The Sun.
London, England, 1858-02-05 00:00:00

AST INDIA. COMPANY.

Earl GREY gave notice that on Thursday next he
would present a petition fiorn the East India Company
against tke proposed abolition of the powers of the com-
pany.

MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS ROYAL,
Earl GRAN VILLE gave notice of hie intention to-
morrow of moving an address of congratulation to her
Majesty, on the occasion of the marriage of the Princess
Royal.

THE ARMY IN INDIA.
Lord PANMURE gave notice that on Monday next
he should move a vote of thanks to the naval and
military forces in India.
THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
Upon the motion for adjournment, which was moved
by Earl GIIANVILLB,
The Earl of DERBY said it surprised him inuoli that
the noble lord opposite should have made that motion.
Considering this as the commencement—the virtual
commencement of a new session ; considering that they
bad not before them now that general summary, pre.
seated in the address from the throne, of the state of
public affairs and the measures to be brought forward,
considering that nearly two months had elapsed since
they met in that house and that those two months were
not to be enumerated by duration so much as by the im-
portant events which had taken place is them—heshould
have thought that on the opening night of what was
virtually another session, the Government wculd have
felt it their duty to volunteer a statement to the house
more explicit than they had volunteered on a previous
occasion as to the various and important ft nestiow which
were now pending. He bad thought that the Gov, rn-
ment would have felt it their duty to advert to the pre-
sent position of affairs at home and abroad, for though
undoubtedly there had been some symptoms of amend-
ment since they last met, there was still much to exeite,
grave apprehension. I'.. was true that the imminent crisis
had passed away, that there had been the most xtraor-
dinary revolution in the money market, and that the
state of the Bank now presente:t the most ettraordieary
and almost unparalleled contrast to that presented on the
last occasion when they met, and that the sudden
alteration in the rate of discount caned for the most
serious and anxious consideration of Parliament. Un-
doubtedly the monetary crisis had passed away, and
there was some improvement in commercial matters ;
but even up to the pre.,.ent time the workingeleeee corm:;
suffering covers privations, and the Government
mistaken if they supposed that up to the presentllloM6fit
those privations would have been borne with forbear-
ance and dutiful submission ifthey had not been believed
to be inevitable. (Hear, hear.) But when they lot kt d
to foreign affairs, he must say that though they had been
relieved from the immediate app-Atension so
painfully entertained by every one of them as to the
state of the garrison of Lucknow, and though those
affairs had undoubtedly improved, aid they sere threat-
ening in a high degree. They had had to rejoice over
successes obtained by a : alluumhers of amen (cheere) 111
and they had had to rejoice at the gallantry of our
troops, and their honourebte exertions. They had had
many causes to r, joins; but he did not know whether
those causes of rejoicior had not been exceeded by their
deep regret—on looking at the bog list of these who bad
fallen, and saw the name of that noble man who had
fallen in the hour of victory, and without knowieg the
regret which his countrymen felt. (Cheers.) Ile be•
lieved that there wee not a section or party in England
who did not participate in the public mourning when
the news arrived of hie death. And while he spoke of
those who had fallen, let him do ju.tice to those who
still remained ; and above all, ho thought that they
should take the earliest opportunity of expressing their
opinion of the great exertions, exemplary iniLtary skill,
and great prudence that had oharacteried that galalit
general, Sir C. Campbell. (Cheers.) He must say that
that distinguished man had equalled if net raised
above the high position which he had before occupied.
But he pressed the Government to look at the condition
in which we had btlil to struggle in India. Let them not
flatter themselves that they had succeeded in putting
down the revolt; they had undoubtedly scattered those
that had revolted against us, but they had still to per-
form a tack of unparalleled magnitude with most inade-
quate means on our part. I.t this moment he did not
think that Sir C. Campbell could collect an army of
10,000 men for any operation, and he was morally cer-
tain if they had twice the whole Brea no v in India .e
would not be too much to restore cur empire and
establish tranquillity in India. lie had heard more then
one officer express a distinct opinion that with the suc-
cess we had achieved over the rebels the revolt might
have been put down if we had had an adequate emot;
cavalry to snake good the success achieved by our in-
fantry. (Hear.) On every occasion we had fought
against unheard of odde, and in the last moment of
victory we had had no cavalry. From that arose
the fact that in a few days after we Lad obtained
a great victory we found a frin,ll force rose up calling h r
fresh exertions. An army which Lad lied pee day with
the loss of their guns, re-assembfed in a few days with
as many guns ; and in one instance an army which was
said originally to have had 22 guns, when we had ee'p-
tured 27 guns from them were aaif to have ,ucceedeci ma
escaping with the remainder. This quo.,tic n of caeel: y
was one which had been arxiom,ly brougict forward and
forced on the attention of Govereincnt by his n„ le
friend (the Eall of Ed3riburough), %the had urged them
to seed out cavalry and horses for our a tillery. Iv' :.at
bad the Government sent out ? They lieu ient out a
number of guns, the thing which was least of all wanted
in India, for of guns there was an abundance in India.
They bad not sent with the guns well-:rained
for they had them not ; and they had not sent horsce
or harness ; and the consequence was that the guns ill 3
great measure were utterly and entirely tnelese 111
recollected that his Lade I
tr.cnc., when the
esovernmeist
said they would send a corps of ai tsllery to India, pot-
ting the question across the hou,e, " And their horses
with them ?" to which to answer was made. He was
told that they were in such straits in India for want of
horses that they were attempting to deaw the guns by
unbroken 3-yr-Ad mares taken from the country where
they were carrying on operations. Toe reason sby he
pointed to this state of things was to call the attet Lion
of Government to the matter, so that they might take
some effectual steps to obtain a continual stream of re-
inforcements to that small army in India. He was out
exaggerating when he said that to maintain that at oly
on its present footing they must send L.-700 men a month,
or 18,000 a year. He did act believe that sae were

