The Sun.
London, England, 1858-04-19 00:00:00

- fatal policy of the Ministers, and the revolu-
tionary theories encouraged by Count Cavour's
emaduct at the Congress of Paris, in 1856, as
well as by the diplomatic intervention in
Naples, to which he was a party. He censured
the publication of Orsini's last letter in the Pied-
montese official gazette. Italy, said he, would
indignantly repel the affection and services of a
malefactor by whom she bad been dishonoured.
(Murmurs.) If the bill had been proposed before
those urgent demands had been addressed to the
Piedmontese government by France, the conserva-
tive members might have approved of it, but a
feeling of national self esteem would now induce
them to oppose it, although he thought the conduct
of the cabin( bad merited the foreign pressure to
which it was exposed. He severely criticised the
second portion of the bill, enabling the government
to choose, through the syndics, the jurymen to try
offences of the press. However, he would have
such cases tried by the tribunals, and not by a jury ;
for otherwise the law would be a sheer illusion.
He would frankly say to France that Piedmont
was not willing to alter her laws ; but, when it
should be consistent with the dignity of the govern-
ment and called for by the circumstances of the
country, he would pass a law by which their power-
ful ally might be satisfied, and a disposition shown
to preserve intact the bonds of international amity.
Signor BOCfGIO said that the bill gave rise to two
questions of a different order, one political, and
the other politico-legal. ff the bill were imposed
on them by a foreign power, he should be the first
to reject it ; but he saw no proof of that pressure
from abroad on which the majority of the commit-
tee founded its motives for proposing the rejection
of the measure. There was nothing on the part of
France but a request full of dignity, made after
the attempt of the 14th January. No pressure
could be said to exist, unless the application were
made unjustly, or in a manner insulting to the in-
dependence of the country. As the government
had presented this bill, its rejection might be at-
tended with serious consequences both at home
and abroad. It would be a disastrous precedent
for theinterests of the country to cause a ministerial
crisis on a foreign question. The consequences
abroad Qf so doing would be isolation with respect
to other countries. The sole support that Piedmont
and the Italian cause possess abroad is France, for
Englandhas joined Austria and abandoned us; there
is no other support to us but France—France
governed by Napoleon 111., whose lively sympathy
to Italy is well known. After having pointed out
the danger of isolation for Piedmont, the lion. de-
puty terminated in these words :—But what is asked
from us, after all, by this bill ? Simply to brand
with reprobation acts of conspiracy and assasina-
ton, Well, then, I declare that it is an honour for
us to vote for retch a principle. There is incontes-
tably an omission on this point in our legislation,
and it is our duty to supply it. As to what con-
cerns the organisation of the jury, I may make some
reserves, but I shall certainly support the amend-
ment Which proposes to bring before the jury
offences against religion.
Count MAMIANI began by remarking that trial
by jury, which Count Margherita had pronounced
a sheer illusion, had existed in France for the last
fifty years ; aad although the lion. gentleman la-
mented the "barbarism and corruption" of his own
country, Piedmont was not less deserving than
France of having the jury system extended to the
trial of all offences. The hon. gentleman seemed
to think that the national dignity was at the pre-
sent day. compromised. It was, indeed, easier to
take care of the national dignity in former times,
'When Piedmont was so dumb and so insignificant
that foreign states took no notice of her—when no
free press or parliament existed at whose utterance
anybody might take offence, and when the govern-
ment could send thousands of muskets and dollars

to aid the Carlist cause in Spain, without risk
of a protest against it from public opinion. How-
ever, it was not the Right but the Left side of
the chamber on which the real adversaries of the
bill wore to be found. Addressing, therefore, his
friends on that side who were influenced by the
*views set forth in the majority report of the corn-
inittee, Signor Mamiani stated his various reasons
for supporting this measure. He agreed in the gene-
ral principle, that the objects of penal jurisdiction
should be limited to the social necessities of their
own country, though in the cases of forgery of I
foreign money, and infringement of certain police I
regulations, the injury done to foreign countries
al5O was admitted into consideration. But he
Isoacon-
tendedcil that it was the highest interest, and first
necessity of every country, to take care net
to allow the principles of universal justice to be
violated, and not to exhibit the deplorable spec-
tacle of a criminal action wrongly remaining un-
punished. Now, what was the principle embodied
4n the first part of this bill ? It was simply this—
nest 'whoever conspired or prepared to take away
"e life of the chief or ruler of a foreign nation
should be deemed guilty, and liable to punishment.
