The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-20 00:00:00

ratification of treaties and of executive appoint-
ments. All this has worked admirably in. practice,
whilst it conforms in principle with the character
of a government instituted by sovereign states. I
presume no American citizen would desire the
slightest change in the arrangement. Still is it
not unjust and unequal to the existing states to
invest some 40,000 or 50,000 people collected in a
territory with the attributes of sovereignty, and
place them on an equal footing with Virginia and
New. p York-in the Senate of the United States .
" For these reasons I earnestly recommend the
passage of a general act which shall provide that,
upon the application of a territorial legislature, de-
claring their belief that the territory contains a
number of ,:inhabitants which, if in a state, would
entitle them them to elect a member of Congress,it
shall be the, duty of the President to cause a census
of the inhabitants to be taken, and if found suffi--
cient, then by the terms of this act to authorise
them to proceed in their own way' to frame a
state constitution preparatory to admission into the
Union. I also recommend that an appropriation
may be made to enable the President to take a
census of the people of Kansas.
UTAH AFFAIRS.
"The present condition of the territory of Utah,
when contrasted with what it was one year ago, is
a subject for congratulation. It was then in a state
of open rebellion, and, cost 'what it might, the
character of- the Government required that this re-
bellion should be suppressed and the Mormons com-
pelled to yield obedience to the constitution and
the laws. In order to accomplish this object, as I
informed you in my last annual message, I ap-
pointed a new governor instead of Brigham Young,
and other federal officers to take the place of those
who, consulting their personal safety, had found it
necessary to withdraw from the territory. To
protect these civil officers, and to aid them, as a.
posse comitatus, in the execution of the laws in case
o.f need, I ordered a detachment of the army to ac-
company them to Utah. The 'necessity for adopt-
ing these measures is now demonstrated.
" On the 15th September, 1857, Governor Young
issued his proclamation, in the style of an indepen-
dent sovereign, announcing his purpose to resist by
force of'arms the entry of the United States troops
into our own territory of Utah. By this he re-
quired all the forces in the territory to ' hold them-
selves in readiness to march at a moment's notice
to repel any and all such invasion,' and established
martial law from its date throughout the territory.
These proved to be no idle threats. Forts Bridger
and Supply were vacated and burnt down by the
Mormons to deprive our troops of a shelter after
their long and fatiguing march. Orders were is-
sued by Daniel H. Wells, styling himself Lieut.-
General Nauvoo Legion,' to stampede the animals
of the United States troops on their march, to set
fire to their trains, to burn the grass and the whole
country before them and on their flanks, to keep
them from sleeping by night surprises, and to
blockade the road by felling trees and destroying
the fords of the rivers, &c.
" These orders were promptly and effectually
obeyed. On the 4th October, 1857, the Mormons
captured and burned on Green River three of our
supply trains, consisting of 75 waggons loaded with
provisions and tents for the army, and drove away
several hundred animals. This diminished the
supply of provisions so materially that General
Johnston was obliged to reduce the rations • and
even with this precaution there was only sufficient
left to subsist the troops until the Ist of June.
" Our little army behaved admirably in their
encampment at Fort Bridger under these trying
privations. In the midst of the mountains, in a
dreary, unsettled, and inhospitable region, more
than a thousand miles from home, they passed the
severe and inclement winter without a murmur.
They looked forward with confidence for relief
from their country in due season, and in this they
were not disappointed.
" The Secretary of War employed all his ener-
gies to forward them the necessary supplies, and to
muster and send such a military force to Utah as
would render resistance on the part of the Mormons
hopeless, and thus terminate the war without the
effusion of blood. In his efforts he was efficiently
sustained by Congress. They granted appropria-
tions sufficient to cover the deficiency thus neces-
sarily created, and also provided for raising two
regiments of volunteers, 'for the purpose of quelling
disturbances in the territory of Utah, for the pro-
tection Of supply and emigrant trains, and the
suppression of Indian hostilities on the frontiers.'
Happily there was no occasion to call these
regiments into service. If there had been I should
have felt serious embarrassment in selecting them,
so great was the number of our brave and patriotic
citizens anxious to serve their country in this dis-
tant and
.apparently dangerous expedition. Thus
it has been, and thus may it ever be !
" The :whole wisdom and economy of sending
sufficient reinforcements to Utah are established not
only by the event, but in the opinion of those who,
from their position and opportunities, are the most
capable of forming a, eorrect judgment. General
Johnstone, the commander of the forces, in address-
ing the Secretary of War from Fort Bridger, under
date Oct. 18, 1857. expresses the opinion that un-
less a large force is sent here, from the nature of
the country, a protracted war on their (the Mor-
mons') part is inevitable.' This he considers neces-
sary to terminate the war ' speedily and more eco-
nomically than if attempted by insufficient means.'
" In the meantime it was my anxious desire that
the Mormons should yield obedience to the consti-
tution and the law:7, without rendering it necessary
to resort to military force. To aid in accomplishing
thiS object, I deemed it advisable, in April last, to
despatch two distinguished citizens of the United
States, Messrs Powell and M'Colloch, to Utah. They
bore with them a proclamation addressed by myself
to the inhabitants of Utah, dated the 6th of that
month, warning them of their true condition, and
how hopeless it was on their part to persist in re-
bellion against the United States, and offering all
those who should submit to the laws a full pardon
for their past seditions and treasons. At the same
time I assured those who should persist in rebellion
against the United States, that they must expect no
further lenity, but look to be rigorously dealt with
according to their deserts. The instructions to these
agents, as well as a copy of the proclamation, and
their reports, are herewith submitted. It will be
seen by their report of July 3d last, that they have
fully confirmed the opinion expressed by General
Johnston in the previous October, as to the neces-
sity of sending reinforcements to Utah. In this they
state that they ' are firmly impressed with the be-
lief that the presence of the army here and the large
additional force that had been ordered to this terri-
toty, were the chief inducements that caused the
Mormons to abandon the idea of resisting the autho-
rity of the United States. A less decisive policy
would probably have resulted in a long, bloody, and
expensive war.'
" These gentlemen conducted themselves to my
entire satisfaction, and rendered useful services in
executing the humane intentions of government.
" It also affords me great satisfaction to state,
that Governor Cumming has performed his
duty in an able and conciliatory manner, and
with the happiest effect. I cannot, in this
connection, refrain from mentioning the valuable
services of Colonel Thomas L. Kane, who, from
motives of pure benevolence, and without any offi-
cial character or pecuniary compensation, visited
Utah during the last inclement winter, for the pur-
pose of contributing to the pacification of the ter-
ritory.
" I am happy to inform you, that the governor
and other civil officers of Utah are now performing
their appropriate functions without resistance.
The authority of the constitution and the laws has
been fully restored, and peace prevails throughout
the territory.
" A portion of the troops sent to Utah are now
encamped in Cedari_Valley, 44 miles south-west of
Salt Lake City ; and the remainder have been
ordered to Oregon to suppress Indian hostilities.
" The march of the army to Salt Lake City,
through the Indian territory, has had a powerful
fleet in restraining the hostile feelings against the
United States which existed among the Indians
in that region and in securing emigrants to the
West est against their depredations. This will
also be the means of establishing military posts and
promoting settlements along the route.
" I recommend that the benefit of our land laws
and pre-emption system be extended to the
people
s
of Utah, by the establishment of a land office in that
territory.