raising recruits at tl.at rate, acrd the teen we were send-
ing out were mere raw recruits, among whoin the haven
of disease on their first Lending was perfectly frightful.
lie earnestly entreated their lordships to take this
question into their serious consideration, and let the
liovernmsnt taket every' means to send troops to India.
Let them strap
thatis
th, •
country, if they pleased, of all the
available fore!
entrust this country t
could by possibility spare, and
(hear,hear)....
wilicho the charge mai: ly of its militia—
and implored to they had been repeatedly entrea!etl
irect the embodiment of the whole:
he thought that the e went cf the militia would at
if
all interfere with recruit
recommend the step, hut ought tivdt it was the best
the army he would not
mode of recruiting for the a rua
was sure that it
was the best mode of provijn; B.zi'odr he
eie def nee of the
trained ',Adler% to
country, and of enabling them tc,ii
of
to which he
the army in India. T4ra gem Lo
asked the attention for a singte
of War, A suggestion was made dukin the Minister
war for raising regiments in the ca:onies!C.i mean
believed that if proper steps were taken the t 'l3l,
without difficulty raise for the service of this couyntriqi—
or six regiments at least in our colonial.. Ile did not Ant in
regiments for colonial service only. Be believed th4t inn North America, and possibly at the Cape end in Au,.
tralia, they could find men perfectly willing to form
Corps
for the general service of this country as a British force,
provided they were allowed to be efficered as ne'l
as
manned from their own colony, and provided they were
not at all different from the ordinary soldiers of the
crown except in that they were to have their pert :d
of home service in the colony they bad been raised in.
He did not know whether this suggestion was worthy
of attention, but he was sure that to provide fed- the de
fence of this ceentry, arid to give to the army in India
much larger reinforcements than we had yet wive:,, we
must raise more men from somewhere. At the moment
when we were suffering from this deficiency of men in
India, and when we wanted every man we c, old poesib'y
bring into the held, we had 50 ships with 560 or 570
gam, and a very considerable number of seamen and
soldiers idling—worse than the miserable ear
into which we bad been forced in China. He l linked at
that war with" great apprehension,
Io we
forre
thec iv ~u
midstldrots,:f
what they were driving at, v
two.wars for which we must provide;oileof'.
ether iceh 1 ad
had
taken the Government by turprise and the

