The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-05 00:00:00

TII.EI SUIV, LONDON, FRIDAV EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, ENg.

of France were unreasonable enough to expect such a
sacrifice of constitutional feeling and principle on the
part of this country, they were lamentably deluded ; and,
however much he might regret the feelings which would
be en endered, he mast say that ail feelings must be
g
risked for the preservation of vital principles, (Cheers.)
Bat, while no person ought to be punished without evi-
dence, or without a violation of the laws of this country, it
was a question well worthy of the consideration of the
Government of this country what were the laws and how
far they affected this description of crime. He would
not presume to express any opinion as to the specific
measure which might be introduced—a measure which
might cause greateralarm to persons contemplating such
offences, or give greater proof of our good-will to the
sensitive people of France ; but be did think the subject
was one deserving grave and attentive consideration, and
he was sure that if the Government could see their way to
the making the law more effectual for the prevention of
attempts at assassination without infringing the great
principles involved in the right of asylum, a proposal
framed on that basis would he readily and cheerfully ac-
quiesced in by Parliament. He had deemed it expedient
and desirable being wholly unconnected With. Governm!nt,
who had not thought fit to utteranyexpression of opeal.on,
that he should take the first opportunity afforded to huh,
after the late most disastrous event,. to state. inParlia-
ment the views which he entertained on this subject ; to
express the deep interest which be felt m the continued
life and health of the Emperor of the French ; the vital
importance which he attached to the keeping np a good
understanding, not merely between the governments, but
also between the people of England and France ; the
deep sense which he had of the paramount importance of
the maintenance of the present Government— a Govern
ment of which he would say nothing except that he be-
lieved that at the present moment it was the Government
which was best adapted to promote the happiness and
interest of the people of France. (Hear, bear.) Ile had
thought it expedient and desirable that he should do what
in him lay to remove misconception from the minds of
those who had been deluded in reference to the feelings
of the people of England and the state of the law ; and
also that he should ask her Majesty's Government not to
state the nature of any particular measure which they
might contemplate, but to explain how far they concurred
in the general principles which be had laid down, and
whether it was their wise,notwithstanding the imprudence,
notwithstanding the fully, notwithstanding the irritat-
ing languaee of those to whom he had referred—instead
of retaliating in any way fur such displays, to give every
possible security to the lives of foreign sovereigns against
the atrecious and abominable crime of assassination, and
even to see whether there was any defect in the law ;
and if so, whether that defect might net be removed ;
without reference, of course, to any political considers-
tions, and solely with a view to the prevention of
crime which was abhorrent to the feelings of the people
of England ? (Hear, hear.)
Earl GRANVILLE said he could not imagine any-
thing that would more surprise their lordships than a
general essay from himself, alter an adjournment of two
months, on almost all political matters ; and he should,
therefore, only touch very briefly on some of the
points on which the noble earl appeared to think the
Government ought to have given explanations. First,
with regard to the monetary state of this country. It
really appeared to him that he would have been guilty
of a most extraordinary intrusion, considering that a
great improvement had taken place when Parliament
separated, and that that improvement had continued up
to that moment, if he had started up the moment parlia-
ment re-assembled and given any impressions of his own
with respect to banking, and stated facts which must
have been perfectly w,ll known to every one in that
house. Tee noble earl had expressed surprise at his not
having alluded to the achievements of our soldiers in
India. His noble friend (Lord Panmure) had just given
notice that he would, on Monday next, move a vote of
thanks to that army, whose trilliant teats entitled it to
the gratitude of the country. On that occasion the noble
earl and other noble lords welsh' have an opportunity of
expressing their feelings on that subject ; and he thought
that, under thecircumstances, it would have been childish
and improper in him to anticipate the task which his
noble friend had undertaken to perform within so short a
period. (Hear.) His noble friend thought he ought also
to have anticipated the attacks which were to be made
upon the government on account of the manner in which
affairs had been managed in India. When the proper
time arrived his noble friend would be able to enter
into the details of that question, and it would, he be-
lieved, then be found that the government were not
remiss in sending out troops, that they were not remiss
in sending out reinforcements and horses, and that the

greatest exertions were made by the authorities at home
to do all that was required. The noble earl had spoken
of their being at war with tso countries, when, as he
said, they were totally unprepared for war with either.
As regarded India, to accuse the government of not
having been prepared for war there, appeared be him
most unreasonable. Was anybody prepared for what
had taken place ? (Hear.) With respect to China, he
utterly denied that they had not been prepared. Experi-
ence had shown that the preparations were more than
sufficient for the purpose ; but the force prepared was
deviated to India. At the present moment, without
imbitracting inconveniently from the army in India,
the force in China was quite sufficient to carry out
the objects in view. The noble earl said the policy of
the Chinese war was .wrong. It might be wrong. The
subject had, however, been debated in that house and
in another place, and it was afterward,' referred to the
country at large, which gave a most triumphant verdict
in favour of the policy of her Maj,";ty's government.
(Ministerial cheers.) Woul•l the noble earl contend that
after such a verdict had been given, the government who
inaugurated the policy in question would have been jus-
tified in departing from it, leaving everything in staeu quo,
and seeking no redress or compensation for the injuries
which had been committed. (Lieu.) The noble earl

