The Sun.
London, England, 1867-10-25 00:00:00

PROGRAMME OF TO-MORROW'S RACES.

Maiden Plate of 100 sows, for two yoar olds : colts Bst 101 b,
fillies and geldings Bst 71b; if for 100 sous allowed 71b.
T.Y.C.

Handicap Plato of 50 sous : for threo year olds and up-
wards. Cambridgeshire Course.
Houghton Handicap of 15 SOTS each, 5 ft. T.Y.C.

Sweepstakes of :5 sovi each : two year olds 7st Bib, throe

Bst 101 b, four 9st 11b, five and upwards 9st 31b. Brotby
Stakes Course.
S weopstakes of 10 sovs each: two year olds 7st 31b, three
Bst 101 b, four 9st 31b, five and upwards Bst 71b. T.Y.C.
Sweepstakes of 10 boys each: three year olds 7st 121 b, four
Bst 101 b, five gat 11b, six and aged 9st 31b. R.M.

Sweepstakes of 10 sovs each for two year olds : colts Bst

101 b, fillies Bst 71b. T.Y.O.

Matcb, 200 sovs, h ft: Marquis of llasting's Lecturor, 10et
agst Mr. P. ITobson's b f Chivalry, by Knight of Kars—
Lady Bibina, Bst ; both four year olds. Last two miles

of Cesarewitch Course.
Sussex Stakes of 25 sons each, 10 ft, fur two year olds:
cults Bst 10Ib, fillies Bst 71b, produce of untried stallions
or mares allowed 31b, butte Gib; the winner at Lewes

71b, other winners slb extra. T.Y.C.
Bona Fide, Amelia colt (31b), Chantilly, Sweet Kate,
Tom Cringle, Inspiration (51b ex), St Ronan (51b ox),
Forecastle, See Saw (71b ox), Nightingale filly (31b), Sum-
mer's Eve' Monkey Island, Banditto (51b ex), Chic, Sweet
Waters, Lorenzo de Lardy (31b), Carbine filly, Holder (blb
ex), Corinne' Ninny (5 ex), Posthaste, The Forest King
(31b allowed, 51b ex), Samson, Boanorges, False Alarm,
King Alfred (31b), Minute Gun, Lady Blanche filly (31b),
Vertumna filly (31b), Lictor (31b allowed, 51b ex), Madrid
(31b).

Match, 1,000 sous, 300 ft : Mr. R. Sutton's Lord Lyon agst
Duko of Newcastle's Rama, both four year old; Bst lUlb
each. 13.0.

LONDON GAZETTE.-THIS EVENING,

INDIA OFFICE, OCT. 22.

The Queen has been graciously pleased to nominate and
appoint the Right Hon. William Robert Seymour Arose),
Fitzgerald, Governor of the Presidency of Bombay to be
a Knight Commander of the Most Exalted Order of the
the Star of India.

_
ADMIRALTY, OCT. 24.
Royal Marine Light Infantry—Lieut. Augustine Evans
to be Second Captain, vice Davis, deceased.
Mr. George Edward Foote has this day been promoted
to the rank of Acting Engineer in Her Majesty's Fleet,
with Seniority of 10th May, 1867.
ADMIRALTY, CCT. 25.
Tho following Flag Promotions, to date the 18th inst.,
have been made, consequent on the death, on the 17th
inst., of Admiral the Right Honourable the Lord Fitz-
hardinge,
Vice-Admiral Henry Wolsey Bayfield, on the Retired
List, to he an Admiral on the same List.
Vice-Admiral the Honourable George Grey, on the Re-
tired List, to be an Admiral on the same List.
Vico-Admirals—The Honourable ArthurDuncombe and
Charles Henry Swineburno, on the Reserved List, to be
Admirals on the same List.
Vice-Admiral Sir Joseph Nias, K.C.8., on the Retired
List, to be an Admiral on the same List.
Vice-Admiral Sir George Back, lint., ou the Reserved
List, to be an Admiral on the same List.
Vice-Admiral Sir Henry John Codrington, K.C.8., to
be an Admiral in Her Majesty's Fleet.
Rear-Admiral the Hon. Keith Stewart, C.B. on tha
Reserved List, to be a Vice-Admiral on the same List.
Rear-Admiral George Goldsmith, 0.8., on the Retired
List, to be a Vice-Admiral on the same List.
Roar-Admirals William Griffin and John Hallowes on
the Reserved List, to be Vice-Admirals on the same List.
Rear-Admiral Charles Frederick to be a Vice-Admiral in
her Majesty's Fleet.

