in seconding the Address, said he felt his
inability to grapple with the task, but he knew he could
rely on the goodness of the house. His honourable
friend had so dealt with the Abyssinian question
that little was left for him to say; but he hoped
that there would be no mistake upon one point, and
that was that before King Theodore's reply was received
the Government could not have foreshadowed its policy.
Three years of cruelty to the prisoners, he thought, fully
justified the Government in sending forth the expedition,
but he did hope the expedition would not assume the charac-
ter of an Abyssinian war. That was not the time to justify
the policy of Government, but hewould answer one objec-
tion he had heard against. the expedition, and that was the
expense, but he did not think the house would calculate
the value of the lives of British subjects at money's worth.
(Hear, hear.) He had luttero he mild read from that

part of the country detailing the indignities officers
in her Majesty's service had been subjected! to, such as
never had before been endured, and the Government had
done well in confiding the command of the expe-
dition to so brave a soldier as Sir Robert Napier,
who had shown his bravery in man; parts
of her Majesty's dominions. It was satisfactory that the
utmost care had been taken in forwarding the necessary
requirements for the successful support of the expedition,
and although some might say the preparations were
too extensive, yet he thought the shortest
way to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion
was to carry on the expedition in a most perfect manner.
He for one most ardently desired that Tier Majesty's views
on the subject of Italy might be carried out, and
that that quiet which was so desirable would
follow the quelling of the invasion, and that
ultimately peace and prosperity would prevail throughout
the whole of Italy. The outrages that had been committed
in some parts of England were much to be deplored, and
he felt that when the majesty of the law was vindi-
cated peace would follow, and that the misgoverned
persons who had taken part in them would see the folly
of pursuing such a mad career. The efforts to cheapen
the provisions of the great bulk of her Majesty's subjects
was under the consideration of Parliament, and in the hope
that the best results would follow their deliberations he
begged to second the address.
The SPEAKER having read the Address,
Mr. GLADSTONE said there was nothing in either of
the addresses of the two hon. gentlemen, or the Address
itself, which would call upon him to depart from the
usual course of voting it without amendment.
He had, however, intended to have asked the right
honourable gentleman some questions on the policy
of the Government, but there ware matters of a domestic
nature, which would at this moment prevent him doing so,
and ho would take that opportunity of stating that the
right hon, gentleman had the sympathy of the whole
house. (Hear, hear.) He could not at that
moment but express his most ardent wish that
the Abyssinian expedition might not extend itself into a
war—(hear, hear)—and although nothing could be done
at that moment, yet he only felt it right to say that
the house would expect to have the most frank
explanations on the subject of Abyssinia. (Hear, hear.)
The question was a most difficult one, and although he
did not moan to imply any want of confidence in the
steps which the Government had taken, yet the
country would expect that some explanations would
be required as to how it was proposed to
carry on the war, and what was the hope of success
against a person who it was supposed would not fight
but run. (Hoar, hear.) He felt that explanation
would also be required as to the employment
of Indian troops in the expedition without the consent of
Parliament. We were now going into Abyssinia, and the
next idea that arose in the minds of many would be, "when
shall we come out of Abyssinia ?"—and he could not
imagine there was any intention in the present expedition
of territorial aggrandisement, because there was quite as
much anxiety with respect to territorial government. The
next matter that would be looked forward to
with the greatest interest was the charge to be
made for the expedition. Rumour said a large sum was to
be asked for, and that a portion of that was to be borne of
the revenues of India, but he hoped the other part
would not be saddled on this country by
way of additional debt. If the Government pro-
posed to meet the expenses of the day out of the
revenue, Parliament would give her Majesty's Govern-
ment their best help and assistance ; therefore ho hoped
the fears that were expressed in some quarters would not
be realized. With respect to Italy, he could not see how
it would have been possible for her Majesty's advisers
not to have taken some notice of the painful proceedings
that had taken place in that country—(hear)—and with
respect to Fonianism, he could only say that he felt the
law would be found fully equal to the occasion, and that
her Majesty's peaceable subjects should not be overridden
by lawless and ill-disposed men with impunity. (Hear.)
There were rumours with respect to the commission ou
the Irish Church, but he hoped many that he had beard
wore untrue, but the object of the commission was clearly
to elicit and bring before Parliament more clearly than
was at present known certain facts, leaving Parliament
to deal with them as it seems best. He hoped that
unanimity would not be disturbed, and that with that view
he supported the address that had just been read.
Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was
loudly cheered on rising to reply, showed strong emotion,
and had evidently great difficulty in speaking. His dis-
tress called forth sympathising cheers from all parts of
the house, and when these had subsided the right hon.
gentleman, who was almost inaudible, was understood to
say that he was much touched by the manner in which
the right hon. gentleman opposite had referred to a pain-
ful subject, and by the kindness of the house. (Renewed
cheering.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer proceeded—
The right hon, gentleman has made a speech which, I
think, every one must acknowledge has been tu-st fair. I
agree with him that the Address was moved by my hon.
friend in a manner which engaged the attention and
interest of the house, and seconded by my noble and gal-
lant friend in an able speech. The right hon. gentleman is
perfectly correct in his assumption that on the part of the
Government it is not for a moment to be supposed that this
house is at all pledged with respect to the Abyssinian policy
until it has considered the whole subject when it is for-
mally brought before it. Then it gill be treated as if it
ww e a matter introduced to the notice of the house for
the first time, although it may have previously been re-
ferred to in this or the other House of Parliament as a sub-
ject upon which the house must decide after candid and
full discussion. (Hear, hear.) The Government then will
be prepared to vindicate the policy which they recommend
Parliament to adopt. They court the utmost inquiry. In-
deed, it is most expedient upon all questions of this impor-
tance, and especially when connected with a remote coun-
try, and where all the calculations must be formed upon a
variety of complicated circumstances, that the discussion in
Parliament should be full. We are prepared to meet that
discussion, and I hope I may say, without presumption,
that we look forward with confidence to obtaining the
sanction of the house to the expedition. The right hon.
gentleman has treated the question so fairly, that, from the
manner in which he has commented on it, we may enter
upon the discussion without feeling that it is a party ques-
tion. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the recommendations
which the right hon. gentleman has made as to the mode
in which we should be prepared to recommend to Parlia-
ment to carry on the war —if war becomes inevitable -I
think it would not be convenient at present to enter into
those details. (Hear, hear.) The time is very near when
it will be my duty, or the duty of some other minister, to
place the whole matter before the house ; and considering
that the papers relating to the question have only been
laid on the table to-day, it would be premature to enter
into details now. I assume that gentlemen on both
sides of the house will be anxious to make themselves
masters of the information contained in the papers,
which have been prepared with as little reserve as
probably ever occurred in public documents, before they
enter upon any discussion. (Hear, hear.) I will only
touch upon other questions connected with our foreign
affairs and other points to which the right hon. gentle-
man has adverted. 14. must be satisfactory to the house,
I am sure, to bear from the Throne an assurance of the
friendly relations between her Majesty and her allies and
the powers of Europe. All must deplore the disturbances
which have occurred in Italy. This is not a fitting occa-
sion on which to enter into the causes of those unhappy
disturbances ; but I think that the spirit in which her Ma

