The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-16 00:00:00

t'•rades' Unions.

The summary published in the Times of yesterday
of the evidence given before the Royal Commission
on the Trades' Unions by Mr. R. Harnett, the sec-
retary of the Operative Stonemasons' Society, does
not present by any means all the facts of public im-
portance and interest elicited in the examination of
witnesses regarding the operation of Trades' Unions
in this branch of the building trade. Mr. Roebuck
and Mr. Harrison (who was appointed on the Com-
mission in deference to the wishes of the Trades'
Unionists themselves), entered at some length into
the question of the tyrannical operation of the rule
in the union regarding " chasing,"—a rule which
drags clown an able and skilful man to the level of
the inferior workman. From the report already
given in the Times it will have been gathered that
this " chasing'r rule was in effect that a workman
should not, under the penalty of a fine —and a sys-
tem of fining prevails which would lead lead to the
exclusion and ultimate ruin of the workman, as will
fix what a man's labour should
be seen—work faster than a certain rate, pro-
nounced to be " the average," the society consider-
ingk
followed the question
tt himself expressed it, " We
consider we know what he (a good workman)
ought to do."
be,
ethr,ataetheAyirc.oruilard
ee
fair average day's work."
do you mean by that ?" and
up by asking—"
Mr. Roebuck—" That is, what he (the workman)
ought to do with reference
to his fellow-workmen ?"
the answer was—" A
Mrwr.
bßatoebu
Witness—" Yes." Mr. Roebuck—" Not with re-
ference to himself ?" Witness—" No." Mr. Roe-
buck—" His own interest is to be sunk in the gene-
ral interest, then ?" Witness—" He is expected to
adhere to the average of a fair day's work." Mr.
Roebuck—" So he is to be a wonderfully patriotic
mason, and sink his owu advantage for the sake of
the advantage of the general class of masons ?"
Witness—" You may look at it in that way." Mr.
Roebuck —" Therefore, you take away from the
man the advantage which 'God has given him ?"
Witness—" I do not know about that." Mr. Har-
rison—" Is not the effect of Rule 11 (the chasing'
rule) to prevent a very efficient man from develop-
ing his skill, and rising above the average ? Is it so
intended?" Witness—" It is not exactly so in-
tended ? it does not apply in cases of that sort.
Men will sometimes go in and do over the average
amount of labour in a rough kind of way, and not
do it in a workmanlike manner. If they were to do
it in a workmanlike manner they would get over less
work than if they did it in a rough manner. Mr. Roe-
buck—" But does not the master see that.?" Witness
He may see it, of course." Mr. Roebuck —" If he
sees it why does he not take notice of it ?" Witness—
clerks of works will allow it to pass it causes very
inefficient work." After a question had been in-
terposed by Mr. Merivale, by which it was elicited
that the Lodge would decide, by the men working
in a shop, what a man should receive as wages, the
" chasing rule" was again brought under considera-
tion by Mr. Harrizon asking, Supposing the case
of a man who does more work than other men, and
at the same time does it better, and yet without even
temporarily distressing himself—that is to say, sup-
posing ho can do it day by day the year round, that
he is, in fact, both a better workmaif and a faster
workman than other people, is that 11th Rule
directed against that man ?" Witness.—" Yes ; of
course, he would come under it." Mr. Harrison—
" Are men struck out or got rid of under this 11th
Rule, or if not that, have such men in practice been
put in the black list? Witness —" If the fine is not
paid they would be." Mr. Roebuck—" Supposing
that this wonderful efficient workman to whom re-
ference has been made, did more work, and did it
well, and that he was a good and virtuous man too,
would you exclude him for a violation of Rule 11 ?"
Witness—" No, there are not many men who could
perform such an extraordinary amount of work over
another efficient workman." Mr Roebuck—" But you
would punish him ?" Witneigi—" We should fine