Oaptliin -George Sumner Hand, 0.8., to be a Rear-Ad-
miral on the Retired List.

Captain Michael Do Conroy to be Rear-Admiral in her
31!jersty's Fluet.

lietii7erl Vice-Admirals —henry Shovell Jones Marsham,
Charles Crowdy, Thomas Manse!, and James Burney, to
have the rank of Retired Admirals, under the provisions of
her Majesty's Order in Council of 7th May, 188.

COURSE OF EXCHANGE.--This Evening.

Anisterdain .

hort. 11 18}

Ditto 3 Mouths. 12 ui
Rottordaiu
A ntworp — 25 35
Bruss013
larriburg
Short 25 121
~ 3 Mouths. 25 30
25 32}
- 1201
12 CO
12 CO

11 18f
12 1
12 1
25 40
25 40
13 10f
25 '22i
25 35
25 871
1201
12 724
12
_72i

Ditto
lhaseilles
Frankforl on the Maine
V iota's.
Trieste

Potersburg►t
Bodin
Aladrid .
Cadiz
Leghorn

31
6 261
48

6 27

481
49
28 25
28 25

iiau
G en ott
a ['los
Palermo
Alt3ssinn,
Lisbon
Oporty

28 10
28 10
28 10
28 10
28 10
28 10
514
011

28 25
28 25
28 25
28 25
511
51f

THE MEMBER FOR HULL ON THE RE-
FORM QUESTION.

