The Sun.
London, England, 1858-07-13 00:00:00

troduction of a rich Jew to Parliament was the consum-
mation of the victory of civil and religions liberty over
bigotry. He opposed the bill because it was contrary to
the institutions, laws, and religious feelings of the people
of this country. Many of the Jews were loan contrac-
tors, who, in a moment of national peril, lent money for
the carrying on of wars, which might advance the inte-
rests of despots. The Jews bad been ennobled because
they had lent money to despots. He would rather see a
good Mohammedan or Hindoo sit in Parliament than a
Jew of this description.
The Earl of DERBY said it would be unfair to put the
Jew upon a different footing to the Christian, if elected to
Parliament. (Hear.) The resolution of the noble earl
would interfere with the privileges of the House of Com-
mons. The resolution was quiteinconsistent with the title
of the bill. No distinction ought to be drawn between the
subjects on which Jew.: and Christians should vote.
The Earl of HARRINGTON said that during the last
war large sums of money were sent from this country to
Holland for Russian purposes, the result of which was
that a measure was passed prohibiting such loans. But
he would not press his amendment. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of GALLOWAY, in resisting the final stage
of the bill, said he would not discuss the question on the
ground of religion or of expediency. But the time might
come when a profligate Minister might receive a large
bribe for recommending the Sovereign to create Jew
peers.
The bill then passed.
CHURCHES, &c. IRELAND) BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
NISI PRIUS COURT (IRELAND) BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
ENCUMBERED ESTATES (WEST INDIES) BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
Their lordships then adjourned at 20 minutes past 8.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
SALE OF POISONS BILL.
This bill was brought down from the House of Lords
by Mr. Secretary WALPOLE, and read a first time.
TELEGRAPHIC COMMUNICATION WITH
INDIA.
Mr. BRADY asked the Secretary for the Treasury
the following question :—" If it be the intention of the
Government to take into its consideration the proposi-
tion of establishing a submarine telegraphic line of com-
munication, as suggested by Mr. Sergeant Glover, and
sanctioned by concessions from the Governments of
neighbouring States, from Plymouth to Cape Rocco,
near Lisbon, thence to Gibraltar and Malta, where it
will join the established line from Malta to Corfu, en
route to India."
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it
was not the intention of her Majesty's Government to
take into their consideration the suggestion referred to.
Her Majesty's Government had nearly completed their
arrangements for carrying into effect a plan which they
thought preferable to the other.
THE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. A. SMITH asked if the understanding that
opposed business should not be taken after 12 o'clock
was to be adhered to ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER eaid
that the understanding referred to was for the general
advantage of the house ; but of course it was open to
modification, when it was the prevalent opinion of the
house that opposed business should be proceeded with
after 12 o'clock. With respect to the particular motion
referred to on Friday night, it was not to be supposed
that when a Minister of the Crown proposed by the in-
troduction of a bill to carry out au award made by a
learned judge it would come under the category of op-
posed business. (Hear.) And that was his reason for
bringing the subject forward after 12 o'clock on Friday
night.
Sir DE L. EVANS asked the Secretary of State for
War whether there was any objection to lay on the
table of the house a copy of any report which might have
been made by the superintendent of the carriage depart-
ment or other authority at Woolwich, of the result of
the late trial of Bray's improved traction engine, as
applicable to the conveyance of heavy siege artillery ?
General PEEL said he had no objection to lay the
report referred to on the table of the house.
THE MASSACRE AT JEDDAH.
Mr. LIDDELL asked the Under Secretory for
Foreign Affairs if the attention of her Majesty's Go-
vernment had been directed to the report of the massacre
of English and French at Jeddah, and if so what steps
had been taken in reference to it ? (Hear, hear.)
Mr. S. FITZGERALD said the hon. gentleman bad
received no other information on the tragic and unfor-
tunate subject than was known to hon. members and the
public through the medium of the telegram referred to.