went cn to express surprise that he had not taken that
opportunity to allude to an event of great importance,
namPly, the attempt which had lately been made on
the life of the Emperor of the French. Now it certainly
would ha►e been a most agreeable task, either for him•
sell or any one sitting on that bench, to have taken the
very earliest opportunity to express their abhorrence, nut
only as members of her Majesty's government, not only
as members of that house, but as Englishmen, at an at-
tempt to obtain politicalobJects by that most dastardly of
all crime 4, assassination; and it would have been equally
agreeable to them takave expressedtheiroordialsatisfactios
thatalthough, unfortunately, many individuals were either
killed or hurt through this moat nefarious attempt, the
lives of the Emperor and Empress of the French were
saved, as the noble earl remarked, by an almost
miraculous interposition. He believed, however, that
he would have pursued a course which was ent-rely un-
precedented had he started up and made such a declara-
tion without there being any question before their
lordship's house. The noble earl thought that her
Majesty's government ought to have expressed some
opinion with regard to what had passed in France. No
one certainly could regret more than they did those in-
temperate addresses which were founded on a total

7
misapprehension of the feelings of the people of this
country, and which were issued by officers under the
excitement created by the attempt made on the lives of
the Emperor and Empress. He felt great regret that
any publicity should have been given to such addressee
(hear, hear)—but at the same time he felt, as he was
sure every one would do who reflected calmly on
t' t' ' -`an r V resees else 04., j ,L., r e a
emanated from any parties in another state, it would be
perfectly unworthy of a great nation like this not to
take the course which it thought right abstractedly,
apart from all other considerations. Ile was glad to hear
from the noble earl a clear statement of his views as to
the impossibility of this country ever giving up the right,
which was its boast and pride, of affording refuge and
hospitality to natives of all countries, whatever might be
their political or personal opinions. It would be crimi-
nal for any government to propose any measure tending
to abridge the personal liberty either of Englishmen or
of foreigners who happened to live in this country. If,
indeed, there were any defect in the existing law it was
the duty of this government to endeavour to remedy it
as soon as possible, and he understood that notice had
been given in the other house of parliament that evening
of a measure which it was hoped would have the desired
effect. He was glad that the noble earl had had an op-
portunity of explairiog the principles of the law in re'er-
erne to this subjtet ; and he would only add, flat while
the government were determined not to give up the right
of asylum, they would use all effectual means in their
power to prevent the dastardly crime of conspiring
either to assassinate or to murder. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY was surprised at the
evident intention of the noble earl who had just spoken
to, (litanies that house without any intimation as to the
course which the Government meant to pursue during a
session-which must prove a very important one. The
noble earl said the country had given a verdict in favour
him
of the Chinese war. He challenged to state on what
any Op
day and in which house• ion had been given
since the new Parliament aerrenatleld' which would justify
hear.) that assertion. (Hear,
He vilvi sure that the want
of troops in India must haver 4 made both Parliament and
the country regret that they
had ever engaged in the
Chinas° quarrel. There was one important subject to
'which hie noble friend (the Earl of I),rt,y) forgot to
allude. He should like to hear
which
was rife in townther or not there
viic
was any truth in the rumour
t
to the effect that her Majesty'a Govern
.propose the abolition of the douhemen intended to
India. If such was their intention, ho shigonvldtrd7peereteatoef
its fulfilment in the strongest manner. (Hear.) 1
conceive nothing so dangerous in the present crirld
the introduction of a measure to change the system 8 of
government in India. He woull express no opinion as
to the merits of the doable government ; but he must
say that, in hie julguient, it would he most fatal and
foolish, for the guverement to embark in a new scheme
of legislation when the country was on fire from one end
to the other. It was as if one of their lordships, having
his house on fire, sent ha. an architect to rebeill it Le
fore the fire had been put out. (Bear) Having seen
a statement in the newspapers to the effect that the'. had been no mutilations of women rand children in India during the late disturbances, he wished to eeptees his
belief that that statement was incorrect. (dear,) Very
little knowledge of the Lneale mind and of human nature
was required to convince any one that the persons said
to have been injured would be the list persons to offer
any proof of the fact ; but he was in a position to give
references in private which would eat'sfy ariy person,,
that mutilations had taken place. It Was the knowledge
to which English women and children had been subjected
which gave Havelock and his men the superhuman
energy and strength they displayed in the conflict with
the enemy. (lit ter.)
Earl GRANVILLE begged to say that it was the
intention of her Majesty's government speedily to bring
in a bill for the improvement of the government of India.
Lord PAN-MIME said the noble earl (the Earl of
Derby) had made some statements with regard to the
t
sending of reinforcements to India which he could I
suffer to go forth to the public without comment, In

