The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONIJON, SATURDAY EVENIAG,ARCH 23 1867.

LONDON, SA? URDAY, MARCH 23, 1867.

The House of Commons has not yet exhausted its
curiosity respecting the details of the Reform Bill,
and the Chancellor of the Exchea tier last night had
to answer several questions as to- its possible or
probable provisions. One or two of these had re-

ference to the measure of Reform to be granted to
Scotland, and one gentleman, in particular, was
anxious to press the Chanceller of the Exchequer
to bring in the Scotch bill before Easter. This is
scarcely necessary, since the Government have de-
finitely promised to increase the number of the
Scottish representatives, as, indeed, they are bound
in common justice and reason to do. There can
be no need, therefore, to hurry on these measures,
and we feel assured the House will sanction
no unnecessary delay in the introduction of the
supplementary measure.
The Government hasquite enough to do at present
in framing the English bill, and the deliberations of
the Cabinet this afternoon are, no doubt, of an
anxious character. Unfortunately they have too
much reason to fear the opposition of interested
parties, who are eager for a return to office, of
jealous minds who cannot endure to see an
opponent carry out any great national under-
taking, and of a very large section of both
parties, both within and without Parliament,
who are secretly averse to any reform whatever.
They must feel, consequently, that it is not enough
to bring in a gool and liberal measure to secure
success or to avert opposition. All they can do if
they wish to obtain the desired end is so to frame
their Bill that they may confidently rely on the
support of the public ; and, should they be defeated in
the House of Commons, they may be able to appeal
to the impartial judgment of the country against the
manceuvres of partisans and the violence of dema-
gogues. The principle of household suffrage, upon
which their borough franchise is based, is undoubt-
edly sound and popular ; but to it we should like to
see added the lodger franchise. ➢lr. DISRAELI in
1859 was the first to introduce this suffrage, and
there can consequently be no reason why it should
be omitted from the bill of '67. The educational
franchise would be an excellent addition to any
scheme, and it will admit men who are most quali-
fied to exercise political privileges, but under the
existing system most unlikely to obtain them. The
dual vote is by common consent condemned, and
will without doubt be eliminated from the bill.
Should the Government be disposed to retain it they
will no doubt concede the point, which nobody can
pretend to be vital, to the judgment of the house.
A Reform Bill should not be a string of party
crotchets or a political confession of faith, in which
every word must be subscribed to or the whole
surrendered. It should be founded on broad, gene-
ral principles which commend themselves to the
judgment of the house and the country ; and on
minor matters and points of detail there should be a
spirit of concession and conciliation displayed on all
sides such as actuates men when they are more anxi-
ous to obtain a great and lasting good, than to win
a personal and temporary triumph.

We are glad to find from Lord NAAS'S reply to
Mr. MONSELL, last evening, that the Irsh constabu-
lary are to receive a prompt and well-merited re-
cognition of their services during the recent distur-
bances. Mr. MoNsELL said he wished to call atten-
tion to the courage and self-reliance exhibited in
every place in Ireland where the police force came
into collision with the insurgents ; and he alluded,
more particularly, to two cases which came imme-
diately under his own notice. In the police bar-
racks at Kilmallock, in the county of Kerry, 14 con-
stables and sub-constables were attacked by 200
men, directed, he believed, by an officer who had
served in the American army. The attack lasted for
three or four hours, an attempt being made to burn
the house, in which were three women and children,
but the police gallantly maintainei their resistance
till a sergeant arrived with ten men, who took the
assailants in flank. The constables in the barracks
immediately rushed out and completely defeated the
assailants, great numbers of whom were captured.
The other instance was of a similar character ; and
though in both these cases the numbers employed
were small, yet, as Mr. MosseLL pointed out, the
results arrived at were of the highest importance.
" llad the police yielded for an instant the insur-
rection would have spread throughout the coun-
try, instead of being, as he hoped it was, effeetuslly
crushed." It must be remembered as greatly en-
hancing the merits of the constabulary that the
Irish police is naturally drawn from the people, and
that it is closely connected by all the ties of religion,
national feeling, and constant association with those
very ranks from which Fenianism draws most of
its recruits. We may easily believe that strong in-
fluences have been brought to bear on them, and
their firmness and loyalty have been their chief
merits. No one expects to find any Irishman want-
ing in spirit or in courage, but it would not
have been altogether surprising if some at least
among the constabulary had been enticed from their
allegiance by former associates. Lord NAAS stated
to the house last night that since the commence-
ment of the Fenian movement no efforts had been
spared by the emissaries of the conspiracy to seduce
the constabulary from their allegiance. The attempts
which bad been made on the army had been made
on the police, but every such attempt had been at-
tended with signal failure. The constabulary, too, we
must remember consists of 11,000 men scattered
ever the country in 1,600 stations, each station
being occupied by parties of men varying in num-
ber from five to thirteen, so that any attempts at
persuasion or coercion were rendered easier. The
conduct of these men is the more gratifying, as they
represent very fairly, both in religion and character,
the great mass of the Irish people. Lord NAAS ex-
pressed his intention of asking the House to pass a
special vote of £2,000 for the purpose of conferring
rewards on these men, and certain honorary dis-
tinctions would also be given to those who had
more particularly distinguished themselves. We
quite agree with Mr. HERBERT that the man who
refused to surrender his despatches when stopped at
night by a band of armed Fenians should receive a
special reward. Irishmen are quick to appreciate
such distinctions, and surely this is a fitting oppor-
tunity for showing how heartily Englishmen can
appreciate and admire their national spirit when
worthily displayed.