"I must say," continued the honourable gentle-
tun "that to doubt of the justice of such a
law would be to go against the universal con-
science- of all good men. Political sects have
towards
been able to stifle the cry of abomination
.L.'etvards that crime. Instead of aeproaching bar-
e"rialni I will say that in no period of the world
41" the moral sense been quicker and surer
t0`.47, iu ours, and we ought to be grateful for this
tee progress of liberty and democracy. Every
toeilvgious. inquisition has fallen, the privileges of the
in° right of princes have fallen, and also the
odious principle that the end justifies the means.
Does it seem reasonable that by the laws of the
press we should provide for the decorum of foreign
„,,,131
rv;i4.ll,ees, and that we should yet leave their lives
"41°11t defence ? The Venetian Republic de-
bered over to the inquisition of Rome—that is to
eYe to
opinions.
flames—Giordano Bruno, guilty of
We would sooner cheerfully
tille the risk of a war. The right of asylum is one
tbthe most precious, but it is proper to concede
se_at which is justly and honestly due to neigh-
uring nations. Let us have no spying and
breaeherous vigilance—never that ! but a neigh-
iantiting nation has a right to expect that we
;"nold not leave conspiracies against its chief
ZntAllnished. With respect to the third article
ev'tat relating to the alteration in the juries)
'° right can be exercised without the cones-
reneding :means ; a man cannot be a judge if
„js' has not the necessary fitness for the office. All
Asp
are jurymen—all met., that is to say, vieee
I:3' 20f. of taxes. This presuming too much on the
stelli'rence of our multitudes. At Genoa, out of
a._ triable of
journals, only five were contemned,
21'1 ie the cases of rainy of those acquitted there
wweilre the best reasons to have found them guilty. I
ea, however, submit to the Chamber an amend-
bent on on this article. Let us prove to diplomacy
ei,4lt too,
We, know how to come in aid of the prin-
t t'e of authority, and we shall increase our right to
plind Europe of what was promised to us at the
ria Congress. I, not being either a Minister or
mlPloinatist, am at liberty to say what the Presi-
',eeet of the Council would perhaps be unable to al-
re to. The Emperor Napoleon 111. is to Eng-
ilind an ally of importance, to Belgium and Switz
a e powerful neighbour, but to us Italians
oft is more_-.. to U 3 he is the descendant
the great man who did co much good to Italy,
'lot perhaps all that he could, but more than
4 The
other foreign prince has ever done for her.
by
Emperor Napoleon 111. let us remember, has
the father's side Italian blood in his veins, and
ren has not forgotten Italy, as I can affirm to you.
the
now presents itself for us to repudiate
e infamous doctrines with which foreigners are
ndeavouring to infest Italy. Let us seize on it
eagerly The cause of Italy is sacred, and we
ought not to tarnish it by a vicious line of conduct,
to or t? permit it to be calumniated. Let it be known
hata.ll that we refuse nothing whatever that inter-
he justice demands. If we act so, we shall
f a _340 in the face of the world to raise our voice in
Tur of Italy." (Cheere)
pres-
sor wihlaavignUgiS PARETO (of the Left) opposed the
btlle
been introduced under foreign • Moreover the meiv,ure would seem to con-
yl.ri the opinion that political assassination was au
i,,ligeneous plant in Italy. France might find in
thee alliance,
a nation ready to sacrifice anything.to
le lliance, except its honour.
Signor F&RINI defended the bill, first, on account
tend
to strengthen the ties of friendship existing
uetween Piedmont and F, ace
The Chamber then adjourned.
On the next day (the 14th) the debate was re.
littroed by
e, Signor BROFFERIO, one of the majority of the
Lis uretnittee, who urged his objections to the bill in
t •
411) and criticised the French Government for
eral of its p&itical acts, expressed some vague
cl senieions regarding its sincerity, and then con-
touged with complimenting the Cabinet on the
4411,r5e it had followed iu the case of Mr. Hodge,
th(l,_ expressing his displeasure at the conduct of
eaeserland
n leaving Piedmont unsupported in the
the Cagliari. (Cheers from the gallery.)
sue debate was again adjourned.
tall
:telegraphic despatch from Tur:n of the 17th
theilasethe Chamber of Deputies, the discussion on
%,..ueforesta Bill. having been resumed, Count
thev°L'R, President of the Council, declared that
tititinistry had not ken actuated in bringing
spo 0 bill by foreign pressure, but IT its own
t-lattealic.o°llll3 will, after having seen the acquittal
in :It) rnal the Ragoine, which had spokee
Preside enuation of regicide attempts. The
historists of the Council afterwards drew an
ruent
teal sketch of the foreign policy of the govern-
tee, •
ice 1848. The war in the Crimea and the
I.t*l't of Paris had, he said, produced ono of