the first place, the noble earl said the first detachment
of artillery was sent out without guns, without horses,
and without equipments. The explanation of that was,
thatth n t tnhne
the Court
arrival o f
i,
ni nre
Calcutta,ply to inquiries,
ihnr inemisy,
horses, but everything else, would be phnare33l for Le,
so that they might go at once to the field.
hadthe inextou
n adetachmentthat sentin
India
i thea
.a
eCr Court nnr
not
to
ifnythe Directors
state t
they had supposed. Accordingly the men were sent oat
w with gunsand equipments, and adouble setof ha.
mightnhessas
sent with every gun, in order that any guns whim c,
Le found serviceable in India, but for which there was no
harness there, might be supplied with harness from this
country. Yet the noble earl had stated publicly, with-
out having taken pains to ascertain the truth, that the
artillery were sent out without their guns and equip
mente. In the case of the artillery, not a man was sent
out who was not a trained soldier ; in the case of the
line, no one was sent who had not at all events gone
through a course of practice with the Minis musket ;
and he would tell the noble earl that the troops recently
despatched to India were very superior to those sent to
reinforce the army of the Duke of Wellington during
the great Peninsular war. As regarded horses, any one
who reflected on the matter must feel that the sending
of horses to Chlcutta, either by way of the Cape or by
way of Alexandria, was a work of great difficulty ; but
the Government had not been inattentive to the require-
ments of India as regarded horse', and he must do the
Court of Directors the justice to say that they, as well
as the Government, had exerted themselves to procure
horses, and that horses had been obtained to a consider-
able extent from the Cape, from Australia, and from
the provinces adjeining India, from which places they
would probebly be enabled to obtain an adequate
supply. No demand had been made upon the Govern-
ment for reinforcements which they had not met. At
the present time there was a constant stream of 1,000
troops per month flowing into India, and he was not
without hopes that they would coon be enabled to
increase that nuatb...r. A regiment was now being raised
in Canada, which was to be called "The 100:h
Regiment," and was to be attached to the line ; and
instructions had been sent out to other colonies with the
view of obtaining reinforcements there.
The Earl of DERBY would like to know whether
these new troops were not merely to be raised, but
officered, in the colonies, considering the latter pint a
very important one as regarded the connection between
the colonies and the mother-country. (Hear.)
Lord PANNIURE said it was intended that the
regiments should to a great extent be officered by
persons living in the colonies.
Earl GREY was exceedingly glad that her Majesty's
Government appeared to be alive to the importance of
meeting the increased demand for men. He differed
from the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) with
regard to the embodying of the militia, believing that
that made the militia a direct competitor with the line.
He thought that if the matter were investigated it would
be found that during the war with Russia the embodi-
ment of the militia was themost expensive andineffectual
mode of raising men that could possibly have been
adopted. His noble friend (Lord Panmure) was right in
anticipating continued demandetrom India. The con-
test was not yet over, and a considerable time, he
believed, must elapse before we should be free from
demands fur reinforcements. He entirely concurred
with the noble earl, that in such a state of affairs
nothing could be more impolitic, nothing so morally
wrong, as to enter into a new war with China, and at
such a moment begin a contest of which nobody could
foresee the end. Assuming that they took Canton,
where would they be then r Their difficulties would
only begin. Would they hold it ? He knew no station
in the whole world in which British troops suffered so
i dn
nCr
ihnign a.
the Hp
eel,
ilennde
ww
hetnh a
tt h
edyu rnienegn
pt. heed f otir mn
ne
gr
much
war, anda
Kong, it was found that no climate in the world, not
even that of the West Indies, taking the whole year
round, caused a greater consumption of men. If they
took Canton, they should hold it ; and when once they
entered on a wrong course every step woull lead them
into new difficulties. It was said they were bound to
take it, because, indeed, the conduct of Sir J. Bowring
had plunged them into a quarrel, in which they had gone
on without having either right or reason on their side,
and they were now about to inflict the horrors of a.
bombardment on the innocent people of Canton. If the
Chinese were content with allowing them to hold it,and
refused to make terms, what were they to dog How were
they to go on when every new step would only make it
more difficult to stop or to go on ! That was not a time to
debate the Chinese question, but he must say it was an
event unexampled in their Parliamentary bietory that they
should now be actually engaged in war with China,
although no authentic declaration had been made to
Parliament and to the world what the objects of that
war were. (Hear, hear.) All they knew was, that when
the subject was discussed some time since, their lord-
ships had refused by a small mejority to condemn the
conduct of the government, but the other house had
condemned them. Since then Parliament had not been
informed for what they were now going to fight, nor
what were the objects for which hostilities were being
carried on. They learned, indeed, from the newspapers,
but from the newspapers only, that one of their objects
was to compel the Chinese to pay for the damage done
to the property of the English merchants resident in
that country. That demand was as unprincipled as
any ever made by a great country on a helpless power.
If it had been made by Russia on Turkey, or any other
small state, it would have been condemned from one
end of this country to the other. If that was really to
be one of the demands it was impossible to stigmatiae it
too strongly : it was as impolitic as it was wrong. There
was much force in the observation made by a noble earl
opposite, that a great deal of evil had arisen from having
demanded compensation for merchants in the last war.
They had already been compensated by the increased
value given to their commodities by the war; and by
the demand for compentetion that unhappy war, which
no one could look back on without blushing, was turned
into a source of profit for them. Nothing could be more
impolitic nor more dangerous than to give persons of
that kind an interest in engaging this country in war.
Lord BROUGHAM wished to direct attention to two
points. He regretted to be obliged to agree with his
noble friends that, although the worst of the crisis in
India had passed over, yet they must be prepared to
Lave on their hands some five or six months of war. In
addition to the operations in China, they could not
expect those iu Central India and Oude to finish before
that time. He could not but express his surprise that
such a moment should be chosen for bringing forward a
large and most important measure—neither more nor
less than the final settlement (as it was hoped) of the In-
dian government—of the relations between the Indian
and Imperial councils, and between the Indian and Im-
perial governments and the proprietary body. It was a
subject of great difficulty and immense complexity
involving the largest interests, and he would venture to
say that it would be better to consider that final settle-
ment at a time when all the operations of war were at
an end, and when they would be able calmly, deliberately
and with full and entire circumspection to examine the
whole case, The other matter to which he would refer
was the recent event—most unhappy in one respect, but
in another aspect most fortunate and providential—the
escape of the Emperor, of his capital, of France, of this
country, and of all Europe, from the most execrable
attempt, at the risk of murdering hundreds and with the
._:J. L........y cf ;.L...1 Ali: g a larg, I, au:t.)...r, to put an end to
that life so invaluable for the peace of France, for the
peace of Europe, and of the whole would. A great degree
of irritation had been produced by the fear into which
people had been thrown by the attempt. Fear wasalwaye
a bad counsellor, and in this case the exasperation pro-
duce], ( °vied with ignorance of the bearings of the
matter on this country, had led to requisition for things
some of which were impossible under the laws of this
country, and others which evon the present state of the
law rendered superfluous. When it was found that
publications were issued which not only extenuated but
even justified these acts, and even went so far as t i
lament over the failure of this plot, a claim was made
that alaw should be passed to repress and prevent such
publications. His answer to this was that the law
was sufficient as it now stcod. If any man was insane
enough to publish an exhortation to murder or to
defend a murder, he apprehended that he was guilty
of a misdemeanour, for which he could be most severely
dealt with ; again, if a man, inst.ad of a general paregy-
ric on tie a acts, were to point oat or indicate a par.i-
cular individual as an object, whether a foreign prince
or not, he had not t le least doubt he could be severely
punished. He remembered when a man was prosecuted
for a libel on the first Napoleon, when first consul, and
convicted. The was, however, broke out, and the man
most improperly was not brought up for judgment. He
had always believed Ult.; LordSidmouth had ac' ed very
wrongly in not having that man brought up for sentence.
There were, indeed, circumstances of mitigation in his
case wni,li would no doubt have been urged by his
counsel in his favour ; but, nevertheless, it was even
more requisite to bring him up for sentence after the war
broke out than befere. (Hear.) He recollected another
case before Lord Ellenborough in the Queen's Bench, in
1812. It was the case of a wager between two gentle-
men. One paid the other 1001., on condition that he
should receive a guinea a day as long as B )naparte lived;
the money not being paid, he brought his action. The
ease subsequently came before the full court oa a rule fur
a new trial, and all the points were raised and fully
argued ; the court decided that it was au immoral, aed
therefore an illegal act, as it might lead to the encou-
ragement of the crime of assassinating the Emperor.
It was urged he was an enemy. True," said Lord
Elleneereueb, " he is an enemy, but he should be put to
deathillegal.
tendency
, I:,
na
cIly: gwatalasway, c inou
encourage
en war,, by force, of arias, and
by assaasination." Any wager or ary contract having
as-a•sination was clearly
liras said that some refugees went further
an mere pubiicatio
there u.„ LI and encouraged those plot- ; ii
cement sheul I be rnadee!eb
enough to puni:,li them. If
i ,lgawlawwaswasstronnogt.
sufficient toap'e•Yeveenvitdteehntac-e of that,
doubt that any etursuornus'coueltd hbee wasieiutni thoughte
hedti twt sh;eoirae published wasaru enndo-
efeesupueecioafllythewe:eanctsthbeyutwheerled not
t
c‘nuruiofiunreadgbtorn
such ductrineep
aelf:etoeraanl defence
t on the life Of any prince. It had been said that,l by the law of Englandferige
it was high treason to compakasesiatosar
.imagineetnthe%dpeaatshs
or
the sovereign, why not m
(lil e
ab
be supported
were seise_
imagine the death of a foreign sovetrreig;et.;
was, that such an indictment co,ulied::
time
without an overt act. When the r
iet:xecution of
Charlescotes
It the
they reign
the statute of
were indicts] Charles
ectl4 under
Edward 111., in compassing and imagining
the late King Charles 1., of blessed- memgorYe, dardtheeoef
overt act laid was cutting off his head ; but they were
not indicted for that act. He would very much regret
to see any change in the law which would lead to a
revival of the old Alien Act; he entertained the strongest
objection to some of its provisions, and would not con
dent to re-enact them except in a most modified form.

