The Sun.
London, England, 1867-06-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LOINIJON, FRIDAY -EVENING, JUNE 21, 1867.

negatived, on the understanding that the question of the
use of voting papers should be referred to the select com-
mittee on the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill of the
Government. Then, if necessary, the clause could be
brought up on the report.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the
arguments of the hon. member for Finsbury do not apply
to this case, and the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets
has treated the measure as if it were compulsory instead of
permissive. The hon. member for Finsbury has errone-
ously fathered this proposition on the noble lord (Lord
Cranborne), the loss of whose services to the Cabinet we all
regret. (Hear, hear.) So far from this being a retrograde
policy, it was embodied in a clause of the bill of 1859, in
deference to prevalent opinion, and since that time the
house has applied the principle in one memorable instance
(to the universities), and with complete success. (The right
hon. gentleman moved, as though he referred to Mr. Glad-
stone, who sat opposite, and was much cheered by his sup-
porters.) The question is whether a preponderate advan-
tage will result from the permissive exercise of this right.
(Hear, hear.) His own inclination would have been to con-
fine its operations to counties, where it would decrease the
expense of elections; but if that had been done it would
have been said that if the pi inciplo were worth anything
it ought to be generally applied. (Hear, hear.) The hon.
member for the Tower Hamlets has given a lively descrip-
tion of the expense of obtaining the voting papers, but it
is like those descriptions we often hear, and which enliven
debate, but which, as men of the world, we know have no
foundation. (Laughter.) A county member would find
that, instead of having to spend £4,000 or £5,000 in bring-
ing voters to the poll, the thousands would be represented
by hundreds. (Cheers.) As to the question of corruption,
extreme statements may be made on both sides. The riches
of the Reform Club have been almost menacingly an-
nounced as able to purchase the county constituencies—
(laughter)—and he had heard of the serious effect upon
constituencies of the accumulated treasures of political so-
cieties, but was of opinion that gentlemen who subscribe to
them generally find that they have wasted their money.
(Laughter.) The only people who have been benefited
have been the attorneys. (Laughter.) Another club will
always be found to emulate their efforts. (Hear, hear.)
It is almost impossible fairly to poll a county consti-
tuency, or for any elector with more than one qualifica-
tion to exercise the franchise under tho present system
The hon. and learned member for Richmond (Sir R. Pal-
per), who has 17 votes, is aremarkable man—(laughter)—
but the right to register them ought to be secured, for they
do not represent his individual opinion, but aro represen-
tatives of his property. (Ministerial cheers.) If hon.
gentlemen propose a modification of the clause, he would
be prepared to adopt the suggestion, but the principle is
founded upon prudence and justice. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT thought the right hon. gentleman treated
the question with fairness, and the opinion of the house in
a manner which becomes his position. The debate had
been one of considerable satisfaction to him (Mr. Bright);
for, after the arguments on both sides, this proposition as
it now stands must inevitably land us, after the large ex-
tension of the suffrage we have agreed upor, in a change
which will be nothing less than vote by ballot. (Opposi-
tion cheers.) If we were establishing a system of repre-
sentation for the first time, we should do in counties what
wo do in boroughs—take care that all electors were resi-
dents—(hear, hear)—but as a different system has pre-
vailed, he would recommend that it should not be inter-
fered with. But ho recommended that we should not, for,
the sake of increasing the number of non-resident voters'
make a change for which no substantial reason has been
given. (Cheers.) The hon. member for the Tower Ham-
lets (Mr. Ayrton), in a speech—one of the best, most
i con-
clusive, and most convincing speeches he had heard n the
house—(hear, hoar) —pointed to what might be done by a
certain club. Well, the Reform Club is very near the
Carlton. (Laughter.) Many people are troubled with a
difficulty in getting admission ; and when a man wants
to go to one, he is driven occasionally to the other. (Loud
laughter.) But, as the right hon. gentleman says, what
may bo done by the Reform Club can be done by the
Carlton. Now, what has been done ? Iu a small Scotch
