The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-24 00:00:00

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THE PRUSSrAN DESPAZOR.

It has always been the lot of Prussia to incur
the charge of insincerity, and, to a err Lain extent,
to deserve it. Geographical position, early history,
and the education of the people tend to make her
halt between two opinions. In no country in
Europe is there such a contrast between intention
and action. Prince and people affect to be, and
perhaps think that they are, the Liberals of Ger-
many, but this pretence and this fancy last only so
long as the world is quiet and no crowned head in
danger ; bat as soon as the assertion of Liberalism
causes inconvenience to established, power the
Prussian nature seems to undergo a change. The
popular party is quiescent, and the retrograde
party regains ascendancy. But even then the
Calk and the Aemy seem unable to take a de-
cided part in favour of the cause they love. Prussia
int
sun
nrwanelslankl theavfa vacillating,
lelraltiinn
flutters between two parties, like the bat in the
battle between the birds and beasts. Then, na-
y,ga, rindignationepteadokafenbntoiatc
theaisn ad rt oyeuvpseeendof, andtar
lel
ae thhe
thate.
roux. Yet all this time the Prussians, singularly
enough, think themselves models of conscientious-
ness and of diplomatic rectitude. They cannot
conceive that they are contradictory, and conse-
quently suspected. They fancy that Europe is
like their own State—an artificial system requir-
ing political quiet for its prosperity, and even for
its existence. They fancy that their counsels will
find an echo in every breast when they tell each
Prince not to be too fond of despotism, and
each people not to be too fond of liberty.
But this distorted image of English mode-
I ration attracts no one. Henee, Prussia
preaches in vain ; hence she exercises an
influence in Europe so small that only the know-
ledge that in the last resort her numbers would
make her respectable causes her to be looked upon
as a great European Power. Her people read and
talk, and write and lecture, and discuss every sub-
ject with a thoroughness which would seem to pro-
mise a result ; yet all this profundity of examina-
tion ends in the most perfect impotence of conclu-
sion, and the Cabinet of Berlin, after receiving the
influence of 50 Professors, hardly writes better
than a Pope or acts more sensibly than a Bourbon
King.
The despatch of Baron Schleinitz to the Prussian
Minister at Turin is just such as might be expected
to emanate from a State which is at once Protestant
and despotic—which must hold Poland by an un-
derstanding with Russia, and the Rhine province
by an acquiescence in the principles of 'B9. The
long, straggling, ill-defended kingdom, ambitious
for extension, yet fearful of losing what it has—
unwilling to give up its expectations from liberty,
or to relinquish what it possesses from Divine right
—appreciating the friendship of free England, but
not forgetting the happy, orderly days of the Holy
Alliance—naturally sees the conduct of Victor Em-
manuel in a very ambiguous light. Not that Prus-
sia condemns him absolutely, or supports his rival
absolutely. She does nothing absolutely. " Black
is not black, nor white so very white." Baron
Schleinitz can count the shades in the new-fallen
snow, and sees an infinity of hues in the raven's'
wing. He does not deny the right of Sardinia to
do something in the present state of Italy ; he only
objects to her doing that which she has done, and
which all Italy calls upon her to do. He recognizes
the right of a people to nationality and unity—he
objects that they should takethe only steps in their
power to obtain them. All revolutions, according to
him, must be made with rosewater ; all overthrows
of legal tyranny must be effected by strictly legal
forms. If bad Kings can be put aside entirely by their
own consent; if separate States can be united without
sacrificing any one of the various Governments ; if
populations worried by priests, spies, and Algerino
generals can deliver themselves without trenching
on any privileges of their tormentors—then well and
good; no State will applaud the consummation
more earnestly than Prussia. But that any Chan-
cery in Europe should have its forms violated in.
order to achieve these ends is what the enlightened
statesmen of Berlin cannot sanction. It is incon-
sistent with their principles that an effect should
be produced by a sufficient cause.
The Prussian Note alludes to the march of events,
and states that the Cabinet of the Prince Regent
could no longer continue a silence which might
give rise to lamentable misconstructions and throw
a false light on its real sentiments. The Note
itself is an answer to the Sardinian Memorandum
of the 12th of September, announcing the inter-
ference of Victor Emmanuel in the Papal States.
It is dated Coblentz, October 12,—just one month.
after the document which has called it forth was
despatched from Turin, and after the Prince
Regent had had interviews with the English Royal
Pair and with Lord John Russell. It is, therefore,
the deliberate expression of the policy of Berlin,
settled after learning from personal discussion the
views of the English Court and Cabinet. In spite
of the rapidity of passing events Baron Schleinitz
was in no hurry to communicate with Turin.
Although the Prussian representative in that city
is charged with the affairs of Austria during the
rupture of the latter's relations with Sardinia, yet
Count Brassier de St. Simon was left a whole
month without information of his Cabinet'si views.
Yet during this time the most important events
were occurring. The Papal States were invaded,
tie battle of Castelfidardo was fought; Ancona was
taken, all the country up to within a few miles of
Rome was occupied; troops were sent into the
Neapolitan territory, and took part with the Gari-
baldians in the most important action of the war.
We must, then4resume that tie Notenow written.
has been the subject of the most serious reflection,
land represents a great concenti'ation of statesman-
ship. And yet no one wouldsheve,believed it, for
it is infirm in argument and purpose to a surpris-
ing degree.
Baron Schleinitz professes to explain, without
reserve, the view taken by Prussia of the last acts
of Victor Emmanuel, and the principles developed
in the Sardinian Memorandum. He justly ob-
serves that all the arguments of that document
uphold the principle of the absolute right of'
nationalities. The Prussian Minister "is far from
wishing to dispute the great value of the national
idea." Candidly enough, he owns—though the con-
fession will hardly be palatable to the minor.
Princes—that " it is essentially the openly avetvea
moving power of our policy, which, in Germany,
will always aim at the development and
thet a re
nd.
union of the national Powers in a more
effitheie differ-
powerful organisation." What, then s
Sardinia in,
ence between Prussia in Germany n_
a former's view,
Italy ? It is that, according to the
and by re-
" it is only in the legal way of ref t
uelar Government
specting existing rights that
legitimate wishes of the
is permitted to realise the g
people." The idea that everything
twhenever public
should yield to.
the national wishes, and that
opinion should have pronounced in favour of those.
wishes the existing authorities ought abdicatet
their power, is looked upon by Prussia as raja
stain this maxim the road of
heresy. " Tose for thatofrevolution:" re-
form is abandoned
are the maxims of Prussian statesmanship, and we
must be excused for asserting that they involve
a contradiction, of principles which must deprive
the views of the Regent's Cabinet of all
influence
in this matter. A diplomatic note its not iwr tten
to enforce abstract notions of morality.
Count Cavour sent memorandum When
to Berlin he did
not seek- advice from a
professor of casuistry. He
e p
wished merely to learn the Prince Regent's opi-
nions respecting a particular juncture of European.
affairs. The question how far resistance to esta-
blished government is defensible has been debated
from time immemorial ; there will always be a
school inclining to Film'., and a school inclining
to Algernon Sidney, t jus as some
lawsgive to indi-
viduals greater Y'
.liberty of self-defence than others.
Baron Schleinitz contents himself with saying
that liberty
ought to be struggled for and Govern,
ments ought to be upheld ; and, having enunciated
this platitude he at once proceeds to reprimand the
King of Sardinia for fulfilling one duty at the ex-
pense of the other. But this vacillation will gain
no friend. We must call on 'Prussia to take her
side either with the defenders or the opponents of
Italian nationality. In this demand we feel sure
that Austria herself will join us. Wrapping him-
self in the midst of abstract morality, BarniF
Schleinitz leaves it doubtful whether the Regent's
Government will give assistance or not to Austen',
should she be resolved to enter the field. ugatnst
Victor Emmanuel ; he leaves it doubtfu) wbether.
the annexation of Central and Southern. Italy will
be recognised; whether the views of F ngland will
be supported in any Congress of the 'Great Powers;
whether, in short,,the action of tise Prussian Court
e
will be favourable or adverse t° .'Malian an
ln n-
i
dance. In fact, everything is doifetful ~exce tde
that
both
Prussia merits and will receive I.he mistrust
, of Legitimists and Liberals.—Titstes.
Thf

