The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-05 00:00:00

very greatly increased. (Hear, bear.) Now let there
be no question or dispute in the house as to the desire of
the people of the Principalities that these two territories •
should be united. The Principalities, as the house
well knows, are those territories upon the Danube
termed Wallachia and Moldavia. They are the relics
of a territory that was once considerably larger, in.
habited by that Dacian race which, in former times,
was a terror to the Roman empire, and which
afterwards, receiving a strong tinge of Roman colonise-
tion, in no respect departed from its ancient military I
fame ; so that at the time when the flood of Turkish
conquest came in, this people almost alone, by their own
good swords and their own stout arms and hearts,
were able to vindicate their own rights. In times of
darkness, of oppression, of blood, of misery and of crime
almost unequalled in the annals cf mankind, the people
of the Principalities vindicated their own freedom, and
that freedom they continued to enjoy until a compara-
tively recent period, when they, their rights and inte-
rests, were bandied about between the contending claims
and intrigues of Ra-nia, and Austria, and Turkey on the
one side and the other. What said Sir John M'Neill on
the subject ? Writing in 1843, he says—" During the
last 85 years the principalities have been occupied for
more than 30 years by Muscovite marauders, and have
been the battlefield of the Russian and the Turk in not
less than twenty campaigns." And the very struggle
that you made, and justly made, in the late war for the
independence of Europe—what did it do for them ? Un-
fortunately, it increased the miseries of these people.
(Hear.) The Emperor of Russia, playing his old game,.
but not playing it with his ancient skill, when he was,
as we say, in a political sense, about to inflict an injury
upon Turkey, inflicted it upon the Principalities. No
doubt, politically, that was an injury to Turisey.2 But
I apprehend that the injury to Turkey must not lead us
to ferget the deep suffering, the degradation, and the
misery of that frightful military occupation, which did
not fall upon Turkey, but on the unhappy people in
those territories—those people who had fought and won
freedom for themselves—who had held that freedom for
a long series of centuries, and whose freedom has only
been impaired and lost as to a great part of its effects,
since the time when Russia began to extend her terri-
tories, and found it more to her interest to back theclaitns
of Turkey over the Principalities, in order that, having
asserted the right on the part of Turkey, she might ob.
tain them from Turkey by insidious negotiation. (Hear.)
The union of the Principalities is the ardent desire of
the people of these territories, and lam anxious to make
good this proposition, because although it is not conclu-
sive upon the case—yet I speak in the British House of
Commons, I speak in that assembly to which, I will net
say to which alone, but to which almost alone, every lover
of liberty in the world has now to look for the vindication
of his rights—(cheere) —and I beseech the House
of Commons to do full justice to the wishes and
rights and interests of this people, if those interests are
compatible with justice and the welfare of the world.
(Cheers.) I will quote on authority upon the subject of
the union of the Principalities which appears to me to
be entirely beyond dispute. I refer to a document of
the utmost importance, bec :use it carries with it not
oily the assent of the people and the authorities of the
Principalities, but likewise the assent of the suzerains
power, namely, the Sultan of Turkey. Toe date of that
document is 1834. It has no relation whatever to the
recent struggle in tke East. The case for the union has
been infinitely strengthened since that period. But that
instrument, which has the sanction cf a hatti scheriff of
the Turkish empire, contains the following language re-
specting the union of the Principalities The origin,
the religion, the usages, and the conformity of habits
among the inhabitants of the two Principalities, no less
than their common want., are elements of an intimate
union, which has been hampered and retarded by acci-
dental and secondary circumstances. The advantages
and salutary consequences resulting from the union of
these two Principalities cannot be brought into doubt."
That is a public and authoritative decument recognised
as part of the public law of the Principalities, and hav-
ing the assent of the Sultan of Turkey, (Hear, hear.)
Of course it was natural that repeated and aggravated
suffering of the people of Moldavia and Wallachia since
that time should have strengthened that sentiment. The
Russian occupation was calculated to give it still further
force, and when that Russian occupation ended I am
sorry to say the publ c necessities of Europe obliged us
to acquiesce in the sub-titution for it of what,l believe is
a still heavier infliction, namely, occupation by an Aus-
trian army. (Cheers.) There is something in the thing,
and something in the manner ; and the Austrian armies
have the unenviable reputation of placing in the most
odious form and circumstances that which must always
be aflicting tothe heart and spirit of a people that cherish
and love their freedom. (Cheers.) It was natural that
the people of the Principalities should rejoice in the in-
terest shown in their condition by the powers of Europe
both during the negotiations which preceded the war
and during the negotiations that were afterwards insti-
stuted, and I believe I am correct in saying that when
the plenipotentiaries assembled in 1855 there was sub-
mitted to the assembled body, through the medium cf
the French plenipotentiary, sufficient evidence as to
the desire of the people for the union of the Principali-
ties. But it is not to that meeting of plenipot ntiaries
that I refer as constituting the declaration of European
policy to which I now ask the house to give its adhesion.