county at the last election a candidate had a decided
majority of the resident voters, but through the in-
fluence of a wealthy proprietor, strangers—many of whose
votes might fairly be called in question, and if not
contrary to the letter wore contrary to the spirit of the
law—were brought down, and their votes overwhelmed
the votes of the resident constituency. The candidate who
had the majority of the votes of the residents was defeated
and. his opponent is sitting in this house. (Hear, hear, and
cries of "Name.") He recommended any gentleman who
wanted the name to ask the Scotch member who sits
nearest him. (Laughter.) This system will indefinitely
extend the influence not merely of landed proprietors, but
of others. The friends of the anti-corn law movement
purchased freeholds in some counties, and threatened to
change their representation. It has been a great bar to
such movements that the voter must travel to the county
where the property is situated. It is not the true policy
of the house to give greater inducements than now exist
to use the votes of non-residents to interfere with the
honest representation of the residents. (Cheers.) The
right hon. gentleman dwelt on the success of the system at
tho universities, and some hon. gentlemen smiled because
they supposed he meant—but ho was sure the right hon.
gentleman did not—that it had been successful in dis-
lodging the recent member for the University of Oxford
(Mr. Gladstone). That is a very small matter, and, if
England were polled, England would say that it was a
great advantage that that had taken place. (Cheers.)
The committee on which the member for the Tower
Hamlets sat entirely rejected this system for the
country at large, and decided upon special grounds that
it might be adopted for the universities. (Hear, hear.)
With regard to its general effect, it had not the advan-
tage of open voting, and it did not give the security of
secret voting. (Hear, hear.) The advantages of secret
voting wore these, that a man when he voted had no
power on earth to interfere with him but his conviction
as to what he ought to do--(hear, hear)—but if the pro-
posed system NI ere defended on the ground that it would
be a convenience to the rich, upon what principle could
they refuse the ballot to the poor? (Cheers.) In their
case it would establish the most hateful and pernicious
system of voting by proxies, a system which was con-
demned, and could not be long maintained oven in the
House of Lords, and would enable the collectors of votes
to traffic with them as much as if they were bank notes.
(Hear, hear, and cries of " No, no" from the Ministerial
side). It was urged as an argument in favour of the pro-
position, that it woull make the drawing-room of the
magistrate the polling-place. That of itself would con-
demn the bill in the minds of the people—(hear, hear)—
and he repeated if they were not prepared to adopt the
more excellent plan of the ballot, let them not change a
system which all understood for one which was fraught
with every principle of danger to the incorrupt exercise of
the franchise throughout the country. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. member for Middlesex, as an argument in favour of
voting papers, stated that county voters who signed the
papers seven days before the election through voters who
signed them three days before the election would not be
able to change their opinions. But in boroughs, at least,
the voter might attend early, and have a scuffle with
his proxy as to who should get his vote. (A laugh.)
There wore men who might honestly change their opinions
between the day the election was proclaimed, and that on
which it was held. A new candidate might come into the
field, or something not quite satisfactory might be disclosed
with regard to the candidates already in the field ; and if
a voter could not change his opinion, what was the use of
the present machinery of hustings and nominations ?
(Cheers.) It was said that this clause was only permissive,
but he was tho more opposed to it on that account. Ile had
always opposed what was called the permissive ballot.
The right course was to leave things as they were until
something better could be devised, and let that be done
broadly, and enforced as a general law. It seemed to him
that it was clearly the duty of the committee to reject the
clause; but he should not be sorry, in a future session, to
have the whole question of our electoral system inquired
into by a select committee. (Cheers.)
Lord H. SC OTT said, as ho was the member for the
Scotch county referred to by the hon. member for Bir-
mingham, he wished to state that though a good many
non-resident electors had voted for him, they were not in-
fluenced by a certain rich proprietor.
The committee divided. Tho numbers were—
For the clause
Against it
Majority —3B

