The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-09 00:00:00

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS.

How far also Allen and his accomplices are
morally guilty of murder is a question not so easily
answered. It was not proved on the trial that
Allen intentionally killed the poor man Brett who
was inside the prison van. Allen fired his pistol
into the lock for the purpose of forcing open the
door of the van and Brett was killed. His death
was not a deliberate killing, though it was an inci-
dental result of the criminal enterprise in which
Allen and his accomplices were wickedly engaged.
None of the others had any hand in his killing,
nor any intention to commit murder. 'There was
no evidence that any but Allen had pistols. It
is evident from this fact that the object and in-
tention of the conspiracy was to liberate the pri-
soners, not to commit murder. Death, however.
resulted from the lawless assault on the police
van, and the penalty for this attack and its
consequences is death by the hands of the law.
Fenianism in its secret conspiracy as well as in its
violent manifestations, in its principles as well as
in its acts, has been condemned and denounced
in the most explicit terms, by the bishops of Ire-
land and of England, as immoral, as contrary to
the laws of God and of man, and as being in con-
travention to the persistent teaching in every age
and country of the Catholic Church. Catholics,
therefore, as a body, are guiltless of having given
any encouragement whatsoever to Feniauism or
to the Revolution in any of its aspects either at
home or abroad.
Is the Government, is the nation, is English
public opinion guiltless of having set an example
to the Fenians of Ireland ? Are we not, as a
nation, open to the terrible reproach of having
preached sedition, nationalism, revolution, in al-
most every country on the continent? What with
no niggard hand we have planted in foreign coun-
tries has sprung up, to our surprise and scandal,
on our own soil. In Fenianism we are beginning
to recognise, to our horror, though as yet in a
mitigated form, something of the freemasonry of
Revolution which has more than once convulsed
France to its centre, which has Sled to sanguinary
civil wars, which has overthrown altars and
set aside dynasties in so many countries, and which
is now, not as a spent wave but in full vigour,
overrunning Italy from end to end. Against this
destructive and impious Jacobinism, there was once
no more determined and successful antagonist than
England. But those times are long past ; for
many a day, wherever our influence extended and
our tongue reached, we have preached and propa-
gated Revolution. In this one term are comprised,
we must remember to our shame, all the impious
movements and conspiracies against social order
and religion, from the sanguinary Jacobinism of
1792 to the Fenianism which has just shed blood
in Manchester.
England, to-day, has to answer to her own con-
science this serious question—How far has her
public conduct encouraged Fenianism in Ireland ?
Have not the speeches of her foremost statesmen,
more especially those of the Liberal school—have
not the newspapers of either party applauded, in
Italy and Spain, deeds of revolutionary violence ;
and have they not everywhere maintained, except
indeed at home, the theory of nationalities, and
the right of insurrection ? And did not all classes
of the people of England combine to do supreme
homage to Garibaldi, the sanguinary head-centre
of Italian revolution ? And what have the Fenians
in Manchester done which Garibaldi has not done?
In his lawless invasion of the Roman States—in
his reign of terror at Rome in 1849—he shed the
blood, not of one, but of hundreds of men standing
up in defence of their Sovereign and. their country ;
he is a public blasphemer ; he is a man who sets
himself above the laws ; he is a mutinous soldier
thrice imprisoned by his own Sovereign, and yet
no words of praise which the English language
affords but have been lavished on this public
misdemeanant. Who then shall say that the praise
and the public honour bestowed by England upon
1 a man who has proclaimed the right of oppressed

(Before the Assistant-Judge.)
TRIAL OF GROVES FOR MISDEMEANOUR.
Tho following appeared iu a portion of our impression
of last evening:—

John Groves was charged with violently assault-
ing Samuel Buzer with intent to do grievous bodily
harm.