arisen from the fault of those in office there. They were
wasting their forces in two quarters of the globe, which
were not even barely sufficient to carry into effect their
intentions. In China he understood that the idea of nego-
tiation
was t b
at
oPekine m
hada e
withb e u
n our
raenmdaolnl
forceed, andon c
thatan :on. H
hee at-
tack
thought it very likely that the attack would succeed—
they might destroy the city, burn it, and then not be
one whit nearer to the attainment of their object than
at present. If they took possession of Canton they
might hold it, and the holding of it, if there
were no ulterior object, would withdraw a large
amount of force which they could ill spare, and it
would be degrading to the city of Canton. Even then
what would they have done ? They would not have ap-
proached the settlement of the question with China—
they would have succeeded in destroying Canton and the
population with which we had carried on such a lucra-
tive trade, and raised such a flame in China that we must
have a large force, or we might be expelled from the
other ports as well as from Canton ; and for this miser-
able war they were obliged to cripple the Indian army
and the defence of our own country. There was another
and a different subject on which ho had hoped something
would have been said by her Majesty's Government on
the first day of this present sitting. It could not be
denied that the recent atrocious attempt to assassinate
the Emperor of the French had produced in France the
most excited and dangerous feeling as to this country,
though it could not be denied that accusations and
charges had been made which were utterly without
foundation, and many of which the enemies of this
country in France had impressed on the minds of the
people, and which had led to sentiments which, if they
bad proceeded from quarters entitled to any respect, would
have been little likely to have been followed by such
favourable notice by this country of what had taken
place as they now have. Undoubtedly what had been
said of the French, and the language held by so great a
person as the First Lord of the Treasury, was undigni-
fied bluster, which bad found in France persons who had
imitated if not surpassed it. Bat he did not think that
the impertinent and disgraceful language held on this
subject would induce ue to doubt that the accusations,
however unjust, and the imputations, however unfounded,
had had the effect of alienating from this country the
minds of part of the population of France, and he
thought that the earliest opportunity should have been
taken by the Government to disabuse the minds of the
people as to the real slate of affairs. If there was any
offence which was utterly revolting and repugnant to the
feelings of every Englishman—if there was any crime
which carried hope for sympathy and protection from no
human being, with regard to which the moment it was
committed the sympathies of all the world were on the
side of justice, and that convictienand punishment should
be executed on the offender, that was the c ime of secret
assassination. He was convinced that no man with an
English heart could have a proposal made to him to get
rid of the bitterest enemy by menus of secret assagsina-
tion eithout the first impulse of his mind being to knock
down the man who made it. But when the offence was
sought to be committed, not against a bitter enemy, but
against one who had proved himself a firm friend of this
country, one whose life was of vital importance to the
English alliance with France and the maintenance of
peace and good crder throughout Europe, and where the
offence had not even the poor disguise of political excite-
ment to palliate murder, but when they were so reckless
that they did not hesitate to expose to risk the spectators
and the wife of the man they sought to murder, he must
say that the feeling of indignation against the crime of
assassination that would be raised in this country under
ordinary circumstances would, under the present circum-
stances, he felt, be still deeper. Undoubtedly, it must
be said that the language which certain parties in France
had indulged in deprived them of the right of asking any
explanation of us of cur conduct ; but he did not think
that in our indignation there should be want of friendly
feeling, because this had arisen from want of real appre-
hension of the state of affairs—he did not say between
the governments, for he did not believe it existed—but
between the population of these two countries. Under
no conceivable circumstances could the slightest charge
