The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-16 00:00:00

H.R. BRIGHT AT EDINB URGH.

EDINBURGH, DEC. 15.
This evening Mr. Bright addressed a intetingii
the Music-hall, Edinburgh, on the subject of l'ai!
liamentary reform. The hall, accommodating about
2,000, was crowded to excess long before the com-
mencement of the proceedings, and at least an
equal number were unable to gain admission. Mr.
Duncan M'Laren presided, and it was intended
that the other speakers should precede Mr. Bright,
but the intense pressure in the meeting, and the
difficulty in otherwise obtaining silence and order,
induced theth to give place to the-speaker who had

attracted this vast meeting.
Mr. BRIGHT, after some preliminary words, said •
that this great meeting was, with probably few
exceptions, favourable to Parliamentary reform,
and that opinion in favour of reform was held
apparently universally by all classes of the
people. They could scarcely find a statesman—he
meant of the official class—who was against it, even
were they to advertise and offer a reward for him.
He referred to the successive Governments of Rus-
sell, Aberdeen, and Lord Palmerston as having all
been pledged to Parliamentary reform, and said
that, more amusing still; they now found the only
Government possible, representing the Conservative
party, without pressure on them, engaged in pre-
paring a measure of reform, and putting one ingre-
dient after another into it, in the hope of offering
to the country something that Parliament and the
country might approve. He hoped that it would
not be of that sort of feast it was said sometimes
the Spanish host set before his guests, consisting
of very little meat and a great deal of tablecloth.
This unanimity had not arisen from popular clamour.
The people had no large or menacing meetings
like those in 1831. There had been no breaking of
windows, and the carriages of hostile persons had
not been pelted and overturned in the streets.
This change in opinion had arisen from another
cause—from the steady pressure of the growing
power of the people. What was it that they now
wanted? They were not conspirators—they had no
secret societies, and their correspondence was not
opened at the flome-office. They had no object but
to discuss the question in great meetings like this.
They wanted to extend the political power of the
people. In doing so they must necessarily diminish
the political power of certain small classes in the
country. There was a time when the Crown in
England' was absolute, and from adherence to abso-
lutism one English monarch came to an unpleasant
end, and another was driven away ; but the ques-
tion between the Crown and the people had been
settled. They did not now propose to limit the
power of the Crown, but they did propose to limit
the power of the aristocratic classes, and to do that,
not by injuring them, but by allowing public intel-
ligence, public interests, and fpublic virtue to play
their part in the legislation of the country. They
proposed simply to carry a little further the prin-
ciples of the Act of 1832. He had never been one
who deprecated that measure. It was a measure
full of great results, and one great result was this,
that it settled for ever the question whether
the people should be contented with a fraudulent
and sham representation, or whether they were
entitled to demand a real representation, such as
they were met to demand that night. Mr. Bright
then adverted to the various features of the bills of
1852 and 1854, and said the great object of these
bills was that there should be less oP the individual
influence of smaller classes, and more of the in-
fluence and power which in every free country
mist rest in the great body of the people. Their
object in the present movement was precisely the
same. He proceeded to defend the proposed rating
franchise as the only just and practicable mode of
extending the suffrage, and contrasted the condi-
tion of the people now as compared with 60 years
ago. He would, however, let them into a secret.
It was not that the ruling classes did not think the
unrepresented classes intelligent enough that they
would deny them the franchise. The more in-
telligent they became, and the better instructed
in public affairs, the more would they dread the
time whenpolitical power was extended to
them. The illiterate, depraved, or careless could
be managed by cajoling or by force ; but it was the
intelligent, hard-headed, instructed, thoughtful, re-
solute citizens that the privileged classes did not
like. Mr. Bright then entered into the question of
county representation, with a view of showing that
a £lO occupancy franchise could not introduce a
lower class of voters than a £5O tenantry of land.
After some remarks as to burghs to be disfranchised
and seats to be reapportioned, he adverted to the
Times newspaper, which he contrasted with the
Great Eastern tossing about in the Bay of Biscay
without compass or chart ; but said that, as the
Times usually went with the stronger, the moment
it found the people in earnest it would be as zealous
and as entirely with them as it was in 1832. The