He had no doubt the story would be found to be too true
—(hear, hear)— and immediately on the receipt of the
telegram referred to the noble lord at the bead of the
Foreign Department eent'a telegraphic communication to
Malta, in anticipation of the arrival there of the Indian
mails, with instructions to the commander of the Cyclops
to proceed to Suez and on to Jeddah, and to use every
means in his power to bring the perpetrators of this ter-
rible outrage to justice. (Hear, hear.) Captain Watson,
of the Indian equadron, had also been sent to to seed two
of his vessels to co-operate in every way possible with the
captain of the Cyclops, and to use forcible and aggressive
measures if necoesary te attain that object.
THE SLAVE TRADE.
On the motion for going into committee of supply,
Mr. HUTT called the attention of the house to the
report of the committees on the slave trade in 1848 and.
1849 ; and to move, " That it is expedient to discon-
tinue the practice of authorising her Majesty's ships
to visit and search vessels under foreign Sags, with a
view of suppressing the traffic in slaves." The hon.
member referred to a similar motion he introduced
to the notice of the house about eight years' since,
which was negatived by a large majority. Since
that time he had not troubled the house on the
subject, but he thought the time had now arrived
when be might with propriety return to the sub-
ject. They had now bad eight years additional
experience, and the repeated attempts at suppression of
the slave trade by an armed force had brought their
usual results with them. He believed public opinion
bad greatly changed within these few years, and he con-
sidered that many hon. members who were members of
this house in 1850, and then opposed him, had commu-
nicated to him their intention of expressing regret at the
course they then teak, and of their determination of
amending their conduct in that respect if they could get
an opportunity. (Hear, and laughter.) His object on
the present occasion was not to embarrass her Mejes
ty's Government, or place them in a critical posi ion
by calling upon them to adopt a particular plan for the
suppression of the slave trade, but to elicit a discussion
on the subject for their future guidance. The hon. mem-
ber proceeded to argue that an armed force could not
suppress the slave trade, but that, on the contrary, it
aggravated its evils, whilst at the same time it constant'y
brought this country into a very difficult and delicate
position with America and France relative to the right
of search. In support of his views the hoc. member
quoted from the report of the slave trade commission at
Havana, which went to show that the slave trade in
Cuba was never in greater activity than now. (Hear.)
Mr. Burke, in his letter to Mr. Pitt, said the slave trade
could only be put down by the countries who imported
slaves, and not by an armed force. It was impossible,
so long as there was a market and the high price of slaves
continued, to suppress slavery. The hon. member quoted
the opinion of Capt. Hamilton, Sir C. Hotham, Commo-
dore .Anson, Mr. Bandineld, Sir S. Lu-hington,
and Sir F. Buxton, in favour of his views, and
referred to the large meeting against elavery held
in Exeter-hill in 1851, in which the noble lord the mem-
ber for the city of London took part, and the result of
the accumulated testimony he bad quoted was that our
system of suppression by the intervention of an armed
forcehad failed. He wished it had done nothing but failed
—but was the house really aware of what was now going
on on the coast of Africa ? He believed not, for if they
and the country did, he felt satisfied they would not rest
quiet until the thing was put an end to. (Hear, bear.)
He also quoted the late Duke of Wellington's statement
to the Congress of Verona in 1822, that armed interven-
tion relative to the slave trade augmented its evils.
(Hear, hear.) If that were the cash ;len, it was tenfold
more true now. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member then
graphically and feelingly described the horrors of the
slaves when confined in baracoons previous to embarka•
tion, the dangers of embarkation, and the horrors of the
middle passage, and added that Mr. Bandineld estimated
the loss by deaths, from disease, hunger, thirst, and
fatigue, at 25 per cent, and Sir E. F. Buxton at 33 per
cent., for which the house and the country were respon-
sible from not having put an end to the horrible system.
(Hear, heat.) He next referred to the difficulties this
conotry had been plac.d in with America and France
arising from the right of search, which, he said, the
maintenance of an armed force bad created. Our system
had done no good; on the contrary, it was largely pro-
ductive of evil, and therefore he would put it to the
house earnestly but respectfully whether such a system
ought to be continued.