The Speech of the KING, on opening the Italian
Parliament, is sure to attract a considerable share
of attention, and deservedly so, for it is one of
great merit, and the speaker seems animated by the
most determined zeal to promote the freedom of
Italy. Under the peculiar circumstances of the
time VICTOR EMMAN UEL may well be pardoned if
he indulges in a little exaggeration, but he does
not do so to any great extent. He says very tr uly
that "there has been a time for daring resolutions
and bold enterprises," and he followed up the
course most desirable and most likely to attain their
object. Happily for all concerned that object was
gained, and the people acquired independence and
preserved liberty. After expatiating upon this
theme for some time, the KING goes on to treat
upon a very important topic—namely, what it is
necessary for Italy now to do, seeing that she has
gained the great point of existing liberty. The
answer he gives to this all-exciting query is a very
rational one. It became her not to waste in in-
temperance and rivalry the whole of her resources,
but she should, on the contrary, concentrate her
efforts and energies, so that a " stable and wise or-
ganisation shall be made.- It is of great consequence

that the truth of this should be fully realised by the
nation at large, because this is the very thing in
which the Italians are likely to fail. They are
always greater and more distinguished for their
deeds abroad than their acts at home, and return
from successful encounters with foes by land and
sea to mar the effects of victory by contentions
with friends and disputes with their coadjutors.
We think that the KING has performed a very
friendly part if he has thereby undertaken rather
an invidious service in reminding the Parliament of
this 'vital question. He says that the country
must develope in repose and tranquillity the " ele-
ments of vitality and prosperity which she Ims
received from PROVIDENCE." To effect this it will
be necessary for the Chamber and the Government
to forward the work with all their skill. There is
no more difficult task than that of creating institu-
tions which are to last, and to take deep root in the
love, respect, and confidence of a mighty people ;
and almost equally arduous is the effort to improve
and foster their growth and influence. It is to this
undertaking that the King of ITALY now addresses
himself, and invites his Parliament to work with
him. He undertakes this in no over-confident
spirit, but rather seeks to impress upon them the
great difficulties which beset the way, and the
many obstacles they will meet with. Nothing,
however, is allowed to be of sufficient magnitude
to prevent the accomplishment of the desired end.
The chief object then to set before them is to show
the people that the State is organised in such a
manner that they need not fear the cause of liberty
will be injured.

The Government will set before the Chamber a
bill for " administrative reorganisation" which pro-
mises, so far as we can now judge of it, to be a very
desirable one, and likely to simplify the work of
Government through the country. The provinces-
and communes are to have more liberty than for-
merly, and the chief of the province is to have more
extendedpowers conferred upon him. Unfortunately
the burdens of the State will not as yet permit any
reduction to be made in the taxes which weigh so
heavily upon the people; but a bill is to be introduced,
having for object to make the taxes more simple
and uniform, and to institute some desirable reforms
into them. Great stress is laid upon the importance
of changing the system of taxation, and justly so,
because at the present time it is a subject of great
importance to Italy. As the KING observes, indeed,
" The financial question is not only a question of
supreme interest, but alio one of honour and national
dignity." We hope that the serious attention of
the Parliament and the zeal and efficiency of the
Government will work out the desired end, and that
the nation will speedily be relieved from much that
now weighs it down and retards its due advance-
ment in social matters as well as in its relations with
other countries.