him." Mr. Roebuck.—" You would fine the good
man and the better workman because he was a good
man and a better workman?" Witness.—" Ac-
cording to that rule." Mr. MattheWs.—" What if
he did not pay the fine ?" Witness.—" He would
still have the opportunity of working ; the society
could not say that he should not work anywhere
else." Sir 'William Earle (the chairman).—" He
might get work if he could, hut nothing from the
society." • Witness.—" Yes." Mr. . Matthews.—
" Supposing he were fined for an infraction of this
11th Rule and refused to pay the fine, he would be
,excluded from your society, I suppose ?"—Witness
—" Where there was a majority of the society
men." Mr. Matthews.—" Supposing the employer
were to say, "This is a very valuable and good
workman, therefore I will employ him, notwith-
standing that he has been excluded from the union,'
would the union men in that case strike till that mars
was discharged by his employer?" Witness.—" Yes,
as far as that man was concerned they would do
so." On questions by Lord Elcho, it was owned
by the witness that this supposed good workman
who would be turned out of the society for being an
unusually active workman would lose all the benefits
for which he had so many years subscribed for. On
the question of strikes the witness stated that a
strike took place last year in Newcastle for a reduc-
tion in the hours of labour, and it lasted for nine
months of last year, the men refusing to take a rise
of wages rather above the equivalent of the reduc-
tion they asked for in hours, and the strike ended
with the success of the men, who now work 501
hours a week, instead of 551 as formerly. The ad-
vantage of shorter hours had no other object than
it was considered that the reduction " causes more
men to be employed ; there is work for an increased
number of hands," and that, " coupled with the re-
striction as to apprenticeship, would increase the
advantage which the men have over their em-
ployers." Mr. Thomas Conolly, a stonemason, a
delegate from a Trades' Union conference, who had
been allowed to attend while the previous witness
was examined, volunteered to give evidence. He
explained the "chasing" rule by saying that it was
to prevent a master giving a man 6d. a day extra
wages, which the witness termed " blood money,'
as the man would do more work and so make the
others do more work than they otherwise would.
One portion of this rule compelled men "not to
take less time than that taken by an average mason
in the execution of the first portion of each descrip-
tion of work," so as to set up a comparatively low
standard by which the other work should be car-
ried on. The fellow-workmen in a shop are the
best judges if a man works too fast, and they decide
the quantity of work he shall do. On being
pressed by Mr. Roebuck as to why the society in-
terfered with workmen in this way, the witness re-
plied, " For our own convenience." Mr. Roebuck
rejoined, " For your own profit, you mean ?" and
the witness gave this candid answer, Yes, those
rules are made for men, not for masters ; we do not
take masters at all into account in the arrangement
of the matter ; we merely look upon them as men
who step in with their capital and want to get the
greatest profit they can out of their capital, and wo
want to get the greatest profit we can out of our
labour." The rules of the society have to be ob-
served by non-society men, the witness acknow-
ledged, or the society men would not work with
them, and the evidence of the witness was summed
up by Mr. Matthews.—" You resist overtime, you
resist piecework, and you resist the competition of
a skilful man with a less skilful man." The witness
entered at length into various questions connected
with the unions. He owned that he now held no
office, and was only a member of the union, yet he
had not worked at his trade since last Christmas
two years. He thought that the society numbered
about three-fourths of the masons in England, and
it was so progressive that in a short time he consi-
dered there would be very few outside it, " so com-
pletely are working tnen beginning to see the ad-
vantage that accrues to them from the union. They
can see, for example, that here in London last year
and the year before we were enabled, without any
sacrifice on our part, but respectfully putting our
case before the employers to advance our wages id.
an hour—that is to say, 10d. a day. Men are be-
ginning to understand that if they have not a good
organisation and a fund at their back they may
apply to their masters in vain to advance their
wages." He thought the law ought to protect the
funds of a union, and he was in favour of an arbi-
tration board, but he thought the board's acts
should not be binding. He expressed himself as
looking upon past strikes as not unfruitful, because
they taught the masters how inconvenient it was to
deal with men who were " determined to make
sacrifices on behalf of a principle," and so the
masters hesitated very much before they infringed
upon the men's liberty. The witness seemed to
consider it a commendable thing for a workman to
put a defective stone in a building, if it could be
done without being detected by the clerk of the
works, and he owned that such a man would not be
brought under reproach by his fellow-workmen for
the action, though be acknowledged) " some highly
moral men might object." Mr. Roebuck said--
Some more honest man than the usual run, you
mean ?" and the witness answered, " I do not look
upon it as a question of honesty." These two wit-
nesses completed the inquiry as far as regards the
stonemasons' branch of the building trade.