jesty has addressed us on that subject will be approved of
and re-echoed by the house. The house will, I hopo, in
its answer to the Address, convey to the Throne its con-

currence in the hope that the presence of foreign troops in
Italy may cease. (Cheers.) With respect to questions con-
. _ _ . .

nected with Ireland to which the right hon. gentleman has
. .

particularly adverted, it must not be assumed that when
Parliament meets in November that it is not the intention

or hope of the Government to deal with many topics that
are not particularly referred to in the Speech from the
Throne. The land question is not a question which any

Government that I have been connected with can be ac

cused of having passed over. Our efforts to bring it to a
fair solution may not have been fortunate, but great pains
have been taken and great sincerity has been shown to
effect that object. The right hon. gentleman has been just
in remembering that last year, even although the time of

the Government and the house was greatly occupied, there

was no contemptible effort made on our part with that

view. The house must not infer because the subject is not

introduced in the Speech that the Government has given
up the solution of the difficulty in despair. On the con-
trary, I think I may venture to say that a bill will be again
__.

presented to Parliament with respect to the Irish Church

and the purpose of the commission which has been re-
cently issued. I think the right hon. gentleman has placed
too large an interpretation upon some expressions which

may have been used. But I believe that to-morrow a copy
of the commission will be placed upon the table, and,
therefore, it will not be necessary for me to enter further

into the subject. The right lion. gentleman has, I think,

given very prudent counsel to the Dlinistry, and also to

members of this house, as to the vague terms which it is,

on the whole, expedient to admit into Speeches from the

Throne on very important topics.

