The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, 1867.

DOG LICENSE.—TIIE COMMISSIONERS
of INLAND REVENUE GIVE NOTICE. That
from and after the sth of April inst., every poison KEEP-
ING a DOG is required to PAY a LICENSE DUTY of
ss. for each dog.
The penalty for keeping a dog without license is £5.
The person in whose custody, charge, or possession, or
in whose house or premises any dog shall be found or seen,
is deemed to be the person who keeps such dog, unless the
contrary be proved.
Post-office orders or postage stamps for the duty may be
remitted to the Collectors of Inland Revenue at Tower-
hill, London (Middlesex Collection) with a statement of
the name and abode of the applicant, on receipt of which
a license will be forwarded. Forms of application may be
obtained at any post-office.
Licenses may be obtained in the county of Middlesex at
the following places, and, at places at a distance, from the
offices named, licenses may be obtained from the Super-
visor of Inland Revenue on his occasional visits. Notice
of the times and places of his attendance for this pur-
pose will be given at least a week before the day of at-
tendance.

Tower-hill, London—Office of Collector of Inland
Revenue.
Ealing
Staines } Stamp-office.
Uxbride,

bridge
WM. CORBETT, Secretary.
Inland Revenue, Somerset House, London,
April 4, 1867.

ENTRANTS IN 1867 PARTICIPATE IN FIFTH DIVISION OF
PROFITS.
MUTUAL ASSURANCE WITHOUT MUTUAL LIABILITY.
PROFITS APPLIED SO AS TO MAKE POLICIES PAYABLE IN
LIFETIME.
AND SO AS TO RAISE SECOND CLASS LIVES, AFTER A
DEFINED PERIOD, TO FIRST CLASS RATES.
BRITISH EQUITABLE ASSURANCE
COMPANY,
4, Queen-street-place, Southwark-bridge, London, E.C.
DIRECTORS.
George Thomas Dale, Esq., Bayswater.
Edmund Dunn, Esq., Croydon.
William Gover, Esq., Blackheath.
William Sutton Gover, Esq., 4, Queen-street-place.
John Middleton Hare, Esq., Forest Hill.
Fountain John Hartley, Esq., Dalston.
John Smither, Esq., Wellclose-square.
Joseph Warmington, Esq., Lee-grove, Blackheath.
MANAGING DIRECTOR AND ACTUARY.
illiam Sutton Gover, Esq., P.S.S., F.I.A.
AUDITORS.
Mr. Deputy Obbard, Blackheath.
Charles Brown, Esq., Waddon.
William George Lemon, Esq., Blackheath.
BANKERS.
The London and Westminster Bank.
PHYSICIAN.
William Munk, Esq., M.D., F.S.A. (Fellow of the Royal
College of Physicians of London), 40, Finsbury-square.
SURGEON.
Thomas Carr Jackson, Esq. (Fellow of the Royal College
of Surgeons, Surgeon to the Great Northern Hospital,
King's-cross), 3, Weymouth-street, Portland-place.

HYAM & Co., 66 and 67, OXFORD-ST.

HYAM & Co.'s TWEED OVERCOATS.

H YAM & Co.'s SILK-FACED OVERCOATS.

HYAM & Co.'s FACED MELTON OVER
COATS.

HYAM & Co.'s SUITS.

HYAM & Co.'s MORNING COATS.

HYAM & Co.'s PROFESSIONAL ATTIRE,

HYANI & Co.'s VESTS and TROUSERS.

HYAM & Co.'s LADIES' HABITS.

HYAM & Co.'s LIVERIES.

HYAM & Co.'s HATS and HOSIERY.

HYAM and Co.'s PRICE LIST for GENTLE-
MEN.
66 and 67, Oxford-street, London.
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Tweed Overcoats. 21s. to 305.
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Overcoats
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Reefer 2ss. to 555.
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Suits
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Jackets
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Frock Coats 3os. to 70s.
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Vests 6s. to 14s.
Hyam & Co.'s Spring Trousers > 14s. to 255.

