The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-12 00:00:00

t in
which was termed in legal phraseology a governmen
government of the East India Board was a government
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mametances could justify the Crown being considered in a
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state of pupilarity with regard to any of its dominions.
But there were two questions which could not be passed
by . first, who were the parties who held India in trust ;
and. secondly, what were their powers ? In reply to the
first question it might be said the parties were what was
called the East India Company. But what was that clam-
pally ? They all well knew that it was formerly what its
name implied, a company of merehants trading with the
East Indies. In that way its authority began, and through
that means was its empire established. Parliament how-
ever thought it was a mistake to mix up questions of policy
with questions of commerce, and in 1833 the Court of Di-
rectors became mere instruments to assist the ministry of
the day in ruling Indf a. He knew it might be said that
that change removed many of the old objections to the
system ; but on the other hand it destroyed many of the
arguments by which were maintained the desirableness
and the necessity of perpetuating the existing separation
between the crown and an empire which belonged to it.
If the Best India Company were no longer a commercial
body, and therefore no longer had any teenptation to exer-
cise dominion for corrupt ends, there could no longer be
any reason why India should continue to be governed in a
manner which led to so much misunderstanding, end which
almost everyone admitted to be attended with so many in-
conveniences. (Hear, hear.) Now let their lordships look
for a moment at the effect of the Indian mutiny in refer-
ence to this question. His noble friend who presented the
petition seemed to think that the Government had some
charge to bring against the East India Company, and that
it was on that ground that they wished to abolish the pre-
sent system. That was not the course of conduct which the
Government had adopted. The practical effect of the
mutiny would undoubtedly be this, that for many years to
come increased attention would be devoted to many
of the most difficult and delicate questions relating to
the government of India that could possibly be agi-
tated in Parliament. The questions of the tenure of land,
of the administration of justice, and of the relations be•
tween the Government of India and the native princes,
were questions to which increased attention woul I un-
doubtedly be paid in this country, and they would all be
debated with reference to those anomalies and faults which
every one confessed to exist in the structure of the Indian
Government. To show the reality of their danger, he might
refer to a speech which was delivered by an eminent indi-
vidual in another place towards the close of the last ses-
sion, a speech which was marked by a display of that indi-
vidual's well-known ability. Towards the close of that
speech allusion was made to what had, as he believed, been
erroneously called the annexation policy of Lord Dalhousie;
and a comparison had been drawn between the faith which
had been kept by the Government of the East India Com-
pany with the native sovereigns and the faith which would
be kept with them and the imperial crown. Now, he could
conceive no question that required more delicate handling
than that and he was convinced that if such matters were
discussed under the present order of things, they would
always be discussed with reference to those organic changes
which it was impossible to deny were demanded, not merely
for the sake of securing symmetry of form, but by common
sense. The East India Company did not deny in their peti-
tion that some change might naturally be expected as the
result of what had recently occurred ; but they maintained
that no change ought to be made without a preliminary
inquiry. It was all very well for his noble friend (Earl
Grey) to throw over his clients as he had dons that night,
and to repudiate the course which they recommended ; but
he submitted to the house that in dealing with the peti-
tion they must deal with it as it was laid on the table,
and must consider simply the recommendations which it
made, and the alternatives which it placed before them.
He agreed with his noble friend that a preliminary in-
quiry, tending avowedly to a change in the mode of govern-
ing India, would produce the most pernicious offsets. It
would, he believed, pending the inquiry, be impossible to
prevent popular agitation, not only in this country, but in
India. In support of this remark he would refer to a letter
which bad recently been received from a distinguished
servant of the East India Company, and which, though
the letter was written on a different subject, bad an un-
fortunate bearing on this question. Their lordships would,
no doubt, recollect that one of the charges—he meat say
one of the most scandalous charges—made against Lord
Canning was that during the period of the mutiny he had
given some civil employment to a gentleman of the Ma-
homedan faith—a gentleman who was, he believed, as
faithful to the crown as any one of the Europeans now re-
sident in India. It was considered by the Government of
India that this gentleman could be of service in a particu-
lar part of India, and therefore he was appointed, but the
appointment was met by a shout of indignation from those
who were called the Calcutta public. By the last mail
there had soma from Lord Canning a defence of that ap-
pointment-ea defence which he (the Duke of Argyll) be-
lieved to be quite unnecessary—and among the documents
sent was a letter from a gentleman residing is the city of
Patna, where the Mahomedan gentleman referred to exer-
cised his office. The writer of this letter said :—" Many
people endeavour to persuade themselves that the natives
are not aware of the contents of the English papers, and
that so far as they are concerned, it is immaterial what
appears in these publications ; but this is a verygreat mis-
take. The English papers have for many years past formed
the source to which the native news-writers and the native
papers look for their intelligence of our movements and
intentions. Since this revolt commenced the greatest
anxiety has been manifested to learn what the English
papers say, and every one fortunate enough to get hold of
an English paper is called upon to translate it for the edi-
fication of large circles of listeners, who again retail the
news and comments of the journals in their villages. It
came to my notice accidentally, the other day, that the
Nujeebs at Mozufferpore were in the habit of having the
English papers translated to them, and there can be no
doubt that whatever appears in the English papers which
can in any way serve the purposes of the disaffected is
speedily made known to them by their agents in Calcutta
or elsewhere. To suppose that it can be otherwise is to