This speech concludes with an eloquent
appeal to the gentlemen of the Senate and
the Chamber of Deputies, that they will bear in
mind the great importance of the task that has been
entrusted to their hands. On many occasions the
Italians have pledged themselves to the nations of
Europe that whenever they gained a national ex-
istence they would show themselves worthy of the
privilege. "Now is the time to redeem our pledge,"
observes the KING, " and to fulfil the hopes
that have been placed in us." The honour,
the safety, and the future of Italy are
in the hands of its representatives at pre-
sent, and it is most earnestly to be trusted that
they will prove they are duly mindful of the
responsibility that rests upon them. They have
enough to do to make them careful and cautious,
and also enough to incite and urge them on to
render them spirited and steadfast. Let them, then,
address themselves to the great work of accomplish-
ing the glorious destiny that was before them, and
strong in the faith of their freedom, and secure of
the approval of the people, press forward to their
goal of promise. " If," as the concluding para-
graph of this speech observes, " it was a glory to
have accomplished by so many sacrifices the work
of independence, and to have endowed the nation
with the activity and vigour of life, it will be no
less a glory for them to organise it at home —to
make it sure of itself, respected, and strong."

It seems pretty certain by this time that the
French will not look favourably upon the plans of
the Prussians, or regard the project of German
unity with much complacency. The last accounts
affirm that considerable surprise and dissatisfaction
has been experienced in Paris at the intelligence of
the alliance that has been entered into between
Prussia, Baden, and Wartemburg. The reflection
that the Berlin Government can thus virtually
count upon the co-operation of the mili-
tary forces of Germany is not calculated to
make a very favourable impression on the minds of
French politicians ; and, indeed, it is said that the
chances of war are thereby greatly augmented.
The remarks of some of the journals on the subject
are very significant, and seem to indicate the general
feeling that prevails. The Avenir National says
that BismAnc lc is still amusing himself at the ex-
pense of our statesmen. No sooner has the Corps
Legislatif declared its conviction that the new state
of things is less dangerous to France than this mis-
chief-maker shows forth his last manoeuvre, and
publishes to the world the treaty offensive and de-
fensive by which Baden and Bavaria show their
readiness to act with Prussia.

We agree with this journal in its remark that
French diplomacy will hardly have cause to boast of
its, last campaign. The Temps also believes the
publication of these treaties to be intended as s a sort
of reply to the French interpretation, and one
which "it is impossible to deny is disastrous to the
policy of France." It is not likelythat all this will go
on for ever, and that the indignation of France
at the assumption of Prussia will confine itself to
words and phrases, instead of seeking a more direct
form of expression. Hitherto the policy of the
Empire has been peace, and too much latitude has
been given to the grasping and greedy Power which
nothing can satisfy. There is, however, such a
thing as going too far and presuming on prece-
dents, and it may yet have to be the fate of
the Prussian Government to overreach itself, and
have to cope with a Power that cannot be easily
put down, for the French are very different
soldiers to the Austrians ; and the feeling of the
country is so decidedly averse to all the latter indi-
cations of Prussian policy, that the Government will
❑ot dare to trifle with the matter should hostilities
commence. It is certain ;hat the subject is always
more or less on the tapis just now in Paris ; and
first one thing and then another occurs to prove
that all the calm that prevails is merely temporary,
and that there cannot, at present, be an entente
cordiale between two nations so diametrically op-
posed to each other.

THE SUGGESTED. OF THE GOVERNMENT REFORM
BILL.—Mr. Cox, the Recorder for Helston, and
editor of the Law Tines, ought to be a proud and happy
man. If we rightly remember, about this time last year
he addressed a pamphlet on Reform to Lord Derby, the
leading feature of which was household suffrage, qualified
by a two years' residence, and still flu ther made useless by
various checks or counterchecks, all of which are, more or
less, in spirit, though not in substance, embodied in Mr
Dialteli'3 new Bill.

LATEST LNTELLIGENOE.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

THE NORTH GERMAN PARLIAMENT.
BERLIN, March 23.

In to-day's sitting of the North German Parlia-
ment, Art. 5 of the Draft of the Federal Constitu-
tion, with the addition proposed by Herr Twestein,
was adopted by a large majority. The amendment
of Herr Zechariac was rejected.