" I liave occasion, also, to congratulate you on
the result of our negotiations with China.
OUR CHINESE TItEATY.
" You were informed by my last annual message
that our Minister had been instructed to occupy
neutral position in the hostilities conducted by
a
Great Britain and France against Canton. He was,
however, at the same time directed to co-operate
cordially with the British and French Ministers in
all peaceful measures, to secure by treaty those just
concessions to foreign commerce which the nations
of the world had a right to demand. It is impos-
sible for meto proceed further than this on my own
authority with usurping the war-making power
which, under the constitution, belongs exclusively
to Congress.
" Besides, after s careful examination of the
nature and extent of our grievances, I did not be-
lieve they were of such a pressing and aggravated
chdracter as would have justified Congress in de.
daring war against the Chinese empire without
first making another earnest attempt to adjust
them by peaceful negotiation. I was the more
inclined to this opinion because of the severe chas-.
tisement which had then but recently been -inflcted
upon the Chinese by our squadron, in the capture

and destruction of the Barrier Forts, to avenge an
alleged insult to our flag.
" The event has proved the wisdom• of our neu-
trality. Our Minister has executed his instructions
with eminent skill and ability-. In conjunction with
the Russian plenipotentiary, he has peacefully, but
effectually, co-operated with the English and French
plenipotentiaries ; and each of the four powers has
concluded a separate treaty with China of a highly
satisfactory character. The treaty toncluded by
our own plenipotentiary will immediately be sub-
mitted to the Senate.
JAPAN.

