The Sun.
London, England, 1867-09-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LO_NOON. MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 9, 1867

League, determining to follow the noble example
which you have set them, are resolved to pursue
the same course of constitutional agitation, until
every Irishman living on Irish soil shall possess the
franchise. Thanking you and your friends for this
friendly visit, we beg to offer you our warmest
sympathies and support in the struggle in which
you are so manfully engaged.--Signed, on behalf
of the Council, " O'lloNoolluE, President.
P. J. SHANLEY, Secretary."
Mr. BEALES having returned thanks,

The O'DoNoctuE, on coming forward, was re-
ceived with cheers which lasted several minutes.
He said—My Lord Mayor and citizens of Dublin,
I gladly find myself taking a part in a meeting
which has been assembled for the purpose of
enabling the citizens of Dublin to express their
determination to co-operate with zeal and persever-
ance in a movement by which it is proposed to
secure for the Irish people those political rights
and privileges which are at present exclusively
possessed by, and exercised for, the benefit of a
small section of the community. (Applause.)
Although I cannot claim the rights of citizenship,
yet I cannot look upon myself as a stranger
amongst you. (Applause.) According to my no-
tion of things every true Irishman must consider
himself a citizen of Dublin. (Hear, hear.) In my
eyes Dublin has ever been the metropolis of our
country, and ought to be the head-quarters of na-
tionality. (Applause.) The very stronghold and
citadel of patriotism, and the permanent leader
in every movement having for its object the deve-
lopment either of our material interests or our
political liberties. (Applause.) The chief city of
almost every nation has associations connected with
it which gives it a special interest in the eyes and
a special place in the heart of the patriot. When
on occasions like this I find myself taking a part
with the citizens of Dublin, I never can forget that
we are in the midst of a great capital, once the
seat of the Legislature—(applause ; and a voice :
" three cheers for Repeal ")—the scene of those me-
morable events in history which stir the blood and
raise the drooping spirits, even at the saddest and
darkest hour, and that fills the heart with hope that
by doing duty fearlessly and faithfully—by acting
in accordance with the dictates of reason and
common sense—(hear, hear)—by not allowing our
overflowing love of country and enthusiasm to get
the better of our prudence—(cries of 44 hear ")
we may yet be enabled to accomplish for
our own immortal Ireland (enthusiastic
cheering) much, if not all, for which our
fathers struggled. (Continued cheering.) When
we take part in political discussions here our acts
derive from the genius of the place a political
which
heh importance,
noother
a
significance
can an dp nationalnsse ss, a
nsolemnity
there-
fore it is that I rejoice to-day that this over-
locality
over-
flowing meeting of the citizens of Dublin came
prepared to take a prominent part—to
take the
lead in the movement for Parliamentary Reform
for the Irish people. (Loud cheers.) I have the
honour of standing before you this evening as Pre-
sident of the Irish Reform League—(hear, and
cheers)—and it is in that capacity I am going to
propose to you this resolution. (Hear, hear.)
The object we are asked to attain through the
agency of our organization is this, that the Irish
nation should govern itself through a body of
representatives fairly and fully chosen by the peo-
ple. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) How this
can be done is set forth in this resolution, which
demands a franchise based upon the principle
of registered residential manhood suffrage, pro-
tected by the ballot. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Here then is the object we have in view, and
here are the means by which we propose the
attainment of this object. I maintain that the ob-
ject is beyond all dispute good in itself—(hear,
hear)—and it is not merely good in itself, but
that owing to the peculiar circumstances of the
present time that object is eminently practical.
(Hear, hear.) I say it is an object the immediate
realisation of which is urgent, if we would become
as other nations have become through the same
means, the masters of our own destiny, as far as
that is humanly possible, and if we would escape
in the future from the anarchy, turmoil, and revo-
lution which must be the inevitable result of that
oligarchical domination which binds us to the
earth—(cheers)—and which withholds from us
that political justice which is our birthright.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, why do I say that
the circumstances of the present time are pecu-
liarly favourable to the success of our undertak-
ing ? Because it is au indisputable fact that in
this movement we have the thorough co-opera-
tion of the Scottish and English people. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) They are with us, because
they know that the cause of Reform is just—
because they know that it is their cause as well
as ours ; but I will say they are with us also,
not merely because they know the cause of Re-
form to be just, and to be a common cause, but
from a sentiment of brotherly affection, and
rfreonms
people
desire—to
eo
srirdesireteh—e
tg
great
e aalt s
makew
ro o In
gr eswpti a rlhl
aatt sihoa
any,:
et othoe
et
uha eh
eg, Irish
pni
ese
dh-
ienßg.r)itishwGhoyvdernninaerrntivoen tahtemth.is(Eenentheulusisaiestnic?
It was because in my inter-
bchyeteri
ic wille t
we lilt
hyotuhewlimyas. masses of the English people I
tohnagte d
the an d
massesvehement
of
the cheering)
e Englishr g)
met With the warmest sympathy for the Irish poli-
thieccaalupsre I foundisoners(prol
pa
as
oup
ol e d ki
sn ei
nw
hpe eravfeenc laynwdethlla,
ttwhahtiewhhiitcil.is
tihseaspurtreuset
folly to gainsay—that these political prisoners are
enshrined in the hearts of the millions of the Irish
people. (Tremeudouscheering and waving of hats.)
A Voice—A cheer for Burke. (Renewed cheer-
ing.)

