The Sun.
London, England, 1867-10-30 00:00:00

BRUTAL MURDER AT LAMBETH.

This morning between six and seven o'clock the
body of a male child, apparently a week old, was
discovered by a police-constable brutally murdered
in North-street, Paradise-row, Lambeth. It ap-
pears that as a police-constable, named Jas.Walters,
134 L, was proceeding through the above-mentioned
locality, his attention was drawn to a paper parcel
lying on a door-step, near Hodges' Distillery.
Having a light he turned it on, and found it to be
a bundle smeared with blood. He raised it, and
finding it somewhat weighty, opened it and saw the
body of a child with its skull frightfully fractured,
and its face smashed in. The body was removed
to the dead-house, and awaits a coroner's inquest.

POLICE IN T.ELLIGENCE—This Day,

MARLBORO UGH-S MEET.

OUTRAGWOUS CONDUCT.—George Fenuing, a ser-
vant at No. 10, York-street, St. Jamos's, was
charged before Mr. Tyrwhitt, as follows :
Police-constable Dade, 223 C, said—About a
("limier to one this morning I was in Jermyn-street,
and saw the prisoner trying to enter a refreshment
house, and on the waiter refusing to allow him to
do so he struck him. I asked the pa ironer, who was
making a great disturbance, to go away, when he
said that he would not stir a step for such a
as me, and struck a gentleman who expostulated
with him on his conduct, and on my attempting to
remove him, he struck me iu the face and kicked
me on my legs, which are now very sore. I called
a cabman to my assistance, the prisoner behaving
in a very violent manner, when he kicked the cab-
man ou the knee, and got me down and kicked me
in the mouth, and it took four of us to get him to
the station.

Prisoner—Did you not strike me ?
The Constable—No, I did not.
Mr. Tyrwhitt—Was the prisoner drunk ?
The Constable—lie was.

George Hopkins, a cab driver, badge 12,758, said
—I was standing with my cab in Jermyn-street,'
about one this morning, when the constable called
me to assist him. On my going up I found the pri-
soner behaving in a very violent manner, and on
my taking hold of the prisoner he kicked me on the
knee. The prisoner was drunk.

The Prisoner said-1 had had too much to
drink, but nothing to eat, and I went to the refresh-
ment house to get something to eat, but I do not
remember anything that afterwards occurred.
Mr. Tyrwhitt—lt is impossible to overlook this
series of assaults, and it is a lucky thing for the
prisoner that the others assaulted do not appear. I
shall fine you 40s. or a month for the assault on
the constable, and 10s. or seven days for that on
the cabman..

.3.I.4RKETS—(This Day.)

MARK LANE.

Fresh up to cur market to-day the arrivals of wheat
from Essex and Kent have only been moderate, but in fair
condition. The demand for both red and white qualities
was far from active, but factors were firm in demanding
the advance of Monday last.

In foreign wheat—the show of which was rather eaten•
sive—a li►nited business was concluded at fully that day's

currency.
Both English and foreign barley sold steadily at very
full prices.

Floating cargoes of grain on passage and for shipment
have been in request at improving rates.

In tho malt trade no alteration has taken place. Tho
supply was extensive. _

Thorn was a good show of oats on tho stands, and sound
corn moved off steadily at about Monday's prices.
Beans and peas commanded late rates, but there was
little inquiry.
Maize was held for previous terms.

Linseed and rapeseed continue firm in price, but all
agricultural seeds were a slow sale. In cakes very little
was doing.

The flour trade was steady, and values were firmly
maintainel.

AIRIYALB THIS 'MOM.

