The Sun.
London, England, 1867-10-11 00:00:00

Mr. Greaell, M.P., on the late Session.

The Liberal member for Stoke-on-Trent, Mr. H.
R. Grenfell, addressed some 800 of his constituents
in the large hall of the Mechanics' Institution,
Hanley, on Tuesday evening, on the " results of the
late session." The Mayor of Hanley (Mr. W. S.
Roden) presided, and briefly introduced the hon.
gentleman.
Mr. GRENFELL said he had never come down to
speak to them with greater diffidence than on that
occasion, and for several reasons. Ile ha,l been ac-
customed to come among them as a member of the
great and triumphant Liberal party, and, as he had
always believed, as the representative of, at all
events, a very considerable majority of the electors
and non-electors of that borough. He now came
before them as a humble member of a party that
certainly was not triumphant within the walls of
Parliament, and as the representative of what his
colleague (Mr. Hope) had stated to be a respectable
minority of the electors and non-electors of Stoke.
(A laugh.) He need hardly say that that assertion
was made in Parliament in his absence, otherwise
he would most certainly have contradicted it, be-
lieving, notwithstanding that Mr. Hope was placed
at the last election at the head of the poll, that there
could be no doubt that the majority of the electors
and non-electors of that borough were, and always
had been, Liberals to the back-bone. There was
something very confusing in the present state of
political affairs. Not only had the Conservative
member for a Liberal borough confidently stated
that he represented the majority of the constituency,
but a Conservative Government, supported by al-
most the whole of the Conservative party, had
paßged what they themselves a few short months
ago would have termed a Democratic Reform
Bill, and stigmatised as leading to unheard-of
dangers. The whole of the Conservative party had
expressed their want of confidence in the working
classes, and their determination never to allow the
power of administration to be handed over to
mere numbers as they called it ; yet he now had
to join in the triumph of that party in having car-
ried a measure for the extension of the suffrage far
larger than had ever before been brought seriously
before Parliament. In reviewing the past session
it was right to remember, that besides the Reform
Bill there had been several Acts passed having re-
ference to the interests of the working classes, and
which, although not occupying so much public at-
tention as the Reform Bill, yet, he thought, would
be admitted in future times to have had a consider-
able influence in promoting the well-being and pros-
perity
of these classes. Among these were the
Masters and Servants Act, the Act on the subject
of agricultural gangs, and the extension of the Fac-
tory Acts. With regard to the Reform Bill he need
hardly say that for himself it was not entirely satis-
factory. They knew he was willing to go a great
deal further both in reference to the redistribution
of seats and vote by ballot. (Hear.) But they
would be very much mistaken indeed if they
thought, as perhaps they did, that no progress had
been made in these two questions. He believed,
even among the Conservative party, there was
hardly anybody who held to the existence of those
small agricultural boroughs about the value of which
they used at one time to talk so glibly, and that
hardly any Tory agent possessed of any close bor-
ough would give a fig for its retention. The neces-
sities of office, and of dealing with the question as it
was, without reference to any professional ideas,
had induced many of them to be ready for any
change in that respect—any attempt to make such
a redistribution as would fully meet the wishes of the
Liberal party. As to the ballot, he had himself had
conversations with some of the most high-dried
Conservatives, and they no longer talked of the
ballot as an un-English institution, or attributed all
the evils of American government to the ballot as
they used to do. If in the ensuing session any at-
tempts be made to still further modify the Reform
Bill, he thought it quite possible, if the present Go-
vernment were left in office, they might be lured on
to "fresh fields and pastures new," or be induced
to make reform thoroughly and entirely satisfactory
to the Liberal party. (Applause.) Referring to
the state of parties in the House of Commons
in the past session, they had Mr. Gladstone,
who was the trusted leader of the Liberal party
and of the majority of the house—a position he had
won not only by his extraordinary oratorical powers,
but by the more practical result of seven year's ad-
ministration of our finances, of which they could
only say that every year was better than the year
before—they saw him with all these claims upon the
support and affection of the great Liberal party,
entirely unable to command their affection and sup-
port during the past session, even upon questions
which they were accustomed to think he had made
his own ; while on the other hand, they saw Mr.
Disraeli, of whom he would speak with all respect,
but who could not compete in honesty and political
virtue with Mr. Gladstone—(applause)--who was
mistrusted by his own party —to the astonishment
of everybody, lead the House of Commons in almost
any road he chose to direct them. This was a most
extraordinary state of affairs, and various reasons
and explanations had been given to account for it.
He (Mr. Grenfell) thought if Mr. Gladstone had
adhered to the course decided upon by the Liberal
party, and which was not to reject the Government
bill, but to get from them a really good, sound, and
liberal measure, there would have been no recalci-
trant members of the Liberal party. They would
have made any sacrifice in his support, would have
been ready to go to their constituencies, and to
suffer defeat with him, because the whole party were
unanimous and determined to pass a reform measure
containing a considerable increase of the suffrage.
It was evident to all that the people of England