I can only sly, with

respect to the paragraph with reference to education, it
has not b:en inserted in the Speech as a mere rheto-
rical flourish. The Government is giving serious atten-

tion to the subject, but of course when Parliament meets

in November we are not justified in specially referring
to the results of their inquiries. I thank the house again

for its great kindness. (Cheers.)
Mr. HORSMAN asked Lord Stanley to state the charac-
ter of the invitations sent out by France for a Congress

on the affairs of Italy, and what answer we had given to
it. Denying altogether that it was a matter to bo settled

between France and Italy—for the Emperor himself, in his

speech to the Chambers, declared it to be a matter of Euro-

pean interest, and that it was necessary to settle a compre-
hensive basis for negotiations before the Congress met—

ho entered into an elaborate review of the "situation" in
Italy, and urged Lord Stanley to accept the invitation on

conditions which he specified, and which, he maintained,
would lead to a satisfactory settlement.

Lord STANLEY, while declining to enter into a gene-
ral discussion of the Italian quotion at this moment, pro.

fessed his readiness to tell the house all that the Govern-
ment had done in reference to the occupation of Rome and
the invitation to a conference. Not being bound by treaty
obligation to pronounce any formal opinion on the occupa-
tion, the Government had refrained from any such act,
though he had expressed to the French Government his
belief that it would produce a very unfavourable impres-
sion in this country. But in the differences which had
arisen between the Italian Government and the French
Government our good offices had been asked by Italy and
had been accepted. To the invitation to a Conference ad-
dressed to us by the French Government he had answered
that the Government saw little chance of any satisfactory
result following the Conference unless some definite plan
of settlement were proposed beforehand, and unless it
could be ascertained from previous negotiations that the
plan would have a reasonable chance of acceptance. Sorry
though ho might be to lose a chance of rernovi,g this
cause of disagreement, to go into a Conference without
some such previous agreement would have been a waste of
time.

Sir G. BO WYER took exception to parts of Mr. Hors-
man's resume of the Italian " situation," maintaining that
the Emperor of the French was master of the situatio❑ ;
if King Victor Emmanuel was embarrassed, it was owing
to his own duplicity; that events had shown the perfect
satisfaction of the Roman people with the Papal rule ; and
that the repetition of such a filibustering expedition, pro-
tected by Victor Emmanuel, would lead to a rebellion in
Southern Italy and a restoration of the Bourbons.

Mr. NEWDEGATE expressed his complete satisfaction
with Lord Stanley's decision to have nothing to do with
the Roman question, and reminded him that on a previous
occasion the Papacy rewarded us for our protection by
fomenting wars on all Protestant Powers.

Mr. P. TAYLOR, on the contrary, was deeply grieved
by our attitude of non-intervention and abnegation of
international duties, denouncing the invasion of Italy by
France as an act of brigandage, and maintaining, in con-
tradiction to Sir G. Bowyer, that the Roman people were
only prevented from expelling the Papal Government by
the presence of foreign troops.
Mr. BUTLER-JOHNSTONE was of opinion that the
Roman question was too complex to be settled in a Con-
ference, and asked those who complained of our non-inter-
ference to point out how we could have prevented the
invasion of Italy by French troops. We were not masters
of the Mediterranean, and we could not have sent an ex-
peditionary force more than strong enough to cope with
the Papal army.
Mr. Whalley and Sir P. O'Brien also made some obser-
vations on the Roman question, and Mr. Conance ex-
pressed his approval of the paragraph in the Speech
relating to the cattle plague ; after which the Address was
agreed to without further debate.
The house adjourned at 20 minutes to 8 o'clock.