Under the old a 6 person was sent back to the country
from which he he'd escaped. It was often put in motion
against debtors—e a creditor went to the Alien-office
and denounced h is debtor, and the man was at
once shipped of I. If such a power was to
be given again, they ought to allow tl e per-
son a choice as ,to the country to which he would be
sent. He was quit e sure the law of this country was
sufficient severely to punish such acts as those most com-
plained of, and he .L rusted her Majesty's Government
would see the neceeti ty of potting it in force as soon as
they had proof to amp port an indictment.
Lord CAMPBELX s said be had the honour to be the
head of the criminal j indiction in this country, and he
should most sincerely d eprecate any change which would
extend the power of the Government over aliens. The
law as it stood gave the Government as much power as it
ought to have. If thee -e men committed a crime, let
them be punished ; but a ntil they did, let them enjoy
the hospitality of this coo ntry. There was no doubt that
as the law now stood a conspiracy in this country, be-
tween British subjects or aliens, to assassinate a foreign
sovere'gn, to commit inure ler abroad, or disturb the peace
existing between this cum itry and any other in amity
with the Queen, was a n iisdemeanour liable to very
severe punishment, and :not merely a conspiracy, but
even the act of individuals. There was no doubt that
exhorting by word of mouth to commit a crime would be
a misdemeanour ; to exhort 'by words to commit murder
or to raise a riot, was certainly an offence ; and any
speaker doing so might at once be apprehended and
prosecuted. It was an diet ce to recommend a crime,
and on that ground the law of libel rested. He had the
honour to be a law officer of the Crown for nine years, and
the only information he filed ex officio was against Fer-
gus O'Connor for having, by his publication in the
Norther): Star, exhorted the people to plunder their
superiors, stating that the land was the property of the
nation, and ought to be divided ; he was convicted
and sentenced to two years' imprisonment ; no doubt
to do the same by aid of another would be
an offence. There was no reason for a change
in the law unless it was intended to give increased
power to the Government; if it was desired to em-
power the G ,vernmeet, on the requisition of any foreign
state, immediately, without any proof of complicity, to
expel an alien, then the law must be changed, but God
forbid it should. In this country, aliens and native born
subject are all considered subjects of her Majesty ;
while they remain here and obey the law, no distinction
is made between them. This country hod always been
an asylum for the oppressed, and he hoped it would
never lose that character. If there were some anomalies
in the law, or some diversity in the laws of different
parts of the United Kingdom, be would not resist a
change in those respects ; but if any proposal was made
to take away from aliens the rights they now enjoyed,
he would most strenuously resist it.
The Earl of HARD WICKE said that if the Secretary
for War was in his place he would have made some
inquiries as to the state of the defence of the country.
They had lost an army in India, and had been obliged to
replace it by the army which was required for the de-
fence of this country. He believed the army in India
was hardly sufficient for the work before them, but to
supply it the country had been entirely denuded of troops.
The Government ought to call out the whole of the
militia, as St was required tor the defence of the country,
and it would also be necessary to form anew army is
England to provide fur the exigencies of the service.
The state cf the navy, which, with the militia, was the
natural defence of the country, was contemptible, but
lust ad of keeping even this small force at home, they
were occupying it in a contemptible war, a war the most
contemptible and disgraceful the country had ever been
engaged in. The war commenced with a sham, and after
the spirited minister had succeeded in his object and got
his Parliament, be did nothing for a year : but now it
appeared, probably to please that Parliament, that they
were about to bombard Canton—that' bombardment
would be the most criminal and disgraceful act ever re-
corded in the history of this country. They proposed
I then to hobithat place with 1,000 marines and 600 tro .pa
' against the Chinese. Of all the contemptible proceedings
ever attempted, none was more so than the attempt to
hold the place with such a force against a great though
an un warlike nation. They could not expect to gain any-
thing by such a step except to rob this country of a
portion of its trade, and the defence of a portion of its
navy. He regretted that the noble lord (Pannaure) was
not in his place, as he meant to ask what he intended to
do with regard to the defences of the country, because
those defences were not in a condition they ought to be
in even under the most ordinary circumstances. He
feared that none of the noble lords opposite could much
enlighten him as to the state of the army and navy, and
should therefore wait for a future opportunity to put a
question on be subject of the national defences.
Tne subject then dropped.
BISHOPS' TRUSTS SUBSTITUTION BILL,
On the motion of the Bishop of OXFORD, the Bishops'
Trusts' Substitution Bill was read a first time.
THE VOTE OF THANKS TO THE INDIAN
ARMY.