Wheat. Barley. Malt. Oats. Flour.
English and Scotch
.530 310 820 250 1,090
Irish
Foreign 16,450 3,010 8,610 2,510 sks

COMPARATIVE QUANTITIES AND PRICES OP GRAIN.
For the week ending Oct. For the corresponding week
26, 1867. last year.
Qrs. Aver. Qrs. Ayer.
Wheat .......80,165-70s 5d Wheat 79,359-52s 6d
Barley ..... ....62,717-42s 9d i Barley 71,872-41s 8d
Oats 8,862-26s Od Oats

lifE CHANCELLOR OF 7HE, EXCHEQUER

AT EDLVBURGIL

Last night the Chancellor of the Exchequer was
entertained by the Conservatives of Scotland at a
grand banquet in the Corn Exchange, Edinburgh.
Owing to the great demand for tickets the largest
public "milling in the to-.vu was engaged for the
occasion, an 1 nearly 1,300 gmtlemen sat down to
dinner, several hundred: more who dc,ired to be pre-
&Alt having been unable to procure admission. A
gallery at the lower end of the hall was specially
erected for the aceounnodatiou of about 120
of whom, including Mrs. Disraeli, were present. The
Corn Exchange, usually a dull building, was bril-
liantly- decorated for the occasion. At the upper end
the walls exhibited a heraldic combination contain-
ing in the centre the Royal arms, in the Scottish
setting, with the armorial distinctions wreathed on
either side of Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli. Above
was a riband with the words " Welcome to the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer," and below a scroll bearing
the words "Success to Lord Derby's Ministry."
From the cornice of the clerestory windows were
suspended shields with the armorial devices and
mottoes of the whole Cabinet; and above these were
hung particoloured banuerets. The elevated tables
of the chairman and vice-chairman were ranged on
the east side of the hall, with cross tables between.

The chair was occupied by Sir W. S. Maxwell,
M.P., and the vice chair by the Right Hon. R. N.
Hamilton. The Earl of Strathmore, Sir Jas. Camp-
bell, Lord Garlies, Mr. Duudas, Major Bruce, M.P.,
and Mr. Lawson, late Lord Provost, officiated as
croupiers. The company also included the Duke of
Buccleuch, Duko of Montrose, Lord J. Manners,
M.P., Rear-Admiral Sir J. C. D. Hay, M.P., Sir
G. Montgomery, M.P., the Lord Advocate, the Soli-
citor-General of Scotland, the Earl of Dalkeith,
M.P., Lord H. G. Lennox, M.P., Major Walker,
M.P., Mr. B. Cochrane, M.P., and a large represen-
tation of the Scottish peerage, gentry, and clergy.
Although the great bulk of the c,Aupany belonged to
the Conservative party, a considerable number of
gentlemen were present on purely complimentary
grounds.

After the loyal and patriotic toasts, the CHAIR-
MAN gave "The Church of Scotland," for which
the Rev. JAMES GRANT, D.C.L., responded.
The Cli-kIRMAN proposed the toast of the evening
—" The health of Mr. Disraeli, her Majesty's Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer." (Loud and general cheer-
ing.) Having eulogised the distinguished services
rendered to the country, he remarked that the last
and greatest of them was the passing of the recent
Reform Bill--a work the successful accomplishment
of which was due to the energy, patience, tact, and
genius of the right hon. gentleman himself. Ile ex-
pressed his own gratitude to Mr. Disraeli for the
course he had taken and for the sacrifices which he
had made in what am:muted virtually to the recon-
struction of a great party. Until Reform was un-
dertaken by the Conservatives the question was re-
garded as a joke; but, feeling that the just claim
and pretensions of the people ought no longer to be
disregarded, the Conservative party had taken up
the matter, and the result was the passing of a bill,
which, being based upon a sound and intelligible
principle, had, he hoped, settled the question for
Many years to come. (Cheers.) Tracing the pro-
gregs of the Reform question since 1832, he (the
chairman) pointed out the trifling and insincere
manner in which he said it had been dealt with by
the Liberal party, and he concluded by expressing
a hope that the Scotch measure of next session
would be dealt with in the calm, candid, and states-
man-like spirit which had distinguished the English
Bill of last session. lle gave Mr. Disraeli a cordial,
welcome to Scotland, and expressed a hope that he
would long fill the place he now occupied in the
confidence of the Queen and the counsels of the
nation. (The toast was drunk with great en-
thusiasm.)