HYAM & Co.'s BOYS' SPRING CLOTHING,
66 and 67, Oxford-street, London.
The first establishment in the kingdom for Juvenile
Cthi.
Boys' Sandringham Overcoats lss. to 355.
Boys' Prince Alfred Reefer
Boys' Overcoats for Little Boys .. los. to 30s.
Boys' Knickerbocker Suits lss. to 355.
Boys' "Westminster and Osborne Suits lss. to 355.
Boys' Eaton, Harrow, and Rugby Suits 255. to 425.
Boys' Jackets for School and Home 9s. to 21s.

HYAM & Co.'s SELECT DEPARTMENTS.
1. Gentlemen's Clothing for immediate wear.
2. Bespoke or Order Department.
3. Boys' and Youths' Distinct Department.
4. Hata, Caps, Hosiery, and Outfit Department.

HYAM and Co's ONLY ESTABLISHMENTS,
LONDON-66 and 67, OXFORD-STREET.
BIRMINGHAM-21, 22, and 23 NEW-STREET.
LEEDS-42, BRIGGATE and'DEWSBURY—WESTGATE.

MR. HOWARD, SURGEON-DENTIST, 52,
Fleet-street, has introduced an entirely new descrip-
tion of ARTIFICIAL TEETH, fixed without springs. wires,
or ligatures. They so perteetly resemble the natural teeth
as not to be distinguished fro n the originals by the closest
observer; they will never change colour or decay. and will
be found superior to any teeth ever before used. This
method does not require the extraction of roots, or any pain-
ful operation, and will support and preserve teeth that are
loose, and is guaranteed to restore articulation and mastica-
tion. Decayed teeth stopped and rendered sound and useful
In mastication.
52 Fleet-street. At home from 10 till 5.

aperient; are
acerertmalinidßin
Eusti,:loal:
thaere,.
NcaOtnuafirea-i
NORTON'S
whi e h w e ar e su n CAMOMILE
e clesminwotistayl it
ito"ojme
thea ci il7 -ee, sn:ftutnsiftoorbmelydecrrirted
THE BEST REMEDY FUR INDIGESTION.
for Indigestion, which 14 the cause of nearly all the diseasesee
thediry
confi-
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tales 'Norton's Pills
operation. safe under any circumstances, and thousands of
and lic each, in every
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persons Strengthener
hbc eea
powerfulnee
nrtiocoiwat l
bit
ehot
ahne
rat, :tesi human
std:
Friend for upwards of 20 years.
town in the kingdom.
CAUTION.
Be sure and ask for "NORTON'S PILLS." and do not be
Sold in bottles at ls. lid., 2s. 9d.,
persuaded to purchase any of the various imitations which
havesprung up in consequence of the success of NORTON'S
CAMOMILE PILLS.

THE LONDON FEVER HOSPITAL has
-I- URGENT NEED of FUNDS.—Donations and Sub-
scriptions will be thankfully received by Messrs. Dimsdale
and Co., 50, Cornhill ; Messrs. Drummond and Co.. Charing-
cross; Messrs. Coutts and Co., Strand; Messrs. bare,
Fleet-street; and by the undersined, at the Hospital
Liverpool-road, N., CHARLES FINN, Sea.

NOTIOE.

C. F. HANCOCK SON & Co.,
JEWELLERS AND SILVERSMITHS TO THE QUEEN AND
PRINCE AND PRINCESS OF WALES,

And by Special Appointment to the principal Sovereigns

and Courts of Europe,
Bog respectfully to state that their only Address is
33 & 39, BRUTON-STREET,

D A RIS. -SILKS, MANTLES, FANCY
GOODS.—AUX VILLES DI FRANCE, 51, Rue
Vivienne, and 104, Rue Richelieu, near the Boulevards and
the Bourse, the largest Emporium in Paris. Prices marked
in plain figures. English Assistants.
Dresses made to measure in 48 hours.

DEAFNESS.—The ORGANIC VIBRATOR.—
It fits into the ear, not perceptible; the unpleasant
sensation of singing noises in the bead is entirely removed.
It affords immediate relief W deat persons, and enables them
to hear distinctly at church and public assemblies. Every
other kind of hearing instrument. -Messrs. SOLOMON, 39,
Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.

_ - - -
MEETING OF TEE LIBERAL PARTY.

