The Sun.
London, England, 1867-12-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LOINDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 13, 1867.

Police in New York and asked for a police escort.
The Superintendent very justly replied that as a
polieemon he could not order policemen to escort a
procession of sympathisers with the fate of men
who had murdered a policeman, and he issued an
order directing the whole force to be kept on duty
on the day in question. The common sense of
New York will no doubt pass the same verdict on
these display-s as the people of this country have
already done:, and when we find that not Ireland
alone, but rxeds, Liverpool, Glasgow, and other
cities through out the kingdom, are to be favoured
with such unseemly 'exhibitions, we must admit
that it is quite time the strong hand of legal
authority imerfered.

The procet dings of the French Chamber have
this year been marked by events of far more ex-
citement than generally happen, and hence their
doings naturally engage a greater share of inte-
rest. A most exciting scene took place on Tues-
day, when, in the course of debate, Viscount de
BERREQUER made charges, which he reproduced
from a Belgian paper, against five Paris papers
which had advocated the cause of Prussia during
the late war. A Berlin correspondent, who seems
to be acquainted, or at least professes to be
so, with M. BISMARCK'S mode of dispensing
secret service money forwarded these communica-
tions to the said Belgian paper, and their recital
caused indignation, surprise, and amazement in the
Chamber, as might be imagined. In these accounts
it is said that far more money than usual was spent
last year for this purpose. In pursuing his theme
the Viscount deolared that some French papers had
verged round from their opinions, and supported
Prussia at the time of the attacks made upon Austria
for her excessive armaments, and the motive alleged
for this sudden alteration was the large sums of
money forwarded by the Government of Prussia.
This was denied in the most indignant manner by
some present who were connected with the journal
in question, and the President subsequently inter-
fered to stop the altercation that ensued. It is
always a pity to introduce such subjects hastily,
and without very good authority for so doing,
and in this instance no valid proof was put
forth. At the same time, we expect
that M. BISMARCK Tall not feel very much
elated at the circumstances taking place, and
he will be sure to
_deprecate the notion of his
superiors' arrangements in any quarter being
brought to the light of day. In all probability this
statement referred to is without foundation, but
the Berlin correspondent doubtless proves rather
more than convenient by the bye-ways and crooked
paths through which the crafty statesman who
presides over the destinies of Prussia has attained
his present exalted position.

SAXONY AND THE CONFERENCE.

DRESDEN, Dec. 11.

Subjoined is the text of the reply to the French
invitation to the Conference, recently forwarded by
Baron von Friesen to the Saxon Minister at Paris :
" DRESDEN, Nov. 20.

" M. le Ministre,—The Imperial French Govern-
ment has forwarded to our Government an invitation
to the Congress intended and proposed by the Em-
peror Napoleon for the purpose of definitively
settling the Italian question. Having been notified
the previous day by his Imperial Majesty's Ambas-
sador of the communication intended for us, I was
enabled to take the commands of his Majesty the
King in advance before receiving the official invi-
tation. In pursuance of these orders I had the
honour of expressing to Baron Forth Rouen, upon
officially receiving the invitation, his Majesty's
thanks, together with the sincere wish of seeing the
Emperor's efforts crowned with a result which
might restore in Italy a settlement of affairs based
upon justice and fairness. With respect to the in-
vitation, I was commissioned to inform the French
Ambassador that the King could not arrive at a de-
finitive decision without having previously commu-
nicated with his allies, to learn whether North Ger-
many would be collectively represented at the
Congress. In case of this eventuality: and in ac-
cordance with Art. 11 of the Federal Constitution,
the representation of Saxony would then have to be
entrusted to the presiding Power of North Germany
as the legal organ of the Confederation.
" As the result of an inquiry of the Berlin Ca-
binet with regard to this question, I am informed
t hat our view is completely taken in that capital,
and that it is intended, supposing the Congress
should really meet, to let Prussia participate therein,
not SO much for herself, as for the North German
Confederation.

"In consequence of this communication I have
had the honour verbally to acquaint Baron Forth
Rouen that, under present circumstances, Saxony
will not claim any special representation, but that
she will take part in the Congress as a member of
the Bund, and be represented thereat by the organ
of the Confederation.

"I shall have the honour of replying in writing
without delay to the Emperor's invitation, provided
the idea of the Congress should not fall to the
ground, which, to all appearance, may possibly
prove the case.
(Signed) " VON FRIESEN."

CORRESPONDENCE PROM P ARM

MRS. EMMA HARDINGE ON CAPITAL
PUNISHMENT.