A large and influential meeting was held in the
Hull Sessions-house on Wednesday evening to hear
addresses from the borough members, Mr. Clay and
Mr. Norwood. Mr. B. M. Jalland, who presided,
said he thought they bad cause to be thankful to
their representatives for the assistance they had ren-
dered in the passing of the new Reform Bill.
Mr. CLAY on rising was received with repeated
rounds of cheering. After the applause had sub-
sided he said—Since I last had the honour of ad-
dressing you Parliament has sanctioned a change iu
the laws respecting the representation of the people
greater even than that which was effected by the
Reform Bill of 1832, greater especially as r gards
the extension of the franchise than probably the
most sanguine among us had expected. As it was
easy to believe there have been many different
opinions expressed as to the result of this measure.
Some recoil from it with fear, others look forward to
it with hope ; while some there are, and those are
the men who have always been the most eager and
the loudest in asking for an extension of popular
power, who find in this great change scarce any-
thing for which to be thankful. They are bad
to please. For my part it appears to me that
the Reform Bill of 1867 is a triumph of Radi-
cal principles, for which every honest Radi-
cal and every reasonable Radieal should be the
more thankful, because he little expected it. (Ap-
plause.) But there are many here to whom I have
had the pleasure of speaking frequently before, both
those who have for a long time enjoyed the fran-
chise, and many who are even yet excluded from the
franchise—an exclusion which is about to see a
speedy termination. I appeal, therefore, confidently
to your memory whether events have not fully
borne out the opinion which I have always expressed;
when I have told you over and over again that no
member of Parliament, however earnest a speaker,
however eloquent, no Government even, however
well disposed, could obtain for you a wide and real
extension of popular power, no, unless by your own
efforts, by your own clearly and generally expressed
desire and determination, you obtained it for your-
selves. Nor was there any good reason why this
should be otherwise. England, since the first Re-
form Bill, had been well and wisely governed ; and
the reason for a great change was only to be found
in the unmistakable and notorious demands of the
people for a more direct participation in the legis-
lation of the country, a demand having its source
in their increased well-being and their intelligence.
Failure after failure, both of individual effort and
of Government bills, had tested the correctness of
my views, until at last—a little more than a year
past—until at last the voice of the people was heard
in earnest, and we were already in easy sight of
household suffrage. When, therefore, I am asked
to which of the great parties in the State the people
are to return their thanks for the great boon which
has been conferred upon them, I am never puzzled
for my answer. Are we to thank the Tories ? Are
we to thank the Whigs? Certainly not the
the Whigs. Are we to t hank the Radicals ? No,
to none of these is your first gratitude due. First
and foremost let the people thank themselves. (Ap-
plause.) They have done their own work, and done
it well. We will see presently who should come
next. It is little more than a year since I bad the
honour of speaking to you in the Queen's Theatre.
It was at that time quite uncertain
whether Lord Derby's Government would introduce
a Reform Bill. Forgive me if I ask from you some
little credit for sagacity—(hear, hear)—when I re-
mind you that I then ventured to prophesy that
Lord Derby's Government would introduce a Re-
form Bill, and that one of its leading provisions
would be household suffrage. (Applause.) It is
true that household suffrage was not the first offer
which was made to us. Other schemes were sug-
gested, scarcely proposed, and certainly not insisted
on. I dismiss them, and they were generally so
dismissed as altogether unworthy of notice ; they
only serve to show that little less than that which
we have now obtained would have been accepted.
(Hear.) At the meeting to which I referred I
pledged myself, with your loudly expressed approval,
to support any measure, from whatever party it
might come, which promised a real and wide exten-
sion of popular power. (Applause.) At last, then,
after the schemes to which I have alluded—as I had
always expected—household suffrage came; not,
indeed, pure and simple, but accompanied by certain
checks and counterpoises—so its authors called them
—as a screen of laths to keep out the sea, framed
only to be abandoned, and inviting destruction from
their very frailty. The good sense of General Peel
foresaw at once that they could never stand. Then
arose a difference of opinion in the Liberal ranks.
Many thought the measure went much too far ;
others considered it a sham so transparent, and sur-
rounded by provisions so offensive, that it would be
impossible ever to. mould it into a good measure—
that it ought not to be allowed to go into committee,
but shoul I be defeated on the threshold. Among
those who held this opinion was the great leader of
the Liberal party, Mr. Gladstone, of whom I will
only say in passing that I do not believe that there
is one single member of the Liberal party who
will dispute for one moment that he is their only
fitting and posaible leader. (Applause.) I ven-
tured to hold a different opinion as to the merits
of this bill. Household suffrage had been taught
me in my political catechism more than thirty
years ago by Lord Durham. For a period almost
equally long I had advocated it here and on
the hustings to our neighbouring Beverley, which
place, as many of you may recollect, was my politi-
cal Cradle, and where I received kindness which 30
years have done nothing towards effacing. (Ap-
plause.) Household suffrage had to me a sort of
magic sound. The fortifications which a timid Tory-
ism still sought to raise against this advance of de-
mocracy were so weak that I did not believe for one
moment in any serious intention of defending them.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer also, as we all
heard, promised, with an earnest sincerity which I
at least could not understand, that if his bill was
allowed to go into committee, he was anxious to
take the whole house into his councils, and to make
every reasonable concession to their wishes. For
these reasons I felt the strongest confidence that
Lord Derby's bill might be and would be made a
very valuable measure, and I determined as far as I
had the power to assist it, that it should go into
committee, and that it should there receive a fair
hearing. (Applause). A great number of the most
earnest Liberals in the House of Commons were of
the same opinion as myself, and fifty good Radicals
met in the tea-room of the House of Commons, and
the number would havw been doubled if any efforts
had been made to procure concerted action. You
have no doubt frequently read in the newspapers of
late that Mr. So-and-so, in addressing his consti-
tuents, defended his conduct in going with the tea-
room party. I am not here to defend my conduct
in that particular. On the contrary, I took no in-
significant part in that movement, and I look upon
it as a cause of congratulation and triumph. (Ap-
plause.) The aim and the action of that party were
only to procure for the Government bill a fair hear-
ing in committee, in the belief that it might be
moulded into a measure conferring greater power
on the people than they were likely to attain
under any other circumstances. They made
their opinions known through a deputation
to Lord Russell and Mr. Gladstone. Their
advice was taken. The bill did go into com-
mittee. It was fairly heard in committee; it was
altered, and it was very greatly amended, and it
came out the great Reform Bill of 1867, the start-
ing point of a new era in the constitutional history.
(Ilear.) And there the matter ends, except that if
the people, after thanking themselves, which I ad-
mit they have the first right to do, have any spare
gratitude left for others, they will do well to bestow
it on the members of the tea-room party. (Cheers.)
Let it not, however, be supposed for a moment that
I look upon this act as perfect. Could it well be ex-
pected that so great a work should in so short a
time come forth smooth and polished everywhere as
a statue from the hands of a sculptor? One great
work at least remains, for the corning year, I mean
a law to prevent corrupt practices at elections. This
subject carefully considered early in the
year, by a committee of the House of Commons—