- -
The announcement was received with much cheering.
On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE-
QUER, progress was reported, and the further discussion
postponed until to-morrow (this day) at 2 o'clock.
The Poor-law Board, &c., Bill, and the Common Law
Courts (Ireland) Bill were read a second time.
The remaining orders of the day were rapidly disposed
of and the house adjourned.

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Sheffield Trades' Union Commission.

THIRTEENTH DAY (THURSDAY).
CONFESSION OF BROADHEAD.
The Commission resumed its sittings to-day.
The extraordinary revelations of the previous day
caused the greatest excitement, and the court was
not only crowded to excess, but a large crowd re-
mained outside the hall during the greater portion
of the day.
Before any evidence was called, Mr. Sugg, the
secretary to the Defence Committee, informed the
Examiners that a meeting of that committee was
held last night, when the following resolution was
passed. It was moved by Mr. Austin, secretary to
the Railway Springmakers, and seconded by Mr.
Dronfield, secretary to the Defence Committee :
" That, in consequence of the very serious charge
now pending against the saw trade before the Exa-
miners, this committee hereby resolves to hold itself
aloof from such trade until the charges have been
further investigated, this committee being astounded
at the revelations made during the inquiry, believ-
ing at the time that the application was made by
the trades for the Commission of Inquiry that such
outrages were not countenanced or connived at by
the officers of any union."
Mr. Sugg remarked that before this it had been
under the consideration of the committee whether
they should not dissever themselves from the saw
trade for other reasons. Mr. Overend then asked
whether anybody was in court who was present at
the investigation, and Mr. Dronfield, hon. secretary
to the committee, was sworn and examined as to
what took place. It happened that the meeting
was held at 'Broadhead's house, having originally
been called for that place, and no other room being
available at the last moment. Mr. Broadhead was
called in and asked if he had any explanation to
offer, and he said he was not prepared to say any-
thing further than this—that there " might be"
some truth in what Hallam and Crookes had said
of him. Mr. Dronfield was very closely ques-
tioned as to what Broadhead said, but nothing
more than this was elicited. Eventually Mr.
Dronfield was sent to fetch the sheet of paper on
which the minutes of the meeting were recorded.
Mr. Broadhead was then called for, and did not an-
swer. Mr. Sugg said he would undertake that
Broadhead should appear on Friday morning, but
Mr. Overend said Mr. Sugg was not asked to un-
dertake anything, Broadhead would have to appear
at the time of the Court, and not at his own time,
and that if he did not appear when called upon the
Court would use their utmost powers to find him.
Mr. Sugg suggested that Broadhead wanted time to
collect his ideas and prepare himself to answer the
charges against him. Mr. Overend replied that, if
Broadhead would come forward and say that he
wanted time, he should be treated with fairness and
leniency ; but he remarked at the same time that no
time whatever could be required to deny such a
charge as that of murder, and that any man, he
should have supposed, would have taken the very
earliest opportunity of
htois rep-
udiatingßr er otua
return
nuh such ha
dha,
esn
chiaommu pse le i c aaa teni
keodonam.
theoi
Courtnn Age
nf oo rt constablewfi aanrdddj
onugwr andnßa
se
Broad-
head osent
at
ill
head at home, and not being able to learn where he
was.
Mr. OVEREND read a letter from the Secretary
of State authorising the Examiners to inquire into
outrages committed more than 10 years ago upon
Elisha Parker, a saw grinder.
Elisha Parker was then examined. He stated
that in 1853 he was in the employ of Messrs. New-
bould, who gave notice to their saw grinders that
they intended reducing their prices. The men then
gave a month's notice, and remained out on strike
21 weeks, during the whole of which time they were
supported by the Saw Grinders' Union. At the end
of 21 weeks Messrs. Newbould were compelled to
give their former prices, and all the grinders
thereupon resumed work. At that time Messrs.
Newbould employed two men who were not
unionists. A little while afterwards Broadhead