"I am happy to announce that, through the
energetic yet conciliatory efforts of our consul
general in Japan, a new treaty has been concluded
with that empire, which may be expected mate-
rially to augment our trade and intercourse in that
quarter, and remove from our countrymen the disa-
bilitieh which have heretofore been imposed upon
the exercise of their religion. The treaty shall be
submitted to the Senate for approval without delay.
OUR RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
"It is my earnest desire that every misunder-
standing with the Government of Great Britain
should be amicably and speedily adjusted. It has
been the misfortune of both countries, almost ever
since the-period of the Revolution, to have been
annoyed by a succession of irritating and dangerous
questions, threatening their friendly relations.
This has partially prevented the full development
of those feelings of mutual friendship between the
people of the two countries, so natural in them-
3elves, and so conducive to their common interest.
Any serious interruption of the commerce between
the United States and Great Britain would be
equally injurious to both. In fact, no two nations
have ever existed on the face of the earth which
could do each other so much good or so much harm.
" Entertaining these sentiments, I am gratified
to inform you that the long-pending controversy
between the two Governments, in relation to the
question of visitation and search, has been amicably
adjusted. The claim on the part of Great Britain,
forcibly to visit American vessels on the high seas
in time of peace, could not be sustained under the
law of nations, and it had been overruled by her
own most eminent jurists. This question was re-
cently brought to an issue by the repeated acts of
British cruisers in boarding and searching our
merchant vessels in the Gulf of Mexico and the
adjacent seas. These acts were the more injurious
and annoying as these waters are - traversed by a
large portion of the commerce and navigation of
the United States, and their free and unrestricted
use is essential to the security of the coastwise trade
between different states of the Union. ' Such vexa-
tious interruptions could not fail to excite the feel-
ings of the country, and to require the interposition
of the Government. Remonstrances were addressed
to the British Government against these violations
of our rights of sovereignty, and a naval force was
at the same time ordered to the Cuban waters, with
directions 'to protect all vessels of. the United
States on the high seas from search or detention by
the vessels of war of any other nation.' These mea-
sures received the unqualified and enthusiastic ap-
probation of the American people. Most fortunately
no collision took place, and the British Government
promptly avowed its recognition of the principles of
international law upon this subject, as laid down by
the Government of the United States in the note of
the Secretary of State to the British Minister at
Washington, of April 10, 1858, which secure the
vessels of the United States upon the high seas from
visitation or search in time of peace, under any cir-
cumstances whatever. The claim has been aban-
doned in a manner reflecting honour on the British
Government, and evincing a just regard for the law
of nations, and cannot fail to strengthen the ami-
cable relations between the two countries.
" The British Government, at the same time,
proposed to the United States that some mode
should be adopted, by mutual arrangement between
the two countries, of a character which may be
found effective without being offensive, for verify.
ing the nationality of vessels suspected on good
grounds of carrying false colours. They have also
invited the United States to take the initiative, and
propose measures for this purpose. Whilst declin-
ing to assume so grave a responsibility, the Secre-
tary of State has informed the British Government
that we are ready to receive any proposals which
they may feel disposed to offer, having this object
in view, and to consider them in an amicable spirit.
A strong opinion is, however, expressed, that the
occasional abuse of th&fiag of any nation is an evil
far less to be deprecatra than would be the esta-
blishment of any regulations which might be in-
compatible with the freedom of the seas. This
government has yet received no communication spe-
cifying the manner in which the British Government
would propose to carry out their suggestion ; and I
am inclined to believe that no plan which can be de-
vised will be free from grave embarrassments. Still I
shall form no decided opinion on the subject until I
shall have carefully and in the best spirit exa-
mined any proposals which they may think proper
to make.
" I am truly sorry that I cannot also inform you
that the complications between Great Britain and
the United States, arising out of the Clayton and
Bulwer Treaty of April, 1850, having been finally
adjusted.
" At the commencement of your last session, I
had reason to hope that, emancipationg themselves
from further unavailing discussions, the two go-
vernments would proceed to settle the Central Ame-
rican question in a practical manner, alike honour-
able and satisfactory to both ; and this hope I have
not yet abandoned. In my last annual message I
stated that overtures had been made by the British
government for this purpose, in a friendly spirit,
which I cordially reciprocated. Their proposal was
to withdraw these questions frrm direct negotiation
between the two governments ; but to accomplish
the same object by a negotiation between the Bri-
tish government and each of the Central American
aepublics whose territorial interests are immediately
involved. The settlement was to be in accordance
with the general tenor of the interpretation placed
upon the-Clayton and Bulwer treaty by the United
States, with certain modifications. As negotiations
are still pending upon this basis, it would not be
proper for me now to communicate their present
condition. A final settlement of these questions is
greatly to be desired, as this would wipe out the
last remaining subject of dispute between the two
countries.
" Our relations with the great empires of France
and Russia., as.well as with all other governments
on the continent of Europe, except that of Spain,
continue to be of the most friendly character.
OUR RELATIONS WITH SPAIN.
" With Spain our relations remain in an unsatis-
factory condition. In my message of December
last I informed you that our envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid-had asked
for his recall; and it was my purpose to send out a
new.minister to that court, with special instructions
on:all questions pending between the two govern-
ments, and with a determination to have them
speedily and amicably adjusted, if that were pos-
sible. This purpose has been hitherto defeated by
causes which I need not enumerate.
" The mission to Spain has been intrusted to a
distinguished citizen of Kentucky, who will pro-
ceed to Madrid without delay, and make another
and a final attempt to obtain justice from that go-
vernment.
" Spanish officials, under the direct control of
the Captain-General of Cuba, have insulted our
national flag, and in repeated instances have from
time to time inflicted injuries on the persons and
property of our citizens. These have given birth to
numerous claims against the Spanish Government,
the merits of which have been ably discussed for a
series of years, by our successive diplomatic repre-
sentatives. Notwithstanding this we have not ar-
rived at a practical result in any single instance,
unless we may except the case of the Black Warrior,
under the late administration; and that presented
an outrage of such a character as would have justi-
fied an immediate resort to war. All our attempts
to obtain redress have been baffled and defeated.
The frequent and oft-recurring changes in the
Spanish ministry have been. employed as reasons 1
for delay. We have been compelled to wait, again
and again, until the new minister shall have had
time to investigate the justice of our demands.
" Even what haVe been denominated 'the Cuban
claims,' in which more than a hundred of our citi-
zens are directly interested, have furnished no ex-
ception. These claims were for the refunding of
duties unjustly exacted from American vessels, at
different custom-houses in Cuba, so long ago as the
year 1844. The principles upon which they rest are
so manifestly equitable and just, that after a-period
of nearly ten years, in 1854, they were recognised
by the Spanish government. Proceedings were
afterwards instituted to ascertain their amount, and
this was finally fixed, according to their own state-
ment (with which we are satisfied), at the sum of
128,635 dols. Mc. Just at the moment, after a de-
lay of 14 years, when we had reason to expect that
this sum would be repaid with interest, we have
received a proposal offering to refund one-third of
The
that amount (42,878 dols. 41e.), but without inte-
rest,oifffewreiswaloosuld accept this in full satisfaction
accompanied by a declaration that.
T
this indemnification is not founded on any reason
of strict justice, but is made as a special
fal-our.
" One alleged can; e for procrastination n
. the
examination and adjustment of our claims arises '
from an obstacle which it is the duty of the Spanish
government to remove. Whilst the Captain General
of Cuba is invested with general despotic authority
in the government of that island, the power is with-
held from him to examine and redress wrongs com-
mitted by officials under his control on citizens of
the United States. Instead
_of making our corn.