St. George's Hall, Langham-place, was tolerably
well filled last night with an audience who had
assembled to hear from Mrs. Emma Hardinge one
of those spirit-stirring orations which she delivers
with such remarkable elocutionary power. As an
extemporaneous speaker Mrs. Hardinge has ac-
quirel considerable reputation in this country. She
is a graceful and eloquent pleader, and her advocacy
never appeared to greater advantage, or, judging by
the applause which greeted many passages of her
lecture, gave more unqualified satisfaction than
when she dealt with the subject of capital punish-
ment, treating it in her own incisive and sarcastic
manner as a national disgrace and a foul blot on
English civilisation. There was, unfortunately,
nothing new to present in connection with the ques-
tion, for everything had been said which could be
advanced in favour of abolishing this last relic of
barbarism, but still her regret was not the less that
ally hich had been said appeared to have been urged
in vain. Murder, under any circumstances, whether
committed by one man or by twelve, was highly
discreditable to the country, and, influenced by a
conscientious feeling, she was there, taking advan-
tage of the present opportune hour, when public
opinion was more immediately alive to the horrors
of executions, to advocate the total abolition of
death law, with whatever could be said on the
side of the royalty of truth. An experience of
prison life among criminals for several years in
the United States led her to the fixed and
unalterable conclusion that all phases of crime were
more or less conditions of insanity. Crimes became
manufactured by society. Among the possible re-
medial efforts with which crime should be dealt our
legislators ought to turn our gaols into reforma-
tories or model hospitals for sick souls, and most
pre-eminently for murderers. Capital punishment
was a blot ;on humanity, a mockery of justice, a
failure in its results, an insult to reason, an outrage
on commen sense and decency, and a sacrilege in
the worst form of religion. These were the main
arguments which Mrs. Hardinge put forward, and
she illustrated each by her own American expe-
rience, and by an appeal to the progress of events
in this country, occasionally calling to her aid
criminal statistics. Death penalty was inflicted
without even the semblance of justice, for the mur-
derer was an exceptional person, who committed
crime under rare and peculiar stimuli. There was
no equality between those men and the jurors by
whom they were tried. There were, firstly, the
planners of murder ; then those who committed
murder under the excitement of drink ; and a third
class, the most numerous, but at the same time the
least pitied or legislated for or understood, thoso
who had au hereditary proclivity to homicide. Out-
side of these there was very seldom found any class
by whom murders were committed. Capital
punishment failed in its deterring effect, or as a
protection of society against criminals. Without
appealing to that relic of barbarism criminals could
be restrained. In several of the States capital
punishment was abolished, and murders propor-
tionately decreased. Most of the prisons in
America were reformatories, and there was no
more difficulty in restraining or dealing with a
man who committed murder than with a pick-
pocket. The murderer did not stand outside other
criminals, and therefore the question of what shall
we do with them in the event of abolishing capital
punishment, could be met as it was in the case of
other offenders against the law by restraining and
reforming. Another point on which Mrs. Har-
dinge dwelt with considerable force, was the fact
that there had been no increase of those offences at
one time punishable by death since the abolition of
the extreme penalty. Executions, she contended,
produced hardness of heart, and made men familiar
with the taking away of life. The Legislature
were beginning to realise the fact, and to recognise
that executions in public were an insult to decency,
as they had a proposition that the operations of the
hangman should henceforward be conducted within
the prison walls. Those who went to witness exe-
cutions were the most degraded, hardened, and
hopeless of the cointuunity. If capital punishment,
instead of being abolished, were simply transferred
from the exterior to the interior of the prison, then
they who were armed with authority woald simply
dare to do in a civilised land that which they would
Lot dare to show they were doing. Then again,
from the fact that jurors were heartsick at being
made the instruments of murder, many guilty men
escaped, and, under other influences, many innocent
were convicted. Statistics would bear her cut in
the assertion that during 100 years 50 innocent per-
sons had been executed for the crime of murder.
On the ground of religion Mrs. Hardinge contended
that capital punishment was indefensible, and she
brought her lecture to a close by declaring that, as
in other reforms, where public opinion was firmly
and determinedly expressed, the Legislature would
see the policy and the justice of putting an end to
the barbarous practice of execution by the hang-
man's hands. At the conclusion of the address,
many passages in Ivhich were remarkably eloquent
and delivered with considerable dramatic effect, a
vote of thanks was passed to Mrs. Hardinge amid
considerable applause ; and the audience dispersed,
evidently highly pleased both with the lecture and
the lecturer.

BANK OF FRANCE

PARIS, Dec. 12.

The following is the return of the Bank of France
for the week ending to-day, together with the cor-
responding figures of the previous account :

DEBTOR.

Dec. 12. Dec. 5.
fr. e. fr. e.
Capital of the Bank., 182,500,000 182,500,000
Profits in addition to
capital (Art. 8, Law,
June 9, 1857) 7,044,776 02 7,014,776 02
Reserve of the Bank

and its branches 22,105,750 14 22,105,750 14
&serve of landed pro-
perty 4,000,000 4,000,000
Notes in circulation
Banknotes to orderand
receipts payable at
sight 33,662,857 68 33,648,206 12
Treasury account cur-
rent creditor 90,408,244 65 89,140,369 42
Current accounts, Paris 378,316,259 84 316,513,019 64
Do. branch banks 39,144,934 46,762,74
Dividends payable 664,236 75 690,756 7i
Discounts and sundry
interests
Rediscounted the last
six months 1,093,802 80 1,093,802 80
Surplus of receipts not
distributed
Sundries

Total

CREDITOR.
Dec. 12.
Cash in hand and in fr. e.

Dec. 5.
fr.