and another man came to him one night at twelve
o'clock, and desired that he and his brother should
give up work, in consequence of Messrs. Newbould
employing the two non-society men. Witness
refused to give over work, and a few days afterwards
a man named Roebuck, who was connected with
the union, called on him and his brother and asked
them to go away, intimating that the union would
give them some money to do so. They told him that
they would consider about it, and would give him
an answer in a few days. On his calling upon them
again they told him that they did not intend leav-
ing work. Shortly afterwards a home which:be-
longed to him, and which was worth £2O, was ham-
strung, and he was compelled to destroy it. On the
night of March 8, 1854, while he was. in bed, his
mother-in-law fancied that she smelt some powder,
and on going down to the door she saw a man put-
ting some powder under the door. She immediately
called out to witness, and before he could get down
to the door there was another explosion. He was
not hurt much, as fortunately he was
at a little dis-
tance from the door at the time the powder exploded.
While he was downstairs he heard another explo-
sion some distance off, and he afterwards found that
handle makers' trade, contrary
ithi
swsa so n atto
ttheh ehouse of a scythe grinder, who had put
to the rules of that society. Being afraid that some
further outrages would be committed upon him, he
his house. Some little time after-
wardsan anonymous letter warning
borrowed a gun from a man named David Ward,
and that
Ward he
keptreceived
in
him that he had better get back his gun. On Whit
Sunday
of
was fired at him by some one who was standing
about 20 yards off.
iogfht his, 1854,
house, soma
andsoto n stones
his going out a gun
were thrown on
Immediately afterwards another
gun was fired at him by some one who must have
been standing at a different point. The shot from
the second gun entered his body from his right arm
up to his chin. He then rushed across the road in the
direction where the guns had been fired, and when he
got near a wall another gun was fired at him, the shots
penetrating his right arm and so seriously injuring it
that he had never been able to straighten it since.
He was taken to the Infirmary, and remained there
11 weeks. From the time the powder was laid at.his
door till he was shot some one remained up in his
house all night, as persons were often seen at night
at the back of his house, and when they found they
were noticed they always ran away. He also took
extra precautions to secure his house; in fact, he had
double shutters to his windows to the present time.
Mr. Overend—From whom did you desire to pro-
tect yourself ?
Witness—Why, of course, from the Union.
Witness continued—After he came out from the
Infirmary Broadhead saw him, and said, " Well,
Parker, let's see if we can't have the matter settled;
let bygones be bygones." He replied, " It's hard to
be lamed, and then let such a thing as that be
bygones." The Saw Grinders' Union when he came
out of the Infirmary presented that institution with
a donation of £2O.
The Rev. Mr. Aldred, incumbent of Dore, spoke
to the frequency of the shootings at night before
Parker was shot.
William Broadhead, sectretary of the Saw
Grinders' Union, was the next witness. Great in-
terest was felt in his evidence from the serious way
in which the evidence of previous witnesses impli-
cated him, and his conspicuous position in connexion
with trade unions. He looked paler than usual, but
appeared to be perfectly cool and self-possessed, and
gave thefollowing evidence :—I have been secretary
of the Saw Grinders' Union since 1849. I had been
secretary for a time some years before. There are
about 150 members of the union. All who have
been apprenticed to the trade are eligible as mem-
bers of the union. Others can only be admitted by
special arrangement, lu the admission of mem-
bers ability is rather considered than character.
There have been ticket-of-leave men members.
The business of the union is managed by seven
committee men, who meet weekly, and the secre-
tary. Such questions as those which engaged
the attention of the Court yesterday—the Linley
and other outrages have not come before the com-
mittee.
Before whom did they come ? —Before myself
and the parties who named them ; and I am pre-
pared to endorse in substance all Hallam and
Crookes have said. There are some discrepancies
in detail,