THE MAKING OF THE AMERICAN
JVAJION.

---
_

(From the Anylo-American Times.)
The Americans were resolved, at whatever cost,
to perpetuate the Federal Republic. But what
originated that military enthusiasm which by its
sudden outburst surprised other nations ? What gave
them their iron will ? How came they, in the first
instance, to establish a Federal Republic ? In 1776
their leaders declared that all men were free and
equal. In what school did they learn this ? What
originated their purpose to separate from Great
Britain? Why are the Americans what they are?
Why have they done the deeds that distinguish
them ? In a word, what was the making of the
American nation ?

The qualifications required to furnish a reply to
these questions are, extensive reading, deep thought,
a calm and just judgment, an able
pen, a logical
mind, and great moral courage. We have care-
fully read the above work of Partridge, and
consider that he has fully replied to these inquiries,
and evinced the possession of these qualifiCations.
His work, like a mirror, reflects his patient re-
search, large historical knowledge, great faithful-
ness, rare independence of thought, and sterling
love of liberty. The statesman seeking England's
prosperity, and not the victory of a party, may
study this book with mingled delight and profit.
Believing that effect follows Cause, as uniformly
in the moral as in the material world, Mr. Partridge
has gathered from all sources a multitude of facts
showing the origin, progress, and present position
of the American nation. Classifying these with a
master-hand, he points out the principles they
illustrate and the lessons they teach. We see him
carefully surveying the temple of the Federal Re-
public, with a measuring reed in his hand and an
Inkhorn by his side. Nothing escapes his scruti-
nising investigation, for he is determined to render
a report which shall be beyond dispute. We will
folloW him, and learn the result. Taking a com-
prehensive view of the history and territory of
America, Mr. Partridge discovers in the Ameri-
can character a strong tendency, rising at times
to a passion to be a united people. He attri-
bute 3 this tendency to many causes. There is the
material cause including territory, labour, and
population. There is the mental cause, embracing
national like-mindedness of ideas and interests, of
institution, race, language, boundary, and religion.
There is the disciplinary cause, the completeness of
its legislative and executive government. There is
the educational cause—comprising the common
schools, the free press, the deliberative assemblies
and public worship ; and the effects of these became
causes also, and established powers of association
and political equality.
One system, however, existed which resisted all
the national tendencies to unity, and created a
conflict between the Southern States and the
national Government. It was the slaveholding
oligarchy, and this was cast out by the war.
Such is the statement of the case by Mr. Part-

ridge, and the history of America abundantly con-
firms its correctness.

Next he presents the following theory :—That the
nature of man is adapted to a Federal Republic
and a Federal Republic is adapted to the
nature of man. lie considers, first, that the
development of the individual is promoted by
the school, press, and Church ; the law, protect-
ing sacredly his right. Next, that by means of
this development the State flourishes ; and, thirdly,
that a nation composed of such States, must flourish
also : but, that an inequality in the State-laws must
be alike injurious to the individual, the State, and
the nation, and that the secret of the strength of
a nation consists in the development of the powers
of the individual and the State,- as they are thus
brought into harmony with the moral forces of the
universe.

Now cows an important question, which Mr.
Partridge asks and answers. " Why is it that the
rule of All has not produced better government
in America ?" His reply announces a truth which
to• day is practically ignored by the Times and a
number of other papers and writers. It is this—
" Americans have, to a certain extent, been par-
tially educated, educated, and wrongly educated."
" The misdevelopment of the South has poisoned
the last sixty years of national history, and the
balance of parties —North and South Democrats
and Republicans—lent, from the question of Presi-
dent downwards, a factitious value to compro-
mises, availabilities'; and intrigues." Mr. Partridge
points to the great difference in America before
and since the war. Before the war, slavery
rested like an incubus on all her energies. Since the
war America has been exercising powers which had
been previously to a great extent paralysed. It thus
stands now in a new relation to other nations.
" Doubtless," says Mr. Partridge, " the completion
of this first nation upon the basis of individual poli-
tical equality secures the next great step in the
series along which humanity has to advance." The
introduction and the first five chapters of this work
were written and printed during the heat of the
American struggle, in fact soon after the war began.
But when the London daily press, with the excep-
tion of the Daily News and the Morning Star, regarded
the triumph of the Confederacy as a question of time
only, Mr. Partridge contended from sound prin-
ciples and irrefutable arguments that slavery must
go down, that the Confederacy must sink with
it, and that the Union would be restored. He
showed that the North was fighting for the nation,
the South for a party ; that the nation had a mis-
sion to fulfil and a lesson to teach. To be the
champion of freedom was its mission; to teach
other nations by example the value of the truth
that " All men are brethren," was the lesson.
Pointing out that slavery is national weakness
and freedom national strength, Mr. Partridge de-
scribed the relation of these principles to the con-
tending parties. So far as principles were involved,
" the beginning of the war was abolition ; the sides
were freedom and slavery, the end could not be
compromised."