The O'DoNoGnuE—And because I found that these
generous English did not hesitate to express their
conviction that these political prisoners have sacri-
ficed their all on the altar of patriotism. (Enthu-
siastic and prolonged applause.) In Manchester I
heard John Bright. (Loud cheering.)
jt.ohn(Cßhreiegrhs.t)
amidst
h
eueEr_l f r
heard
h
applause of thousands say that he
e 0i e eI
iouNAso Ge
the The
uproar'hVe
would open the prison doors and let the •
captives
free. (Vehement cheering.)
A slight interruption occurred here, owing to a
disturbance in the gallery. Order was, however,
soon restored, and the proceedings were resumed.
The O'DoNoGImE continued—Because I saw the
English Reform League, with our friends and fel-
low-labourers, Mr. Beales in the chair—(cheers)
—pass a resolution deprecatory of harsh measures.
I saw on each side of me signs that if prejudices
did exist—that if national prejudice did exist--the
sense of justice had overcome that prejudice in
the minds of Englishmen, and that in Ireland--
old Ireland—(cheers)—we might without a com-
promise of honour, without a stain on her nationa-
lity, unite with such generous and sincere friends
in obtaining for them and for ourselves those poli-
tical rik hts which I believe in my inmost soul those
Englisl me a who will help us mean that we should
use in IA hatever way is pleasing to the Irish people.
(Loud cheers.) I will say for myself, and I will
say for my countrymen, if it be not too presump-
tuous—(no, no)—that that is the sense in which
we accept their co-operation. (Hear, hear, and

cheers.)
A VOICE—We want some advice. (Laughter.)

The O'DONOGIME—There is no doubt— I am
sorry to have troubled you at such length—(cries
of No, no)—there is no doubt that the Reform
Bill which passed through the British Parliament
last session has put us far up on the road towards
the attainment of our political rights. (Hear, hear,
and cheers.) I think it would be a mere waste
of time to enter into any proofs to satisfy you
that the present representation of this country is
the most complete humbug that ever was known.
(Cheers.) We all know what is thcought of Par-
liamentary action in these days, and we know
that the opinion which is entertained of it is the
result of this fact—of the utter impossibility of
passing one single popular measure through the
British Parliament. (Cries of 44 He ar, hear."
There are in Ireland some 200,000 electors ;
170,000 of these are county electors, altmost every
one of whom must vote exactly as hi landlord
pleases. (Hear, hear, and groans') Thu remain-
ing 30,000 are borough electors, and in. most of