A meeting of the Liberal party was held yesterday
afternoon at the private residence of Mr. Gladstone,
on Carlton-house-terrace. The members were re-
ceived in the inner hall by Mr. Gladstone. Upwards
of 250 attended. We give the speeches in full :
Mr. GLADSTONE—If you think it is time that we
should commence, I will venture to remind you of
the understanding with which we closed the pro-
ceedings of our last meeting on the 21st of March.
At that time, with your authority, and certainly, as
far as I could judge at the time, with your unani-
mous authority, I was to do three things, besides
pointing out a number of general objections to
various important provisions in the Government Re-
form,Bill,:—l wasto4resi for an early-day for the
committee'en the bi 11; 'Wn-S. to urge the recogni-
tion of thii principle, that the persons whom Par-
liament may invest with a title to the franchise,
whether few or witty, should, so far as depends on
Parliament, have equal'access to the enjoyment of
it ; and, finally, I was, in, assenting to the second
reading of the bill, to reserve every liberty to re-
consider our position and duty, in case the declara-
tions of the Governmentbetween the second reading
and the committee should not be such as to afford
any prospect of entering into committee with ad-
vantage. Since that time we have had the debate
on the second reading of the bill, and we have now
to consider our course under the present circum-
stances ; and I think, gentlemen, with reference to
the proposals that ought to be made, I ought to
endeavour to define what I conceive to be the end
that we have in view—for the means we have to take
must be governed mainly by the nature of that end.
We desire three things, one of which is paramount,
and the others highly important :—The first thing
we desire is that a good Reform Bill should be
passed—by that, meaning a bill that should give a
liberal enfranchisement so far as the question of the
franchise is concerned, and thus put an end to the
agitation of the question. (Cheers.) We desire, in
the second place, that a good Reform Bill should be
passed during the present session of Parliament—
(hear, hear)—and, thirdly, we desire that it should
be passed, if possible, through the medium of the
present Government. (Hear, hear.) These are, I
think, the three objects we have before us ; and
allow me to say that when, on the occasion of our
former meeting, I stated that I abandoned all idea
of opposing the second reading, and recommended
others to do the like, I did not conceive that I was
merely adjourning to the question of the Speaker's
leaving the chair the revival of that object. In de-
termining to abandon opposition to the second read-
ing of the bill, I virtually bound myself to a great
deal more. I bound myself, and, so far as was in
my power, I bound those who thought with me, to
take every means of working the bill through the
committee, if possible. We have now to consider
our position in reference to the objects I have
named. I think we are so far agreed as to the pro-
visions of the bill, which I went over rapidly on the
occasion of our former meeting that I need not ad-
vert to them again. There seemed an almost uni-
versal concurrence of opinion as to the defective and
wholly unsatisfactory character of the provisions of
the bill as it then stood, and as to the kind of
amendments we should endeavour to introduce.
Now, in adopting this view, we are, if possible, to
work the bill through committee, and make what
we may call a bad bill into a good bill, without at
the same time having the direction of the commit-
tee in our hands. Do not let us disguise from our-
selves that we are pledging ourselves to a very diffi-
cult task. I must frankly own I cannot state too
strongly my conviction that it is a task which is
difficult under the most favourable circumstances,
but which will become entirely hopeless unless we
are able to adopt a common course, and to pursue
that course moderately, but with resolution. Rely
on it, nothing is more certain than this, total failure
and discredit await us in the country unless we can
pull together. If we look back to the speeches on
the second reading, and if we look particularly to
the speeches of the members of the Cabinet, un-
doubtedly they are speeches that afforded very little
daylight. I think the speeches of Mr. Hardy and
the Solicitor-General did nothing to advance or to
secure our position. On the speech of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, able as it was, a very different con-
struction was put, and the general opinion and belief
is that in that speech the Chancellor of the
Exchequer avoided committing the Government
to any concessions whatever beyond the dual vote.
(Hear.) From that speech the general impression
given to the public was, that provided an adequate
pressure was brought to bear upon the Government,
the concessions will be sufficient to give effect to
the purpose we have in view—that of making a
good bill out of a bad bill. That is the persuasion
under which, in concert with those I have endea-
voured to consult—and I have not failed in that
duty through want of willingness or exertion—that
is the view on which we propose to act. (Cheers.)
We propose to proceed on the principle that pressure
from the Liberal party is the means by which we
may entertain the hope of bringing the bill into a
shape in which we can look forward with satisfac-
tion to see it passed into a law. That pressure must,
no doubt, be a firm pressure, and you will likewise
support me when I say it must be a gentle pressure.
It must be a pressure carefully and studiously di-
vested, so far as we are concerned, and so far as is
in our power, of anything that can make it invi-
dious and offensive. (Hear.) We must consider our
object as the one important matter, and we must
endeavour in our mode of proceeding to do nothing
which may afford a justifiable cause or a plausible
pretext to any one for saying that we imposed an
intolerable burden on the Government in trying to
compel them to take our course. (Loud cheers.) If
these be the right principles on which our proceed-
ings should be founded, I come to the conclusion
that we may safely leave to be dealt with in com-
mittee, provided other matters be arranged, all pro-
positions that can be dealt with as single proposi-
tions. Iu the debate on the second reading I did not
hesitate to imply that questions of great importance
—such as the county franchise and the redistribu-
tion of seats—might be dealt with in committee. I
go further. I will say that even the figure of the
borough franchise might be dealt with in committee

