The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-10 00:00:00

are our near neighbours. The Emperor has never thought
of being alarreed by their presence near our frontiers, or of
demencline their removal, as was done.with respect to him-
self in le-3e. He rasp acts misfortune more than others have
respected his own. Now more than ever the right of asylum
is sacred for us. France, who would not sactinee it touny
one, does not ask allied or neighbouring Powers to sacrifice
it —she merely asks of other States to do what she is ready
to do for them.
" But the right of asylum which protects the representa-
tives or the defenders of causes that are lost must not be
confounded with the right of refuge which shields as-
sassins from the responsibility of their crime. Thera is in
the confusion of two thines so distinct, not only a violation
of morals, but a danger for society. Will it be said that
the right of asylum exercised in England protects men of
parties, and not the authors or the accemslices of assassi-
nation? We have already shown whence came the con-
spirators who attempted the life of the Emperor; we have
also shown who were their accomplices, from what quarter
proceeded the excitement to crime, in what country the
apology of that crime was free and public.
"If, as Mr. Gibson said, Count Walewski deceived the
English people in pointing out to theirgood faith and probity
those public apologies for assassination, which take place
every day under the tolerance of this generous hospitality we
pees condemnation. But is Count alewski in error? We
have made quotations which sufficeto establish these facts.
We could multiply them, and quote still more horrible
words, ant still more horrible writings but we should fear,
by mieglines with such a statement the echoes of the most
savage Pas,ions, those appeals to murder, those outrages
against all that is most sacred in the world, to disturb its
calm and impartiality. Is these any need to give evilence ?
In London there are held meetings where assassination is
glorified. In London are sold atrocious libels in which the
murder of the Sovereigns of Europe is elevated to a sys-
tem, to a right, to a duty, in which thrones, altars, armies,
leers, the magistracy, society, and God himself, are dragged
through blood and mire ! Such Saturn-ilia surpass even
barbarism. There is not a law in ancient or iu modern
times which tolerates them; and can it be pretended that
this tolerance is on the part of England merely the exercise
of the right of asylum ? Asylum is due to vanquished
parties ; it is due to all without exception ; it is due even
to rebels who, after having attacked the lees of their
country, put the frontiers between them and their rebel-
lion. That frontier is inviolable. But it is not due to the
monsters who are of no party, except it be the party of as-
sassination !
" England eannot thus understand the application of the
noble right of asylum. She cannot cover with this principle
of humanity crimes which have nothing human about
them. Here consciencehas already revolted against such an
interpretation, which is alike disowned by her own history.
"It is not the first time that the right of asylum has
been abused in London, and that it hes been attempted
to shelter there the provocation to crime. In other times,
which are not far distant from us, odious pamphlets had
been published in England under the cover of her hospi-
tality, against the Chiefs of foreign Governments. W.
hasten to observe that those pamphlets, though very vio-
lent, might pass for moderate on a comperisen with those
of the present day. Those publications were, nevertheless,
proceedua against, and condemueo by the Courts of Jus-
tice. Tne details of those proceedings have at this moment
an interest such as to induce us to make a search for them
in the records of English jurisprudence. They will be read
with advantage on both sides of the Channel."
The writer here gives an accomit of the trial of
Peltier, a French refu zee, in 1802, for a llt,el,
ptiilisliett in a French journal, toudetl
ou Varieties Atroces et Amusantes, against the First
Consul, Napoleon Bonaparte.
g,veiext,acts from the speech of the Att)r-
ney-Gtmeral, and from the charge of Lord Eden-
borough to the jury, who returned a verdict of
Guilty. He then proceeds :
" Such is the way in which Old England, on the morrow
and on the eve of an implacable war, reproved and punished
outrages against the First Consul, whose glory, neverthe-
less, she did not love. Although the peace of Amiens had
just been signed, it was so near being broken that this
justice was less that of an ally than of an enemy. But
that enemy was a great people, who knew how to elevate
their conscience above their pride, their honour above their
resentment or their jealousies. For six years past Englund
seemed to have forgotten the traditions and examples
which we have been happy to find in her history. She has
remembered them however. Lord Dailey was not less
explicit in the first worts he spoke as head of the new
Caeinet than Lord Palmerston in the last speech he de-
livered as Meister of the Queen. Lord Clarendon took
upon himself in turn to establish the complete exact-
ness of all the facts eta ed by Count Walewski in
his despatch of the zOth of January. There is there-
fere nothing more to prove. All is henceforth ascertained
and admitted by the eminent statesmen of the present
Cabinet, as by the honourable members of the preceding
Ministry. We are then certain that they will agree, amid
their divisions, in giving to the alliance, the greatness and
benefits of which they admit, all the guarantees necessary
for the dignity and interest of the two peoples.
"The precedents which we have quoted have, moreover,
great importance. They will not, perhaps, be without in-
teroat for the Ministers of the Queen. They prove that the
laws of England, her policy, and her hi tory, speak out as
much as the general principles of public right among all
nations, against the unworthy abuse which has been made
of their hospitality. They completely authorize the ap-
peal which the French Government has felt bound to ad-
dress to an allied Power in the interest of social order at
large. That appeal has had no other object than to con-
vince allied or neighbouring States of the necessity of cer-
tain guarantees to secure civilization against enemies who,
in order to succeed in their object, proclaim, organize, and
practise assassination, and whose plots are not struggles
but murders.