These negotiations failed. They were resumed in the
early part of 1857, and then it was that the question
took a form which I think ought to be decisive as to its
ultimate issue. In the sixth protocol of the conferences
of Paris, in 1856, the views the different Powers are
fully explained, and although I shall endeavour to avoid
wearying the house with reference to document., yet
that on record relative to the proceedings in Paris in
1856, is se vital in its bearing upon the question, that I
hops the house will allow me to put them in -possession
of what occurred. In the sixth protocol we are made ac-
quainted with the discussions which took place respect-
ing the union of the Principalities. There were assem-
bledat the timethe representatives of s'x or seven powers
who gave their several judgments. But of those powers,
although there were many whose judgment might be
important with reference to the knossledge which the
parties possessed, yet they c eild carry but little weight
in point of moral authority, becaus• they had cross inte-
rests of their own, which made them bad judges with
respect to the Principalities. lam not about to hold
that the views of Russia, on the question of their union,
could be safely taken as a guide and authority, and still
less could the Government of Russia be taken as an au-
thority. Both Austria and Russia are in the condition of
holding and enjoying territory that was over part of the
territory of Moldavia. They stand in a false position to-
wards the Principalities. Each of them may be well sus-
pected of a desire to extend their power in that direc-
tion. But Austria is in a position more false, if possible,
than that of Russia, and for this reason : Russia, what-
ever else she may be, is an empire compacted, with an
organisation of wonderful and extraordinary strength ;
and .I do not know that there is anything in her condi-
tion that need make her particularly afraid of seeing the
together as Russia is firm, and
APruientcriipaailsite
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ent flourishingpo pon he
sition,fuoroshehisr borders.
illcomp But,
acted
eahnedphoassnegsssioans altootsheislymoment by Austria of her own is-
' minions is not owing to her own power to hold them,
but to the military aid she received from the Emperor of
Russia. In that state, combining absolute government
in a most rigid form with the extreme of internal weak-
' ness, it is natural to admit that Austria should view with
the utmost jealousy anything that tends to give freedom
and strength to her neighbours on the Danube. (Hear.)
It is impossible to blame her on that account. But it is
possible, it is natural, it is reasonable and right, that we
at least should beware of being drawn into her policy—
' (cheers)—and should view with suspicion and jealousy
the policy which she may recommend in regard to what
apnoyw
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oat t
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oi Paris
Turkey,t o whose
is good for the. people of the Principalities. Well, then,
becauseilg e judgment
on this subject I can assign any weight, It is impossible
is natural enough that selfish motives should in her case
just as it would in our case, make her a bad judge in the
matter. But France, England, and Sardinia—the latter
of course of secondary consequence, though perhaps
but threne
equally to be trusted as an impartial state—were capable
to assign
of forming a judgment which would carry great weight
with it throughout Europe. (Hear.) %Vhau the confer-
ence proceeded to the development of the first point
relative to the Principalities Count Walewski said it was
essential at the very outset to deliberate on a question of
paramount importance, and that was whether Wallachia
and Moldavia should henceforth be united in one single
principality, and contain or possess a co-operative organi-
sation. The first plenipotentiary of France conceived
that, as the union of the two provinces sati-fied the re-
quhements brought in, the congress should admit and
proclaim it. The English plenipotentiary followed in the
same line. Lord Clarendon, speaking fur himself, speak-
ing for his Government, speaking fir his Parliament,
and for Eegland, said he shared in and accepted the
proposition. Sardinia supported the views of France
and Eogland. Austria opposed them, and declared that
she del not believe that the people of the Principalities
did wish for the union. Turkey likewise declared time it
was a mistake to suppose that the people of the Princi-
palities desired the union. Tne Russian plenipotentiary,
with great tact, reserved eho;expreesion of his
opinion unti
every one else had spoken, and it is impossible to com-
pliment t m highly the sagacity with which he acted.
It was dangerous for Russia to support the union if the
union was going to be carried ; but if there was going to
be a stout opposition to the union, then it was eminently
ionttahthtehei
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tttohhhyeee t Principalities
advisable fur Russia t support it, because she would at
licy
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al,
oothfn
otherseebye hadgnagt
of seeing the Principalities disunited, in weakness and
degradation, and the advantage of using them as the
arena for her intrigues, and the advantage of knowing
they would he ircapable c f forming any eafeelearrier be-
tween her and Turkey. (Elear.) Coming in at the end
of the day, Russia suppoi ted the union of the Prinoi-
paiHes. I have shown what were the wishes of the
people. But the powers assembled at Paris were care-
ful to make adequate tr )vision on the subject. There
was an article providing for the maintenance of the prie
vileges of the Peincipa!ities. There was another article
providing for the revision of their laws', and the appoint-
ment of a commission which should take under their
o insideratiou the manner in which their laws should be
revised. But there wasa third article—the moat impor-
tant of the three ; it wa3 framed so that the Sultan
should convoke in the two provinces a divan composed
in such a mariner as to represent most clearly the inte-
rests of all classes. There was not only the pledge given
by Count Walewski and Lord Clarendon, but is was
solemnly embodied in the treaty of Paris, and I now I
ask the House of Commons whether they will recognise
and adopt it, or stand by in si'eece and see the interests
of the Principalities made the sport of sudden intrigue,
and the faith of Europe,
which is pledged to this article
nullified and frustrated, in consequence of the selfish
designs of intere,ted par ice. A reference to the
peop
le of the Principalities was made in due time.
It was unfortunately delayed from a variety of