Mscellaneous News.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)

PARIS, Nov. 14.
The Italian Question appears steadily progressing
towards a settlement, the Emperor having given
orders for the evacuation of Rome and other parts
of the Pontifical territory upon the re-establishment
of order. Garibaldi remains at Varignano, at-
tended only by his son-in-law, the Major Canzio,
and by his secretary, Bassi, under the strictest sur-
veillance ; even the Doctor R.►ndina, his usual
medical attendant, not being allowed access to him.
His son-in-law and secretary are free to leave
Varignano, but in that case they will not be per-
mitted to return there. The late affairs have, of
course, had considerable effect upon the reciprocal
commerce of France and Italy, and ru-
mours have circulated as to the establishment
of a league in the latter country against the pur-
chase of French merchandise and products ; but it
is more than probable that these are mere vapour-
ings, which a prompt settlement of the question in
dispute will speedily dissipate. The tone of the
extreme Liberal journals is softening considerably,
as, notwithstanding all their sophistry, they find it
hard to get over the fact that great reforms, when
needed, may be carried out in a more constitutional
manner than that acted on by Garibaldi ; and, al-
though I am not a vehement politician, and touch
upon political questions as little as possible, I
cannot help expressing my opinion that the
prompt action of Napoleon has averted many
great social evils, and opened up a legitimate method
of solving any questions arising as to the Pope's
temporal sovereignty. It is not improbable even
that the whole question may remain in its present
form until the decease of Pius IX. Reforms
founded upon revolutions are of the most unsatis-
factory character, and even reforms of a more
peaceful nature will find their best basis and motive
power upon the advance of education. Almost
every country is and has been for some time past
engaged upon this work, and at this moment in
Paris one may see the walls placarded with large
aches offering gratuitous courses of instruction
to the working classes, not only in the ordinary
branches of edncation, but even in foreign lan-
guages. The principal society for this purpose being
under the immediate patronage of the Prince Im-
perial, the numerous Lycees also, and other public
educational foundations in France, which are
within the reach of nearly all classes, and under the
immediate and able surveillance of M. Duruy,
Minister of Public Instruction, place France much
in advance of England in this respect, where,
although a plain and sound system of edu-
cation is introduced into the national schools,
and even into the workhouses, yet from the
non-interference on the part of the Govern-
ment inspectors with private schools, regarded
in a commercial point of view, a liberal education
is as yet more strictly and peculiarly the advantage
of those able to pay for it. America has also, in
yet a different manner, taken an advanced educa-
tional step in the gratuitous common schools, of
which she exhibited a model at the International
Exhibition, and in which many of her most re-
markable and successful citizens have received their
education. But the questions of reform and educa-

tion afford too great a scope for the limits of my
present letter. Pass we on to the more immediate
events of the day. The provision question is
now attracting attention in France, as well as in
England, and an ordonnance issued this week by the
Prefect of the Seine, by which the price of bread is
fixed not to exceed 50 centimes (five pence) the
kilogramme (a little more than 21bs.) for the first
quality, and 42 centimes (about four pence three
farthings) second quality. France has purchased
largely in grain during the present year, which has
probably contributed in some measure to check any
too great and too sudden a rise, which is the more ad-
vantageous, as bread forms the great staple of
consumption, vegetables being rather regarded
as entrenzets than as the piece de resistance;
the greatest anomaly existing in Paris, and which
acts directly in raising the price of other articles,
being the octroi or duty levied, especially upon the
wines, or piece or hogshead of wine, valued at 40
francs, paying 46 francs duty—the same amount
levied upon wines of a higher quality. The muni
cipal grain departments which supply Paris are La
Manche and Calvados, and, should it prove of inte-
rest or advantage to our English readers, I shall be
happy to quote in my next the scale of present
' prices. The dismantling and removal of the Uni-
versal Exposition continues with equal activity at
Billancourt and the Champs de Mars. At this moment
the Island of Billancourt is literally covered with
workmen. The beds have been demolished, and
a large part of the agricultural instruments exhibited
removed by the exposants or purchasers. On Tues-
day last a number of waggons were engaged in the
removal to the Palais Royal of a number of statues
and works of arts purchased by Prince Napoleon
at the termination of the Exposition. It appears
that the Exposition, although finished, has yet, like
the odour of the wine cask of Horace or the broken
vase of Moore, an indirect attraction, as on Sunday,
on the Boulevard de la Madeleine, an honest farmer
was then coursing at the top of his speed after two
tall and well-dresied young girls, who, accompanied
by a resplendently-costumal youth, fled in all haste
before him. At the cry of " Stop them," however,
the fugitives were soon surrounded ; the never-failing