In reply to the Earl of ELLENZOBOUGH,
Earl GRA.NVILLE sail that he would lay on the
table the terms of the vote of thanks to the Indian army.
The house adj )urned at a quarter past 7.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YEsTiitDAY.)
►Parliament re-assembled yesterday afternoon for the
despatch of general business. The members commenced
assembling at an early hour, and before half•past thrt•
more members had taken their placesttme were sufficient
to make a house. By four the benches were nearly half
filled, the majlrity being on the Ministerial side. Lord
Palmerston, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir C.
Wood, and Mr. Labouchere, members of the Cabinet,
arrived about half-past 4 o'clock.
The SPEAKER took the chair At a few minutes before
4 o'clock.

his intention to bring in a bill to facilitate the transfer
of land. (Hear, bear.)
EAST INDIA REINFORCEMENTS OF TROOPS.
Sir DE LACY EVANS rose to move, pursuant to
notice, for a select committee to inquire concerning the
measures resorted to, or which were available, and as to
the lines of communication adopted for reinforcing our
army, during the pending revolt in India, and to report
thereon to this house ; with a view to ascertaining the
arrangements which should be made, towards meeting
any future important emergencies involving the security
of our Eastern dominions. He moved the resolution,
omitting the last sentence, viz., " with a view of," &c.
Sir C. NAPIER seconded the motion.
Lord PALMERSTON said the Government had no
objection to the motion. They were desirous of giving
the house the fullest information on the subjee.
Mr. DISRAELI took an objection to the omis-
sion of the last senterce of the motion. He ob-
jected to a chan4e in the terms of a motion,
after due notice had been given of it, and entered on the
paper for the consideration of the house.
A discussion ensued on a point of order, whether the
omission could be made in the resolution, in which Mr.
Disraeli, Sir J. Pakingten. Lord J. Rushll, Mr. Roe-
buck, Air. Horefall, Sir Da Lacy Evans, and others
took part.
Lord PALMERSTON said the Government had no
objection to the form of words on the votes as being
comprehensive for the purpose required. He advised
the gallant General to withdraw his resolution and mote
it as it stood on the votes. The Government were
willing the inquiry should be made in the terms of the
resolution.