Did you then hire Crookes to shoot at Linley iirs r
the first instance ?---I regret to say, sir, I did.
Did you pay him £2O ?---My impression is that,
it was il5.

Did you hire Crookes and Hallam to shoot at.
Linley the second time ?—I did.
Did you pay them £2O for the second shooting?
—My impression is that it was £l5 on both occa-
sions ; I may be wrong.
Had you any personal quarrel with Linley
had no personal quarrel with any one.
What induced you to hire these men to shoot
Linley ?—I do not wish to extenuate my own con-
duct at all. Crookes came to me and made the offer.
I was induced to accept it because Linley was doing
great harm to the Union, having recently left his
own trade (scissors-grinder), which was poorly paid,
in consequence of having no Union, and come into
the saw trade, which, having a Union, was well
paid. He was doing the mischief not so much by
coining into the trade as by setting all the rules at
defiance, and introducing such a large number of
apprentices. I thought he would ruin the trade
and bring ruin upon all of us. After the first shoot-
ing I had begun to dismiss the thing from my mind,
when on my visiting Eagle works Hallam came up
to me and said, " "What about Linley? He can be
done for £15." I paused, for it came upon me as
an unpleasant subject. Something was said about
the mischief, and I then said I would consider about
it. I left him. On consideration I felt that for
the salvation of the Union it was necessary some-
thing should be clone. It crossed my mind that
Hallam was not 'the man to be trusted. I
reflected on it several days, until Crookes
came to me upstairs and mentioned the subject in
connexion with Hallam's name. I felt more at
liberty to be free with him. I asked what he pro-
posed to do. He said he should shoot him, but not
kill him. Nothing was said as to where he was to
be shot. Jle was not to be shot in a vital part ;
there was a clear understanding that he was to
wound but not to kill Linley, and I had confidence
both in his nerve and his skill as a marksman. With
great pain I assented to this.
Why ?—Because I felt the necessity of doing
something, or the Union would be destroyed, as
there was no legal defence for the Union. I looked
upon the thing as an absolute necessity. Linley had
a wheel full of apprentices, and they were appren-
tices he had brought out of the scissors trade with
him.

On further inquiry it appeared that Linley had
six apprentices only.
The Chief Examiner—And was your only reason
for consenting to the shooting of this poor man the
fact that he had six apprentices ?
Witness—Yes. I knew if it was allowed to go
on others would do the same, and the trade would
be ruined. I knew before the shooting that Hallam
and Crookes were dodging Linley from public-
house to publichouse. In my heart I wish they
never had met him ; and the thing hung fire so
long I began to think they had given the thing up,
and was not sorry. At length the newspapers un-
deceived me one morning. I paid them for shoot-
ing Linley after, not before he was shot. I did not
employ Clark or Shaw to blow up Hellewell. I never
gave money to any one to get powder for that pur-
pose. The statement of Shaw that I paid him £3
for blowing up Hellewell is false. No one ever ap-
plied to me for money for that purpose, and I have
no knowledge whatever who put the powder in his
trough. I employed Hallam and Crookes to blow
up Wheatman and Smith.
The Chief Examiner—Why ?

Witness—Because they had introduced machinery,
for grinding straight saws. I then thought the ma-
chinery would interfere with the payment for hand
labour. My opinions have changed since. There
was something said about blowing the chimney
down. At another interview it was said this was
impracticable, and eventually the powder was put
up a drain. My impression is I paid them by in-
stalments, and that £l5 was the amount. I had an
objection to dealing with Hallam in the matter,
having more confidence that Crookes would keep
the secret.

The Chief Examiner—Many witnesses have said
you employed them to ratten ; is that true ?
"Witness—Yes. I may occasionally have written
notes in such cases telling persons who had paid
their arrears where their bands were to be found.
Generally the man who did the rattening wrote the
notes. I had not to send men to ratten ; they gene-
rally undertook the " jobs" themselves. I employed
men to ratten for not paying their contributions
and for non-compliance with the rules of the society
in other respects. In some cases men who did not
afterwards comply with the rules of the society
never got their bands back. In other cases the
Union has bought new bands to replace those
broken. I have employed men to ratten in hun-
dreds of cases during my 20 years' secretaryship—
probably in more than 100 cases during the last ten
years. I would not say it may not be 200.
Witness was closely pressed for the names of the
men he had employed to ratten, but persisted in say-
ing he could not give the names.
"Witness proceeded —All the rattening in which I
have been concerned has been done for the benefit
of the trade, never from private malice. Individuals
have sometimes done it from private motives. I
wish to God the whole system was swept away and
legal powers given in its stead. It was because we
had no legal power we rattened. Other trades'
unions have adopted the same system. The system
has, I believe, prevailed in every grinding trade in
Sheffield, and in some other trades. It would have
prevailed here in other branches if there had been
the same facilities—bands to take, or other portable
and accessible tools. In our trade the rule has been
for the books to be left open for the inspection of
all the members, and ratteners selected their own
victims. Formerly the name of defaulters were
called over before the whole body, but that is done
away with. At one time there was an investigation
committee before whom I used to place lists of
members in arrear. Persons who failed to come to
an arrangement with the investigating committee
would have their cases laid before the general
meeting, with " highly disapproved of," " deserves
thirty stripes," or some other such remark appended
to their names. These were simple " jokes," and
had no special meaning.
Mr. Overend—Were the men whose names were
thus read over at the meeting afterwards rattened ?
—Yes.