t
irim,s
most vital
f—apasoringnaaotysirt,
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et
Lhrbeoorinloelatiosontfahit:
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eroa)
rlboeli
ynfutriaitlt 11 whichteeel which,look soa
in
hear)—that might be dealt with in committee.
In fact, everything that can be dealt with in com-
mittee we should leave to be dealt with in commit-
tee. But now conies the question, on what basis are
we seeking the settlement of what is the capital sub-
ject of debate—the borough franchise ? The basis
laid down in the bill we have found unanimously
to be unsatisfactory. (Cheers.) I ventured at the
earliest stage to refer to the idea, and to make the
suggestion that if there was, as there is, in the House
of Commons a desire to connect personal rating in
some way or other as a test with the enjoyment of
the franchise, it might be possible and just, and per-
haps advantageous, to apply it as a negative ; that
is not to say, which I think is perfectly preposterous
and untenable, that every man, whatever his condi-
tion in life, should be debarred from the franchise,
or have difficulties imposed on him if he endeavours
to obtain it, because he is not a personal ratepayer.
(Loud cheers.) But when you have a portion of
society from whom rates cannot be collected, whose
circumstances .do not admit of the payment of rates,
you may in their case adopt that fact as indicating
the point at which, in the present state of the coun-
try and the state of the people as to education and
independence of circumstances, the enjoyment of the
franchise is to end. That plan was received with
favour when you last met. It has been received with
favour in the House of Commons; and even beyond
the limits of our own party it is received with con-
siderable favour also. If we are to adopt that plan
—and that is the one on which I think we should
proceed—we then find ourselves confronted by a
necessity which arises out of the forms of the House
of Commons. If we are to say that a certain portion
of the community now liable to the payment of rates
should be henceforth exempted from personal pay-
ment, we must take power not only to insert so many
words in the Reform Bill, but likewise the power to
readjust the law of rating on all points which may
arise in connection with that class of the commu-
nity. If we pass a compulsory provision running
through the community and exempting all persons
under a given line, on which I shall not consult
you or say anything to-day--for that may be
left for committee—but if we are to make an exemp-
t:on below a given line, we must, along with that
ouption, consider what is to be the liability of the
landlord, and what deduction, if the landlord con-
tinues liable, he is to receive. Mr. Poulett Scrope
'would, perhaps, consider himself entitled to raise the
question founded on his view, that such property
should be exempted altogether—an economical ques-
tion of vast importance and not in necessary connec-
tion with the franchise. But there are other ques-
tions. You have to consider whether the municipal
votes of these persons are to be reserved, and whether
they are still to retain their votes in vestries ; and
other questions are very likely to arise. But, after
the best investigation I have it in my power to make,
I find it is necessary in order to effect the view I
have described in reference to the franchise that we
should arm the committee on the Reform Bill with
power to alter the law of rating. The special point to
which the alteration would go, and the most im-
portant and vital points, being the exemption from
personal liability below a certain line ; but that ex-
emption would entail the necessity of considering
other collateral questions on which I do not think
we should meet with any insurmountable difficulty.
With regard to the nature of the instruction to be
given to the committee, I have no doubt you are
aware of the two fundamental points it involves. In
the first place it must be to give the committee some
form it does not possess ; and, consequently, this
instruction, or one of this nature, would be neces-
sary either for our purpose or for the purposes of
the Government, if they should accede to our views,
or for the purpose of enabling Lord Grosvenor—the
cause of whose absence we must all deplore—to
bring his amendments under the notice of the house.