After some discussion, Sir DE L. EVANS withdrew
his motion, and Mr. ROEBUCK moved it as it stood on
the paper.
Mr. DISRAELI said the country had a right to know
why the change had been made in the tenni of the
resolution. It looked like an arrangement to prevent
discussion on the subject.
Sir DE L. EVANS denied that he had been actuated
by the motives ascr,be to him. He had not had any
communication with the Government on the matter.
Ultimately the resolution, in its entirety, was put to
the house.

After some remarks from Col, FRENeff,
Lord J. RUSSELL moved the omission of the words
in the resolution, after the word " house." No benefit
would result from the committee's complying with the
requirements of the last part of the resolution as it stood
on the paper. . .

Mr. tofSILAELI complained of the course now pro-
posed. The Solicitor-General, by putting this notice on
the paper, had prevented any other hon. member doing
so. It was right the subject involved should be discussed
and inquired into, but he did not think the house would
agree to the resolution as it now stood. He suggested
that the motion should be withdrawn and proposed on a
future day, when the subject might be properly dis•
cussed first,'lnd a committee be after wards appointed.
Lord rALMERSTON said the Government were
satisfied the inquiry Should take place, and they believed
it would be better attained by the labour of a committee
up stairs rather than by a debate in that house. The
right hon. gentleman was anxious for the sake of the
Government that the committee should not be appointed,
and he (Lord Palmerston) thanked the right hon. gen-
tleman for the interest he took in the Government, but
he was of opinion that inquiry would be more satisfac
tory than a desultory debate in that house. This was
precisely the subject that was fittest for an inquiry by
a committee. The right hon. gentleman had adverted
to the di +astrous effect of the monsoon in the desert of
Egypt, perhaps next be would speak of the dangers of
a sand storm in the Indian Ocean. (Laughter.) He
(Lor,l Palmerston) had given his reasons for the course
which had been adopted, and no doubt those reasons
were not satisfactory to the right honourable gentle-
man, but that was a misfortune which those on the
Treasury bench must expect to encounter. What he (Lord
Palmerstm) bad stated was that to send a large body of
troops by way of the Red Sea a large number of ships
would be required, and as those ships must have been
sent round the Cape to the Red Sea, it was better to
send the troops in them at once. He would not go into
the deals, they were for the committee to inquire into.
The right hoe. gentleman complained of being taken by
surprise, that he had not had notice enough to prepare a
speech. Why, if he had not bad sufficient notice in the
six weeks which had inVervened since the adjournment,
what would four or five days be now 7 Probably the
right hon. gentleman had discovered in that interval
that the result of the inquiry of the committee would not
be such as to meet tae views of the right hon. gentle.
man.

Mr. NAPIER thought the Government had exhibited
gi •►t courage in going into this committee, for ho could
tall them that things would coma out w hich they little
expected.

Sir DE LACY EVANS, in reply, said that the
variety of paternity attributed to the motion by the
right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire,
arose from his repeated objections to everything that
had been proposed by hon. gentlemen on that side of
the house in reference to the motion before them. The
right hon. gentleman was in error when he said that he
(Sir De Lacy Evans) had not introduced the subject in
the manner it deserved. His opinions on it were well
known, having repeatedly and freely exeressed them on
former occasions; but he presumed the cause of the
right hon. gentleman's anger arose from his having come
down to the house primed with a speech, which the
course of events hardly gave him a chance of de-
livering. (Laughter.) He denied that be was an
habitual supporter of the Government, as the right
honourable gentleman had charged him, or the
supporter of any party in that house. He owed
allegiance to no party, and claimed to be an independent
representative of- one of the largest constituencies in
the kingdom; and, as far as he could judge, they con-
sidered him such. He also distinctly denied the charge
that it had been arranged between him and the
Gevernment the course he should adopt, and said that
the only intimation he had of the intention of the
Government to grant this committee, was a statement
made in the House of Lords by Lard Granville to that
effect, before the Christmas recess—a piece of infor-
mation that was accessible to the right hon. gentleman,
and which was confirmed in that house by a similar
statement from the right hon. gentleman the President
of the Board of Control, He indignantly denied the
imputation of collusion, and said that in the former
discussions on the transport of troops to India he had
agreed with the right hon. gentleman, and quoted from
his speeches.
Mr. BENTINCK protested against the position in
which hon. members were placed by the course that
had been adopted. He could not vote for referring this
matter to a select committee, because his experience
taught him that to refer questions involving charges
against the Government to a Select committee was the
surest way of getting rid of them, and the noble lord
bad exercised sound discretion in accepting the motion.
If the house went to a division on the notion, he and
those who agreed with him would be placed hi a very
difficult position by having to record their opinion
against a portion of the motion, without having, an
opprtunity afforded them of recording their votes
against the original motion.
Sir J. ELPHINSTONE raid that he, in common
with large numbers in the country, held strong opinions
on the transport of the troops to India. He considered
that 'a-see bodies of troops at the early part of the rebel.
lion Leigh; have been trau.spor.ed ti India, across the
Isthmus of Suez without endangering the health of the
men, having himself ascertained from experience that
no physical impossibility prevented them crossing that
part of the desert. He knew that steamers were for
some time kept ready coaled at Bombay, waiting to be
sent to Suez the moment it was known that troops had
arrived there to be conveyed to India. Thera were
good barracks for the men at Cairo, a railway to convey
the troops some distance, and the remaining distance
might have been marched over by night,
so as to have
hid between 40) and 500 men to send diwn the Red Sea
at a time by the regular month'ysteamers. Calm weather
would haue assisted their transit, and the heat in the Red
Sea would not have been found half so hot by the men as
it was felt by their brother soldiers before Delhi. Having
gained the Straits of Babelmandel a south-',vest wind
would have carried them to Bombay, and from thence
they would have been carried by rail way in a few hours
to one of the most delightful climates in the world. He
thought the Government ought to have availed them-
selves ee the opportunity of sending troops across the
Isthmus of Suez at an earlier period. With reference to
sailing vessels and steamers ,the right hon. baronet said
that from February to April large fast sailing vessels,
such as the James Raines and Sovereign of the Seas,
would make a good passage in revensy or seventy-five
days • but in calm summer time steamers greatly slur-
pacee'd them in speed. It wi.s a great oversight of the
Gueernment.not having employed steam at the early
stage of the mutiny. lie thou
ght it a disastrous thing
that the Government should have disbanded so speedily
the transport board that was called into existence by
the Russian war, and had been brought to a high
state of perfection as a valuable department. Had
that board been in existence at the time of the break•
ing out of the mutiny, it would have been able to
have given the Guveimnent valuable information relative
to the force and power of every merchant steam-vessel :a
the country, the expense of
conveying men and goods,
and where to procure ships, by which means the troops
would have been forwarded in a much shorter period
than they were.