plaints directly to him at Havannah we are obliged
to present them through our minister at Madrid.
These are referred back to the captain general for
information, and much time is thus consumed in
preliminary investigations and correspondence be-
t Ween Madrid and Cuba before the Spanish govern-
ment will consent to proceed to negociation. Many
of the difficulties between the two governments
would be obviated, and a long train of negociation
avoided if the captain general were invested with
authority to settle questions of easy solution on
the spot, where all the facts are fresh, and
could be promptly and satisfactorily ascertained,
We have hitherto in vain urged upon the Spanish
government to confer this power upon the captain
general, and our minister to Spain will again be in-
structed to urge this subject on their notice. In this
respect we occupy a different position from the
powers of Europe. Cuba is almost within sight of
our shores ; our commerce with it is far greater than
that of any other nation, including Spain itself,
and our citizens are in habits of daily and extended
personal intercourse with every part of the island.
It is therefore, a great grievance that, when any
difficulty occurs, no matter how unimportant,
which might be readily settled at the moment, we
should be obliged to resort to Madrid, especially
when the very first step to be taken therein to refer
it back to Cuba.
" The truth is that Cuba, in its existing colonial
condition, is a constant source of injury and annoy-
ance to the American people. It is the only spot in
the civilised world where the African slave trade
is tolerated ; and we are bound by treaty with
Great Britain to maintain a naval force en the coast
of Africa, at much expense both of life and trea-
sure, solely for the purpose of arresting slavers
bound to that island.. The late serious difficulties
between the United States and Great Britain re-
specting the right of search, now so happily termi-
nated, could never have arisen if Cuba had not
afforded a market for slaves. As long as this mar-
ket shall remain open there can be no hope for the
civilisation of benighted Africa. Whilst the de-
mand :for slaves continues in Cuba wars will be
waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs in
Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to supply
this trade. In such a condition of affairs it is im-
possible that the light of civilisation and religion
can ever penetrate these dark abodes.
" It has been made known to the world by my
predecessors that the United States have on seve-
ral occasions endeavoured to acquire Culla from
Spain by honourable negotiation. If this were ac-
complished the last relic of the African slave trade
would instantly disappear. We would not, if we
could, acquire Cuba in any other manner. This is
due to our national character. All the territory
which we have acquired since the origin of the go-
vernment has been by fair purchase, from France,
Spain, and Mexico, or by the free and voluntary
act of the independent state of Texas, in blending
her destinies with our own. This course we shall
ever pursue, unless ccircumstances should occur,
which we do not now anticipate, rendering a de-
parture from it clearly justifiable, under the im-
perative and overruling law of self-preservation.
"The island of Cuba, from its geographical posi-
tion, commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and
its immense and annually increasing trade, foreign
and coastwise, from the valley of that noble river,
now embraces half the sovereign states of the Union.
With that island under the dominion of a distant
foreign power this trade, of vital importance to
these states, is exposed to the danger of being de-
stroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been
subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time
of peace. Our relations with Spain, which ought
to be of the most friendly character, must always be
placed in jeopardy, while the existing colonial go-
vernment over the island shall remain in its present
condition.
" Whilst the possession of the' island would be of
vast importance to the United States, its value to
Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. Such was
the relative situation of the parties when the great
Napoleon transferred Louisiana to the United
States. Jealous, as he ever was, •of the national
honour and interests of France, no person through-
out the world has imputed blame to him for accept-
ing a pecuniary equivalent for this cession.
" The publicity which has been given-to our for-
mer negotiations upon this subject, and the large
appropriation which may be required to effect the
purpose, render it expedient, before making another
attempt to renew the negotiation, that I should lay
the whole subject before Congress. This is espe-
cially necessary, as it may become indispensable to
success that I should be entrusted with the means
of making an advance to the Spanish Government
immediately after the signing of the treaty, with-
out awaiting the ratification of it by the Senate. 1
am encouraged to make this suggestion by the ex-
ample of Mr. Jefferson previous•to the purchase of
Louisiana from France, and by that of Mr. Polk, in
view of the acquisition of territory from Mexico. I
refer the whole subject to Congress, and commend
it to their careful consideration.
" I repeat the recommendation made in my mm-
sage of December last in favour of an appropriation
' to be paid to the Spanish Government for the
purpose of distribution among the claimants in the
Amistad case. President Polk first made a similar
recommendation in December, 1847, and it was re-
peated by my immediate predecessor, in December,
1853. I entertain no doubt that indemnity is fairly
due to those claimants under our treaty with Spain
of the 27th October, 1795 ; and whilst demanding
justice we ought to do justice. An appropriation
promptly made for this purpose could not fail to
exert a favourable influence on our negotiations
with Spain.
-OUR RELATIONS WITH MEXICO.