of negligence or want of watchfulness be brought
against this country. He admitted that if it were the
duty of this country, which he did not admit, to drive
from ha shores men who might Le suspected of enter-
tab.ling hostile iuteations against a foreign sovereign,
there were no circumstances under which the Govern•
meant could have acted in this case so as to lease pre-
vented the attempt on the life of the Emperor. Mare
was a man who, for some years, had resided in Birming-
ham, and earned Lis living by teaching languages,
universally well esteemed, and net engaged in any secret
plot or understanding. As long as Pierri remained at
Birmingham he was perfectly safe, perfectly ineffensive,
and there was no suspicion of danger. But then it was
said, " Why did you allow him to leave Birmingham to
go to France 7" It was no part cf oar business ; in this
country every man freely came and wont when and
where he pleased ; and this man bad not been guilty of
any (fence against our laws. But he must say that one
Meson to be drawn from the manner in which this diabo-
lical plot had been so nearly made successful was tLe
utter futility of that vexatious system of passports. It
had long been the rule of the Foreign-AT:ice never to
grant passports except to subjects cf this country, and
no doubt the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs would
bear him out, that that was still the rule. Danger from
Pierri aro,e Lot from the circumstance of his being in
Ergiand, but irons his landing on the shores of France ;
and bow did he obtain the means of landing there ?
Where was the poine at which danger commenced ?
Why Lis arriving in France. And how did he arrive
there ? Why, he obtained a passport not from the British
minister, but he entered France by means of a passport
signed y the vice-consul of F.aece in Belgium. Ho
proceeded to B:lgium. He (the Earl of Derby) believed
shat the Belgian police, who knew the man, gave
notice to the li.rench Government that he was in Bel-
gium and on his way to Paris. To Paris he went ; in
Paris he remained, he believed, a week; in Paris, and
not in Birmingham, he c smpleted the arrangements fur
.his attempt ; in Paris he cmspired with co-conspirators.
The glut might have been devised in England, but it was
matured and carried into execution—so far as it was
carried into execution at all—in Paris, this person hav-
ing gone there by means of a passport furnished by the
French Consul, and in the face of what they had been
accustomed to consider an active and vigilant police—a
police upon whom, he must say, it reflected no great
credit that they should have permitted this great crime
to he so nearly successful as it was. Now, he ventured
to say, with regard to the case of Pierri, that, whatever
might have been the state of the law in this country,
nothing that could be done would have given that pro-
tection to the Emperor which he (Earl of Derby) thought
F he ought to have received from greater catrion in grant-
' ing a passport on the part of its own officer and from
greater vigilance on the part of its own police. So much
for the individual case of Pierri. It was perfectly well
known that there were men in this country who enter-
tained the moat dangerous desiers; but it had never Leon
the habit of England, and he hoped it never would be
her habit, to punish men for designs and intentions tin-
, accompanied by any indication of action,and upon charge..
monist:lined by any producible evidence. Here these
persons were, certainly not by our wish, nor by their
own, but because they had no other resting place for
the sole of their foot : and they uudoubted.ydid combine
and consult tegether as to the means of effecting most
dangerous and criminal prdects; but so long as they
vent no further thsn projects, neither for the protection
of foreign sovereigns, nor for the protection of our own
sovereign, did the law permit them to be interfered with.
He knew that nee of the things which had been sought
to be impressed on the sensitive minds of 'the French
people was that these men were kept in England, as it
were, in the bash, ready to ho slipped whenever it suited
f;:be purpose of the English Government to let them go
abroad. Now be thought it but right that the people of
this countryand tee people of France ehoull be undeceived
im that respect; and be said in the presence of his i.ohle
iiiend the Secretary of State for Foreifne Affair, who
would contradict him if he was mistaken, that the persons
V7llO entertained these dangerousdesigns were known to