Mr. VINSITTART considered the inquiry should be
a comprehensive one, bat he feared it would lose its value
if it were a private one. It was a matter of deep regret
that the Government bad not at a rutmb earlier period
availed themselves of the overland route to despatch
troops to India. The 94th Regiment was sent out over-
land a few weeks since, and in 45 hours after they left
Alexandria they embarked at Suez, with the whole of
the baggage and supplw, and the artillery in 26 hours.
,
The journey down the Red Sea was rapid by steamers,
and as to the hew,,a.tion compared to what ssldiers were gener,Ly exposed
to. Ile hoped, if au inquiry took place, it would be full
and comprehensive.
Mr. MARS II had twice made the
passage of the Red Sea, it was absurd to give that a consider-
Sea, and he never experienced so much misery from heat
in passing down the Red Sea as he had in Australia.
Lord V. TEMPEST reminded the house that be had
repeatedly urged on the Government the necessity of
promptly sending reinforcements to India and that it
,vas preferable toeend troop] by
steamers, than sailing
vessels. He obj,cted to a secret inquiry; 33 proposed by
this measure ; but that the importaoceot the crisis should
be pressed on the Government in that house, in the face
..1 the country. Hitherto no satisfactory information had
been obtained from Ginernment, and he was convinced
that an investigation up-stairs would fail to show tbesbort-
,soraing of the Government. He had ventured to hope
that the Government would have given the house and the
country some information as to the measures they intended
to take for the future. , By the last accounts from India
that gallant and great man, Sir C. Campbell, had been
prevented from realising any great results from his mill.

tary genius from the want of men. Unfortunately the
motto " too late" characterised otir doings in India, the
same as in the Crimea. 111 called on hon. members to
force on the Government the necessity of adopting means
for reinforcing our army in India.
The house divided, when the numbers were—
For the motion as on the paper
Against it
Majority —69

Lord J. Russell's amendment was therefore lost.
CITY OF LONDON CORPORATION REFORNI.
Sir G. GREY, in moving for leave to introduce a bill
for the better regulation of the Corporation of London,
said it would he unnecessary for him to occupy the h .use
with any lengthened observations. The main features of
the bill were the same as that ha laid on the table on a
former occasion, and which he then fully explained. • It
had been, however, subjected to some modifications, to
which he would briefly call the attention of the house.
The bill he before introduced was based on the recom-
mendations of the committee of inquiry into the corpo-
ration of London, and it embodied many of the recom-
mendatiens of the commissioners. The commissioners
recommended that the wards should be reduced from 26
or 23 wards to 16, the present inequality in area, &c ,
being got rid of. They a:3o proposed that the govern-
ing body, like all other municipal bodies, should consist
of a Lord Mayor, aldermen, and common council. Tee
present body consists of 232 members, and it was pro-
plead by the former bill, in accordance with the recom-
mendation of the commissioners, that each of the 16
wards should return one alderman and five common
councilmen ; lent in consequence of the communications
that had passed between the Government and the
representatives of the corporation, it was now pro-
posed that each ward should elect six instead of five
councilmen, which would make the number 112,
instead of 232, the present number. The constituency
would be altered, and be a little extended between
that recommended by the commissioners and that by
the coreoration of Loielon, in the billie•ormer:y laid by
them on the table of the house. Tee present bill
proposed a fated occupation of a house or premises to
the annual value of 101,, doing away with the restriction
at present existing of every elector being a liveryman or
on the parliamentary registry. The Common Council
were to be elected annually, but with respect to the
aldermen, it was proposed to depart from the recommen-
dation of the onemnissioners, and at thesame time it was
not thought right that the same rule that appred to the
aldermen of boroughs should be applied to the city of
London, for they occupied a different position to that of
aldermen of boroughs, having important magisterial
duties to perform. He did not think it desirable that
persons exercising magisterial functions should be sub-
ject to election or re-election, except in the case of a