" Our position in relation to the independent
states south of us on this continent, and
especially those within the limits of North America,
is of a peculiar character. The northern boundary
of Mexieo is coincident with our own southern
boundary from ocean to ocean ; and we must ne-
cessarily feel a deep interest in all that concerns
the well-being of so near a neighbour. We have
always cherished the kindeit wishes for the suc-
cess of that republic, and have indulged the hope
that it might at last, after all its trials, enjoy peace
and prosperity under a free and stable government.
We have never hitherto interfered, directly or in-
directly, with its internal affairs, and it is a duty
which we owe to ourselves to prOtect the integrity
of its territory against the hostile interference of
any other power. Our geographical position, our
direct interest in all that concerns Mexico, and our
well-settled policy in regard to the North American
continent render this an indispensable duty.
"Mexico has been in a state of constant revolu-
tion almost ever since it achieved its independence.
One military leader after another has usurped the
government in rapid succession, and the various
constitutions from time to time adopted have been
set at nought almost as soon as they were pro-
claimed. The successive governments have afforded
no adequate protection, either to Mexican citizens
or foreign residents against lawless violence. Here-
tofore a seizure of the capitaLby a military chieftain
has been generally followed by at least the nominal
submission of , the country to his rule for a brief
period ; but not so at the present crisis of
Mexican affairs. A civil war has been raging for
some time throughthe republic, between the central
government at the city of Mexico, which has en-
deavoured to subvert the constitution last framed
by military power, and those who maintain the
authority -of that constitution. The antagonist
parties each holding possession of different states
of the republic, and the fortunes of war are con-
stantly changing. Meanwhile the most reprehen-
sible means have been employed by both parties to
extort money, from foreigners as well as natives,
to carry on this ruinous contest. The truth is, that
this fine country, blessed with a productive soil and
a benign climate, has been reduced by civil dissen-
sion to a condition of almost hopeless anarchy and
imbecility. It would be in vain for thii govern-
ment to attempt to enforce payment in money of
the claims of American citizens, now amounting to
more than ten million dollars, against Mexico, be-
cause she is destitute of all pecuniary means to
satisfy these demands.
" Our late minister was furnished with ample
powers
and
questionsinstructions
h
w with
thefot
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eall
pending
Mexico, and he performed his duty with zeal and
ability. The claims of our citizens, some of them