Was not that the object for which they were
read over ?—No ; it was to expose them. We
expected, however, rattening would follow. The
members who were right on the books required that
the names of defaulters should be read over.
Sometimes a defaulter was simply censured.

I find attached :to the name of one defaulter the
following :—,‘ This case is hopeless." What does
that mean ?-11e had been frequently warned, and
had refused to pay up. I dare say he would be
rattened afterwards.

The names of some persons are to be " trans-
ferred to the black book." Have you such a book?
—No ; that is a joke. _ _

Several members in arrears are to be " handled
by the committee." What does that mean?—They
would be left in the hands of the investigating
committee.

Some members are "to come under the law."
What law ?—lt would depend upon what rule
they had violated. If they were in arrears, an ar-
rangement would be come to with them to pay so
much per week. The duties of the investigating
committee were to inquire into arrears, and get
payment the best way they could. I was a perma-
nent member of tL; committee,

?dr, OvEREND read a series of resolutions passed
at a general meeting of the trade, under which the
committee were empowered to take any steps they
thought necessary to enforce the rules, and they
were to incur any expense they thought proper, no
member to question how the money was expended.
Witness replied that the committee acted on these
resolutions.

If the objects of the committee were perfectly
lawful, why were they empowered to spend money
without accounting for it ?—We frequently em-
powered men to watch others, and their proceedings
we did not wish to make public. Sometimes the
committee paid for the commission of illegal acts.
Then if the committee paid a man for blowing up

a mill or murdering a man, the money so paid would
come under the heading of expenses incurred by the
investigating committee ?—Yes. The committee
knew nothing of what I paid for the blowing up of
' Messrs. Wheatman's premises or for the murdering
of Liuley. That money I abstracted, embezzled if
you like, from the funds of the union. At that time
we received about £4O per week for contributions,
and from that I abstracted little by little the money
to pay for the outrages. If a member paid 12s. per
week contribution, I entered him as paying Bs., and
kept the difference. For the rattenings, of which
the committee were cognizant, they would pass a re-
solution what sum should be paid, and I paid it. The
committee kept no books. Their proceedings were
entered on sheets which have since been destroyed.
There is no minute in existence of their proceedings.
Of my embezzling the money and what I did with
it the committee knew nothing.
On your oath, Sir, is not that a lie ?—lt is not.
And were not the committee fully aware of what
you were doing ?—They were not.
There is an item in your accounts " services
rendered to the trade ?"—Yes ; little services ;
nothing wrong.

After Linley was shot and was recovering, did
you caution employers not to engage him, as he
had " brought upon himself the vengeance of the
whole trade ?"—I don't recollect, but I won't swear
one way or the other.

Further examined.—l took the money in the way
I did because I knew the committee would not
examine the accounts minutely. The books we
had at the time Linley was shot I have destroyed.
They would have confirmed all I am now stating.
The balance-sheets as copied from the books by
myself were audited. I knew I ran great risk of
detection, but 1 conducted my embezzlements so
carefully that I was never suspected. I falsified
some hundreds of accounts in order to get the money,
but I don't remember that a single member ever
complained of his accounts being so falsified al-
though all had access to the books. When I re-
quired money to be paid for rattenings the com-
mittee would give it me and asked no questions.
Some rattenings were done from improper motives.
I remember writing to the secretary of the Union
connected with another branch of our trade, threat.
ening to withdraw from the Amalgamated Union if
they allowed of rattenings. On this occasion their
men had rattened ours.

Mr. Overend.—Have you ever authorised powder
to be put in a man's trough to blow him up ?—No,
never. On an average we have had from 40 to 50
men on the box. We have, perhaps, half a dozen
men on the box who had not worked for years, the
other members considering it worth while to keep
their labour out of the market. No man is allowed
to apply for work, the object being to keep the la-
bour out of the market.