mayor, and departing from the recommendation of the
commissioners relative to the election of aldermen nod
the discharge of magisterial duties, he proposed by this
bill that the aldermen of London should be elected for
life, and regain their magisterial functions, power being
vested in the Common Council, is cases where it was
shown that after election a majority of the constituents
had grounds of complaint against an alderman, to de-
prive him of his gown, or deprive him of such office, and
it was not likely, in such a case, that he would be re-
oleete4 by the ward. The Lord Mayor would be elected
from amongst such aldermen as bad filled the office of
sheriff, or any person in the body qualified to serve, and
chosen by the aldermen and Common Council. The quali-
fication for Lord Mayer, sheriffs, and Common Council
would be alike. The office.olllecorder under the Municipal
Act was vested in the Crown. The Crown did not intend
to interfere with the election of Recorder for London,
but leave the appointment to aldermen, who had hitherto
exercised sound discretion in electing that officer. The
Court of Aldermen would be abolished, and they would
no longer be members of the Central Criminal Court, or
take part in the juries there. The corporation would
rstain its rights as to property; but it was proposed to
abolish the exclusive right of trading, street tolls, wilt
sive rights of fellowship porters,and several things of that
.kind. The coal-tax was of three kinds—one was a tax
of 31. a ton, which the City claimed as a part of its
estate, and which was subject to a charge of 600,0001. ;
a second was a toll of id., subjected is a charge of
12,0001., which expired in 1862 ; and the third was a
toll of ld., which found its way to the Consol dated
Fund, would expire in 1862, and therefore it was not
proposed to deal with either of them by the present bill.
He believed that no objection would be made by the
corporation to the introduction of the measure, or to its
principle, though probably there might be to some of its
details. Ample opportunity would be afforded for a
fair and deliberate discussion of its merits. Application
had been made to him on the part of the city of London
to permit them to introduce as a private bill one similar
to this in many of its leading provisions, but he had
thought it undesirable, believing it could be better dealt
with as a public bill. The right hon. baronet then moved
for leave to introduce the bill.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER seconded
the motion.

Mr. Alderman CUBITT said he thought the citizens
of London would never consent to the election of Lord
Mayor being taken out of the hands of 14,000 livery.
men and ratepayers, and placed in those of the common
council. It Wag important to the due administration
of the criminal law that the aldermen of London should
have an opportunity of seeing and studying its adminis-
tration. Hitherto they had derived great advantage
from sitting in the Central Criminal Court side by side
with the judges of the land, and he thought it desirable
that privilege should be cautioned to them. He way
at a loss to see what objuotion there could be to its
continuance. He also objected to any member of the
common council being eligible to the office of Lord
Mayor. It was very desirable the choice should be from

amongst those who had had considerable experience iu
civic matters. An alderman looked forward to fill
the civic chair after filing the office ten years, and
he hoped he would not be deprived of his
rigbts. He had other oljections to the bill, but he
would not state them then. To-morrow he should
ask leave to introduce a bill on the part of the corpora-
tion of London, when the house would have an opp.rtu-
nity of judging between the two measures,
Mr. W. WILLIAMS expressed his disapprobation
that the coal-tax was to be retained, and ?aid he was
prepared to show the corporation had no claim to it.
The tax was originally levied for tho payment of a debt
that had long since been liquidated. He- thought the
operations of the bill should have been extended, and not
confined to the present City boundary.
Mr. M‘MAIION expressed regret that Government
had not dealt with the question of the appropriatiox of
the property of the Irish Society, and that legislation
was postponed.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he had heard the statement
of the right hon. gentleman (Sir G. Grey) with gnat
pleasure, and was glad to find that he was in nearer
agreement with the corporation than when the subject
was last before the house. He certainly thought it ex-
pedient that aldermen should sit for life instead of for six
years ; and as the question of the coal duties was not
necessarily mixed up with this measure, he was glad
that it had not been dealt with by it. (Bear.) He con-
fessed ho could havo wished that the old form of electing
the Lord Mayor and aldermen had been preserved ; but
he thought the bill a very considerable improvement
upon tho previous one. Parliament ought al ways to
recollect that the city of London and its corporation hail
during most critical periods of our history shownattach•
mont to the liberties of the country, and that therefore
change p+l4ht not to be carried further than was neces-
sary. (Hear.)
Sir J. SHELLEY asked whether the police of the
whole metropolis were to be placed under one head by
this bill ? There was a strong feeling in the public mind
in favour of amalgamation.

Sir DE LACY EVANS also urged the policy of
consolidating- the force.
Sir G. GREY. said the bill did not contain any provi-
sion on this subject.

Leave was th-en given to Iping in the bill, which was
subsequently read a first time.
HEIRS (SCOrLA.ND) BILL.

, ---
Mr. DUNLOP ohtaine I leave to bring in a bill to
abolish the privil"ges of heirs in Scotland in regard to
the Pippins Drbberandi.

VALUATION OF LANDS (SCOTLAND) ACT

AMENDMENT BILL.
Mr. DUNLOP obtained leave to bring in a bill to do
away with the exemption from valuation under the
Valuation of Lands (Scotland) Act (1854) of certain de-
scriptions of lands and heritages.

PUBLIC HEALTH ACT:(IB43) AMENDMENT

BILL.

On the motion of Mr. COWPER, the second reading of
this bill was postponed until Monday next, after a few
remarks from Sir G. B. PEOHELL and Sir H. WIL-
LOUGHBY.