?ha and that, so far as our repTignance to the sys-
tem cf surv,:illance would admit of it, they were under

the ob&,rv...tion of the poiica. Moreover, so far from our

keeping thee persons flare toendaner foreign sovereigns
it had, he believed, always been considered the duty of
the Government, when they knew of any design against
the 1 fa of a foreign SOVf re'gi), to give that sovereign a
friendly earning, and to place him on his guard against
Leach ma hinations ; and he would express his conviction
that on more than one occasion the Emperor of the
ffrench had been mainly indebted to friendly iatimatiens
given by the Government of this country for the frus-
tration of the designs of persons whom we were now
charged with keeping here for the endangering of his
(Hear, bear.) He thought it right that it should
be known to the people of this country that there are
mten here who entertained dangerous designs ; he thought
it right, too, that it should be known to the people of
:France that these deigns were watched by the Govern-
!ment, that information respecting them was always
given to the sovereigns whose lives were endangered,
:end that, as far as possible, they were counteracted by
the police, which, if it did not make as much noise, was,
fee believed, quite as effective as the police of France.
(Irear, hear.) He th'ugbt it important that her Majesty's
Government should give an early explanation of their
opinions and views on this question, because it was one
_ _

upon which there was much misappreheudoo, and one

which public attention was greatly directed.

It ap-

ptared to him most important that thy bhould Lear

in consequence of the
intended to take any steps .
which, if they did not
shay
from her .s.l,jasty's
any steps
!ate atrocious attempt,
Government without delay whetker
v•ereigns, would at least manifest
and bores
of
cr.untry, and meet the reasonable wishes
Tive more effectual protection tothethleivecrsooodf
, however, that
oi;her countries, lie would say wfoillreoigfntlasois-
vecure the Irienelhip of France or any o
de-
tkot to avert the thr,atened hostilaitty°Lio7Ftrhaenrcep,onweetr
in
Europe, would he consent to violate in the slightest€
wee that riLlit of a;y!um which had always be
laoaßt of this country that it afforded. ([dear) Ot that
asylum men of all p,,i;tical uha..its of tpinion, and of all
political dencnii.ations, had freely and amply partaken.
•n, t.h e
That a yluna Lad, inched, by many persons been dis-
gracefully and m. st ungratefully abused—(hear)—and
to did not hesitate to say that those persons were
guilty of
who did a crime against the world and against
hnity
so much band eir conduct in abusing
the asylum granted to them, aby the Auspicigns Which
they raised to erobioil with other countrie, the country
which protected them. (dear. Still, not even on account
of the crimes of these patties, uor on account of any con-
moment to el.stroy or to relax that right of asylum which
was enjoyed by all persons who did not Lliaohey the laws
of this country. There was another thing which be was
sure the Government would not :propose to do—if it
were proposed parliament would not grant it to any
government, howevesrhepdowinertfhuli—soaonudotrhyatenwaesu,,pthicaitoaloyr
e ace of day
on notoritly, instead
(U ear, hear.) If the people
r;ublic t:ib:lnal.
man should be punished
of
evidence
ciwen in th f
before a ,