Mr. CARDWELL said the motion of his hon. friend
was not a motion for the withdrawal of the squadron
from the coast of Africa, but it wanted the House of
Commons to pass a resolution which would have the
effect of fettering the hands of Government as to the in
structions which they should give to the commanders
of that squadron. Now, that was a proposition which
he did not think the house was likely to adopt. His
non. friend had reminded them what was instituted some
years ago with respect to the efficacy of the squadron ;
he had told them a great deal of the committee of which
he was chairman, but he told them nothing of the com-
mittee of the other House of Parliament, which at the
same time conducted a similar inquiry, and which, upon
fuller evidence, had come to an exactly opposite conclu.
sion. What makes the distinction between the reports
of the taro committees ? Why, the committee of the
House of Lords unanimoesiy expressed that the
squadron had not been ineffectual in putting down
the slave trade, on the contrary that it had cleared
2,000 miles of the African coast from the accursed
traffic. Well, and what was the result of the investiga.
tioo of the other house of Parliament ? Why, after ear-
nestly debating the question—after day by day keenly
contesting the point at issue--it was determined by the
casting vote of his hon. friend (Mr. Hutt) to adopt the
report which he presented. Well, but how was that re-
port received by the house? Why, by a very large ma-
jority it was determined to throw over the report. So
that if the hon, member referred to his committee, he
(Mr. Cardwell) would refer from the committee to the
decision of the house. But what was the grand vaticina-
tion cf the report ? Why, that to put down the slave
trade with Brazil was a hopeless undertaking. It was in
1850 that this debate about the hopelessness of putting
down the slave trade with Brazil took place ; and what
had become of that very trade before the year 1851 had
closed Why, it was entirely wiped out. Yes, fortified
by the ?
resolution of the house in the preceding year, the
Government of the day sent out instructions to the
squadron of the coast to act with becoming vigour ; and

the consequence was that the Brazilian Minister was
obliged to appear before the Chamber, and to declare it
was utterly impossible for the Government to contend
against the determination of a country like England.
And now, to refer to the committee of 1853, what was
the language of that committee ! Why, in their report
they said it was gratifying to find that the slave trade
on the coast of Africa was in a different state from what
it was in the year 1848, and that it had been so ranch
reduced ; and they trusted that the efforts for its sup-
pression would be persevered in. Upon what evidence
did his hon. friend rely for the support of his views ?
His hon. friend seemed to forget that it was after hear-
ing the evidence of Captain Hamilton and Sir Charles
Hotham that the committee came to the conclusion to
which he had just referred. Again, the evidence of
Mr. Bandinell had been influenced by the statistics of
Dr. Clift, who was himself interested in the slave
trade. On the other hand, what were the results
before them ? Why, upon a line of coast of 2,000 miles
the trade had been entirely suppressed, and in lieu of it
had sprung up a native traffic in cotton and palm oil of
the most remarkable character. Now that traffic must
inevitably be destroyed if the squadron was withdrawn.
Then, again, let them consider what would be the fate of
the various Christian missions in Africa if the squadron
was withdrawn. Why, even the American missionaries
had recognised the vast protection which they derived
from that squadron. Well, then, after haring paid Spain
a sum of 400,0001. to induce her to enter into treaties
with us ; after having gone out into the world every-
where soliciting allies to our policy, could they now turn
round and say they were ready to dismiss that hation
from that contract I No, he sincerely trusted the house
would adhere to its opinions of 1849, and give no sanc-
tion to a retrograde policy. (Cheers.)
Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that as the opinions
which he should lay before the house were similar to
those with which the house had just been favoured, he
should have preferred if some one with opposite views
had risen to address it ; still he believed they would not
be unwilling to grant him an audience, inasmuch as he
had it in his power to lay before them some important
facts with respect to the present condition of the slave
trade. But in the first place he must be permitted to
say that he believed the country would be but little in-
clined hastily to reverse the policy which had been so
considerately adopted. Again, he would ask, did any
one imagine that if England bad not taken up the firm
position that she did upon this question that Portugal
and Brazil would have been induced to follow the same
course. The hon. gentleman had called his own policy
successful. Now, upon that point be (Mr. Fitzgerald)
had come to conclusions entirely different from those
of the hon. gentleman ; and in confirmation of his con-
clusions he would state in the first place that while 15
yearn ago the number of slaves iexported annually
from Africa amounted to 155,000, the numbers imported,
on the average of the last three years into Cuba were
only 15,000. (Hear, hear.) While, within the last few
years, the value of the exports in articles of legitimate
commerce had increased so enormously as to amount at
present to considerably more than 2,000,0001. And ,
while a few years ago not a single puncheon of palm oil
was procurable from the Bight of Benin, the quantity
exported last year amounted in value to not less than
700,000/. Now, what he wanted to impress upon the
house was; that although they might not have succeeded
in putting down the slave trade entirely, yet they had
succeeded in rendering its pursuit so difficult that in an
immense district on the west coast of Africa the people
bad surrendered themselves to legitimate traffic, and he
was bound here to testify to the chivalrous efforts of the
Portuguese Government in putting down slavery, and if
there was one person of that nation whose efforts were
more particularly worthy of recognition, it was those of
the 'Viscount Saldanha. (Hear, hear.) Looking to the
information that was before them, he must say that it
was not to India, it was not to other countries which
had been spoken of, that they ought to look for a farther
supply of cotton, but it was to Africa. One of our con-
suls there wrote that last year the exportation of cotton
and cotton goods from Africa to Brazil amounted to no
less than 7,200,0001b5. weight, so that before many years
elapsed England might expect to receive a very large sup-
ply of cotton from Africa. He had eo hesitation in say-
ing that the French had no intention to co-operate in
this traffic. When the emigrants arrived in the French
colony, they were carefully attended to. He had seen
the regulations which were adopted with regard to them,
and he was of opinion that there could be nothing better
fur their protection, but at the same time her Ma-
jesty's Government had represented to the French
Government that buying men and setting them free in
French colonies, must necessarily lead to the continuance
of the slave trade on the coast of Africa. It was impos
sible to suppose that if the French purchased from the
chiefs those who were already slaves, those chiefs would
not have recourse to war as before, in order to obtain
them. He might refer to an article which appeared that
morning in one of the morning papers, taken from the
Revue des Deux Mendes, which expressed a hope on the
part of a very eminent writer that the French Govern-
ment would at once inquire into the matter, and take
care that that whicliwaa intended as a benefit, namely,
to obtain free labour, should not lead to the continuance
of the slave trade, and he thought, therefore, that the
hon. member for Gateshead's prophecy would not be re-
alised. The hon. gentleman bad referred to differences
which he bad reason to believe would take place between
the United States of America and England, and which
he thought might throw additional difficult:es in the way
of our abolition of the slave trade. With reference to
that point, he would repeat what he had stated on a pre.
vious occasion, namely, that her Majesty's Government
bad not considered themselves justified, or that it was
worthy of the dignity of a great nation, to urge a plea
which was not warranted in fact. They said, on the con-
trary, that they were ready to proceed on the plan pro-
posed, that where the flag of America was not fairly
borne on a vessel in which it was seen, that there we
should exercise not the right, but that we might take
upon ourselves the risk to see whether that ship properly
represented itself. General C 339 had stated that this
was a right that they should not have scrupled to make
use of themselves, and that he could not but look upon
it as a most satisfactory statement. That morning he
had received an opinion of General Cass, in refer-
ence to the course which his Government
bad taken upon that difficult qnestion, and so far
from showing that we had difficulties in our way,
the house would be glad to hear that the course taken
by her Majesty's Government had been properly esti-
mated by the Government of America, which he believed
would lead to the adoption of some course which would
sweep away for ever all those difficulties to which the
bon. gentleman the member for Gateshead had alladed.
