The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-25 00:00:00

FRIDAY EVENING,

proclaim to the people of India that we would hold sacred
that right of adoption which has prevailed for centuries in
that country. (Hear.) It was only the other day that I
had laid before me the case of an native prince who has
been most faithful to England during these latter trials.
When he came to the throne at 10 years of age he was
made to sign a document, by which he agreed that if he
had no children his territories should be at the disposal of
the British Government, or what is called the paramount
power. He has been married ; he has had one son and two
or three daughters, but within the last few weeks his only
son has died. There is grief in the palace, and there is
consternation among the people, for the fact of this agree-
ment entered into by the boy of 10 years old is well known
to all the inhabitantsof the country. Representations have
already been made, to this country in the hope that the Go-
vernment will cancel that agreement, an I allow the people
of that State to know the right of adoption would; not bo
taken from their prince in case he should have no other
son. Let the Government do that and there is not a
corner of India into which that intelligence would not
penetrate with the rapidity of lightning. (Hear, hear.)
And would that not still the anxieties of many of those
independent princes and rajahs who are only afraid that
when these troubles are over the English Government will
recommence that system of annexation out of which I be-
lieve all these troubles have arisen? (Hear' hear.)
would tell them also in that proclamation that while the
people of England held that their own, the Christian,
religion was true and the best for mankind, yet it was a
doctrine of that religion that those who professed it should
hold inviolable the rights of conscience and the rights of
religion in others. (Hear.) I would show, that whatever
violent, over zealous, and fanatical men may have said in
this country, the Parliament of England, the Minister of
the Queen, and the Queen herself are resolved that upon
this point no kind of wrong of the slightest degree shall be
done to the millions who profess the religions hold to be
true in India. (Hear, hear.) I would do another thing.
I would establish a court of appeal, the judges of which
should be judges of the highest character in India, who
should sit somewhere and for some period, and for certain
periods, for the settlement of those many disputes which
have arisen between the Government of Irrtia and its sub-
jects, some native and some European. I would not suffer
tiles° qeesti, lir to ame upon the fl or of this home. I
would not forbid them by statute, but I would establish a
o urt which would render it unnecessary for any man in
India to cross the ocean to seek for that justice which he
would be able to get in his own country without corrup-
tion or secret bargain. (Hear.) Then I would carry out
the proposition which the noble lord has made to-night, and
which the right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer) made when he introduced his bill, that a commis-
sion should issue to inquire into the question of finance. I
would have other commissions, one foi each presidency,
and I wouldtell the people ofludiethereahould boa search-
ing inquiry into what grievances existed there, and that
it was the interest and the will of the Queen of England
that those grievances'should be redressed. Now, perhaps
I may be told that I am proposingstrange things quite out
of the ordinary routine of Government. I admit it. We
are in a position that necessitates something out of the ordi-
nary routine. (Hear, hear.) There are positions and
times in the history every country, as in the lives of
individuals, when courage and action are absolute salva-
tion, and now the Crown of Eugland, actingby the advice
of the responsible Miuisters, must, in my opinion, have
recourse to a great and unusual measure in order to allay
the anxieties which prevail throughout the wholeof India.
The people of Ind a don't like us, but they don't know
where to tam to if we left them. They are sheep literally
without a shepherd. They are people whom you have sub-
dued, ant who have the highest and strongest claims upon
you—claims youcannot forget—claims which, if you do not
act upon, you may rely up n that, if their be a judgment
for nations; as I believe there is, as for individuals, our
children at no distant gane:ation must pay the penal y'
which we have purchased by neglecting our duty to. the
populations of India.' (Hear, hear.) I have now stated my
views and opinions on this question,not at all in a manner,
I feel, equal to the question itself. I felt the difficulty in
thinking of it, I felt the difficulty in speaking of it—(hear,
hear) —that there is far more in it and about it than any
man, however much he may be accustomed to think upon
political questions, and to discuss them, can comprise at
all within the compass of a speech of ordinary length. But
I have described the measures which I would at once
adopt for the purpose of soothing the agitation which now
disturbs and menaces every part of India, and with the
view of inviting the sutenission of those who are now in
arms against you. Now I believe—l speak in the most per-
fest honesty—l believe that the announcement of these mea-
sures would avairmore in restoring tranquillity than th
presence of an additional army, and I believe that their fall
and honest adoption would enable you to retain your power
in India. I have sketched the form of government which
I would establidi in Irrlie and at 'borne, with the view of
a_ curing perfect responsibility abet un enlightened adminis-
tration. I admit that these things can only be obtained
in degree, but I believe that a government such as that
which I have sketched would be free from most of the
errors and most of the vices that have marked and marred
your past career in India I have given much study to
this great and solemn question. I entreat the house to
study it not only now, during the passing of this bill, but
after the szesiou is over, and till we meet again next year,
whoa, in all probability, there must be further legislation
upon this great alliject—(hear)---for I believe that upon
this question depends very much, for good or for evil, the
future of this country of which we are citizens, and which
we all regard and love so much. You have had enough of
military reputation on eastern fields ; you have gathered
large harvests of that commodity, be it valuable or be it
worthless. 1 invite you to something better, and higher,
and holier than that; I invite you to a glory not "fanned
by conquest's crimson wing," but based upon the solid
and permanent benefits whist. I believe the parliament of
England can, if it will, confer upon the countless popula-
tions of India. (Loud cheers.)