PRUSSIA.

BERLIN, March 23.

The Berlin papers of this morning confirm the
statement that the King, at his reception of the
Diplomatic Body yesterday, particularly distin-
guished M. Benedetti, the French Ambassador, and
gave him the most positive assurances of the main-
tenance of peace.

Berlin was splendidly illuminated last night in
honour of the King's birthday. The most brilliant
display was made at the hotel of the English Em-
bassy. The illumination of the Austrian Embassy
also attracted great attention. It consisted of the
following words, in illuminated letters, taken from
a popular German song, "Heil dir im Siegeskranz"
(Hail to thee, laurel-crowned 'Victor).
A Royal decree has been published to-day creat-
ing a new artillery regiment (the 12th), which will
be exclusively destined for besieging operations.

KOSSUTH AND HUNGARY.
FIUME, March 23.

Herr Kossuth has published a statement denying
that he approves of the course of events in Hun-
gary, and expresses his opinion that Hungary has
committed political suicide as,
a state and a nation
by her arrangement with Austria.

TURKEY.

CONSTANTINOPLE, March 22.

The French Ambassador in this capital energeti-
cally advocates the improvement of the position of
the Turkish subjects without distinction of their
religious belief.

THE RIOTS AT ROUBAIX.
PARIS, March 23.

M. de Lavalette, Minister of the Interior, has
issued a circular to the prefects, dated 21st inst.,
with reference to the late workmen's riots at Rou-
baix, in which he says:—.." The Government is
firmly resolved to maintain the public peace and
respect for individual liberty."

SPAIN.

MADRID, March 22 (Evening).

A Royal decree has been issued respecting the
measures to be taken to restore public order in the
event of a riot. Under this decree suspected
individuals may be arrested, and conveyed wherever
the Government may think fit. Foreigners enter-
ing Spain must be provided with a document
certifying their identity, otherwise they will be
arrested.

PORTUGAL.

LISBON, March 23.

Meetings against the proposed new taxes continue
to be held in Lisbon, Oporto, and various provin-
cial towns.

The King and Queen will leave for Paris about
the sth April.

The late heavy rains have caused the Tagus to
overflow its banks.

THE BRAZILS.

PARIS, March 23.

Advices received here froni Monte Video to the
14th February, state that the American Minister
has declared that the belligerent Power who re-
jects the mediation of the United States in the
pending difference between Brazil, her allies, and
Paraguay, will be constrained to accept peace.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, March 22.

Judges, grand juries, and public meetings, held
for the purpose of giving expression to their loyalty
and devotion to the Throne and the Constitution,
have been loud in their praises of the Irish Consta-
bulary, and in some instances subscriptions have
been set on foot to reward those who specially dis-
tinguished themselves in putting down the Fenian
insurrection. It is not improbable that Parliament
may take some notice of the uniformly loyal and
heroic conduct of the force ; and there is no doubt
that sound policy, looking to the future as well as
gratitude for their recent achievements, should dic-
tate some substantial recognition of their invaluable
services. Without indulging in any extravagant
eulogy or exaggeration, I may be permitted to set
before you, as briefly as possible, some considera-
tions which, I think, deserve the attention of the
British public.

It should be observed, in the first place, that the
attention of the Fenian conspirators wculd naturally
have been directed particularly to the corruption of
this force—an object for the accomplishment of which
no amount of American gold would have been con-
sidered too great. Their physical power, their train-
ing, their knowledge of the country, and their per-
sonal relations with the peasantry and the farming
class would have made their assistance in conduct-
ing the insurrectionary movements of the utmost
importance. The Fenian leaders thought they had
good reason to suppose that they could be won over
to the cause of the Irish Republic, which would re-
store the land to the class from which they sprung,
and, in many .cases, to their own, kindred. They
lived among the people, isolated in their little bar-
racks, connected with their neighbours by mar-
riage and friendship. If a revolution could be
brought about, their personal qualities and military
training would have secured for them rank and pay
as officers in the Republican army. They had;
therefore, to resist the strongest temptations ad-
dressed to their cupidity and ambition. These temp-
tations would have greater force from the fact that,
owing to the dearness of provisions, the pay of the
constabulary was felt by them to be inadequate, and
the consequence was that many of the best men in
the force when they were must capable of serving
the public had been obliged to resign and seek other
employments, or to emigrate. Fortunately, the
Treasury under the late Government had considered
their case and made some additions to the salaries.
However, it is a memorable fact that under all these
circumstances of peculiar and powerful temptation,
strengthened in the majority of cases by social re-
lations, national sympathy, and religious feeling,
not one man out of 12,000 betrayed his trust, or
proved disloyal to his Sovereign—a rare, if not an
unparalleled instance of fidelity in so large a body.
But we shall not fully appreciate the strength of
their case if we do not take into account the dangers
to which they were exposed, and the extraordinary
courage required to maintain their positions against
numbers apparently so overwhelming as to suggest
a ready excuse for surrendering their arms to the
rebels. The moral effect of their successful resistance
in preventing the concentration of the enemy,
baffling their combinations, and paralyzing their
organization at the outset, can scarcely be over
estimated.

