The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-07 00:00:00

as it is. As the effort to amend it must be unsuc-
cessful, so the postponement of the bill would be most
disastrous. The failure to pass the bill last July cost
the country hundreds of millions of dollars—a repe-
tition of the same folly now may produce conse-
quences disastrous beyond computation. We there-
fore urge upon all who desire the promotion of our
national policy, all friends of American industry,
to unite in pressing the House at once, and without
amendment or alteration, to pass the Senate Bill.
Any change from that, our readers are aware, will
necessitate a return to the Senate, and involve such
unavoidable delay, either by debate there, or by
reference to a committee of conference, as will hav e
the certain effect of putting over the measure to a
new Congress, when it will, of course, be quite un-
certain when it will be acted upon."

IMMEDIATE RECONSTRUCTION A DUTY.
The absolute rejection of the Constitutional
Amendment by Mr. Johnson's State legislatures
takes away all excuse for the thought of sanctioning
his usurpations by recognising the validity of the
governments organised by him. It is, in every point
of view, as well that this has happened. The
Amendment, though excellent in itself, would not
be a complete settlement of the issues between the
North and the South ; while the recognition of

States organised by a bold usurpation of the Execu-
tive, no matter upon what conditions, would be a
highly dangerous precedent. In offering such terms
to the South, we believe that Congress obeyed the
will of the people ; but we are confident that the
people neither expected nor desired that, if these
erms were rejected, Congress should do nothing
Yet some influential Republicans in

more.

Congress seem to considerthe Amendment a finality,

and to hold Congress bound to wait for the :Southern
whites to ratify it, even though months and years

pass by. From this view we strongly dissent. The
day of grace is past. All the Southern legislatures
have met, and all hare deliberately rejected the
terms offered to them. If these legislature should

reconsider their action, ratify the amendment, and
thereupon be recognised by Congress, it may yet

be questioned in the courts whether such a ratifica-
tion is valid ; and after such recognition the amend-
ment would clearly have no validity if not ratified
by three-fourths of all the States, including those
newly recognised. Congress is not bound to run
any such risks, nor has it a right to do so. The
main reasons for further action by Congress are,

however, to be found in the obvious dangers of delay
in reconstruction, and the certainty that such delay
will be almost indefinitely prolonged under the
present policy. On this point we have frequently
expressed our entire concurrence with the most
earnest advocates of the Southern cause. It is absurd

to deny that the unsettled condition of the South
is prejudicial to the North. With no legitimate
Governments tending to injustice, inequality, and
insecurity, it is imposiible that the South should
prosper. Nor is it possible for the North to prosper
as it should so long as this unsettled state of society
exists iu one-third of the common country, depriv-

ing it of capacity to produce or to purchase as it
otherwise would. The labourers of the South have
no security for their liberty or their wages. Capi-
talists have no security for their investments. How
can they safely lend money to Governments which
may at any day be overthrown ? How can they
act under charters from such Governments ? We
do not wonder that the Southern States have
had to allow large discounts on their bonds.
We only marvel that such obligations should be
saleable at any price. The unpleasant situation
in which Northern men find themselves at

the South is notorious ; nor can it be improve
without a thorough reorganisation of the
local governments. Under such circumstances the
South cannot possibly contribute to the national
wealth anything like what it would if law, order,
and equality of rights were firmly established. The
political precedent involved in indeduite delay is
also worthy of consideration. Ten governments
are in fact controlling the internal affairs of as
many States ; and Congress neither recognises nor
disavows them by any decisive official act. Yet,
if they are not legitimate, it is the clear duty of
Congress to suppress them and secure to the people
regular government ; while if they are legitimate,
it is equally the duty of Congress to
admit their representatives. A prolongation
of the pesent state of things would be
an excuse to future Congresses for either
weakness or usurpation, as they might feel dis-
posed. Even from a merely partisan view of the
case, the perils of delay seem intolerable. The
whole question is put at issue every alternate year.
A single defeat would be irremediable ; for if the
Southern States are once recognised, the act can
never be undone. And every year would add to the
strength of the existing Governments at the South ;
since toleration would amount to a half recognition,
and vast pecuniary interests would become involved
with them. Add to these considerations the pos-
sibility that at any moment the validity of these
Governments, as the only ones in existence may be
asserted by the Supreme Court, and the danger that
delay will resist in a triumph for the South does not
seem small. We therefore urge upon the present
Congress the duty of immediate reconstruction.
At the very least an experiment should be
made upon one or two States. Conventions should
t the
o
be summoned forthwith, and all the machinery of
government
We have repeatedly
s ovpower to do this, and
that the co-ordinate departments of the lu th at be
Congress put
i n has m o n
. .
Govern-
inent are bound to abide by the decision of Con-
gress between conflicting governments. We shall
not again set forth our arguments to this effect,
be3ause Congress no longer doubts its power, but
only hesitates as to the expediency of exercising it.
Those conservative Republicans who oppose further
action on this subject, from fear of its effect upon
business, are, as it seems to us, short-sighted. It
must be far better, in a mere business point of view,
to bring this controversy to a head at once,
than to let it drag on for years. Uncertainty
is the curse of trade, which can accommo-
date- itself to almost any settled state of
affairs, but is ruined by doubts and fluctuations.
It is sail by some that nothing can be done until
Mr. Johnson is removed. But it is very plain that
if an impeachment is to be had, an act of recon-
struction, imposing simple and unmistakable duties
upon the President, will either compel him to sub-
mit or furnish ground for impeachment too clear to
be a matter of dispute. Thus, lie may be required
to issue a proclamation, or to provide for au elec-
tion, or to do some other act involving a repudiation
of the governments which he has set up. If lie fails
to comply by the day appointed, he will be so clearly
guilty of a misdemeanour that nu question can be
raised other than one of pure law, upon which no
argument need be made by the prosecution. Upon
such a charge Mr. Johnson could be impeached,
tried, convicted, and removed, within ten days, with
the most perfect decorum, fairness, and legality, and
with the general approval of the country. His trial
upon an indictment such as General Butler pi eseuts
would occupy six months or a year, while any
attempt-to supersede him meantime might precipi-
tate us into civil war. On the other hand, if Mr.
Johnson obeys the law, his defeat will be so perfect
interpose
obstacles he can no longer have any power to
obstacles in the way of Congressional action, he
will mortally offend his present supporters (if he
really has any), and must submit to carry out the
whole policy of Congress. Whether, therefore, au
impeachment be desired or not, it is evident that
the interests of society, both North and South, de-
mand the early action of Congress upon reconstruc-
tion. However imperfect that action may be, it
will at least establish something certain where all
is now in doubt, and cannot, therefore, fail to be
beneficial. But we have no fear that the measures
of Congress upon this point will not be in the
main judiciously framed. The principles which
will govern it are well known, and are approved by
the country. Now let it act, and act without delay.
—The Nation.

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