Now the author proceeds to take a wider view.
Perceiving in the struggle the relation of Chris-
tianity, the source of all progress to individual and
national reform, he contemplates Europe, and sees
that notwithstanding all the obstacles placed in the
pathway of Christianity, it is working out the
benefit of the people. Then arises a question—
What arc the reciprocal influences which England and
America are exerting each upon the other ? a ques-
tion which will increase in interest with the pro-
gress of America ; and Mr. Partridge briefly but
comprehensively, says This is the answer to
those who may ask—Would you apply American
institutions to this country ? Remove every cor-
porate, fiscal, or other unnatural obstacle from the
path of knowledge and religion, and then let any
institutions come what may. For an instructed
minority to dictate to an instructed majority is,
not a monarchy, oligarchy, or representation,
but a triumph of physical force over ideas.
The Georges sent this country galloping towards
a Republic. It is the greatest praise of Victoria
that almost every element of irritation, save that of
an unbalanced Constitution, has been removed ;
but as our good Queen reigns without governing,
the usurpers who wield her functions, to deny the
people their rights, have an abundant interest in
withholding the suffrage from those who at once
understand and condemn their policy."
During the civil war, Mr. Partridge (in this por-
tion of his book) drew a comparison between the
respective forces—material, intellectual, and spiri-
tual—of the North and the South ; and from these,
as well as from the geography, history, constitution,
principles, and nationality of the Americans, he
predicted the overthrow of the slave oligarchy, the
triumph of freedom, and the establishment of
unity

Mr. Partridge holds up a mirror to those who
sympathised with the South ; that, seeing them-
selves in their true colours, they might learn what
sort of persons they must be to sanction principles
so despotic, and feel ashamed of their course.
Proceeding to analyse the influences which have
formed the American character, and to ascertain
whence sprang that passion for unity which the war
so abundantly revealed, Mr. Partridge classifies
them as the following :—.

4, The material bases of unity, embracing geo-
strategy, climate, mountains and rivers,
graphyt
canals, commerce, banks, revenue, rail, telegraph,
coin, and postage. The unity of ideas and interest,
including race, language, literature, religion, boun-
dary, and institution. The moral forces, the unity
of principle and purpose."
From a complete view of all these influences and
forces, Mr. Partridge argued that America could
not be divided. On account of space, we omit several
quotations we should be glad to make. The follow-
ing is exceedingly important with reference to the
moral forces of America :--

The American anti-slavery movement had in
it all the elements of a great and successful moral
revolution. It began, or rather recommenced,
about thirty years ago in contempt, and dishonour,
and martyrdom. It advanced in numbers, influence,
and organisation. It became more and more aggres-
sive. It was sho wu to be as right iu statesmanship
and economics as it was in morality. New elements
of power constantly gathered round what seemed at
first but a naked germ of principle. It became a
ruling power. It carried its President. It com-
mitted the nation to a struggle against the evil
principle."