Mr. DISRAELI, when the cheering with which he
was received had subsided, said—Mr. Chairman,
my lords, and gentlemen, I know nothing more
gratifying iu the life of a public man—nothing in
its toil and its asperity more satisfactory and sooth-
ing than the expression of sympathy from any body of
his countrymen. (Cheers.) Nor is that gratification
diminished if that expression comes from those who
are not connected with him by any local seutimen t,
because we know how much we may value the affec-
tionate expression of the kind feeling of our friends;
they are apt to be partial in their estimate. I can-
not express what my feelings are at this moment,
greeted by this great assembly with so :much cor-
diality, distinguished as it is by those who are ex-
alted in rank, exalted in character, exalted in in-
telligence, and representing all classes of the com-
munity—(cheers)—and that, too, in the fair capital
of a famous nation, united to England, but on equal
terms, and by whose blended influence we have since
that union consummated some of the greatest feats
of British valour and achieved some of the most
brilliant results of British genius, (Cheers.) Now,
thanking you, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, for
the too kind manner in which you introduced the
consideration of my name to this assembly, I can-
not for a moment forget that it is chiefly to be attri-
buted to the passing of a memorable measure which
has distinguished the present session of Parliament,
and with which I have been in some measure con-
nected. (Cheers.) I am glad to hear that the cha-
racter of that measure and its consummation have
been received with favour and confidence in the city
of Edinburgh—(cheers)—and the more so because
I might have been deceived by some expressions
which had reached me before I visited the country,
and supposed that a different opinion both as to the
character of the measure and the character of those
who are, responsible for it prevailed in this city.
(Hear, hear.) I heard, indeed, or read very
recently, and the words came from a per-
son of considerable position, if he were alone the
representative of this great city, but still more so as
one who has held very high office connected with the
administration of the kingdom of Scotland —I heard
that we had carried a measure not entitled to such a
distinction as that for which the Whig party had
toiled since the time when in the year 1793 Lord
Grey had been defeated by the machinations of Mr.
Pitt. It is important, because it is in another form A
revival of the old political dogma, that upon the
most important of political subjects—viz., the ques-
tion how power should be distributed in a State—
one of the great historical parties is to be forbidden
from ever touching it. (Cheers.) If we are to go to
the origin of the question since the constitution of
the country was settled on its present basis, it is
purely and entirely a Tory question. The question
of Parliamentary Reform was first introduced to
public notice by the great statesmen flourishing at
the beginning of the 16th century. Whatever their
motives may have been, the fact still remains—the
great Tory leaders of that day, no doubt, were in a
minority in the House of Commons, and were anxi-
ous to alter the principles of the representation of the
country. Motions for shortening the duration of
Parliaments, for extending the suffrage, for secret
voting, were introduced ; and we aro told that it
was by the machinations of Mr. Pitt that the Whigs
have been perpetually baffled in their desire to carry
household suffrage, and have been deprived of their
rightful heritage by the manoeuvres of the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby. Allow me to say that the great
leaders at the commencement of the 18th century
who brought forward these measures for Parliamen-
tary Reform, and who vindicated these measures,
were formed of a very powerful and intelligent oli-
garchy, and no doubt for many years those opinions
were in abeyance. But the time came at a moment
of public calamity, when the country began to doubt
whether it was wise to entrust to au °lig-achy the
most considerable portion of the power of the State,
or whether we should trust inure to the power of the
sovereign and independence of the nation. When
these opinions became prevalent, shortly after the
American war, a man, as always happens, appeared
to advocate these opinions ; and who was that man ?
Why, it was a young statesman who had formed his
mind by studying the conduct of the great states-
men of the 18th century. lie gave up his time—for
we have it upon record he gave up his time by day
and by night—to the study of their lives ; he adopted
all their leading principles—the opinions he found in
the treaty of Utrecht—which would have given us all
the advantages of free trade, now so much vaunted; a
century beforehand he found those principles con-
tained the principle of religious tolerance an d the priu-