Mr. Cooper appeared for the prosecution, and
Mr. Warner Sleigh defended the prisoner.
The learned counsel, in opening the case, said he
should not enter into the details of the case at any
length, but all he should do would be to detail the
facts of the case, and then call witnesses to prove
them. Having given a brief outline of the case he
concluded by calling the following witnesses :
John King, a labourer, residing at 3, Crown-
court, Great Pulteney-street, said on the 29th of
September, between twelve and one in the morn-
ing, he was coming along Endell-street, when he
saw the prisoner and six or seven other men stand
ing at the corner. A large van came down the
street, and the driver of the van called upon the
prisoner and his companions to get out of the way.
A man sat outside the van, with his legs hanging
over. One of the prisoner's companions called out
that that man had kicked Lien in the face, and
whilst one of the companions of the prisoner
held the horse, others got into the van, and one took
the whip from the driver and beat the three men in
the van with it. The prisoner was up in the van
and afterwards got down. He (witness) was stand-
ing near, and a tall man, with the prisoner, knocked
him down. He got up and was running away,
when the same tall man knocked him down, and
gave the prisoner a cane, which swung as if it
had lead at the end of it. - The man Buzer said
it was a shame that they were illusing him, and
ran to pick him up, when the prisoner struck
Buzer on the head with the cane he had just had
given him. Buzer said he would lock the prisoner
up, when the tall man gave him another blow with
his fist, and then caught hold of another man and
began Rinsing him. -A
cry of " Police" was raised,
and before the officers came the tall man got away,
but Buzer gave the prisoner into custody.
The witness was severely cross-examined by Mr.
Warner Sleigh, but his evidence in chief was not
at all affected.
Samuel Buzer said on the morning in question he,
with his wife, saw the van stop at the corner of
Endell-street. Same altercation took place between
the prisoner and his mates, when the driver of the
van said if he had done anything wrong they had
better call a policeman. Some of the prisoner's
companions took the horse by the head, and one
took the whip and beat the driver of the van.
Prisoner was assisting, and whipped the man in
the van, and also the witness King. Prisoner
also knocked witness down, and struck him with
a loaded cane. lie followed the prisoner down
Holborn, when the tall man struck him on the side
of the head. A policeman came up and he gave
prisoner into custody. The prisoner and his com-
panions were the instigators of the row. lie did not
make a rush at the prisoner. King at that time
was a perfect stranger to him. No one interfered
with the prisoner ; he was not kicked or knocked
down at all. King was the only man that was
down. He suffered so much from the wound he
had received that he was compelled to go to the
hospital and get his wounds dressed. He did not
know who the driver of the van was. He (witness)
was perfectly sober.
Stephen Locke, P.C. 143 E, said that on the
night in question he was on duty in New Oxford-
street, and saw a large crowd opposite Dunn's-
passage, and beard cries of " Murder !" and
police !" He went to the spot, and there saw
Buzer with blood running down his face. King was
standing alongside of him. The prisoner was about
two or three yards from them. He asked Buzer
how he came by the wounds on . his head,
when he pointed to the prisoner and said—
" That man has been beating me with a cane
loaded with lead." He then took the prisoner into
custody, who, as he was being taken to the station,
said, " Policeman this is a bad job for me to be
locked up. "I hold a*good situation in London, if I
am locked up I shall lose it. He (witness) .told
him he could not help that.
Mrs. Caroline Buzer corroborated the evidence of
her husband.
Mr. Thomas Flowers, house surgeon to Middle-
sex Hospital, said—On the Sunday morning the man
top
of his head. It was a wound
instrument would inflict. It WAS
Buzer was brought to the hospital. He had a scalp
swuocuhn wound
so on
bluntth e
not a dangerous one, but it must have been caused
by considerable violence.
Mr. Warner Sleigh, in his address for the priso-
ner, said he should have thought that after the im-
prisonment and mental anxiety Groves had under-
gone with respect to the charge that had been made
against him, of being concerned in the murder of
M'Donnell, and of confronting him with that noto-
rious woman Jenman, the purposes of justice would
have been satisfied, without instituting the present
prosecution, but that course Lad not been adopted,
and he now was again the subject of a prosecution
and a charge which he felt the jury would think,
after they heard the witnesses he should call before
them, that he was not the party that ought
to be prosecuted. The matter which had led
to the present trial did not commence in the first
instance with Groves, or his companions, but the
persons who were most to blame were those who
were now called to give evidence against the
prisoner.
The learned gentleman then called witnesses of
the names of Pearson and Kieff, who stated that
Groves and a companion, a tall man whom they
did not know, together with themselves and several
other persons, had been to the Enterprise public-
house, and that as they were parting the van drove
by, and in consequence of one of them remonstrating
with the man in the van for kicking one of them the
row began by King attacking the tall man, and that
in all that followed Groves and his friends only
acted in self-defence. None of them could give the
name or address of the tall man.
The learned Judge, in summing up the case, said
it was much to be regretted that any matter foreign
to the charge they were then trying should have
been introduced into the case. The jury had no-
thing to do with the fact that the prisoner Groves
had been iu custody on a charge of murder, which
had been abandoned. That was not the business
they had to deal with, ant its introduction
could only prejudice the casJ against the
prisoner. It appeared from the evidence
that had been placed before them that
a number of persons had been to the public house.
known as the Enterprise, and that they had walked
together to the corner f Eudell-street. It • was..
proved that a man was coming along towards there,
and that a man was sitting with his legs hanging
over the outside of the vehicle. That being so, it
did not appear at all improbable that his feet might
have accidentally touched one of the persons. The
question for them to decide was with whom the
row originated The witnesses for the prose-
cution appeared to be quite positive that
Groves and his companions were the aggressors,
whilst the witnesses who had been called on behalf
of the prisoner contended that all that happened

Yet the reverse of all these confident predictions

leas come to pass within three weeks even of their

utterance. The loyalty of the Papal subjects tcr-
wards their Sovereign is now placed beyond ques-
tion, and so is the powerlessness of Garibaldi and
his bands, though supplied with arms, ammunition,
and money by Italy, when pitted against the Papal
Zouaves.