" We need say no more. Enough has been said to justify
the profound movement in public opinion. With the whole
of these facts before us which we have rapidly sketched,
with that prolonged tolerance which their auth,)rs so auda-
ciously abuse, France has refused to believe that the exist-
ing laws of England were sufficiently efficacious. She is
disquieted and irritated at it As to the Government of the
Emperor, it limits itself to explsin the situation of affairs,
to explain the causes of the imitation which the country
manifested, and in other respectl trusting to the loyalty of
the English Government to give ,atisfactiou to justice, to
morality, to the interests of society, to international rights.
" We have explained our conduct with respect to Eng-
land ; we have shown what tho Emperor Napoleon 111.
has been for her. itio may boldly say that England has
never found an ally more loyal, more persevering, ani more
independent of petty passions ano rancour. That justice
was rendered to hits lately within the walls of the Euglish
Parliament, as it will be rendered to him by history ; and
we accept that homage for France and for her sovereign 48
an h .nour. Wherefore we have every confidence that the
English people will not allow themselves to oe led away, as
difficult to explain as it is impossible to excuse, and that,
their good sense, their patriotism, rising above false in-
terpret3tions, the alliance of the two countries will stand
the trial of those last incidents.

" We have the firm hope that it will be so, for it is im-
possible that some misconceptions, exaggerated by an un-
foreseen incident, can weaken the accont of the two great
nations whose alliance is indispensable to future prosperity
of the civilised world. That alliance, in fact, seta aside all
ideas of conquest. It guarantees the security and liberty
of Europe, the interests of England and Fnuce being iden-
tical in every quarter of the esibe, wherever humanity and
civilisation are in question. it is for these reasons that it
was wise to form that alliance, and it is useful for the in-
terest of all to maintain it. After this explanation, pub-
lic opinion in Europe will julge if France has understood
this obligation, if she has fulfilled it, if she has the incite-
putable right to say that she is without reproach, and
consequently without fear before the tribunal of public
conscience."

With the exception of a page or two of minor
importance, the above is the wh,le of this anxiously
expected and much talked of pAiuphlet. Our
readers wilt not be nine i in the wrong if they look
upon it as a State p +per, or naanifes o, hddiesstd
al:ke to the people of Fiance and England. It is
thH composition of a puhlicuit whose "flue Roman
hand" imiy be easily detected; the thoughts are
derived from a higher source.