of Franee were unreasonable enough to expect such a
sacrifice of constitutional feeling and principle on the
part of this country, they were lamentably deluded ; and,
however much he might regret the feelings which would
be engendered, he must say that all feelings must be
risked for the preservation of vital principles. (Cheers.)
But, while no person ought to be punished without evi-
dence, or without a violation of the laws of this country, it
was a question well worthy of the consideration of the
Government of this country what were the laws and how
far they affected this description of crime. He would
not presume to express any opinion as to the specific
measure which might be introduced—a measure which
,might cause greateralarm to persons contemplating such
offences, or give greater proof of our good-will to the
sensitive people of France ; but he did think the subject
was one deserving grave and attentive consideration, and
he was sure that if the Government could see their way to
the making the law more effectual for the prevention of
attempts at assassination without infringing the great
principles involved in the right of asylum, a proposal
framed on that basis would be readily and cheerfully ac-
quiesced in by Parliament. He had deemed it expedient
and desirable being wholly unconnected with Government,
who had not thought fit to ntterany expression of opinion,
that he should take the first opportunity afforded to him,
after the late most disastrous event, to state in Parlia-
ment the views which he entertained on this subject ; to
express the deep interest which he felt in the continued
life and health of the Emperor of the French ; the vital
importance which he attached to the keeping up a good
understanding, not merely between the governments, but
also between the people of England and France ; the
deep sense which he had of the paramount importance of
the maintenance of the present Government—a Govern
ment of which he would say nothing except that he be.
lieved that at the present moment it was the Government
which was best adapted to promote the happiness and
interest of the people of France. (Hear, hear.) He had
thought it expedient and desirable that he should do what
in him lay to remove misconception from the minds of
those who had been deluded in reference to the feelings
of the people of England and the state of the law ; and
also that he should ask her Majesty's Government not to
state the nature of any particular measure which they
might contemplate, but to explain how far they concurred
in the general principles which he had laid down, and
whetherit was their wish,notwithstandingtheimprudence,
notwithstanding the folly, notwithstanding the irritat-
ing langustee of those to whom he had referred—instead
of retafiaing in any way for such displays, to give every
poseibie security to the lives of foreign sovereigns against
the atrocious and abominable crime of assassination, and
even to see whether there was any defeat in the law ;
and if so, whether that defect might net be removed ;
without reference, of course, to any political considera-
tions, and solely with a view to the prevention of a
crime which was abhorrent to the feelings of the people
of England ? (Hear, hear.)
Earl GRANVILLE said he could not imagine any-
thing that would more surprise their lordships than a
general essay from himself, after an adjournment of two
months, on almost all political matters ; and he should,
therefore, only touch very briefly on some of the
points on which the noble earl appeared to think the
Government ought to have given explanations. First,
with regard to the monetary state of this country. It
really appeared to him that he would have been guilty
of a most extraordinary intrusion, considering that a
great improvement had taken place when Parliament
separated, and that that improvement had continued up
to that moment, if he had started up the moment parlia-
ment re-assembled and given any impressions of his own
with respect to banking, and stated facts which must
hhve been perfectly well known to every one in that
house. The noble earl had expressed surprise at his not
having alluded to the achievements of our soldiers in
India. His noble friend (Lord Pammure) had just given
notice that he would, on Monday next, move a vote of
thanks to that army, whose I rilliant feats entitled it to
the gratitude of the country. On that occasion the noble
eerie and other noble lords would have an opportunity of
expressing their feelings on that subject ; and he thought
that, under the circumstances, it would have been childish
and improper in him to anticipate the task which hie
noble fr iced had undertaken to perform within so short a
period. (Hear.) His noble friend thought he ought also
to have antic.pated the attaoks which were to be made
upon the government on account of tho manner in which
affairs had been managed in India. When the proper
time arrived his noble friend would be able to cuter
into the details of that question, and it would, he be-
lieved, then be found that the government were not
remiss in sending cut troops, that they were not remiss
in sending out reinforcements and horses, and that the
greatest exortiens were made by the authorities at home
to do all that was required. The noble earl had spoken
of their being at ear with two countries, when, as he
said, they were totally unprepared for war with either.
As regarded India, to accuse the government of not
having been prepared for war there, appeared to him
most unreasonable. Was anybody prepared for what