the boroughs the constituencies are so very small
that it would be next to a miracle if corruption
did not prevail to a very great extent in these
boroughs. (Hear.) Now, I will only say that I
believe in my conscience that the coursetfor us
to follow is to co-operate with the masses of the
English people, who have given us, I maintain,
the most unmistakable proof of their generosity—
(hear, hear)—and unite with them and endeavour
to secure for this country the widest possible ex-
tension of the franchise with the protection of the
ballot. (Cheers.) As there are a good many of
our friends here who are going to address you, and
as the heat is a trifle—(laughter)--I will now read
the resolution for you :—" That this meeting,
whilst claiming for Ireland an immediate exten-
sion of the Parliamentary franchise at least equal
to that conceded to the English electors, and pro-
posed to be conceded to those of Scotland, ex-
presses its deep conviction that no suffrage short
of residential registered manhood suffrage will or
ought to be permanently satisfactory to the people
of either Ireland, England, or Scotland." (The
O'llonoghue resumed his seat amidst loud and long-
continued cheering.)

Mr. O'DONNELL seconded the resolution, which
Glasgow, and carried
wasuna
nsiumpopuosrltye.d by Mr. Mom, of

,The
moved—" Rtv. 'PdePep"ly impressed with
Castle Pollard,
the prudent action of the English Reform League,
Rev.
That l
thisr.
meetingN ,
and in view of the success it has already attained,
mov
is prepared cordially to unite with that League
in agitating for the ballot, the more especially as
the circumstances of the voters in this country
imperatively require that they should have that
protection to enable them to exercise the franchise
with freedom and independence."

Mr. MowATr seconded the motion, which was
supported in an eloquent speech by Mr. ERNEST
JONES and carried.

Mr. COOKE moved—" That this meeting earnestly
calls upon the people of Ireland to unite in sup-
porting the Irish Reform League by the forma-
tion of local branches, and in enabling it to co-
operate in continued action with the Reform
Leagues of England and Scotland, for establishing
the political rights, without distinction, of the
whole people of the three countries."

Mr. CLEARY seconded the motion, which was sup -
ported by Mr. GRANT, of Leeds, and Mr. FREDERICK
CLAYTON, Secretary to the Northern Department
of the Reform League, and carried.
A vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor concluded
the proceedings.

PRESIDEN2' LINCOLN AND SENATOR

DOUGLAS;

The following letter been addressed to the
b----a
editor of the Anglo-American Vines :
Sir,—Ade
v, a
debate took
of place
great
isinbthteeisiteatoflllinois
in 1858, which importance,
whether considered in relation to the question de-
bated, the talents of the speakers, the offices to
which they aspired, the impression it made on the
popular mind, or the results it secured, the chief of
which was the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presi-
dency. Lincoln, a native of a slave state, who was
yet to become chief of the Abolitionists, was then
determinedly resisting the extension of slavery, while
Douglas, a native of a free state, who had been
known for twenty years as the ablest, most indefatig-
able, and most unscrupulous adversary to emanci-
pation, was attempting to open the flood-gates to
slavery, that it might pour itself abroad and
find no limits but at the Pacific Ocean. Both
Lincoln and Douglas were the children of poor
parents ; both toiled at manual labour ; both
were determined to rise; both were able men ; both
made the great West the field of their enterprise ;
both studied law 'at Springfield ; both became lead-
ing politicians, and rose rapidly, one in the Whig,
the other in the Democratic, party.
The chief article then in the creed of the Demo-
cratic party was that the Federal Government had
net the constitutional power to exclude slavery
from the Territories, an article which defied justice
and denied American history. For the Federal Go-
vernment by the ordinance of the North-West ex-
cluded slavery from Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michi-
gan, and Wisconsin when they were territories; it
also excluded siavery by the Missouri Compromise
from the territories north and west of the state of
Missouri. Then, too, the chief article n the creed of
the Republican party was, "No more slave states
no more slave territory."
For many years the slaveholders bad made and
unmade the Presidents of the United States, and
Douglas, who was ambitious, determined to gain
rihaCiompromise, and had
their favour, with the hope thatsuteheeeyedweodualds
snelankae-
by the Democrats as a candidate for
eivsvaidaisyrseihnue Kansas
himre
been
in
and be bad now
nominated President.
repealing
re-election to the Senate, an office which he valued as
thus caused the civil war
a stepping-stone to the Presidencl. Lincoln had
been nominated as candidate for the same senatorial
office by the Republicans; and both Lincoln and
Douglas were to travel through the State, meet the
people in their primary assemblies, and each defend
in debate the policy of the party he represented.
By this means the Americans try the nature of the
candidate for popular favour.
Lincoln opened the canvass of the State at once
in a "terse, forcible, and thoroughly Radical speech,
wherein he enunciated the then startling, if not ab-
solutely novel, doctrine that the American Union
could not permanently endure half slave and half
free." He said, Ido not expect the Union to be
dissolved ; Ido not expect the house to fall, but Ido
expect that it will cease to be divided. It will
become all one thing or all the other."