arising out of the violation of an express provision
of the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, and others
from gross injuries to persons as well as property,
have remained unredressed, and even unnoticed.
Remonstrances against these grievances have been
addressed without effect to that Government.
_ _

Meantime, in various parts of the republic, instances
have been numerous of the murder imprisonment,
and plunder of our citizens by different parties
claiming and exercising a local jurisdiction; but
the central government, although repeatedly urged
thereto, have made no effort either to punish the
authors of these outrages or to prevent their recur-
rence. a No American citizen can now visit Mexico

on lawful business without imminent danger to his
person and property. There is no adequate protee-
tion;to either; and in this respect our treaty with
that republic is almost a dead letter.

" This state of affairs was brought to a crisis sin
May last, by the promulgation of a decree levying
a contribution pro rota upon all the capital in the
republic between certain specified amounts, whe-
ther held by Mexicans or foreigners. Mr. Forsyth,
regarding this decree in the light of a forced loan,
formally protested against its application to his
countrymen, and advised them not to pay the
contribution, but to suffer it to be forcibly exacted,
Acting upon this advice an American citizet re-
fused to pay the contribution, and his property

was seized by armed men to satisfy the- amount.
Not content with that the government proceeded
further, and issued a decree banishing him from the
country. Our Minister immediately notified them
that_ if this decree should be carried into execution
he would feel it to be his duty to adopt' the most
decided measures that belong to the powers and
obligations of the representative office.' Not*ith-
standing this warning the banishment was en-
forced, and Mr. Forsyth promptly announced to
the government the suspension of the political re-
lations of his legation with them until the pleasure
of his own government should be ascertained.
" This government did not regard the contribu-
tion imposed by the decree of May last to be in
strictness a forced loan,' and as such prohibited
by the 10th article of the treaty of 1826 between
Great Britain and Mexico, to the benefits of which
American citizens are entitled by treaty ; yet the
imposition of the contribution upon foreigners was
considered an unjust and oppressive measure. Be-
sides, internal factions in other parts of the republic
were at the same time levying similar exactions
uppn the property of our citizens and interrupting
commerce. There had been an entire failure on the
part of our minister to secure redress for the wrongs
our citizens bad endured, notwithstanding his per-
severing efforts. And from the temper manifested.
the Mexican government he had repeatedly as-
sured us that no favourable change could be ex-
pected until the United States should give striking
evidence of their will and power to protect their
citizens,' and that 'severe chastening is the only
earthly remedy for our grievances. From this
statement of facts it would have been worse than
idle to direct Mr. Forsyth to retrace his steps and
resume diplomatic relations with that government;
and it was, therefore, deemed proper to sanction his
withdrawal of the legation from the city of. Mexico.
" Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists for a
resort to hostilities against the government still
holding possession of the capital. Should they suc-
ceed in subduing the constitutional forces, all rea-
sonable hope will then have expired of a peaceful
settlement of our difficulties.