When the history of the Fenian movement comes
to be written, three of the encounters between the
constabulary and the Fenians will demand special
attention. First the affair at Tallaght, in the
county of Dublin, where, owing to the prompt and
judicious arrangements made under the command
of Mr. Curtis, county inspector, Mr. Burke, sub-
inspector, arrived just in time with only 14 or 15
men to repel a body of insurgents of almost as many
hundreds, seizing a quantity of their arms and am-
munition, and preventing the intended muster and
encampment on the hills in that neighbourhood. At
Drogheda Sub-Inspector Gardiner with only 25 men
boldly faced and put to flight, after a sharp engage-
ment, a large body of armed rebels, who had assembled
in the open day and had taken possession of the town.
And at Kilmallock head constable Adams and his
small party heroically defended their barrack against
an assault which lasted for three hours.' In the nu-
merous minor conflicts the constabulary evinced the
same unflinching bravery and unwavering loyalty.
No matter how well disposed the men of the farce
might individually be, or how excellent the raw ma-
terial of which it is formed, it is impossible that it
could have exhibited such an admirable spirit, or
behaved so nobly in a most trying crisis, if the offi-
cers had not been men of very superior merit. To
them, therefore, in a very large measure the public
gratitude is due. About 12 months since a Treasury
commission, at the head of which was Mr. E. Knatch-
bull-flugessen, M.P., sat in Dublin to inquire into
the financial affairs of the Irish constabulary. The
result of their report was a considerable improve-
ment in the circumstances of the men. But the case
of the officers was not sufficiently considered by the
Treasury, although they were at least equally affected
by the evils complained off. There was then what was
called long-service pay—that is, a trifling addition
to the regular pay of both officers and men. This
long-service pay was abolished by the Commissioners
and added to the regular pay as salary. For example,
if an officer had £l5O a year salary, and £36 a year
long-service pay, the salary was set down at £186;
but by a very ungracious, and as it will now perhaps
be felt, short-sighted economy, the addition was not
to count as a portion of the officer's salary when re-
tiring. The impolicy of this course will be seen in
the fact that there are in the Irish constabulary offi-
cers who have served from 35 to 40 years, and some
few even longer. Owing to this unjust deduction
from their retiring pensions they remain in the force
to the last moment, however inefficient some of the
oldest inspectors and sub-inspectors must necessarily
become. In whatever other way the Government may
propose to recognise and reward the signal services
.which the Irish constabulary have rendered to the
country this injustice ought to be at once removed,
so that the aged and infirm might be enabled to retire
from the force and make way for younger and more
vigorous men, fitter for active service in these
critical times. •

The Lord Chancellor has resigned. For some days
there have been mysterious announcements and
authorised contradictions on this subject by the
Dublin Conservative journals. The Irish Timer
would have it that Mr. Blackburne had sent in his
resignation and would be succeeded by Mr. Brew-
ster, now Lord Justice of Appeal ; that the latter
would be succeeded by Baron Fitzgerald, and that
the Attorney-General would fill the vacant seat on
the Bench. This was contradicted on authority by
the Mail and Express. The last journal gives this
morning the secret history of the transaction, and
the change of purpose in the highest quarter seems
rather ominous as to the existence of the Ministry :
—" It appears that about ten days ago a gentleman
filling a high judicial position waited upon the Lord
Chanoellor as the bearer of an official communica-
tion from some member of the Irish Government.
This was, in plain English, a request that he would
resign the Chancellorship in order to facilitate some
arrangements which these gentlemen had in con-
templation. The Chancellor lost no time in com-
municating with Lord Derby, at whose request he
accepted office. He transmitted to the Premier
evidences of the most conclusive kind that the illness
from which he suffered was rapidly disappearing,
and that he would have been as capable of fulfilling
the duties of his high office as he was on the -day
when he accepted it. Lord Derby's reply was what
might have been expected from the Minister and
the man. Ile peremptorily refused to accept Mr.
Blackburne's resignation, and there the matter
ended. Yesterday the Chancellor had no intention
of retiring. On Monday, however, Lord Naas went
to Loudon, and had an audience with Lord Derby.
Its result was embodied in a second letter, from
which it would appear that the Premier had been led
iu the meantime to look upon the suggestion of the
Chancellor's retirement in a different light. This letter
arrived yesterday morning. The Chancellor, natu-
rally unwilling to compromise his dignity by even
the appearance of clinging to office, immediately
transmitted his resignation to Lord Derby. _ Thus
ends the judicial career of one of Ireland's greatest
magistrates. As Master of the Rolls, Lord Chief
J twice of Ireland, Lord Justice of Appeal, and now
for the second, rime Jord Chancellor of Ireland,