Mr. WHITESIDE said, ho bad listened to the speeoh
of the hon. member for Birmingham with much interest
and no little instruction. The hon. genthman had deli-
vered to the house his sentiments on what he agreed with

Haim was one of the greatest and grandest subjects which
could occupy the human mind, and that .w.s how they
were to decide to govern greet nations. The flatterer of
Augustus told him, and with some truth, that to establish

communities, to frame wise and wholesome laws, and to
govern with equity was a godlike task. The hon. gentleman
sail they ought to approach the subject with hesitation.
Ile doubted whether the hon. gentleman was ever found
hesitating at anything. (Laughter.) While he threw
out that wise and prudent remark, that the affairs of
India were to be discussed with hesitation and caution,
he straightway proceeded in his own peculiar fashion to
demolish everything that existed iu that country in the
shape of government, and toll them they might proceed to
erect what he did not very dis.itictly explain as a remedy
for-the evils which existed. He asked a per:Anent question,
but he (qr. Whiteside) did not think he answered it.
" Whet," said he, " would have been your condition if you
had never had an East India Company ?" Why he (qr.
-Whiteelele) should ariewer that by asking him, Could we
have had the East /tidies to govern or to misgovern ?"
(Hear, hear.) It was very easy to put that question, but it
was not so early for the hon. g.ntleman to give a satisfac-
tory answer to this great feet, !bet We had an empire
which had been obtained by a body of individuals
through a chain of the most surprising actions which were
recorded in history. He confessed his disposition was not
to take leave of the East India Company as the hon. gen-
tleman had done, in terms, of` aetere sarcastel but rather
with an expression of admiration and respeet, (Hear )
There *eke tWe vikiwa to be taken bf the Government of
the Et,t Indies. You could point tv them with some truth
its a country in which there had been actions done at Which
we ought to blush--in which there had been exhibitei the
worst passions of human nature) brit, tlrt the other hand,
ho maintained that the very historian tvlitnit the Iron, gun.
Heinen had quoted, btit to whose authority he would not
defer—because the bon. gentleman yielded to no hettiatt
authority—he meant the historian, Mr. Mill, himself
afforded the beet vindication of the character and general
policy of the East rndla Company. The hon. gentleman
had asked how India was to be governed, Now, that ivas
a question which had been asked centuries ago by one of
the greatest men the world had ever seen. Alexander the
Great had discussed that question with Aristotle, and the
philosopher advised the warrior to act upon the principle
of Greece, to look upon all other nations as barbarians,
and to govern India according to the rule which prevailed
in his own country, Alexander, however, was a man of
'sense—(a laugh)--and he replied that Greece was too small
a country to hold a mighty empire upon an exclusive
principle—(heat, hear)—that if India Were gained by
force of arose, the next step was to establish a Govern-
ment which would be acceptable to the people of the
country ; in fact, Hint they must be governed but not co-
creed. (Hear, hear ) Now, that reply contained a sound
principle of government, and he was prepared to maintain
that the English rule in In lia, although, of course, open
to some censure, had, during the period for which we had
held that country—a conquest and a holding which has
been described by a distinguished foreigner as a modern ,