"On the other .hand, should the • constitutional
party prevail, and their authority be established
over the republie; there is reason to hope that they
will be animated by a less ,tudriendly spirit, and
giant that redress to American citizens which jus-
tice requires, so far as they may possess the means.
But for this expectation I should at once have re-
commended to : Congress to gkant the necessary
power to the President to take possession of a suf-
ficient portion of the remote and unsettled territory.
of Mexico, to be held in pledge until our injuries
shall be rediessed and our just demands be satisfied:
We have already exhausted every milder means of
obtaining justice. In such a case this remedy of
i reprisals s recegnised by•the law of nations, not
only as just in itself,. but as a. means of pre.venting
actual war.

"But there is =another view of our relations with
Mexico, arising fronr•the unhappy condition of
affairs along our south-Western frontier, which de-
mands immediate -action. In that remote region,
where there are but fe* white inhabitants, large
bands of hostile and predatory Indians roam pro-
miscuously over the Mexican states of Chihuahua
and Sonora and our adjoining territories. The
local GOVernments of these States are
.perfectly
helpless, and are kept in a state of constant> alarm
by the Indians. • They have not the power, if they'
possessed the will, even to restrain lawless Mexi-
cans from passing the' border and committing de-
predations on our remote settlers. A state of anar-
chy and. violence prevails throughout that distant
frontier. The laws are a dead letter, and life and
property are wholly insecure. For this reason the
settlement of Arizona is arrested, whilst it'is of
"great importance that a chain of inhabitants should
extend all along 'its southern border sufficient for
their own protection and that of the United 'States
• .
mail passing to and from California.. Well-founded
apprehensions are now entertained that the Indians
and wandering Mexicans, equally lawless, may
break up the important stage and postal communi-
cation recently established between our Atlantic
and Pacific possessions. This passes very near to
the Mexican bOundary, throughout the whole length
of Arizona. I can imagine no possible remedy for
these evils, and no mode of restoring law and order
on that' remote and unsettled frontier, but for the
Government of the United States to assume a tem-
porary protectorate over the northern portions of
Chihuahua and' Sonora, and to establish military
posts within the same ; and this is earnestly recom-
mended by Congress. This protection may be with-
drawn as soon as local Governments shall-be estab-
lished in these Mexican States, capable of perform-
ing their duty to the United States, restraining the
lawless, and preserving peace along the border.
"I do not doubt that this measure will be viewed
in a friendly spirit by the Governments and people
of Chihuahua and Sonora, as it will prove equally
effectual for the protection of their citizens on that
remote and lawless frontier as for citizens of the
United States.

ARIZONA.