sergents de Ole appeared as suddenly, and soon
after, the whole party were in the presence of the
commissary of polica, the farmer in the first
ebullitions of his wrath demanding nothing less
than the incarceration for life of the juvenile

delinquents. The commissary having at length,
however, succeeded in calming him to some
extent, it appeared from his explanations, together
with those of the young fugitives, that the two

young girls were his daughters, and the youth his
nephew, who, dazzled and seduced by the marvellous
recitals of the later visitors to the Exposition, were

devoured with the desire of once in their lives visit-
ing Paris, its magnificent promenades, brilliant

boulevards, spacious quays, wonderful spectacles,

land unparalleled riches. The girls had confided
their wishes to their cousin, who, in his qua-
lity of galant &mne, undertook to accompany
them. Two small difficulties, notwithstanding,
remained to be overcome, permission and money ;
the former they resolved to do without, the latter
was overcome by the elder sister, who appropriated
200 francs from a sack deposited with a goodly
number of others in the paternal armoire, and the
same evening saw the youthful pleasure-seekers en
route for Paris. The next day the father and uncle,
who was not slow to perceive the disappearance alike
of his family and his money, took rail in pursuit,
and by one of the most singular chances happened
to encounter the fugitives before he had been thirty-
six hours in Paris. The commissary of police made
the farmer comprehend at last that the wisest
course for him to pursue was to pardon, and return
with his relatives to the family mansion, a course to
which the young folks nearly attached the less ob-
jection, the money being spent. The governor
accepted the alternative at last with considerable
grumbling. The family honour was thus preserved
intact ; but, alas for the money !

NAPLES, Nov. 8.
When we last wrote we expressed the opinion that
the enthusiasm for rushing to the conquest of Rome
was nothing like what the Italian press represented.
The very superficial character of the demonstra-
tions which were got up, we believe, confirms the
correctness of our opinion.

Since the Garibaldian disasters a deep and very
natural feeling of grief and pain pervades all classes,
and, in honour to the Italians be it said that, except-
ing a few ignorant families, even those who were
most opposed to attacks on Rome, feel keenly their
national misfortunes. But to nations, as well as to
individuals, adversity is often a wholesome lesson.
The late episodes will be a blessing if they induce
the people to set their house in order and look to
their practical needs. At present the greatest proof
of vitality in the Italian nation is the fact of its keep•
ing together in spite of the wretched character of
the public administrations. Stories of official im-
becility and beaurocratic despotism could be told
positively incredible. The Naples Custom House is
just now distinguishing itself in that line in a way
pretty sure to end by causing serious disturbances
amongst porters and labourers, Fortunately this
does not concern travellers, of whom a few are be-
ginning to arrive, and probably more presently.

