The Sun.
London, England, 1867-06-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—The introduction of a Redistribution Bill
into Parliament in the middle of June is not the least

remarkable event of an eventful Session. It hap-
pened last night. The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer described to the House of Commons the
principal provisions of the new scheme which
the Ministry have devised during the Whitsun-
tide recess for the distribution of the 45 seats
placed at their disposal. The Government have

not been content to consider what should be done

with the additional seats forced upon their hands by
the success of Mr. Laing's amendment extending
the process of partial disfrauchisement,so as to include

all boroughs not possessing a population exceeding
10,000. They have commenced their work anew.

The principles—the erroneous principles—embodied
in their proposals have, indeed, been unhappily re-
tained. But the proposals themselves have been
greatly altered. It is still suggested that new boroughs
should be taken out of the county constituencies, and
the populous counties subdivided. The boroughs to

be enfranchised are, however, not the same. Some
formerly selected have dropped out of the list, and
others have come to supply their place. The sub-
division of counties, again, is to be accomplished not
so much by taking the actual divisions of a county
now existing and splitting each of them up into two
parts as by throwing both together and trisecting
the re-united county. The most important part of
the Reform Bill has thus made its appearance under
an entirely new form, but it must be added that the

Government still submit their plan as a scheme to be
considered and recast upon other principles, should
the House deem such a process expedient. The
Franchise Clauses which have been adopted are not
bound up irrevocably with the particular form of the
Redistribution scheme now introduced, and the com-
mittee must on Monday undertake the task of criti-
cising and amending these new proposals with the
responsibility consequent upon perfect freedom.
The modest scheme of Redistribution first pro-
pounded by the Government disposed of 30 seats,
and gave 14 of them to boroughs (12 to as many
new boroughs, and two new members to the Tower
Hamlets), one to the University of London, and 15
to counties. The present plan disposes of 45 seats,
and gives 19 to boroughs, one to the Universities
of London and Durham, and 25 to counties. It
is at once evident that the share of seats allotted
to counties is increased. It was exactly one-
half ; it is raised to 25 out of 45. It need
scarcely be added that the additional number of
populous boroughs taken out of counties and en-
franchised will exercise a corresponding influence
upon the constituencies from whWh they are taken.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, however, had
nothing to say last night upon such topics as these.
He began by declaring that the Government deemed
it fitting to give four additional members to the
metropolis. The Tower Hamlets was the first con-
stituency mentioned, and it is possible that the
prompt approval of the determination of the Go-
vernment expressed by the ever ready Mr. Ayrton
was not wholly unforeseen by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer when he put the Tower Hamlets into
such prominence. A portion of this overgrown con-
stituency is to be cut off, and made a borough by
itself, with the classical name of Hackney. The
parish of Chelsea and the parts adjacent are pro-
posed as another metropolitan borough, both it and
Hackney returning two members apiece. Merthyr
and Salford are the only other boroughs now re-
presented which are to receive additional represen-
tatives, and each of them is to have two members
instead of one. The suggestion that the University
of Durham should be coupled with that of London
is as amazing as it must be shortlived. It would be
as reasonable to join together Maynooth and a
Free Kirk College. The places outside the metro-
politan district which are recommended as Parlia-
mentary boroughs are 13 in number. Hartlepool,
Darlington, Middlesborough, Burnley, St. Helen's,
Barnsley, Dewsbury, Staleybridge, Wednesbury, and
Gravesend, which were included in the original sche-
dule, are again presented for approbation. On the other
hand, Croydon, which was scheduled for enfranchise-
ment in the Reform Bill of Lord Derby's Government
in 1859, and again this Session, has for some unex-
plained cause disappeared, and Torquay, after hav-
ing expressed the liveliest gratitude for the promise
of enfranchisement in a petition presented by Sir
Lawrence Palk, is cruelly extinguished, absolutely
slain, as it would seem, by a sarcasm of Mr. Butler-
Johnstone. Three new boroughs come to supply
the places of these lost stars. Stockton is one, and
Stockton, if we remember rightly, has been selected
in other years for the privilege of enfranchisement,
Keighley is another town, possessing considerable
claims, now recommended for incorporation as a
Parliamentary borough. Luton and the parts ad-
jacent form the third, and if the reasons for propos-
ing to enfranchise Luton be at present obscure and
difficult to fathom, we may, perhaps, have some ex-
planation of them on Monday. Mr. Disracli said
last night that the claims of all the 13 places thus
proposed as boroughs to return a member each have
been considered with very great diligence, and he
hoped with perfect impartiality, ;and, whatever ex-
ception may be taken to one or two of them, we do
not imagine that any serious objection can be taken
to the Government plan on the ground that the
boroughs chosen have been improperly selected. If
we admit the justice of the principles upon which
the Government have proceeded, we cannot quarrel
with the manner in which these principles have been
carried out. But the propriety of the principles fol-
lowed is to say the least, very doubtful. All the 41
seats which are to be given away have been taken
from boroughs, and out of them no more than 19
are restored to borough constituencies. Six only
out of the 19 are given by way of increasing the
representation of places already represented, and
of these six four are given to the metropolis.
The whole force of the enfranchisement of
boroughs is thus directed to the aim of subtracting
the influence of towns from county constituencies,
while the claims of such places as Manchester and
Liverpool, Leeds and Birmingham, Bradford and
Bristol to additional members are neglected, The
effect of the scheme must become even more