He had received that morning a letter from Lord
Napi r, in which he said that General Cass stated to
him his opinion that the course taken by her Majesty's
Government was worthy of a great and generous coun-
try, which was ready to recognise an error inconside-
ntely committed. Lord Napier added that General
Cess assured him most emphatically of his confidence in
the declarations made by her Majesty's Government,
and that the Government of th© United States would at
once give their earnest and attentive consideration to
any proposal which her Majesty's Government might
suggest for the protection of the nationality of vessels,
and the right of the flag under which they sailed. (Hear,
hear.) He thought, therefore, that the hon. gentleman
the member for Gateshead might disabuse his mind of
their having in view a prospect of difficulties het wean
this country and America, which would prevent the
Government maintaining that just and humane policy
which had been fur so many years the pr:de and beast
of this country. (Hear, hear.) He would only add
that a short time ago he informed the house that it had
bean a matter of consideration on the part of the Givern-
went whether it was necessary to withdraw the squa-
dro❑ from the coast cf Cuba. It was obvious that as

long as we were on that coast unsupported and uncouu-
tenanced by the American Government in the highway
of their commerce, we might run the risk of detaining
some vessel engaged in legitimate commerce. That difli.
culty would no longer exist, for General Cass had informed
Lord Napier that ships of the American Government
proceeding to the Cuban waters had received instructions
of the saute character as those proceeding to the coast
of Africa, while the present American squadron on the
coat of Cuba would be prepared to co-operate with us
upon the most friendly footing. He (Hr. Fitzgerald)
expressed his earnest hope that the house would not
sanction the proposal of the hon. gentleman the mem-
ber for Gateshead, for the Government had adopted their
policy from no sordid motives. It was a policy they
had maintained solely with a view to the maintenance
of the rights cf humanity and to promote the oFj.lct of
Ctn.:Bien civilisation. Fir himself he might say that it
was a gratification to him that thus, on the threshold of
public life, although in a subordinate position, he was
able to express, on the part of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, their determination not to give up that policy for
which SO many eminent men bad struggled, and which
he hoped it would always be the pride of this cJantry to
maintain. ([Tear, hear.)
Mr. M. GIBSON said that judging from the speech
of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, he was
induced to believe that there was very little difference
bet yeen the views of the Government and those of the
hon. member for Gateshead, who never intended to in•
c'ude in his motion the vessels of those nations who had
granted us a right by treaty to search their ships. With
those nations with which we had speal rights he did
not propose to interfere, but what he did say was, that
we should not in an indiscriminate manner authorise
our naval officers to search foreign ships with a view to
the slave trade, Now that was exactly what the Go-
vernment was going to do. It seemed that cow a
rational course was to be pursued, that the Ameri-
can Goverment were to look after the ships bear-
ing the American flag, and that England was to
exercise the legitimate jurisdiction it possessed over
English vecaels, but we were to desist from visiting
vessels under foreign flags merely from speculations
on slave traffic ; that orris to say, England was to
have the right of visiting English vessels to ascertain
whether there were slaves on board, and Americans

were to have the ;awe privilege. Ho was g:a.l to sc.,e that
this policy of visiting ships in Cuban waters had been
discontinued by her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) He
felt convinced that such a cour3e could not have been

persevered in without leading to most serious conse-
quences. It vi 38 clear that we never had any right to
mearch or visit ships except they were Engli:h vessels or
v ssela of c.)untries which had granted us a r ght by
special treaty, and he coceidered that cur proceedings
in Cuban waters had been a violation of the law of
nations. Ile thought that her Majesty's Government
deserved the thanks of Parliltnent and the country for
ordering our officers to diecontio,u3 the course they had
hitherto adopted. The hon. gentleman, the Under Sec r -
t4ry for the Fore'gn Department, had told the bou,e,
in reference to the general policy of the Government on
the coast of Africa, that he anticipated the beat results
from it. He said that there had been increased trade and
increased exportations of various articles. He hoped the
hon. gentleman might not discover that all this bad been
the result of slave labour, and that the slave trade had
been by theEo means increased. The hen. gentleman