The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-13 00:00:00

FRENCH DEMANDS UPON SWIT-
ZERLAND.

(From the Times )

The despatch of Count Walewski, dated January
20, 1858, which was the subject of the late vote in
the House of Commons, was not the only document
addressed on that day to a foreign Power by the
Government of the French Emperor. On the very
day that Count Walewski signed his letter to M.
de Persigny be signed another to the Minister of
France at Berne. To this latter production we
must draw the attention of our readers. We are
now told on authority that the missive of the French
Government to this country was not insulting or
meant to be insulting, that the French Govern-
ment contented itself with pointing out a deficiency
in our institutions, and left it to our own good
sense to propose a remedy. It is allowable, how-
ever, to explain one document by another that is
contemporary, and to interpret ambiguous phrases
by a comparison with others of the same writer.
Let us, then, observe how the statesman who de-
scribes himself as a model of moderation and pro-
priety addresses the Swiss Republic, where, in
former days, his master found a refuge.
It is indeed a most astonishing document. Not
only is every form of courtesy thrown aside, not
only is the insolence of superior strength displayed
througheal-, not only is the opinion of other
European States made of no account, but Switzer-
land is in the plainest terms threatened, unless she
instantly comply with the French demands. The
Emperor's Government requires the removal of all
refugees from cantons in the neighbourhood of the
French frontier, and thus addresses its Envoy—
"ln spite of your zeal and activity in the matter
we have, up to the present time, obtained only dila-
tory and evasive replies." • The refugees, belong-
ing to the Italian emigration are those of which the
French Government wishes chiefly to be rid, and it
desires that these especially shall not be allowed to
live in Geneva or the Western Cantons. It is im-
possible that any honest man, says M. Walewski,
can avoid sharing the impressions of the Emperor's
Government, and he trusts that when the French
Minister repeats his requests "he will find on the
part of the Federal authorities a greater readiness
to do them justice." The Government of the Em
peror knows not how to remain indifferent to the
voice of public opinion, which "demands how it is
that neighbouring and friendly countries protect
with a complacent hospitality nien who openly con-
spire against the life of the Emperor.
It is then asserted that in demanding the expul-
sion of the refugees, both French and Italian, from
certain parts of Switzerland, the Emperor's Go-
vernment only makes use of the law of legitimate
defence, and invokes the principle of the rights of
nations. This doctrine, which of course applies to
other countries than to Switzerland, is worthy of
notice, as furnishing a key to M. Walewski's language
to ourselves. Then the despatch rises into a tine
of menace. " The Federal Government will disre-
gard the conditions of the Helvetic neutrality, and
will deceive itself as to the nature of its privileges,
if it believes it can invoke them in order to avoid
giving satisfaction to our grievances. To tolerate
—even by silence and inaction—that refugees
should abuse hospitality to attack a neighbouring
Government by their writings or their plots—that,
without doubt, is not to preserve neutrality. I
pray, you, then, M. le Comte, to insist upon it
that measures be taken without delay, in order that
refugees notoriously known as disposed to take part
in criminal enterprises, especially those organized
into societies in the Canton of Geneva, be deposited
far from our frontiers." This unprecedented docu-
ment concludes thus :—" In the event of the
Helvetic Government not Consulting upon the
means of satisfying our just requirements, it will
incur a grave responsibility, and will only have to
take to Lself the consequences which its determi-
nation may entail."

We will say nothing more on the intolerable
arrogance of this production, or the ingratitude
fur former hospitality which it displays. But we
would, in the first place, use it as a commentary
on the despatch which was sent to us. Every one
must be convinced that the mere punishment of
convicted plotters of murder, was not all that
Count Walewski wanted, It was all that they
could induce Lord Palmerston to grant, and so he
accepted it ; but a general surveillance of refugees
and a suppression of their meetings were the real
objects of the turbul nt manifestations of himself,
his colleagues, and the military aspirants whom
they control. The matter is rea-le plain by an
examination of this Swiss note. We have alre.itly
spoken of the demand on Austria regarding the
Viennese press ; similar instances, we find from
correspondence, have been made at Berlin, and to
the little Republic of Central Europe the whole
demands of France are unfolded. Now, it must
be remembered that international law makes no
distinction of strong and weak, that every Sove-
reign State has equal rights, and that, if France is
entitled to ask anything of Switzerland, she is
equally entitled to ask it of our own country.
What is it, then, which France considers so much

