The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-11 00:00:00

LONDOIV, MONDAY, FEB. 11, 1867.

The speech of the King of PRUSSIA, in closing
the Prussian Chambers, will be sure to be read
with interest, no matter whether its terms are such
as to insure approval or not. On the whole we do
not see much difference between this and many
former speeches, but if there is not much met with
for the worse, neither is there for the better. Of
ek,ar,se we meA with a great deal of self-glorifica-
tion fur the part which Prussia has played during
the past year, and some acknowledgments are made
to the Dcputies for the help they have afforded
to the Government

❑ee, for the present,
they can do nothing to interfere with any
thing the Government chooses to do, it is easy to
play the courteous part and to pay compliments.
We are not surprised to find that the KING and his
Ministers are glad to have got over the very awk-
ward predicament in which they placed themselves
by the informal and irregular way in which they
carried on the finances of the country. The Act of
Indemnity should not, however, be regarded by them
as a precedent, for had it not been for the peculiar
circumstances of the case they would not have got
the Chamber to pass it, So far the war was an as-

have had ample experience of late as to the
manner in which these unfortunate plans will be
treated. The rules sent out to the Governor of

Hanover were quite subversive of all freedom of
themselves, and we doubt it is the same to all

intents and purposes with other places that have
been annexed. As for its being such a desidera-
tum for these provinces to he mingled with the
older portions of the monarchy, we confess that it
is difficult to realise it. Why should they be glad?
and what have they to rejoice at in finding them--
selves put under an iron rule, and in knowing that

hey have lost their nationality through the advers-o

chances of war ? The fact is, that the KING in his

speech starts from false premises, and hence he
naturally arrives at an erroneous conclusion.
Were the truth allowed to be spoken, both
he and the Deputies would hear a very different tale

'rein those who figure so prominently in these

official accounts.

Great stress is laid upon the " special develop-
sent of the Prussian political system, and especially
he part which relates to the North German Con-
federation." It is confidently expected that Ger-
many will obtain, " upon the basis of an united
organisation, such as Germany has vainly striven for
during centuries of conflict, those blessings to which
it is called by Providence, through the fulness of its in-
herent power and civilisation as soon as it understands
how to maintain peace both at home and abroad."
All we can say is that if the German people have
to wait for good fortune until they rightly estimate
the good of peace they will have a long time to look
forward to, for they never seem at all to appreciate
its importance. The Speech closes with the usual
rigmarole of grand vocations, and so on ; and we
regret to say with the customary insinuations
that " Providence specially watches over the
destinies of Prussia." It is really quite out of
character that the KING should suppose that he
has been entrusted by Pleaven with a special mission
to " re-establish the lasting unity of the German
races and their Sovereigns." For the matter of that
there is no Sovereign but himself, the rest are all
puppets by the changes that have taken place ; and
all right-judging persons would infinitely prefer to
see the KING take the responsibility of his acts upon
himself, or share it with his Ministers, instead of wit-
nessing his repeated attempts to, make out that
tyranny, oppression, and bad faith are the agencies
which a higher Power inspires him to employ him to
gain his ends.

The intelligence brought by the Asia, from
Boston and Halifax, does, not tell us much more

than we' had previously learned by the telegraph.
The PRESIDENT'S veto of the second bill for the
admission of Colorado as a State we had heard of
through the electric messenger, and the veto of the
Nebraska Bill was also expected. The grounds of
both vetoes are, in fact, similar, though not abso-
lutely identical, and looking at them apart from
party' feeling on the question of Radicalism or
Democratisin, it is certain that they are in full har-
mony with the Constitution, and that the PRESI-
DENT, if he intends to abide by his oath,
and fulfil the duties it imposes on him,
had no choice but to oppose the bills in toto. Of
the Colorado Bill, he says that the territory has
not the requisite population, and that the inhabi-
tants have, through their representatives, protested
against a State Government being forced upon them.
There can certainly be no excuse for altering the
regulations of the Constitution against the will of
the people themselves. If they had applied for ad-
mission as a state there might indeed have been
some reason in the movement, but if they are not
desirous of the troublesome diBnity there can beno ex-
cuse for forcing it upon them. Of the Nebraska Bill
the P RESIDENT sajo that it exacts negro suffrage as a
condition for admission, while the regulation of the
suffrage is a right fully optional with the people of
Nebraska. The condition, besideF, is one entirely
opposed to the Constitution, which recognisea
no
such conditions. Negro suffrage is, in fact, a poli-
tical question of the day, just as the features of a
Reform Bill are the subject of discussion among
ourselves, and the idea of making the existence of a
State dependent on such a matter is as ab-
surd as if it were declared that no represen-
tatives would be admitted from an English
borough which did not allow universal Auf-
frage. Of course, the general law of the land

Trsistance to them, and they will make a great mistake
if they count too much for the future on the readi-
Lness of the House to renew the act of grace. We
,do not think that it is either quite fair or quite
Leorrect for King WILLIAM to affirm that, by the
passing of the act in question they have " held out
- the hand to a settlement of the dispute upon a mat-
ter of principle which has for years obstructed the
co-operation of the Government with the represen-
tatives of the country." Had it not been that the
'deputies were anxious not to interpose any obstacles
fin the way of consolidating the conquests that have
been gained, neither this yeir nor the next should
we have heard anything of an indemnity. A s for
the idea that for the future the sentiments of their
constituents will prevent a recurrence of such events

it FCCIIIS quite a preposterous one, for who in-
fringed the laws and violated the principles of all,
constitutionalism but those who are now the loudest
in their praise, and the most eager iu their self-
praise for supporting them ?
" To guard what has been gained" will be, we
presume, the new motto which is to distinguish the
Prussian rule, and great emphasis •is laid
upon it in this speech. They may find,
however, that it is not so easy as they imagine to
do so, no matter how strenuous be the support
they meet with from the people and the Chambers.
" Warm thanks" are recorded to the representa-
tives for the readiness with which they have granted
to Government means for alleviating the soldiers
incapacitated by the late war, and also the widows
and orphans of the fallen. It may be suggested
that there was no necessity for putting these unfor-
tunate persons in their present painful position,
and a little more adherence to the principles of
honesty would have preserved the lives of thousands,
and prevented many more from enduring loss and
suffering. The poet has exclaimed—
" What millions did that Omar might be great,"

_ .
but the Prussian moralist cannot even lay that poor
satisfaction to heart, for his Sovereign has not risen
in the estimation of the really discerning by his

recent exploits.
We may take it for granted when we commence
the perusal of a Prussian discourse that everything
is to be favourable to the sway of the KING, and all
to be auspicious in4tespect to the policy of the Go-
vernment, and hence there need be no cause for
wonder in the seemingly astounding declaration
here met with as to the likelihood of those inha-
bitants whose countries have been joined to Prus-
sia feeling themselves " more and more at home
in the great commonwealth of their fellow-coun-
trymen and recent neighbours." Whether, by
careful management, they might eventually have
done so, it is, of course, very difficult to deter-
mine, but as things have turned out, there is no
likelihood of their becoming settled or satisfied
under the new regime. As for the statement that
these newly acquired districts will be brought
into "free community" with the older provinces,
it is not a reliable one, because we