Francis Blackburne has inscribed his honoured
name in the annals of all our highest tribunals."
The truth is, Mr. Blackburne ought not to have left
the easy position he occupied as Lord Justice of
Appeal. He did it because Lord Derby felt it ex-
pedient to yield to the opposition offered to the
appointment of Mr. Brewster.

Dr. Moriarty, Bishop of Kerry, has been rather
a favourite with the Conservatives of this country
on account of the energy with which he has been
accustomed to denounce Fenianism; but he has now
astounded them by an elaborate address, in which he
no less energetically denounces the Establishment
as the cause of popular discontent. Balioving, from
what I know of the minds of the Roman Catholic
people, that this is the most correct representation
of the light in which thelEstablishment is regarded
that has yet been given in this country,and that the
old war of races will soon rage again about this for-
tress of Protestant ascendancy, I send the principal
portion of this remarkable manifesto, issued by one
of the most moderate of the Roman Catholic
Bishops. Having made some general remarks on
the subject of religious endowments and their law-
fulness, the Bishop proceeds :--" But, whatever
their force or conclusiveness may be, one thing is
certain, that there can be no peace or prosperity in
this land until we all enjoy complete religious
equality. 'Whether this is to be effected by levelling
up or by levelling down it is absolutely necessary to
make an end of this last remnant of .ascendancy.
This thesis is so evident to us that it does not ad-
mit of serious discussion. Its truth has been long
since acknowledged by our greatest statesmen. The
nations of Europe look with amazement upon a prin-
ciple that bears, and upon a Government that main-
tains, in this age of freedom and civilisation an in-
justice unparalleled in the annals of tyranny. This
injustice is the cause of that grievous disaffection
which overspreads the land. We are not believers
in the chances of rebellion. We never believed for a
moment that Fenianism would succeed in revolu-
tionising the country. We denounced it as an Ame-
rican swindle ; a traffic by dissolute and dishonest
knaves upon the home-love of that noble and gene-
rous population of Irish emigrants who are spread
over the United States. Yet Fenianism, with all its
falsehood, with all its braggart cowardice, and with
that hatred of religion which marked its every utter-
ance, found sympathy and raised strange hopes in
the Irish poor ; and, unfortunately, the Irish poor
means the Irish people. The domestic virtues of our
people, their horror of crime and outrage, their
gentle and too humble character, their habits and
training, which leave them totally unacquainted with
the use of arms or the ways of violence, render revo-
lution impossible for them. For the upper classes of
Catholics emancipation has been a reality. They
appreciate the blessing, now so rare in the world, of
living under a government which has the great at-
tributes of permanency and power. They know the
value of that freedom which leaves all good men to
follow the bent of theirgoodness, and which restrains
and punishes all evil-doers. Hence they submit to
the insult of ascendancy for the sake of the blessings
they enjoy, and they wait in hope for the day when
the work of justice will be completed in perfect re-
ligious equality. It is not so with the millions for
whom emancipation has had no practical or appre-
ciable result. For them the past still lives in the pre-
sent; they think they are an oppressed race. Eng-
land is for them an enemy's country. Patriotism,
which elsewhere means a devoted love of the laws
and institutions of one's country, here means hatred
of them. Political sense is all awry. Men lire
in the hope of what they call deliverance of
their native land. Hence a dreamy, unreal, dis-
contented existence, directly opposed to the spirit
of industry and enterprise. Like the Athenians
asking in the streets, ' What news ? is Philip dead?'
we have a people expecting good fortune from some
unforeseen chance, or from the possible ruin of the
power which they consider the cause of their misery.
Now, is there any patent wrong which can account
for this most unhappy state of national feeling ?
There is one, and that is the Church Establishment.
This is the clear proof of an unjust ascendancy still
maintained by the conquering nation. This makes
the Catholic Irishman believe that be is ruled as of old
for the benefit of a few: English settlers; that he
must even pay for their sermons and their sacra-
ments ; that he must provide not only for their
earthly wants by the sweat of his brow, but that be
must smooth for them the road to Heaven. Take
this wrong' away ; causes of complaint may still
remain, but they will be such as are to be found
among the most loyal ; they will not furnish just
grounds for national antipathy or revolutionary
longings. The peasantry may continue to complain
of the laws of tenancy; the clergy may complain of
mixed education ; we may still agitate for wiser
legislation in these matters, as the English them-
selves agaitated for Reform ; but neither these
grievances, nor any other- that we suffer, indicate
the oppression of one nation by another. When
those who defend the policy of English rule in this
country think they have answered every other
question of the disaffected, one remains unanswered
and unanswerable—namely, the Church Establish-
ment. If this disaffection were merely a political
evil its cure would be no business of ours ; but it is
a great moral evil. It engenders a most dangerous
state of conscience. This disaffection is the cause
of that rancour and discontent and ill-humour
which prevail so universally. If we could take
from the writings and speeches of public men, from
the letters and editorial articles of newspapers, all
the expressions of disapproval, all the manifes-
tations of bitterness, we should leave very little
to be read. The prevailing tone is one of anger.
If, perchance, a voice is raised in kindliness, in
praise, even in apology, it is thought to be the
voice of a sycophant. It is that note of indig-
nation to which alone the public ear seems
attuned. Hence the absence, even where we should
most expect to find them, of meekness and humi-
lity, without which there can be neither social hap-
piness nor solid virtue. This permanent disaffec-
tion endangers the purity of faith as well as the
rectitude of moral feeling. In the present circum-
stances of the case, and most probably in all future
circumstances, it would be most unwise to change
the system on which the clergy now receive their
personal support. We must remain as we are, de-
pendent on our people for food and raiment. We
cannot afford to break those ties which bind us to
our flocks, and our flocks to us. So far the volun-
tary system must stand now, and God grant it may
stand for ever! We dare not condemn endow-
ments. If we did, the Church would condemn us.
But we believe that where the voluntary system can
be established the Church will be more flourishing."
But he sees no objection to the allocation of a por-
tion of the endowment for the maintenance of the
religious establishment of the country, 'the building
and repair of churches and diocesan schools—the
expenses of which at present are a heavy burden
upon the people :—" The allocation we propose, be-
sides exempting the Catholic laity from the burden
of a double taxation, would make the Catholic feel
that he attained social and religious equality by
giving splendour and dignity to his Church."