her right that she demands it " without delay,"
without any more " dilatory or evasive replies'
demands it in injurious language, and with the
threat of invasion ? It is not merely that assassins
shall be punished, but that refugees of no nation
shall be allowed to inhabit certain parts of the Swiss
territory. An Italian who has never been the
subject of the French Emperor, or a French-
man who fled when the Republic fell, men
whose business may lie in the town of Geneva,
who may have married there, who may have
their children at school there, who may be per-
forming all the duties of citizens in the place,
are at the demand of a foreign potentate to be
driven from their habitations, and "ihternes" in
some mountain canton. Now, if this be a just de-
mand on Switzerland, it is a just demand on Eng-
land. The French Foreign Secretary expressly tells
us that to " expel dangerous men" and to " place
them at more distant parts" are measures which
the Emperor demands on the strength of the law
of nations. Are the English people prepaied to
acquiesce in this doctrine, and to transport the
London refugees to the Scotch Highlands ? And,
if they are not, may they not welt inquire how far
Count Walewski's despatch to them is to beinter-
, preted by that which he addressed on the same
day to another State
But what are the acts which make a refugee dan-
gerous, which deprive him of his legitimate claim
to hospitality, which justify the Emperor in de-
manding that he shall be deprived of his liberty of
residing where he chooses ? This is clearly stated.
If " refugees who have received an asylum on a
territory abuse that hospitality to attack a neigh-
bouring Government by their writings or their
plots," their expulsion may be legitimately de-
manded. Here, again, is a point of interest for our-
selves. We now know that to write against the Napo
leonic Government divests the exile of his right of
asylum. Any man who lies fallen in the struggle
wherelmperialism triumphed must remain perfectly
passive ever after. If we allow refugees to remain
among us we must look to their newspapers and
their debating clubs ; we must decline in what

plotting against a Government consists, what words
and acts are a sufficient proof of it ; in short, we
must fulfil certain unceasing duties of police to-
wards those who are thrown among us. It is also
worth notice that in the opinion of the French
Government there exists in Switzerland, and con-
sequently in England also, a partiality for assassina-
tion. France, it appears, demands from one end to
the other, " how it is that neighbouring and
friendly countries protect with a complacent hos-
pitality men who openly conspire agaicst the life
of the Emperor." Lastly wo come to the proof of
guilt which the Imperial Government thinks suffi-
cient to authorise expulsion or removal. M. le
Comte is requested to " insist upon it " that mea-
sures be taken without delay in order that refugees
" notoriously known as disposed to take part hi
criminal enterprises " be proceeded against.
Notoriously known as disposed to take part ; "
—there has been nothing like this since the " moral
proofs" of Fouquier Tiuville's tribunal. These few
words are the key to all that M. Welewski has
written to the neighbouring Powers, England in-
cluded. Switzerland is weak, and so she is openly
and officially threatened. England is strong, so the
menaces are put into the mouths of military
bravoes, and are disowned now that they are
found inconvenient. But the object is every-
where the same,—to extort from the authorities of
neighbouring countries measures of unceasing vigi-
lance and repression against the unhappy men whom
the convulsions of Europe have driv en
directly, fr
theireven
homes. "To tolerate more or less
by silence or inaction," the writing or plotting of
refugees is the crime for which Switzerland is
openly, and for which we are indirectly, threat-
ened.

We cannot but see with pain that the Govern-
ment of a sovereign with so high a reputation for
sagacity as the Freuch Envoi or should have per-
mitted to it,elf the enunciation of such doctrines
and the uttering of such threats. As to
otioieneu:,
trality of Switzerland, it is a matter
to
re
portance Ulm M, . appears