had taken place ? (Hear.) With respect to China, he-
utterly denied that they had not bees' prepared. Experi-
ence bad shown that the preparations were more than
sufficient for the purpose ; but the force prepared was
deviated to India. At the present moment, without
substracting inconveniently from the army in India,
the force in China was quite sufficient to carry out
the objects in view. The noble earl said the policy of
the Chinese war was wrong. It might be wrong. The
subject had, however, been debated in that house and
in another place, and it was afterwards referred to the
country at large, which gave a most triumphant verdict
io favour of tOe policy ut her Majesty's government.
(Ministerial cheers.) Would the noble earl contend tLat
after such a verdict had been given, the government who
inaugurated the policy in question would have been jus-
tified in departing from it, leaving everything in state quo,
and seeking no redress or compensation for the injuries
which had been committed. (Hear.) The noble earl
went en to express surprise that he had not taken that
opportunity to allude to an event of great importance,
namely, the attempt which had lately been made on
the life of the Emperor of the French. Now it certainly
would have bean a most agreeable task, either for him
self or any one sitting on that bench, to have taken the
very earliest opportunity to express their abhorrence, not
only as members of her Majesty's government, not only
as members of that house, butas Englishmen, at an at-
tempt to obtain political objects by that most dastardlyof
all crime', assassination; and it would have been equally
agreeable tothem to h eve expreesedtheiroordial satisfaction
that although, unfortunately, many individuals were either
killed or hurt through this most nefarious attempt, the
lives of the Emperor and Empress of the French a ere
saved, as the noble earl remarked, by an almost
miraculous interposition. He believed, however, that
lie would have pursued a course which was ent.rely un-
precedented had he started up and made such a declara-
tion without there being any question before their
lordship's house. The noble earl thought that her
Majesty's government ought to have expressed some
opinion with regard to what had passed in France. No
one certainly could regret more than they did those in-
temperate addresses which were founded on a total
misapprehension of the feelings of the people of this
country, and which were issued by officers under the
excitement created by the attempt made on the Ewes of
the Emperor and Empress. He felt great regret that
any publicity should have been given to such addresses
(hear, hear)—but at the same time he felt, as he was
sure every one would do who reflected calmly on
the subject, that whatever addresses might have
emanated from any parties in another state, it would be
perfectly unworthy of a great nation like this not to
take the curse which it thought right abstractedly,
apart from all other considerations. Ile was glad to hear
from the noble earl a clear statement of his views as to
the impossibility of this country ever giving up the right,
ethwhaoheis hospitality
,htpraowlaltnait
tysyi
etgai ot :no beraertpnai
personal
rntesesoanocntfdatal
olp(
propose
noontsorseif.e sa , fir' affording
v er refugenii
a nlyt
measure
eb e c rim
tendingi
ghtanbde
to abridge the personal liberty either of Englishmen or
of foreigners who happened to live in this country. If,
indeed, there were any defect in the existing law it was
the duty of this government
to ondeavour to remedy it
as soon as possible, and he understood that notice had
been given in the other house of parliament that evening
of a measure which it was hoped would have the desirei
effect. He was glad that the noble earl had had an op-
portunity of explain lag the principles of the law in re`er-
ence to this subject; and he would only add, that while
the government were determined not to give up the r:gbt
of asylum, they would use all effectual moans in their
power to prevent the dastardly crime of conspiring
either to assassinate or to murder. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY was surprised at the
evident iutention of the noble earl who had just spoken
to dismi.s that house without any intimation as to the
course which the Government-meant to pursue during a
sess.ion which must prove a very important one. The
noble earl said the country had given a verdict in favour
of the Chinese war. He challenged him to state on what
day and in which house any opinion had been given
since the new Parliament assembled which would justify
that assertion. (Hear, hear.) He was sure that the want
of troops in India must have made both Parl ament and
the country regret that they had ever engaged in the
Chinese quarrel. There was one important subject to
which his noble friend (the Earl of Derby) forget to
allude. He should like to hear whether or not there
was any truth in the rumour which was rife in town
to the effect that her Majesty's Government intended to
propose the abolition of the double government of
India. If such was their intention, he should deprecate
its fulfilment in the strongest manner. (Hear.) He could
conceive nothing so dangerous in the present crisis 29
the introduction of a measure to change the system of
government in India. He would express no opinion as
to the merits of the double government ; but he must
say that, in his judgment, it would be most fatal and
foolish for the government to embark in a new scheme

of legislation ulen the country was cn fire from on; end