and I expect much and immediate fruit from
their labours. I shall have some suggestions to
make myself, and that one favourite suggestion of
mine will be adopted among other very stringent
provisions, namely, that henceforth every man con-
victed of taking or giving a bribe will be incapaci-
tated for ever. Not for five years, not for 10 or 20
years, but incapacitated for ever from sitting in
Parliament, or from voting at Parliamentary elec-
tions. There are very many of you who look to the
ballot as the best cure for electoral corruption.
(Applause.) It will certainly do something—it
will do much, but it will not do every-
thing. A more stringent law will alio be re-
quired. I, as you know, have voted for the ballot,
ever since you sent me to the House of Commons ;
indeed, speaking from memory, I believe I have
never yet missed a division on that subject. But I
say to you of the ballot, as I have said before, if
you with it, and are really determined to have it, do
not trust to me or any one else, but obtain it for
yourselves. Members of Parliament are but the
reflection of your opinions. Choose men who share
your views, and your business is done. I see some
other imperfections in the act itself. Do you
desire the rating clauses—(loud cries of "No ")
—the inconvenience of which has no doubt already
made itself felt ? If so, the matter is in your hands.
Hitherto the attainment of your wishes has been a
task of great difficulty, but henceforth it will be
comparatively easy, and the voice of the people,
which formerly had but a feeble utterance, will now
make itself heard without an effort. (Applause.)
And in this lies the great value of the Reform Bill
of 1866. The other great subject with which the
Reform Act has dealt has been handled very im-
perfectly. I mean the redistribution of seats.
(Hear, hear.) And I have always been of opinion
(and I said so when I last addressed you in Sep-
tember or October last year) that this was a work
that should be left for the next parliament. But
whether this be so or not, to have tried for anything
more last session would have been to have risked a
very valuable franchise ; but which, once safe,
brings everything else in its wake. (Applause.) Be
sure that on the whole our business has been well
and honestly done. And yet I constantly hear the
cant phrase, " A condemned House of Commons."
Condemned ! Who condemns it ? Why, this last
act is its triumphant vindication, and is the best
proof of its honesty and of its usefulness, and
comes as a crowning act of thirty-five years of
legislation, and the best, the wisest, and the most
beneficent act within the record of constitutional
history—(loud applause)—a legislation almost en-
tirely directed to the well-being of the large masses
of the country—thirty-five years, mind you, during
which time England has increased in numbers, in
wealth, and intelligence beyond any precedent. And
thanks to whom ? Why, to the courage and wisdom
of the reformed Houses of Commons; and may those
who come after us do better still. But if everything
was so right, what occasion was there for any
-change ? This was a very natural question, and
one which was very urgently insisted on by Mr.
Lowe, and by others who would have wished us
to stay where we were. (Hear, hear.)
Let me see if I can answer that ques-
tion. I am not about to discuss the ab-
stract right of a man claiming as a birthright the
possession of the franchise, but very few will deny
that a man has at least a right to be well governed.
The object of good government is the well-being
and contentment of the people. However wise your
laws may be, however well they may be admini-
stered, Government have failed in this great object
if the people are not contented. The people were
not contented. They had gradually increased in
wealth and intelligence, and were desirous for a
more direct participation in the legislation of -the
country ; and it was right that their demand should
be considered as soon as it became notorious and
unmistakable. (Great applause.) In this last con-
sideration I am disposed to find a solution of the
great puzzle how it has come to pass that a very
radical Reform Bill has been passed by the Tory
party. In the hour of our triumph at least we may
afford to be generous, and to give to our opponents
credit for the same honesty of intention which we
professed ourselves. (Cheers.) lat least am not