iaci?. 4D. STAIIIPED,kp.

DEFENCES OF THE AUSTRIAN :FRONTIER.—. aly
lUvue Coiztemporaine, in an article topic d into the Illoniteur
We la Flak, gives a remarkable, account of the extensive
military preparations that have been ;made by Austria oi',
el ither new for‘trne stsoe-s
the frontiers of Venetia. At Venice an island covered with
irtit. In the phi
Bannon has risen in the middle of OR Grand Canal, ar,d
,;ence strengthened.
nAetwve,roorwk works hnlrinbseein,
aconstructed
ouant
found
tetoLiccloov aerndolllie ahl g_elii
ge.,h,
.. Verona can govt;
hr:ne du the troailvendwoirththobsaettaelrrieeasarynidn
efixvisi at;
wards Mantua and the Lake of Garda
lorc
wippeared rides
ni Iv a double girdles
It is; not an exaggeration to say that
teet an army of 100,000 men. Inpro
(hdadsebteaccohmede
faorstesc.ondAlstreearri afie;
eitt
I—.lli
d'aissua ~c,l e year Peed) iera
boar. The writer had not seen atl
tanh
ecdheofrenincetshe h ahr—
Marltx is or Legnano. LnE
from all he had heard it a
''' "tQtl tll4ll thc +se of tll© AiDui?
Fe had beta ilo of t e,