elide of Parliamentary rekifm, and he advocated it
as a means by which he alone could control the
oligarchy which then prevailed. Now, who was
that statesman ? It was the son of Chatham--
(cheers)—that very Mr. Pitt who, as we arc now
told, by his machinations prevented Lord Grey, and
for 70 years has prevented the Whig party, front
• conferring upon the English people the boon and
the advantage of the household franchise. (Cheers
and. laughter.) My lords and gentlemen, no doubt
in 1832 Lord Grey was perfectly entitled, front his
high character and front his politic it conduct, to
take the line which he did take. Lord Grey had
fairly earned the leadership upon that question of
Parliamentary Reform; but when Lord Grey formed
his Government he never pretended that in the
policy which he recommended he was recommend-
ing a policy peculiar to the Whig party ; on the
contrary, he said from the first that it was impossible
for him to form a Government except upon a very
Woad basis. He appealed successfully to the friend-
ship of Mr. Canning, but that was not enough. He
applied to the Duke of Richmond, the father of ono
of my colleagues, to form one of his Ministry, and
he did so. Had he not done so I very much doubt
whether Lord Grey's Cabinet could have been estab-
lished ; therefore I say nothing could be more idle
than the pretence that we invaded the band to which
we had no right of approach, and that our political
opponents had a vested interest in the question of
Parliamentary Reform ; that for 70 years they had
been vainly trying to confer the boon of household
suffrage on the people of England ; but that we have
come forward in a manner most unauthorised, at the
last moment, claiming a position to which we were
not entitled. When the Reform Bill of 1832 was
passed, Sir R. Peel, by his political Tamworth mani-
festo and his speech in the House of Commons,
pledged the Tory party not to interfere with that
settlement which was arrived at. It was then the
hatit of those who passed the bill of 1832, and who
found, to their great surprise, that there was a great
danger of a Tory Government being formed, to de-
clare that the real object which Sir R. Peel and
his friends had in view was to repeal the now Re-
form Bill; and Sir R. Peel, with great prudence, as
it was then universally deemed, entered into that
compact, the reason for which I have always had
great doubts ; but whether that compact was wise or
not, no one will deny it was religiously observed by
the Conservative party. (Cheers.) Every man who
acted with them scrupulously supported and assisted
Sir R. Peel in carrying that compact into fulfilment;
and I never heard it for one moment whispered that
wu long departed from that engagement ; but when
20 years after the bill of 1832 a Minister, filling the
high capacity of Prime Minister of England—when
in 1852 a Prime Minister announced that that law
was no longer adequate to the circumstances, and
that he should himself introduce a measure to super-
sede it—why then, I say, the Tory party was im-
mediately exempted from the engagement into which
they had entered, and it was for them to consider the
course which they ought to pursue. (Loud cheers.)
I. touch upon this point because it is a subject which
has now for a very long time been circulated with
impunity in the country ; and I want to show to you
that our title was clear to deal with this greatest and
j most important of political questions—the distribu-
tion of political power in the State. (Cheers.) After
Lord John Russell had announced his retreat from
the doctrine of finality there was a meeting of gentle-
men connected with the Tory party; and, taking all
the circumstances of the case into consideration, they
communicated with their friends, and came to a de-
finite and determined resolution that under no cir-
cumstances whatever was the Tory party ever to be
induced to paws a new Reform Bill ; that they would
always assist its introduction, and then attempt to
mould it into that form which they believe.l would
be most advantageous to the country—(cheers) - and
to that resolution, passed nearly 20 years ago, they
had invariably and religiously adhered. And I can
only say for myself, from the. time I over presume 1 at
the request of my friends to take any lead in public
affairs, I have never omitted au opportunity of
claiming, whenever this question was brought for-
ward, the right of the Tory party to deal with it
(cheers), deeming that historically we had as good and