The second point is that in point of form, as pro-
bably all gentlemen know, it is not an amendment
to the Speaker leaving the chair. It is a preliminary
to the motion that the Speaker leaves the chair,
and, instead of setting aside that motion, it
assumes that he will leave the chair and assist the
committee in the discharge of their duties. Un-
doubtedly there are other reasons why the basis of
the borough franchise should be presented in that
form. And for this reason especially, that, from the
arrangement of the clauses in the bill, we should
otherwise be compelled to deal with the borough
franchise in the most inconvenient manner, and it
would not be until we had arrived at the very end of
the bill and came to bring up new clauses that we
should know what the essential features of the borough
franchise were to be. The consideration I mainly
wish to put before you is that if we are to entertain
the plan which I think Parliament thinks a good one
—if we are to draw a line, this is a policy to which
the committee can only give effect byan instruction.
Then there is another point. I laid it down, and I
feel it as strongly as any one before me can feel, that,
in discharging the difficult and responsible duty we
have undertaken, we must endeavour to avoid every
semblance of hostility—(hear)—hostility to the pro-
visions of the bill I do not think it is possible to
avoid—but hostility to the Government as a Govern-
ment, or any manifestation of a disposition to get
rid of the Government by imposing on them unrea-
sonable conditions. That is the hostility which it is
our duty to avoid. It is, then, important to consider
who is to be the mover of the instruction, and I hope
it will have your approval that, having taken advice
in various quarters, I have ventured to request Mr.
Coleridge to undertake the duty. I think there is no
man who enjoys better favour with both sides of the
house. There is no man who propounds his views
with more refined delicacy and high principle than
Mr. Coleridge—(cheers)—and, lastly, Mr. Cole-
ridge's professional position enables him to deal with
a question requiring some professional knowledge in
the most satisfactory manner. (Hear, hear.) The
instruction is, and you all see it is, simply confined
to conferring upon the committee this extraneous
power, and indicating the reason why this is done :
" That it be an instruction to the committee that they
have power to alter the law of rating, andto prozide that in
every Parliamentary borough the occupiers of tenements
below a given rateable value be relieved from liability to
personal rating, with a view to fix a line for the borough
franchise, at and above which all occupiers shall be en-
tered on the rate-book, and shall have equal facilities for
the enjoyment of such franchise as a residential occupation
franchise."
(Loud and unanimous cheering.) I think it is not too
necessary to draw a line that reduces the matter to
imnsutcrhuettoiosnaywthhiaeth,
gloooeskimngerteolythtoe seuonbsfetarntcieleopof that
the simplest issue, perhaps we may be inclined to
ask each other what is likely to be the effect of pro-
posing this instruction. Well, we arc in a position
of great responsibility. I feel even more strongly
than at the commencement of the session that it is
not the party that sits on the Government benches,
but that which sits on the Opposition benches, which
will be held responsible for the failure or success of
this bill. Your responsibility is great, your power is
perfect, but your power depends on your union.
(Loud cheers.) My belief is that if you make a rea-
sonable demand on the Government it must succeed
—(cheers)—but I own I do not think you could
obtain concessions from the Government unless they
are concessions which you manifest your power, I
will not say to extort, but to obtain for yourself.
Whatever concessions you show your power to obtain
for yourselves you will obtain from the Government.
(Cheers.) That is the sense which I place on the
declarations of the Government, and that is the sense
in which I invite you to act. I have spoken to you
in this and in previous addresses as one who felt
the difficulties of the situation ; but still it is ono
not destitute of the elements of encouragement.
Look at what has happened during this week,
although it has been a tranquil interval. I thought