disposed to join in an indiscriminate abuse of the
Tory party, and any charges of bad faith, aban-
donment of principle, and so forth. (Cheers.) The
great bulk of a party merely follow their leaders,
and they can do no better. It is with the leaders
that we have to deal ; and let us see how their case
stands. Every party likes being in office better
than being in opposition, and so far as my expe-
rience goes in this respect we are very much alike.
But if the leaders of the Tory party were now here
among you, I make no doubt that very many of
them would tell you we always believed that it
would be better to leave the constitution where it
was. They would probably tell you more. They
would probably go so far as to say, what is more,
we say so still. Right or wrong, the people de-
manded large constitutional changes, and they de-
manded them in a voice to which no wise states-
man could be deaf. When it was so perfectly clear
to us, we believed that it would be better to do
the work thoroughly than by some half measure
to leave it, may be for years, simmering through
the country, a constant source of irritation, and
a stoppage of other business of great, if not
of equal, importance. Perhaps it is no busi-
ness of mine to state the case of my oppo-
nents. I think, however, that it is so fair a case,
and I feel so large a debt of gratitude to them for
having carried a measure which we Radicals never
could have carried for ourselves,. that I at least am
determined to keep a civil tongue in my head, and I
am not disposed to look a "gift horse" in the mouth.
What are we to expect from our new constituencies ?
Why, the good sense and energy of Englishmen, an
honest pride in the new power which they will shortly
possess, and some sense of the responsibility which
that new power has cast upon them. (Cheers.)
Why should it not be so ? There are as good fish
in the sea as over came out of it. (Hear, and laugh-
ter.) Why we have always said, for years past,
that we could find as good constituencies outside the
electoral pale as within it. Did we mean what we
then said ? If not, more shame for us. -But, if we
did mean it. away with all silly fear that the inte-
rests of England are about to suffer, because may be
double the number of her sons have a direct voice in
their regulation. Many people tell me that large
numbers of our new voters will be too ignorant to
understand the responsibility which you have
thrown upon them. Let their triumphant answer
to this charge be, as I venture to prophesy it will be,
to send to St. Stephen's a House of Commons
pledged immediately and fearlessly to undertake the
great work of national education. (Loud applause.)
This subject is far too wide for me to enter on it to-
night, but it will be a subject of interest, not only
within the walls of Parliament, but throughout the
whole country, for some, I hope not long, years to
come, until the work is done, as we always do our
work at last, thoroughly and well. (Applause.) I
shall look upon an early and general agitation in
this direction as the best and most convincing proof
that we have done well and wisely. For the future
I have no fear. I have great hope. (Cheers.)
And there is no reason in the prayer with which I
shall now conclude that the House of Commons
elected under the new order of things may not be
less mindful of the honour of England and of the
wellbeing of her people than have been those who
have preceded them since the Reform Bill of 1832.
(Loud cheers.)

Mr. NORWOOD then addressed the meeting. He
agreed with Mr. Clay that the great Measure of re-
form which they had just passed would be the open-
ing of a new page in the constitutional history of the
cou❑try, yet deeply regretted that in the session of
1866 the Conservative party, aided and abetted by
certain malcontents on their own side of the house,
prevented the passing of Lord Russell's measure—a
measure in which there were no attempts at restric-
tions, checks, or counterpoises, like those of the
Tory bill when first introduced. Mr. Norwood
claimed credit for the Liberals rather than the Go-
vernment for the success of the cause of reform, and
criticised rather sharply the vacillating mode adopted
by the latter in the early stages of the bill. They
only moved because they were compelled to move,
and, he considered, treated the house more like a
debating society than the British house of Com.