The news from Lisbon is that the American
squadron will winter in the Tagus. It was thought
that it would have proceeded to Naples, but this
intention appears to have been changed.
At a general assembly of the National Verein,
held at Cassel last Monday, the dissolution of the
Union was decided on. It was resolved that out of
the funds of the Union the sum of 106,580 florins
should be handed over to the Administrative De-
partment of the North German Navy ; 2,000 florins
to the German Society for saving Life in Ship-
wrecks ; 1,000 florins to the Marine School at Ham-
burg ; and 100 thalers to the German Legal Pro-
tection Society in London.
Impeachment makes no way. A correspondent
of the New York Times says a leading member of
the Senate at Washington told him he did not
believe there were half-a-dozen changes in the
House on the subject, and none in the Senate ;
adding that if New York is lost or carried by the
Republicans by a close vote that would be the last
of impeachment. The New York Times now states
that the majority of the Congress Judiciary Com-
mittee will report against Impeachment.
If the New i ork Herald is right, the trial of Mr.
Jefferson Davis will be postponed until the May
term of the Richmond Court. This decision is at
the request of the Government Council, in order
that Chief Justice Chase might preside, and a new
indictment be framed. It is clear that this further
delay is on the part of Mr. Davis, as Chief Justice
Chase had signified that he would be in readiness to
try the case on the 13th inst.
The Virginia election having been decided in
favour of the Reconstruction Convention, General
Schofield has directed it to assemble at Richmond
on the 3d December.
Frightful storms have raged in Texas, along the
Gulf States, and up the coast. Galveston has been
greatly injured, and many lives have been lost. It
is, however, gratifying to learn that the yellow fever
has almost disappeared, though it is reported by
the China that it still lingers at New Orleans. The
1 officers who have received leave of absence on ac-
count of the fever are now ordered by Gen. Grant
to return to their posts by the 30th inst.
The detectives of the Treasury announce that
the counterfeit 7-30 Bonds put into circulation
amount to $150,000 only. Some counterfeit $5O
compound-interest notes have been discovered in
the Treasury. It is thought that they belong to an
issue floated more than a year ago, and then dis-
cwered, and these have been in circulation ever
since. The Congressional Retrenchment Committee
are making a thorough investigation of the Cur-
rency Bureau of the Treasury Department, so as
to establish the truth or falsehood of the charges
of fraud made so frequently and persistently as
to have kept up a constant source of alarm, and
armed speculators with an effective weapon. The
books and accounts are in possession of the commit-
tee, and the officials against whom shortcomings
are proved are unhesitatingly discharged. It is
said to be now ascertained and officially certified
that none of the 7-30 counterfeit bonds bear date
prior to the 18th August, whence those who possess
these securities of a date previous to this have no
cause for uneasiness.

The American Industrial League and the Ameri-
can Free-Trade League have agreed to appropriate
in their respective journals a certain space for the
statements and arguments of their opponents. It
was some time since proposed that one paper should
be published conjointly—half devoted to free trade,
and half to protection. The next best thing to
give life and animation to a wearying discussion is
the plan now proposed, and we doubt not it will
secure numerous readers for journals hitherto most

uninteresting.
On the 21st of October a treaty was concluded
by the Indian Commissioners with the Kiowas and
Comanches, by which 6,000 square miles of Lind
between the North Fork and the Red River has
been made over to the tribes. The tract contains
3,500,000 acres, beginning at the intersection 53d,
parallel with 98 deg. meridian, embracing the
south-western corner of the present Indian terri-
tory, with a fraction from Texas. Estimating the
number at 4,000 persons, this would give
800 acres to each. The Comanches of Northern
Texas are, if possible, to be induced to
settle on the same territory, when an ad-
ditional tract will be granted of 320 acres to each
of their number. Every Indian on the reservation
is annually to receive a complete suit of clothes, and
$250,000 will every year be expended by the Go-
vernment in the articles the Indians most need, for
distribution amongst them. Those who choose to
farm will receive seed and agricultural implements.
The tribes on their side agree to let railroads be
built, especially the Smoky Hill and Platte roads—.
no more to capture women and children, nor attack
trains, nor kill men, but to keep a lasting peace.
The Indians are to be allowed to hunt on the old
reservations south of Kansas until the buffalo dis-
appears. On the 25th a treaty was concluded with
the Alpaches, numbering 25 lodges, and another
with 500 Cheyenne warriors, who allege that they
alone had been fighting. They caused considerable
alarm before their arrival, as all manner of rumours
preceded it that they meant mischief. It is reported
that they sent word that they were coming in on a

charge with a yell, and desired the other Indians to

get out of the camp--a message more calculated to

raise the hair than the spirits of the Commissioners.

The Cheyenne warriors acted very independently,
desired no reservation, and received the right to

hunt between Arkansas and South Platte rivers while

game lasts, and intimated their intention of living in

their own way. We are glad to see by the advices
of the China, which bear date to the evening of
Nov. 5, that General Sherman, having concluded

the treaty of peace with the Indians in the Western

Territory, has ordered the cessation of hostilities.

Still in Arizona Indian outrages continue.

Corn

and stock have been carried off in large quan-
tities, and upwards of 20 lives lost in one county.