apparent when the subdivision of counties is con-
sidered. It is proposed that nine counties now
dividedinto two parts shall be cut up into three
divisions, and four other existing county divisions
be subdivided. The county constituencies thus
operated upon would be made more manageable,
while others would be freed from the intrusive in-
fluence of populous and growing boroughs. These
are ends which may be in some respects defensible
and even desirable, but it is plain that they
i cannot be acquiesced n without inquiry and debate.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, while explaining
the plan of the Government last night, showed his
consciousness of its weak points. Although he
expressly deprecated any discussion, he did him-
self plead on behalf of the scheme against the ob-
jections he anticipated. He acknowledged he was
not sanguine to hope that the Redistribution Clauses
would s
escape criticism, or even " some imputation
made in the freedom of Parliamentary criticism."
The meaning of this is apparent. An elaborate
exposition of the great industries carried on in the
counties to be subdivided, of their agricultural,
mineral, and manufacturing wealth, cannot con-
ceal or alter the well-known character of county
representation, and must simply call attention to
that.
.view of the proposed changes which Mr. Dis-
raeli most anxious should not become the subject
of minute discussion. The Ministerial scheme of
Redistribution is submitted as a plan for examina-
tion and debate, and no sooner had the Chancellor of
the Exchequer explained it than Mr. Laing de-
clared his intention to press the adoption of that
part of his own scheme which confers additional
representation on six or seven of the largest cities
of the kingdom. On Monday, accordingly, he
will persevere with his amendment giving a
third member to certain large towns, and the
question of the cumulative vote will be raised as
incident to it. We cannot conceal the opinion
that the Government would act wisely were
they to encourage Mr. Laing's amendment.
It is impossible to look upon any distribution of
representation as permanent which would leave
Manchester with no more members than Barnstaple,
and Ashton with the same representation as Arundel.
The present scheme may be adopted, and for a time
it may give increased power to the Conservative
party, but it cannot give stability to our electoral
institutions, or develope a truly Conservative feel-
ing in the country. If we would desire a Reform
Bill which would be in reality as well as in promise
a settlement of the question of Reform, it must in
some way meet the anomalies Mr. Laing's amend-
ment is designed to remove, and we know no bet-
ter means than that he has suggested. The Conser-
vative spirit which induces us to hope that Mr.
Laing's second amendment will prove as successful
as his first inspires us with the desire that Mr.
Hughes's proposal to adopt the cumulative vote in
three-cornered constituencies may meet with the
Parliamentary discussion it has not yet received.
The arguments in favour of it have been advanced
by us so often that we need not now dwell upon
them, and, iu truth, they have never been met by
any intelligent criticism. It is so ludicrous that it
should be necessary to press them on the attention
of a Conservative Administration as it would be to
implore a blind man in vain not to walk over a pre-
cipice. The Liberal who is more devoted to the
temporary triumph of party plans than to the per-
fection of free government may feel some indispo-
sition to adopi a suggestion the merits of which he
has never examined, but even he would see the wis-
dom of the scheme on inquiry, and. he occasionis one
on which the consideration of party may. reasonably
be required to be subordinated to the interests of
the-ktate. But, Tiliatteyer may be thought of Liberal