miracle—had been more just and more beneficent than any
rule to which thepeople of India had been befuresubj acted.
(Hear, bear.) The hob. gentleman had touched upon
every conceivable, subject in reference to India—education,
the cultivation of the land, the administration of justice,
finances rind revenue of the country, and a great number
of othca. subject% Now, it was not his intention to enter
into such details,. and he was willing to confess that be
should feel himself incapable of at once grapplie4 With
those greet questions. To attempt to do so would be, ae
had been described by his eminent countryman Mr. Cur-
ran, to attempt. to grasp a sphere where each attempt
caused it to roll further from one's grasp. Ad regarded
mere gnesition 91094nufaTana. there were various
tion
opiw. Qom° parsonsapprevila the Badmen* of /nerd
CerOallis; and oa* iiPProiied the mode of sett einetit
in Mathis slid the kofthzWedterit Pfooinees, and he
thOught that the hon. gentleman himself, _alit dealing with
the peatiOir wiity dd sdovith f.1,361ing of reatc6e for
thes3 peisofia Who ait. thane tnose ettlethtnii The ha;
gentlemanhad' lei dOwn the principle that the goverbz
tient of 111'14 shoUld jib ridged iip4h the priaelpleof
aotidn dnu candnesi. Ilok he toothiinditr.itaiid that
those Prineiples be .adopted in the mitigation
of takes; in -the ;eduction otX rit
t and in every
m eaeure calculated tp Prdnie‘e De we aste frif tilt; tietl)le
Rut it the hob: gentiemin action and boldiiess tileatt
t 1.16 ihtrbdiietiott Olt a Milked iyitkirt of law; he tatide
its gteat a mistake .at it was. PiiggiVlo Par r public yew
tit coihmit: Ak lib bad lately Bead a work oat the
rise sild -di,(6, bf ari ririlpire the go:ahead principle of
endeavouring to override the *aliens atilte
a±+& criscems
tit the bait it ipltt
page
ineletilab P Mischief. lirete
woe not a babier page histt}ii• fecaded
the opinioti of 84. done .to Lord, Corby/alas upda in°
,;toile of gerarpiai Ojai , hat diatininished etliolar and
eminent man had laid he sathd Vr!.riel rile Willa Aleir:
dodder the Gfaat 11a4 laud eiey,tri bogs hint—lamely, mat fi
BALA theEast.yttlit do so IV. acting
in accordance with the habits, manners, athi 6,leiortie:, of
the people. That such must be so was evident. ;lid
people of the East believed their laws to proceed directly
from the Deity, cad in the East the code of law and a
reference to the Divinity were inseparably connected.
Would it be wise, then, to entrust to an uncontrolled see-
--+,ry of state, f.tee mind was imbued with Western
Poli IRA Lin fiowet of arbitrarily interfering with 'or alter-
ing left and du"g tette which the people of the East suppose
to emanate froathe Dinty w by, any imprudent attempt
at chalige Alight cost the lives of 100,000 men.
The idea of the hon. that the
gentleman, . .
(Hear, hear.)
t of India should be entrusted to a minister
governmen
uncontrolled ib any way,stronglyand unassisted by the advice of
learned and experienced men, could not be too
a minister, if he were possessed
deprecated, 'MY, such
of a mind and body as active as that of the bon. gentleman
the member for Birmingham, if he saw anything in the
Indian :system which he thought an absurdity, if he saw
Manchester notions, would most pro-
anything contrary to
aandcustoms, and
ffi
bodily forget all about enemat habits
t. a
do that which would give rise to most serious difficulties.
But, let
the hon. t the house observe the, inconsistency of the argu-
ment
gentleman. The hon. gentleman corn-
plained that the Goverpor,General of India was nneon-
' trolled, and yet he wished to confide the management of