From San Francisco the news is that a telegram

had been received from Jacksonville, Oregon, that
General Crook had been defeated on the 17th 0f
October near Goose Lake Valley by the Pint and
Pitt River Indians. After an action extending over
two days, the General retreated, with the loss of
Lieutenant Manigan and six men killed and 28
wounded. The General is awaiting reinforcements
at the upper end of the valley.
Thaddeus Stevens being too ill to take to the
" stump," has resorted to his pen to influence his
countrymen in the present crisis of his party. He
has published an elaborate address in the fora/ of
a conversation held with a German-American citizen.
Since the adoption of the 14th Amendment to the
Constitution he has no doubt of the full power of
Congress to regulate the elective franchise, so far as
it regards the whole nation, in every State of the
Union, and he hopes that the Legislature will exer-
cise thin power for the benefit of the nation. In this
he means that Congress can pass a Negro Suffrage
Bill, operative alike in North and South. The
Amendment declares—
" All persons born or naturalised in the United States
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the
United States and of the State wherein they reside. N°
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge
the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United
States, nor shall any person be deprived of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law; nor deny any Per"
son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the
laws."

Mr. Stevens asks—" Can he who swears to sup-
port the Constitution in all its parts refuse to aid In
carrying this into effect without clear, direct per-
jury ?" He concludes this portion of his address by
glorying in the fact that this result has been brought
about by the rebellion, saying, " What a grand
compulsion have these despots, rebels, and Ivo'
derers finally forced upon the American Republic
by their impatient, rash, and bloody acts." He
thinks that the man who would deny the right of
suffrage to any being " to whom God has given
immortality . . must be an impudent citizen,
and ought never to profess to believe in the
existence of a Deity ;" and, with an allusion
which, as a writer says, must come pain-
fully home to him in his present enfeebled con-
dition, adds that, "We must remember that
most of us are separated from the dread tribunal
occupied by a Judge who cannot be deceived, by
the narrowest isthmus that ever divided time from
eternity." Ile goes on to describe the position of
the West Indies and the future before them when
formed into a powerful republic, and paints in glow-
ing colours the destiny of these rich territories
under the rule of their negro inhabitants. While
sober-minded men look with dread at the proceed-
ings of the Hunnicutts, the Morisseys, the Under'
woods, engaged in the task of separating the black
sheep from the white, as one not unlikely to end in
a war of races, this enthusiast, true to the grand
idea of his life, expends almost his last breath in
picturing a career of greatness for the people with
whom he has so identified himself.

Oliver Goldsmith has made famous an English
hamlet as—

" Sweet Auburn, loveliest village of the plain ;"
but this is nothing to the lustre Mr. Seward Is
shedding over his Auburn. The last move of the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, if report speaks true,
will raise the ghosts of some of the Puritan Fathers.
He has sent the Rev. Dr. Hawley from Auburn 00
a mission to Rome to offer the Pope an asylum In
America should he be compelled to abandon the
Eternal City. A home in Massachusetts, with
Garibaldi next door, will be a pleasing prospect for
the Holy Father, who would then indeed have 3
chance of ending his days in peace !
The President has appointed the 28th November
a day of National Thanksgiving for abundant bar'
vest and general prosperity, for the return of peace
and reconciliation, and, we presume, for the great
Democratic victory in California, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, New York, and New Jersey. The Nation,
which always writes bitterly of Mr. Johnson, sale
that it likes him better as a politician than 115 a
theologian —how it likes him as a politician it has
given some proof, and how it likes him as a theolo-
gian it proceeds to tell. It objects to Mr. Johnson's
catalogue of the blessings for which the people are
to give thanks. " There are some men," it says'
"who could make one out which would move us all to
tears, but when Mr. Johnson tries it, it is not tears
exactly that we feel rising. The progress of the
Pacific Railroad seems a very fine thing, but,
whether God will look on it with favour or not will
depend on the use that is made of it when it is
finished, and not on the rapidity with which it Is
laid. There is no good ground for believing that
he considers the mere rapid settlement of arable land
or the development of " our mineral resources" as
things in themselves pleasing. Railroads, we are
bound to presume, are satisfactory to him not 111
proportion to the superficial area they open up for
the sale of dry goods and patent pumps and quartz•
crushers, but in proportion to the amount of truth,
and justice, and mercy they spread abroad. The late
change in the management of the Erie Railroad we
consider also a good thing, and apparently a bless-
ing to the community, but we advise our fellow"
citizens to omit all mention of it in their devotions
on Thanksgiving Day."