Times had asked him why he did not produce the
details of his bill ; but, though itself professing to
be a great public instructor, it had never put the
clauses of its own bill into a leading article, and it
had never asked Lord Palmerston when he was in
office to explain the exact clauses of his bill. All he
could promise the Times was that whenever he spoke
on the subject he.should make his audience under-
stand what were the principles he thought should
guide any measure of Parliamentary reform: He
then alluded to Mr. Newdegate's challenge to him
on the subject of county
.representation. That
gentleman was laborious in statistics, but most
feeble and confused on any question of principles-
He asked that gentleman if he knew anything of the
constitution of the House of Loids, or of the origi-
nal objects of the hereditary peerage. Now, he
should like to ask this question—Did the House of
Lords represent the land and tenantry on their
land, or did they only represent their own indivi-
dual interest ? If the former, what came of the
question of county representation ? If the latter,
on what ground were 400 individuals to set them-
selves up against the will of 30,000,000, and reject
year after year, as they had done, beneficent and
excellent measures passed by the representatives Of
the people—a veto which for 150 years the mo-
narchy had not ventured to exercise ? The view'
of Mr. Newdegate would compel a complete change
in the constitution of the House of Lords,
and the Lords were at this moment sufficiently se-
vered from the people in political opinion, as was
shown in the fact that not even a single Liberal
Peer had come forward to sympathise with them in
their present movement. But suppose Mr. Newde-
gate's views were carried—the party in the House
of Commons which sympathise with the House of
Lords made much more numerous and powerful,
what would be the result ? It might not con e in a
day, but with the Lords and the majority of the
Commons separated from the political opinions of
the people, as the House of Lords now was, the es-
trangement would become greater, and they would
be on the high road to changes in their political in-
stitutions which certainly he did not wish to sect
but which those who called him rash and innovating
would tremble even to think of. He did not wish
to overturn the institutions of our country, but NY 11!
for preserving as far as possible the ancient land;
marks. He was charged with being too much an
advocate of peace abroad. He was not less an ad-
vocate of peace and order and security at home-
Why was it that we had peace in our country
now ? It was because our legislation since 1842,
and particUlarly in 1846, had tended to
spread comfort and plenty and case throughout
the homes of the people. We, he said, who
gave five or seven years—the best years of our lives
—to carry the question of the Corn-laws, have done
more for the peace and the security of this realm
than all the peerage have done during our lifetime;
and now we ask for a great change—a change fol-
lowing up a change. Six and twenty years ago
we based our propositions on just principles. We
arc warned by the experience of the past. Our
measure shall be moderate in its strength, but it
shall be irresistibly strong in its moderation ; it is
calculated to unite all orders of men within this
realm ; and I believe that it will give additional
freedom and greatness and happiness to the people
of this country. I have come to Scotland deputed
to ask whether you will join this movement, and
when I recollect your history, and when I think et
your' character, and when I see the thousands yin°,
are here to-ni.ght, I feel beyond dispute that I shall
not ask in vain.
Mr. Bright was throughout heard with great
attention, and was frequently and warmly ar
plauded.
Mr. PRICE, secretary of the London Reform At
sociation, then addressed the meeting ; after which
the CHAIRMAN made a few remarks.
A resolution pledging the meeting to the prig'
ciples of Mr. Bright's measure was proposed and
carried.

Thanks to Mr. Bright and the chairman COil'
eluded the proceedings.

DEATH OF DR. J. L. COMSTOCK.—Dr. John I"
Comstock, widely known as the author of valuable text'
books on Natural Philosophy, Chemistry, &c., died at Hari"
ford, Conn., on Sunday, Nov. 21. He was a native ,
Lyme, Conn., served in the war of 1812, and devoted many
years to the preparation of school-books. His 44Natar
Philosophy" had a sale of half a million copies. Dr. Cpl
stock was noted for great mechanical ingenuity. Ile 111!io
the most of his own apparatus, and could work in meta
and glass with great skill and, neatness. He was a vere'df
good draughtsman, and drew most of the diagrams oraploY
in illustratin his works.—New York Evening Post.
A LONG SHOT.—A new gun, invented by Messr't
Armstrong, of Newcastle, has been satisfactorily tested
Shoeburyness, the projecting power of which compietcyt
distances that of any piece of ordnance hitherto known•
an elevation of 33 degrees it has sent a 391 b. shot a distance
of 9,600 yards, or more than five miles. The same raniV,
has been attained by a nine-pounder, weighing 16cwt.,
similar construction.-