better a right than our opponents, but that, totally
irrespective of these considerations, it was a fatal
position that one of the great constitutional parties of
England should commence their programme by the
admission that on the most vital and interesting of
public questions they were to be considered to be
debarred from ever interfering. (Cheers.) Well,
then, I think, my lords and gentlemen, it must be
agreed, notwithstanding the speech which has re-
cently been delivered in the city of Edinburgh—(a
laugh) --,that the question of Parliamentary Reform
was a question for the Tory party to deal with if
they thought proper. (Cheers.) I say so, first, on.
abstract political grounds; and, secondly, if neces-
sary, but it is not necessary, I vindicate it on histo-
rical facts totally opposed to that perverted state-
ment which has recently been made in this city.
(Cheers.) 'Well, my lords and gentlemen, if that
question was one with which we had a right to deal,
the next question—and it is a much more important
one—is this, having the right to deal with it, ought
we to have dealt with it ? Well, now, it does appear
to me that any man of calm mind, any man accus-
tomed to consider public affairs, any Englishman,
any Scotchman, or any Irishman, who, living in a
free country, does not pass idly this important ques-
tion, as in other countries he might, as to the distri-
bution of power—l think any man who has calmly
considered this question must have felt it was abso-
lutely necessary for Lord Derby in 1867 to deal with
this question. (Cheers.) Why, what are the facts of
the case? The facts of the case are very brief. They
aro these : for 15 years, from 1852 to the end of 1866,
the Government of the Queen had been dealing
with the question of Parliamentary Reform, not the
Parliament of England, for that is a totally different
thing from the Government of the country dealing
with the question, and that being a question of
merely Parliamentary interest supported by some
Parliamentary connection,• both may endeavour to
obtain public confidence and public applause by
supporting a particular line of policy. A ques-
tion may be a purely Parliamentary question,
such as the abolition of slavery and many other
questions, when it may be right that they should
not be precipitate in their resolution, and that they
should be matured by frequent and continuous dis-
cussion, not merely of years, but, if necessary, on
some questions of generations. But the moment
the Queen's Government comes forward and says
that the question ought to be settled, the country
has a right to suppose that the wisest men have given
their consideration to it, and that State necessity
requires that some settlement should be arrived at.
(Cheers.) You might say that it was merely the
Whig party that were of this opinion. Is that the
case ? Every Prime Minister during these 15 years,
and every party that has been in power during these
15 years, had heard announced from the Throne
that the question of Parliamentary Reform, which
is the question of the distribution of power in the
State, was one which demanded consideration and
settlement. (Cheers.) Every Prime Minister of
every party in power had dealt with that question,
and had failed. Lord John Russell had dealt with
the question, and had failed. (Cheers and laughter.)
Lord Aberdeen, at the head of one of the most
powerful Governments, so far as personal talent is
concerned, that ever existed in this country—Lord
Aberdeen had dealt with the question, and had
failed. Lord Palmerston had dealt with the ques-
tion, and hal failed. Lord Derby hal dealt with
the question, and had failed. Lord John Russell
had dealt with the question again and had failed.
(Cheers.) Well, you talk about the agitation iu the
country—you talk about the unprincipled conduct
of men practising for self-interest :tut] private ends
—but what do you say to agitators who, year after
year, announce that the most important political
question requires a settlement, and year after year,
Ministry after Ministry, the attempt is made and
no settlement is arrived at? (Cheers.) Why, what
is the practical conclusion, under such circumstances,
at which every man could arrive ? It must be this,
and everybody does feel in England, that the great
machine was not adequate to the question, that it
could not meet the difficulties. Well, if the Govern-
ment of the country was not adequate to that which
the country required, then' my lords and gen-
tlemen, I venture to think that I have shown