The Temporal Power is now found to have its
roots deep in the heart of Catholic Christendom.

The energetic will of the Catholics of France is now
proved to be more powerful in the direction of

events than the desires of revolutionary Italy, fo-
mented to their quickest by the predictions and

anticipations of the Liberal press of Europe. One

esson which English journalism may learn from the

recent singular discomfiture of their most confident
anticipations is, in future to judge of things as they.
are in sober reality, to have a profound distrust of
the reports of their foreign correspondents in all
matters which concern the Papacy, and to take a
wider view than that too common among the half-
educated,in England as to the power and influence,
social, political, and religious, of the Catholic
Church in the nations of Europe.
Besides a lesson of humility to the over-confident
prophets of the English Protestant press, the vio-

lent outbreak of the Italian Revolution may afford
matter of reflection to thoughtful and observant

politicians. On the one side they may see the

Catholic Church supporting the cause of law, order,

and peaceful Government throughout Europe, and
on the other the Revolution, disturbing the peace,

violating the law, and setting civil as well as reli-
gious authority at defiance.
In Garibaldi it rebels against the orders of the
King ; in the voice of Mazzini it calls upon the
people tothrow up barricades. If the Government
does not yield to its demands, or if the King re-
fuses to recognize a flag which is not his own, the
Revolution calls for the deposition of the King and
for the establishment of a Red Republic. All
Europe is thrown out of gear because the:revolu-
tionary party in Italy, by the connivance and aid,
indeed, of a weak and unprincipled Government,
thought fit to carry on a private war. Blood has
been shed again by the Revolution in the teeth of
its hypociitical protestations of seeking its ends
bylmoral means only.
Europe has been brought to the brink of a
general war, international law has been openly set
at defiance, the sense of right has been weakened,
and the stability of civil society has been endan-
gered—and by whom? By that secret power which
is aiming at mastery in Europe. This lawless
power has its secret tribunals, which condemn
Kings and Emperors to death ; it has laws of its
own, and its own code of morality ; it has an active
press at its disposal, and it has its irregular armies
and its barricades in the streets. Its soldiers have
been beaten by the Papal army ; Milan and Turin
and Florence are suffering from its organized street
riots. The Revolution has been worsted ; Italy,
which is under its dominion, has shrunk back from
the contest, awed by the presence of the French
army, which, in obedience to the claims of Catho-
lics, has again confronted the Revolution. But
although the snake is scotched, it is not killed ; it
hisses forth its vengeance. Society is not safe from
its secret assaults. Mazzini is again astir, and
preaching to Kings and Emperors who will not
succumb to the mandates of the Revolution.
Hints of secret assassination, though obscurely,
are unmistakeably alluded to by the organs of the
beaten, but vengeful party. How long is Europe
to endure this secret tyranny, and these constant
outbursts of violence and bloodshed, these private
`gars belonging to a barbarous age, and which can-
not but end sooner or later in a general conflagra-
tion ? '.lhe character of the Revolution, its secret
aims, and its deeds of lawless violence are now too
transparent to leave any room for doubt. What
is to be done with it? How is it to be treated?
By attacking the Temporal Power of the Pope it
hoped for the indulgence at least of Protestant
and Liberal Europe ; but it has shown by its con-
duct towards the King of its own making, that it
wages war not alone against the Sovereignty of the
Pope, but against all Sovereigns, against all autho-
rity which stands in its way. It would no more
scruple to set aside Victor Emmanuel than it did
to launch Orsini bombs against Napoleon. How
is Europe to deal with this modern Vehm-Gericht ?
The first step at all events, is to give up all con-
nection and sympathy with its principles.
Let the statesmen of Europe denounce its im-
morality ; let them expose the intrigues and the
lies which before and during the invasion of the
Papal States have so disgraced the Revolutionary
party in Italy; let them publicly describe by its
true name this lawless and sanguinary invasion ;
let no veil be thrown over its crimes, its blasphe-
mies and sacrileges ; and the knowledge alone of
this gigantic evil, which goes by the name of
the Revolution, thus brought home to the public
mind, will do much to work a cure.— Westminster
Gazette.

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LADvicanssmssr.]—Avoid Medicines: they always aggravate
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