Mr. Overend—l should think Tucker, Clarke,
and Martin are about as consummate scoundrels as
ever existed ?—They had their faults.
Mr. Overend—And the men who have been on
the box for years have done your rattenings ?—Not
all. Shopmatcs often ratter each other. We pay
ss. for rattening a band ; the same for a nut. If
they have a great deal of trouble, they have more.
Mr. Overend—Did you employ Martin, who is
now in America, to blow up Fearnehough ?—No.
Mr. Overend—ls it not a fact that before the ex-
plosion Martin had Gs. per week scale, and after-
wards 10s. per week ?—I do not remember.
Mr. Overend read from the minutes of the
general committee that soon after the explosion
Martin applied for funds to take him to America,
but they were refused, as he had been sent out be-
fore. At the same meeting, at which information
was received of the appointment of the Commis-
sion, a resolution was passed granting Martin £5 to
take him to America.—Witness replied that the re-
solution was passed by a general meeting contrary
to the wishes of the committee, as it was a violation
of one of the rules. Martin did not receive the
money until his departure was guaranteed. He
knew Martin was suspected of being concerned in
the Hereford-street outrage, but no effort was made
to prevent his leaving the country.

The Court then adjourned the further examina-
tion of Broadhead.

Broadhead on leaving the court was mobbed, and
had to be escorted to a cab under the protection of
the police.

Naval and Military Intelligence.

Yesterday being the anniversary of Her Ma-
jesty's accession, a Royal salute was fired at noon
from the Spur battery, Chatham, Tilbury Fort, and
the battery at Sheerness. The guardships, and the
whole of the other vessels of war in harbour,
" dressed " and were decorate I with colours. The
ships in Portsmouth harbour and Victoria, at Spit-
head, were also dressed, and the Royal standard
was hoisted at the different batteries on shore, as
well as the Government establishments. At noon
a Royal salute was fired from the ships in commis-
sion and the garrison battery, led off by the Victory,
flagship of Rear-Admiral G. Wellesley, during the
absence of the Commander-in-Chief of the port,
Admiral Sir T. S. Pasley. At Plymouth all the
ships of war and merchant vessels were yesterday
gaily dressed in colours. At noon Royal salutes
were fired from the citadels.

An Admiralty order received at Chatham directs
the dockyard and naval establishments at that port
to be closed on Saturday, the 29th inst., in addition
to the 28th inst., the anniversary of her Majesty's
coronation, the additional day's holiday thus given
being previously worked up by the hands employed
in the dockyards.

The unarmoured line-of-battle screw steamer
Trafalgar, 72, 2,900 tons, 500-horse power, lately
employed as coastguard ship at Queensferry, Scot-
land, turned over her officers and crew yesterday to
the Duncan, 81, 800-horse power, which will suc-
ceed the Trafalgar as guardship in the Forth. The
Trafalgar has been placed in the steam reserve in
the Medway, but by direction of the Admiralty she
is not to be dismantled nor her armament removed,
as it is expected she will be required to take part in
the approaching naval review at Spithead.
The Euphrates, new troopship, Capt. Montague
B. Dunn, left Spithead yesterday morning for the
Indian troop service. The following officers took
passage in her to join their respective regiments in
India :--Capt. Dumbleton and Lieut. Coghlan, 21st
11ussars; Capt. Kirkland, 106th Foot; Lieut. Greg-
son, 26th Regiment ; Lieut. Faulkner, 95th Regi-
ment; Lieut. Bancraft, Ist battalion sth Regiment;
Capt. Goren, Ist battalion 19th Regiment ; Ensigns
Welch, Lloyd, and Greenaway, 108th Regiment
Ensign Yule, 74th Regiment ; Ensign Tower, 95th
Regiment; Ensign Rind, 102 d Regiment; Ensign
Roden, Ist battalion 19th Regiment; Ensign
Mayne, 49th Regiment ; Ensign Fair, Ist battalion
4th Regiment ; Staff Assist. - Surg. Lougheed ;
Quartermaster Robinson, 18th Brigade Royal Ar-
tillery, and lady.
Major-Gen. Travers, C. 8., Inspector-General of
the Royal Marine Forces, attended by Capt. Len-
nox, A.D.C., visited Forts Cumberland and East-
ney yesterday morning, and inspected the Royal
Marine Artillery stationed there, and witnessed the
shot, shell, and gun practice. The General very
minutely inspected the quarters of the men, schools,
arms, and kits, more especially the new barracks,
recently built for the corps, and before leaving ex-
pressed his unqualified approbation of all he had
witnessed.