give our enemies credit for a degree of wilful blindness and
negligence which forms no part of their character. Theirin-
telligence department has always been remarkably good,
and they certainly would not neglect the most simple and
obvious means of ascertaining our views and intentions."
He would not continue quoting, but he would observe that
the writer dwelt very strongly on the danger to England
which would arise if there was an agitation of the question
of the form of government in the Indian press. New, he
must remind their lordships that if there ware any delay
in this matter they would have hereafter to deal with the
question under circumstances which did not at present exist
and which would tend to increase the danger attending the
settlement of it. He had no knowledge of the intentions
of Lord Canning or the Indian Government in reference to
the relaxation of the present restrictions on the Indian
press; but he knew that in the address which his lordship
made in reference to those restrictions he observed that it
was not without great reluctance that any man who had
breathed the free air of English life could recommend such
a step to the English legislature, and he entertained little
doubt that whenever he considered it safe to do so he would
remove the restrictions which now existed. When this had
been done, however, there would doubtless be an e r plosion
of those passions which had long been pent up; and if, there-
fore, there were any delay, the question of an organic change
in the Government of India might have to be considered
under circumstances of great disadvantage, if not of posi-
tive peril, to the best interests of our Indian empire.
Now, on all these grounds he maintained that if they had
reads op their minds—and he thought he saw on all sides
lee:Genital,' teat ~L1,11`.71.3 i");C cal'—that the structure of
the Indian Government required some change, it wee des'r-
able that the change, whatever it might be, should be made
as speedily as possible. Let them avoid the evils which the
East India Company dreaded, namely, that of making in
the first instance a change of policy. Let them first change
the system of Government, and lot them proceed, with
the assistance of a strong, united, and unassailable Go-
vernment, to deal wisely and considerately with the great
questions that must be raised. (Hear, hear.) In speaking
of the danger of introducing party politics into Indian
questions, the noble earl (Earl Grey) drew a contrast be-
tween the manner in which the Governor-General was
appointed and the manner in which Lord Torrington was
appointed. Lord Torrington was, of course, appointed by
the Crown; but every one knew that, practically, Lord
Canning was also appointed by the Crown; and he had
not the slightest doubt that if Lord Canning were guilty
of any act of doubtful character, it would immediately be
made a question of party politics, as Lord Torrington's
conduct was. Party politics was, he considered. a mere
bugbear in this case; it was one of those objections to
change which people had gone on repeating again and
again, because they could not perceive that the circum-
stances under which the objection applied were wholly
different from those of the present day. Thera was another
question which had great influence in this matter- not
perhaps in that house, but certainly out of doors ho meant
the question of party politics. He would not anticipate
the measure of the Government, bnt he did entreat their
lordships to remember what the case with regard to patron.
age really was. Here, nein, was another instance of tra-
ditional feeling. The patronage is India, which was
really lucrative and important, had long been practically
in the bands of the Government in India, and it ought to
remain there. (Hear.) The patronage which took place in
this country was not a patronage to place but a patronage
to service ; the Government did not appoint to place, but
they appointed to service. One of the great changes in
1853 was the throwing open to competition of the whole
civil service of the East India Company. Any man from
any school in the United Kingdom may come and demand
admierton if he can beat his fellow competitors. What re-
mained, then, in the way of patronage but the military
cadetships ? As to them, almost all parties are agreed that
one consequence of the recent events will be a considerable
diminution of the native army, and a corresponding dimi-
nution of the patronage. All he would say was, that if both
houses of Parliament should be dissatisfied with tke pro-
posal which Lord Palmerston- would make, he trusted they
would take into their own hands the task .of proposing
some modification—anything, in fact, that would get rid of
this bugbear, which would interfere with their doing away
with that which was but a mere name and a farce, and as-
suming the government of India in the name of the crown,
to which at this moment it legally and practically belonged.
He would refer to one other point which was a good deal
dwelt on out of doors—he meant the time. It was said they
ought not to introduce such a bill at this moment. There
was a belief that 100 years after the battle of Plassy the
Company's IN was to come to an end. If a change took
place, the sepoys would believe it was brought about by
them, and be persuaded they had nothing to do but to re-
bel in order to bring about a great change in the govern-
ment. He had always thought this one of the meet fanci-
ful arguments he bad ever heard. Ho would not dwell on
tulle! peat then. It had been fully shown that our empire had
deParted, He trusted and believed that if the Com-
PrZlo7;"tbßealimwas now to give way it would give way to the
had now the neakwehsivelliavicei_ll
eniethveerr
keep it ; and
or
declinedother
of two
atpw: imperial aelveernot:
l
great degree from the valour of those who
cease
theyunti had
have raised the ight
inellipire, and lately shown they were able to
selves. (Bear.)
ecel speed the time when they should
people of India more to the level of them-
The Earl of ELLEN BOROUGH said that he rose not to
express any new opinion on the subject brought under their
lordships' consideration; he had only
otf
tlhacs,
os:es session.
the
to repeat what he had
rejoiced
as
theythe close of
.110eosict;Illa,efnordeii
expressedcreh e
they had been at the common
subject would have been broughtcem beforeeiit he feared this great
view to an immediate and summa Parliament with a
even more than the reconstruction eonf steuttletaertt; it ez
India, and he thought it highly inexpediente ');llearun'ent of
a subject should come under consideration when that so
great
no probability, from the continuance of the war, trlies7t'a:t
would receive that =taro deliberation which could alma.,
bring it to a successful issue. (Hear, hear.) At the same
time he distinctly stated, and he still hold, that great

advantage would be derived and great straugth imparted to

the Government of India if it were carried on directly in the

114010 of the Crown (Hear,) he was 4till of opinioil that a