Mr. Partridge proceeds to trace the history and
the struggle of liberty and slavery in America from
1607 to 1860. lie shows the origin, consolidation,
and, progress of the nation ; the influence of the slave
party over the Government, the conflict of armies,
and in reviewing the whole history of the slavery
question up to this period, observes that the people
were in advance of their Senators, for while the
sentiments of the former in the North were anti-
slavery, the votes of the Senate were pro-slavery.
The hypocrisy of the slave States is described in
practising slavery, after declaring that all men
were free and equal. The right was claimed and
exercised by Congress, in its early laws, to pro-
hibit slavery in territory anterior to its being formed
into States ; yet, at a later period, it is shown by
Mr. Partridge, the South not only denied to Con-
gress this right, but determined that slave law
should override all laws and constitutions, and on
this account put itself in battle array against the
nation.

The historical review closes with a description of
the victory of the North and the casting out of
oligarchy.
Mr. Partridge then deals with the right of
seces-ion and with *reconstruction. These are
handled iu an equally able manner with all the
preceding subjects—the same fulness of facts, the
same clearness of principles.
Among the items of reconstruction, Mr. Par-
tridge advocates the removal of the capital to St.
Louis as more central; the expunging from the
constitution the clause which recognised five
coloured persons as equal to three white persons,
although no coloured person was allowed to vote ;
and some other equally important improvements
are also suggested.
This ample view of America closes with the fol-
lowing paragraph :—" From the example of Ame-
rica? 4 world of United States may arise to unite

universally the blessings of unity and independence.
Thus may she go on to perfect and to combine the
means and the results of government. Thus may
the principle of her unity prevail, and the orbit of
her influence sweep wider and wider through the
nations, showing how out of free school, free church,
and free assemblies men, institutions, nations, em-
pires, and federations are rightly made."
It would be advantageous to both England and
America if those members of Parliament who uttered
about America so many words, with so little sense,
would read, mark, learn, and closely study this
book. America is designed by Providence to teach
great lessons to other nations, but these lessons can

only be learned by a knowledge of its history.
True, England and AmeriCa are working out the
same great principles of freedom. America . leads ;
England will follow—is following. In America the
public mind is more plastic and formative than in
England. 'Thus it is prepared to lead. The Uni-
versity of Cambridge •refused -an endowment for a
professorship of American history, yet this book
proves that the theories which arebeing wrought out in
America are telling on the destinies of nations.
The hopes of the world rest on America, because
it is the home of the oppressed and the land of the
free.

Mr. Partridge must, we think, feel much
satisfaction in view of the great amount Of
good this book is calculated to produce. Mutual
knowledge between England and America will
produce mutual harmony ; and should this book be
read, as we trust it will be, by the thinking men of
both nations, they will feel deeply grateful to Mr.
Partridge for his labours inlenning it, and recognise
his ability to show how nations are made.

FIRST VOYAGE OF THE STEAMSHIP
HAMMONJA.

Extract of Log from Southampton to Now York:—
Wednesday, March 6, 288 miles ; passed Needles 2i- p-n 1
Thursday, 7th, lat. 49.50 N., long. 8.59 W., 338 miles ;
wind E.N.E., fresh breeze, weather fine. Friday, 8, lat.
50.22 N., long. 17.41 N., 350 miles ; stormy, snowstorms,
sea running very high, E.S.E. Saturday, 9, lat. 50.27 N.,
long. 26.48 W., 340 miles; idem., E.S.E. Sunday, 10, lat.
49.51 N., long. 35.35 W., 348 miles ; idem., E. Monday,
11, lat. 47.57 N., long, 42.57 W., 303 miles; light breeze,
foggy, at 4 a.m. dense fog, near great deal of ice. Tues-
day, 12, lat. 45.07 N., long. 49.57 W., 330 miles ; light
breeze; weather dull, N.N.E. Wednesday, 13, lat. 42.20
N., long. 57.0 W., 331; fresh breeze, weather changeable
(variable wind). Thursday, 14, lat. 41.12 N., long. 61.19
W., 330 miles ; stormy, weather clear, very cold, idem•
Friday, 15, lat. 40.41 N., long. 71.36 W., 111 miles ; passed
Sandy Hook at 8 p.m., N.W. Total distance run, 3,069
miles; average of speed per day, 332 i miles; per hour,
13-85th miles.

The North-German Lloyd steamer Union passed the
Needles at 31 p.m. on the 6th of March; and Sandy Hook
at 10 p.m. on the 15th of March. The Hamburg steamer
lianainonia boat the Union ono hour.