An order was yesterday received at Chatham
garrison from the Horse Guards announcing that
the corps of Royal Engineers, numbering eight
di visions, will proceed to Lorntri on the sth prox.
for the purpose of taking part in the military re-
view to be held by her Majesty in Ifyde Park. It
understoOd that the various divisions of
Royal Marine Light Infantry will furnish a sufli-
eient number of men to form a brigade on the
occasion.

A detachment of 31 non-commissioned officers
and men of the Depot Brigade, Royal Artillery,
have joined the headquarters of the first division
from Woolwich.

The following appointments were made yesterday
at the Admiralty :—Lieut. Arthur 11. Byng, to the
Achilles ; J. Molloy, master, to the Flora ; Sub-
Lieut. George G. Crompton, to the Daphne, and
W. Way, second master, to the Serapis.

UNIVERSITY REPRESEN 7 ATION.

OnWednesday evening a meeting of St. Andrew's
Medical Graduate Asiociation was held at the Free-
masons' Tavern, under the chairmanship of Dr.
Richardson, the president, principally for the pur-
pose of promoting an organisedopposition to a clause
in the new Scotch Reform Bill, by which the gra-
duates are excluded from voting for a representative
of their university, The chairman said he was
happy to state that since their last meeting,
when the question of the enfranchisement of the
university was discussed, their efforts had to a
large extent been successful. It was true that
they had yet to exert themselves, but he was
glad to be able to say, from a correspondence which
had taken place between Dr. M'lntyre, Mr. Sclater-
Booth, and Mr. Beach, that in consequence of the
representations which had been made to the Go-
vernment the Lord Advocate, who had the bill in
hand, said he had reason to believe an amended
clause would b 3 immediately introduced. Ile
should say that since they last met they had had
ample proof of the influence which their graduates
had with members of Parliament ; indeed he
might add that at the present time they could
get thirty members to go to the Government
in their behalf. Dr. M'lntyre said that the
clause in question must be expunged entirely or
modified to a great extent, because in its present
form it was derogatory to them, keeping as it did
the whole of the St. Andrew's graduates out of the
constituency of the university. He himself pre-
ferred the entire expulsion of the clause, and he
should like to know the opinion of the meeting in
reference to it. The chairman, with the concur-
rence of the meeting, asked Dr. M'lntyre to embodY
his opinion on the subject in an instruction to the
council. Before their discussion on the subject
ceased he thought it right to say that as Mr. Ellis,
M.P., told them broadly there was reason for sup-
posing that degrees were bought at St. An-
drew's, he wrote to Mr. Troop, the registrar of
the university, and received a reply from that gen-
tleman that there was no truth whatever in the as-
sertion that degrees were got by purchase. Dr.
Rogers said that in a conversation with John Stuart
Mill he found that the hon. gentleman had an
opinion that the degree of St. Andrew's was simplY
honorary, and said that the House of Commons
had an objection to the admission of gentle-
men to the suffrage who simply possessed
honorary degrees. He thought it was desir-
able the association should take the trouble
to diSabuse the minds of the House of Commons
and of the Government of that false impression.
Dr. Williams moved a resolution to the effect that
the council of the association be requested to urge
upon the Government the claim of the medical
graduates of St. Andrew's to vote for the repre-
sentation of that university. As proof of the status
of the graduates, he mentioned that in London
there were twelve connected with the public
schools and twelve in the provinces, and there
were also between sixty and seventy St. An-
drew's men attached to the public hospitals and
dispensaries in London as honorary members, ana,
iu the country districts about one hundred and
seventy. He thought those facts warranted si
comparison with any other university as regarded
the public usefulness of the medical graduates. Pr•
Sedgwick seconded the motion, and it was Una-
nimously adopted.