His Excellency the Lord-Lieutenant has ap-
pointed the Rev. Charles William Ressell, D.D., Presi-
dent of Maynooth College, a governor and guardian of the
National Gallery of Ireland, in the room of the late Mr.
William Dargan.
LITTLE WATCHES.—Marvellous on account of the
quantity of mechanism compressed within small
spaces. One of these is about the size of an almond. At
the first of our Great Exhibitions the Swiss exhibited a
watch only three-sixteenths of an inch in diameter, inserted
in the top of a pencil-case ;it showed hours, minutes,
seconds, and the day of the month. An English specimen,
the size of a threepenny-piece, was a giant to it. The
Annual Register," about a cantury ago, told of a watch
only the fifty-fourth part of an inch in diameter ; but this,
we suspect, must be a mistake forfifty-four hundreds of an
inch—a very different affair. Arnold presented to George
the Third an exquisite watch of the size of a silver penny,
set in a ring ; it consisted of a hundred and twenty separate
parts, which weighed less than six pennyweights. And
so intricate were the works that Arnold had to make tools
himself before he could make the watch. The King Wag
So delighted with the work that he sent Arnold five hun-
dred guineas. When the Czar of Russia heard of this, he
offered Arnold a thousand guineas to make a similar one
fur him; but this the artist refused, determined that his
own sovereign's watch should be unique.—Dickens's "All
the Y Oar Round."