- -
"And in this connection permit me to recall your
attention to the condition of Arizona. The popu-
lation of that territory, numbering, as is alleged,
more than 10,000 souls, are practically without a
Government,'without laws, and without any regular
administration of justice. Murder and other crimes
are committed with impunity. This state of things
calls loudly for redress ; and I therefore repeat my
recommendation for the establishment of a terri-
torial government over Arizona.
ISTHMUS. AFFAIRS.—THE SEVERAL ROUTES
. FOR TRANSIT ACROSS IT.
" The political condition of the narrow isthmus of Cen-
tral Amenca through which transit routes pass, between
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, presents a subject of deep
interest to all commercial nations. It is over these transits
that a large Proportion of the trade and travel between the
European and Asiatic continents is destined-to pass. To
the *United States these routes are of incalculable import-
ance, as a means of communication between their Atlantic
and Pacific possessions. The latter now extend through-
out several degrees of latitude oit the Pacific coast,
embracing the important state of California and the flourish-
ing territories of Oregon and Washington. All commercial
nations, therefore, have a deep and direct interest that the
communications shall be rendered secure from interruption.
If an arm`ofithe sea connecting the tiro oceans penetrated
through Nicaragua and Costa' Rica it could not be pre-
tended that these states would have the right to arrest or
retard its navigation, to the 'injury of other nations.
The transit by land over this narrow isthmus occupies
nearly the same position. It is R highway in which
they themselves have little interest, when compared
with the vast interests of 'the test of the world.
Whilst their rights of sovereignty ought to be respected,
it is the duty of other nations- to*requpe that this important
passage shall not be interrupted by the civil wars and revo-
lutionary outbreaks which have so frequently occurred in
that region. The stake is too impo4ant to be left at thd
mercy of rival companies, claiming to hold conflicting con-
tracts with Nicaragua. The commelte of other nations'is
not to stand still and await, the adjustment of such petty
controversies. The Government 0/ the. United States
expect no more than this, and they will not be satisfied
with less. They would not, if they could, derive any ad-
vantage from the Nicaragua transit, not common to the rest
of the world. Its neutrality and proteetion, for the common
use of all nations, is their only object. They have no objec-
tion that Nicaragua shall demand and receive a fair com-
pensation from the companies and individuals who may
traverse the route; but they insist that it shall never here-
after be closed by an arbitrary decree of that Government.
If disputes arise between it and those with whom they may
have entered into contracts, these must be adjusted by some
fair tribunal provided for the purpose, and the route must
not be closed pending the controversy. This is our whole
policy, and it cannot fail to be acceptable to all nations.
"All these difficulties might be avoided if, consistently
with the good faith of Nicaragua, the use of this transit
could be thrown open to general competition; providing at
the same time for the payment of a reasonable rate to•the
Nicaraguan Government on.passengcrs and freight.
" In August, 1852, the Accessory Transit Company made
its first interoceanic trip over the Nicaraguan route, and
continued in successful operation, Neith great advantage to
the public, until the 18th of February, 1856, when it was
closed; and the grant to this company, as well as its charter;
were summarily and arbitrarily revoked by the Goveminent
of President Rivas. Previous to this date, however, in
1854, serious disputes concerning the settlement of their
accounts had arisen between the company and the Govern-
ment, threatening the interruption of the route at any
moment. These the United States inyain endeavoured-to
compose. It would be useless-to aariate the various pro-
ceedings which took place between the parties up to the
time when the transit was discontinued. Suffice it to say,
that since February, 1856, it has remained closed, greatly to
the prejudice of citizens of the United States. Since that
time the competition has ceased between the rival routes of
Panama and Nicaragua, and in consequence thereof an un-
just and unreasonable amount has been exacted from our
citizens for their passage to and from California.
" A treaty was signed on the 16th day of November,
1857, by the Secretary of State and Minister of Nicaragua,
under the stipulations of which the use and protection of
the transit route would have been secured, not only to the
United States, but equally to all other nations. How and
on what pretexts this treaty has failed to receive the ratifi-
cation of the Nicaraguan Government will appear by the
papers herewith communicated from the state department.
The principal objection seems to have been to the provision
authorising the United States to employ force to keep the
route open in case Nicaragua should fail to perform her
duty in this respect. From the feebleness of that republic,
its frequent changes of government, and its consequent in- '
ternal dissensions, this had become a most important stipu-
lation, and one essentially necessary, not only for the secu-
rity of the route, but for the safety of American citizens
passing and repassing to and from our Pacific possessions
Were such a stipulation embraced in a treaty between the
United States and Nicaragua, the knowledge of this fact
would of itself most probably prevent hostile parties from
committing aggressions on the route, and render our actual
interference for its protection unnecessary.
" The executive government of this country, in its in-
tercourse with foreign nations, is limited to the employment
of diplomacy alone. When this- fails it can proceed no
further. It cannot legitimately resort to force, without the
direct authority of Congress, except in resisting and repel-
ling hostile attacks. It would have no authority to enter
the territories of Nicaragua, even to prevent the destruction
of the transit, and protect the lives and property of our
own citizens on their passage.. It is true that on a sudden
emergency of this character the Piesident would direct
any armed force in the vicinity to march to their relief, but
in dein,- this ho would act upon his own responsibility.
" Under these circumstances I earnestly recommend to
Congress the passage of an act authorising the President,
under such restrictions as they may deem proper, to em-
ploy the land and naval forces of the United .States in pre-
venting the transit from being obstructed or closed .by