_______
41e, and contended,
ig popular sovereignty," that the
people in each Territory should decide the question
foonrDt
htoheueg groundallassel
y of
themselves
s promptly
whether
t o
establish or exclude
in reply, said,
"This
slavery. Lincoln, Litainnctohlant,
self-government
if one man chooses to enslave another,
no third man should be allowed
Thus an oral canvass of Illinois of " unequalled
interest" for a seat in the Senate was prosecuted by
these capable and practised popular debaters before
immense audiences of their fellow- citizens up to the
eve of the State election. Douglas, by a small
majority, was elected Senator ; but he lost his hold
ito amounts
o object."
j iect a. n
~to attempt
just
of the popular sympathy, and eventually the Pre-
sidency, the object for which he was striving.
Lincoln failed in his efforts to
gain a place in the
Senate, but he obtained such a hold of the popular
sympathy that he was elected to the Presidency.
Lincoln gained by the debate national repute—an
honour he had not previously
enjoyed; while
Douglas, who had previously been thus honoured,
forfeited it in the
prosecution of the debate.
Douglas, in his appeals to the people, said, " Mr.
Lincoln wants my place."
This was true. Mr.
Lincoln wanted his place that he might relieve the
oppressed. Douglas wanted it from a desire to gain
a still higher seat. The one had a benevolent, the
other a selfish, motive.
In mental ability
Lincoln and Douglas were alike,
but how different was their training ! The talents
of Douglas were developed and exercised at an early
period of his life. For this the praise is due to the
State rather than the wan. Vermont has a stony
soil, but it was never trodden by a slave. In care-
ful mental culture, in high morality, in regard for
religion, in freedom from party intrigue and the
leadership of demagogues, Vermont stood unrivalled
among the States. The citizen, before he gives his
first vote, must take the freeman's oath. IVith
his hand uplifted he must swear allegiance to the
Constitution of the United States, as well as to the
Constitution of the State of Vermont. Now forth
from such a State and such training came Douglas
to be the champion of the slave power, and to laugh
at human nature, and duty, and compassion. In
the service of his slave-masters he dared to say he
was ashamed of his native State of Vermont !
Lincoln came from the " dark and bloody ground"
—Kentucky,where slave-law and lynch-law held their
carnivals, where a clasp was placed on the lips of
the ministers and editors, and
where the curse of
the Almighty was on the clasp ; where knowledge
was a terror, and education a crime. It was a
disadvantage that his talents were developed and
exercised later in life than those of Douglas. Ile

was, however, humane, and had a strong sense of
duty—qualities that Douglas did not seem to com-
prehend, yet they proved more than a match for the
talents of Douglas with all their brilliance, and for
his wits with all their sharpness.
On entering upon his political life Lincoln united
with the Whig party, which contained a number of
conscientious men ; but it was immensely outnum-
bered by the Democratic party, of which Douglas
became a member. Lincoln was a closer student
than Douglas; while the former pursued his know-
ledge of the law in his library, the latter pursued
his knowledge of political parties, not among lawyers,
but among liquor-sellers. The one became a
master of low principles, the other became a master
in the management of party machinery. Lincoln
imbibed the principles of the Western Citizen, the
anti-slavery paper of the West, which he read regu-
larly, a paper that declared the identity of the prin-
ciples of the Declaration of Independence in 1776
with those of the anti-slavery reform. The one de-
clared all men were free and equal, and the other
declared that the slaves were men, and therefore
had a right to liberty. The Western Citizen con-
tended that slavery was an incubus resting on all
the energies of the people, and the nation must sink
under it, or rise by carrying out the principles of
1776 and emancipating the slaves ; and Mr. Lin-
coln declared that the States could not endure half
free and half slave—that liberty or slavery must
pervade the entire nation. He was the determined
foe of the extension of slavery. If for this the State
honoured him with office, well and good ; if it did
not, he valued principle more than office, and
should be content. Douglas, however, would not
touch the anti-slavery principles with one of his
fingers. He was determined to be President, and
knew that if it were ever suspected at the South
that he constantly received and read an anti-slavery
newspaper he would not receive a vote from any
slave State.

