The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-29 00:00:00

What is perhaps most remarkable is the almost
entire dropping of the language of paternalism for
that of confidence in the capacity and good feeling
of the people. Thus, at the very beginning, the
EMPEROR for the first time speaks to his subjects
as full-grown men :—" His Majesty confides to the
matured intelligence of his people the prosperous
development and consolidation 'of the institutions
which contain in themselves the guarantee of a
free movement." In the same spirit " the public
rights of the people," and " the spontaneous
activity of the people," as the source of material
wealth, are distinctly asserted; and numerous are
the expressions of the same stamp. This revolution,
in Austrian State language, should indicate some-
thing more than a mere verbal reform. One would
think that even an Austrian Government could
hardly be so demented as to adopt the very words
of constitutionalism and freedom when intending to
build up despotism. Such language is itself a
training of the people to the very opposite system.
Two years ago an editor, writing in this style,
would have written his next paper in a prison.
The Press will, no doubt, continue to receive
hints and advice which it will not dare to overlook,
yet the language of the circular respecting this
terror of tyrants is that of a trustful appeal, not
of warning—" As regards the press, which he must
consider one of the most powerful instruments for
the propagation of knowledge, and of the sentiments
which form the bases of sound instruction, the
arrangement made is that all preventive intervention
shall cease. It is only justice to acknowledge that
in many difficult circumstances the press has
zealously and ably defended the cause of the
country; during the war the last year especially,
it happily combined a patriotic attitude with
prudence. This experience is of a nature to inspire
confidence, and the confidence which the Government
has resolved to place in the press will contribute, I
hope, to maintain it in that path of moderation, of
unimpassioned, cool, and rational judgment, of pro-
priety, and also to fill it with that noble pride to
which its mission of enlightening millions gives it
the right to aspire. The consciousness of inde-
pendence will at the same tine imbue it
with the sentiment that it alone is re-
sponsible, and to a greater degree than
ever, both for the substance and the form, and
this sentiment will preserve it from all excesses."
What editor, after such an appeal, could refuse to
put the best construction on the acts of the con-
fiding Government ?
Baron SCHMERLING is a thorough German, in
regard to the length and semi-philosophical cast of
his sentences; but, unless the circumlocution be meant
to mislead, the avowal is as clear as liberal mysti-
cism could make it, that Austria is to become a con-
stitutional Power. Here is a pleasant Christmas
riddle for our readers, but we may hope that the
meaning is good :—" Austria has entered with all
her integral parts, equally, and in the same man-
ner, into the rank of those European States which
have found in participation, reposing on the oldest
historical foundations, and regulated by the public
right of all the people, the means of elevating her-
self to that high power which constitutes the fun-
damental condition of material prosperity and
intellectual impulse, the inviolability of the law
and of international consideration, as well as of
the patriotic pride which not only excites the
brave sons of the country to acts of courageous
heroism, but also gives increased strength to the
occupations of peace." The constitutionalism of
Austria is, however, perhaps necessarily, to be a
federal one. The advantage of nationalities being
strictly respected, and their development fostered
in their own way, is so strongly asserted, as to
suggest whether the divide et:impera was not in the
mind of the writer. One great advance is made upon
the Diploma. According to that the classes only—
nobility, clergy, burghers, and peasants—were to be
represented; this is to be superseded by the repre-
sentations of interests and direct election; the for-
mer scheme, had, indeed, met with universal censure.
The composition of the federal council—the Reichs-
rath—will be a very important affair. In regard
to this we are told that its construction on a libe-
ral basis is necessary, as a consequence of the
liberalising of the provincial councils. "It must,
therefore, not only be allowed the initiative and
publicity of its deliberations, but it will also be
necesssary for it to be appointed, leaving aside the
proposition of the provincial States, by the direct
election of those States, and for it to obtain by the
number of its members the consideration and
moral weight necessary for the high functions as-
signed to it." It is said that its members are to be
increased to about 300. It is from the Reichsrath

that an anxious eye is cast on Hungary. Hunga-
rian mistrust seems to be deprecated on the double
ground of the determination fully to respect the
rights of nationalities, and of the large powers to
be accorded to the Reichsrath, in which the Hun-
garians must have a very considerable number of
representatives. Yet the national rights of Hungary
undeniably clash with merging her highest poli-
tical functions in a federal council. Nothing can
be more certain than that Hungary is legally, and
was de facto till 1849, an independent kingdom.
That her union with the other Austrian provinces,
except the partes annexes was wholly personal; that
her Diet must vote the taxes and number of sol-
diers, and that Austria could not, without leave,
introduce even a German regiment into the country.
How such natural rights, now firmly demanded
back by the Hungarians, can be surrendered to a
Federal Council, is not easy to see. Baron
SCHMERLING seems bent on showing to the Hun•
garians such a very liberal and constitutional
Austria that, smitten with the love of her, they
are to surrender the fundamental rights of their
Diet and kingdom, just that there may be such a
thing as a powerful and united Austrian Empire.
It is to be feared—hoped, we should rather say—
that the Hungarians will stand to their colours.
Both the faithless Hapsburgs and the selfish and
conceited German bureaucrats are wholly un-
worthy of confidence, except as they are kept in
fear. Hungary for the Hungarians is the only
security for a free Hungary. What becomes of
Austria is of no earthly consequence. She has been
the pest of Europe this many a year; to cut her to
pieces and to liberalise her fragments is the best
thing which can be done with her. The final re-
sult would probably be a united Germany, of