In the large assemblies that listened to the debate
of Lincoln and Douglas, there were but few who
were natives of Illinois. It was a new State, and
its residents had come from every State in the
Union, and from nearly all the nations of Europe,
seeking cheap bread, or cheap land, or greater reli-
gious or political liberty. Lincoln appealed to their
sense of right ; Douglas to their prejudices. The
latter regarded the people as the raw material which
he designed by dexterous manipulation to increase
into the Democratic party, or as raw recruits to be
formed into platoons and brigades to be commanded
by himself. Hence, to suit the pro-slavery Southerner,
he became a slaveholder ; to the Irish he denounced
England's policy and Government; to the free-
trader be was tke foe of the tariff ; he plunged upon
the prejudices of classes, and complexions, and
national, antipathies, as a skilful performer plays
upon his accustomed instrument. Lincoln was
friendly to the coloured people, he was the resistant
of slavery exertion, and the advocate of fraternity
between England and America—a policy which he
pursued when he became President.

Such were the men, such their principles. But
what of the result ? Just as the prize for which
Douglas had laboured was falling into his hands,
the slaveholders struck it aside, and it fell into the
hands of Lincoln. Douglas valued himself on his
ability to read men, but he never fathomed the
designs of the slaveholders. lie trusted in them,
and found, too late, that he had leaned on a reed
which pierced his hand. _ _

The Democratic party could make whom it would
President ; such was its power, and it was united
in the choice of Douglas. This party was con-
trolled by the slaveholders, and they viewed with
alarm the progress of the anti-slavery reform in the
North. So rapidly was it changing public opinion
that if the Union continued slavery would every-
where become disreputable, and be abolished by
law. To guard against this result they determined
to dissolve the union of the States. If Lincoln
should he elected President, it would furnish the
pretext for the dissolution ; and if the Democratic
party should be divided, it would secure the election
of Lincoln. This plan was, therefore, adopted.
Two candidates were nominated for the Presidency
by the Democrats—Douglas, who said that the
people of a territory could exclude slavery ; Breck-
enridge, who denied them this power. E'uch was
the ground of difference. The vote of the Demo-
crats was divided between them, the party was
weakened, the Republicans prevailed, and Lincoln
was elected. Bitter was the disappointment of
Douglas, for he lost the object of his life labours.
As Senator, his honours were soon surrendered, for
his health failed him. He felt, however, that there
was one duty to be performed before his earthly
labours closed, and that he did. Ten thousand
people assembled in the large temporary building
in Chicago, where Lincoln was nominated for the
Presidency, to hear Douglas relate and review his
political life. He depicted his unwearied efforts to
strengthen the slave power, hoping for a reward in
the nomination for the Presidency ; and then de-
scribed the ungratefulness and treachery of the
slaveholders. He had aided them to promote their
designs, and now they had cast him aside as an
instrument of no further use, that they might ruin
the nation and protect slavery. Then with all his
power he urged them to support Lincoln, and to
consecrate to the preservation of the Union their
property, lives, and sacred honour. Virtually this
was his dying appeal. He returned to his house,
which he never left till he was borne to the grave.
Because of this speech the people forgave him his
pro-slavery conduct, and the hands of Lincoln
were strengthened throughout the North. Thus
Douglas, who would have rivetted the fet-
ters of the slave, was excluded from the
highest office, and thus Lincoln obtained it. Hav-
ing come into power with an anti-slavery pur-
pose, Lincoln, in the course of his administration,
resolved that should the opportunity present itself
he would emancipate the slaves. This vow he re-
corded in the presence of God. The opportunity
came, and Lincoln fulfilled his vow, knowing that
in doing so he imperilled his own life. The slaves
were set free, and soon afterwards Lincoln fell a
martyr. In Illinois there are four graves of
special interest—those of Lovejoy, Lundy, Dougl as,
and Lincoln. The first anti-slavery martyr, the
anti-slavery pioneer, the pro-slavery Senator,
and the President martyr. When Lovejoy was
slain, Lundy entered into his labours, and by him
and his co-labourers the public mind in the West
was prepared to elect Lincoln to the Presidency ;
and by the writings of Lundy and hidsuccessor the
mind of Lincoln was imbued with anti-slavery
principles. To the appeals in behalf of these
principles Douglas turned a deaf ear, though they
came from the grave of Lovejoy—from the pulpit
of his brother in Illinois, Owen Lovejoy—from the
press of Lundy and his successor--and from Lin-
coln in the debate. He was running a race, and
feared that if he paused to pity the slave he might
miss the prize. But the race is not always to the
swift, and be did miss the prize. Lincoln paused in
the race, pitied the slave, and gained fresh power,
and won the prize. Every passing day witnesses
the new hopes and the high purposes cherished in
the hearts of millions of American citizens, the
existence ofawhich they gratefully trace to Lincoln,
the emancipator and martyr.—Yours very truly,

EDWARD MATHEWS.

PETROLEUM FUEL.—In the process of burning
petroleum for steam fuel, a small quantity of the surplus
steam, after passing through a superheater, is intro-
duced at the same time with the oil, and is found
to add greatly to tho intensity and volume of the
flame. It is claimed that this steam is introduced in a
semi-decomposed state—that is, with the affinity between
the oxygen and hydrogen, of which it is composed, so
weakened, that when produced directly within the flame
of the oil it burns rapidly, without any appreciable ex-
traction of heat from that produced by the burning oil.
In fact, when so presented, the re-union of the oxygen
and hydrogen is so rapid that a groat increase of heat
is produced in the flame. The superheating is accom-
plished by waste heat, or heat which could not
otherwise be brought to bear upon the water surfaces of
the boiler. The problem of burning water, which has
heretofore been pronounced an absurdity, so far as any
practical advantage can be derived therefrom may be con-
cerned, appears to bo, by this device, pretty effectually
and satisfactoi ily accomplished. At all events there is an
evident increase of steam production over and above that
employed under the furnace by this use of steam. The
fact appears to be patent, and scientists will evidently have
to admit and explain it.—Mining and Scientific Press.

MR. MACCABE'S E N7ER7AINMENT AT
THE EGYPTIAN BALL.

Mr. Frederic Maccabe, the incomparable mimic,
having installed himself in the apartment lately
tenanted by Ernst Schultz, is now nightly giving an
entertainment of the most attractive description.
Since we first had the pleasure of welcoming Mr.
Maccabe to London, he has very greatly improved
the entertainment he then introduced to us, so that it
now may be said to be perfectly unique. It consists,
as it did originally, of a variety of impersonations,
male and female, and whilst we are again intro-
duced to Miss Mary May, and other favourites, Mr.
Maccabe has given us various others that render
" Begone, Dull Care" the most attractive entertain-
ment now performing in the, metropolis. The great
peculiarity of Mr. Maccabe's entertainment is the
rapidity with which the changes of character are
effected, hardly has the clever mimic announced the
arrival of the different visitors than they are at once
introduced to the audience in propria personr. The
change for Miss Mary May is really astonishing.
Mr. Maccabe has but just made his bow in full even-
ing costume, then he appears in the character of the
sympathetic young lady in ball dress, with earrings,
bracelets, gloves, fan, and all the elegant little
etceteras that make up the most piquant toilette.
The vocal illustrations are also of the greatest
excellence, and that they are of ability the familiar
sound of the now well-known song " Early in the
morning" abundantly testifies. Mr. Maccabe, being
a clever composer, a talented instrumentalist, and
a capital dramatic performer, is enabled, unaided,
to place before the public an entertainment of the
greatest excellence, and one which, we beg leave
to say, is in every way worthy of universal patron-
age.