The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-19 00:00:00

THE REFORM BILL.

Tho CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose at 20
minutes to 5 o'clock. The right hon. gentleman, who was
received with rather subdued cheers from the Ministerial
benches, said—l rise, sir, to ask for leave to introduce a
bill further to amend the laws for regulating the principles
of the representation of the people in Parliament. Sir, the
principles of political representation, and especially as ap-
plied to the circumstances of this country, have been of late
years so profoundly and extensively discussed and inves-
tigated, that it is really not necessary on this occasion that
I should advert to them. (Hear, hear.) I propose, there-
fore, to confine my observations to two points. I will en-
deavour, first, to convey clearly to the house the object of
the Government in the bill I am asking leave to introduce;
and secondly, I will detail the means by which, in their
opinion, that purpose can be accomplished. It will be for
the houseto consider whether that object is desirable, and
then, if desirable, whether the means we propose aro ade-
quate. That is the issue. Therefore, in the first place, I
will say that our object is not only to maintain but to
strengthen the characterand functions of this house. They
are peculiar in any popular assembly. Perhaps they are
not only rare, but unexampled in any other representative
system. The House of Commons has combined national
representation with the duties of a senate. That peculiar
union has, in our opinion, been owing to the variety of the
elements of which it is formed. That variety of character
has given it its deliberative powers, and it owes to its deli-
berative power its general authority. Sir, we wish not only
to maintain but to strengthen that character ; and we be-
lieve that in the present age, and under the existing cir-
cumstances of the country, the beat way to maintain and
to strengthen that characterand those functions is to estab-
lish them on a broad, popular basis. (Hear, hear.) I know
there are some in whom the epithet may create a feeling of
distrust ; but, sir, I attribute that sentiment of alarm which
is connected with that word rather to a misapprehension
of its meaning and to a perplexity of ideas, which too
often confound popular privileges with democratic rights.
They are not the same; they are not similar. More than
that, they are contrary. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.)
Popular privileges are consistent with a state of society in
which there is great inequality of condition. Democratic
rights, on the contrary, demand that there shall be equality
of condition as the fundamental basis of that society which
they found and create. Sir, I are apt to believe this a
distinction which ought to be borne in mind by the house
in considering the propositions and provisions of the bill
lam asking leave to introduce. If this measure be a pro-
posal that her Majesty shall be able to concede to her sub-
jects, with the advice and concurrence of her Parliament,
a large measure of popular privileges, then there may be
many provisions in this bill which may appear prudent,
wise, and essentially constitutional. But the other
ham), it is looked upon as a bill to co'L!Jr c.letic rights,
then I admit much that may be prop-s:1 in,ty be lookt•d
upon as indefensible and unjust. But, sir, '1) not live,
under a democracy. I trust it will never bzt ttl-3 '

of tliis
leers—)

country to live under a democracy. (Cons‘,rv,
Certainly the propositions I am going to
have no tendency in that direction. (Lang!:',
speaking, I would say that, looking at whet ;

since
the Reform Act of 1832—looking at the iilereese of
population, at the spread of industry, at the spread of
knowledge, and at the ingenuity which has generally pre-
vailed in the arts of this country, we are of opinion that
numbers and thoughts and feelings have been created since
that time which it is desirable should be admitted within
the circle of the constitution, and we wish that admis-
sion should take place in the spirit of our existing in-
stitutions and with deference to the provisions of our
ancient line. (Hear, hear.) Sir, in considering the
question of the distribution of power in the State, which
is really the one before us, I would at first call the at-
tention of the house to that portion which is perhaps
the most important, certainly the most interesting—that
is, the possession of the electorial franchise ; and I would
ask the consideration of hon. members in the first instance
to that part which has most engaged attention of late years,
and which may be fairly described as that which most
commands the interest and attention of the public at pre-
sent—that is, the franchise which should prevail in
boroughs. I would at once ask the house to consider
the principles upon which the occupation franchise ought
to rest, and upon what principles it is expedient to found
it. Now, sir, in 1832, the borough franchise was founded
upon the principle of value. Those who lived in £lO
houses—tbose who paid £lO for the house in which they
lived—subject to certain regulations as regarded rates and
residence, bad the borough franchise conferred upon
them. Sir, I believe that franchise might fairly
be considered as having been an efficient and
satisfactory franchise, and that in its generation
it operated to the advantage of the country. My opinion
and has always been from the commencement, that the
seed sown in the arrangement of the borough franchise
would in the course of timelead to some disturbance. That
may be a question of controversy—it is a question of con-
troversy, and I will not indulge in any controversy.
Nevertheless, it is an historical fact that 20 years, and only
20 years, after the passing of the great measure of 1832,
the principal, or at least one of the principal, authors of
that measure announced in this house that the arrange-
ments with respect to boroughs wore no longer satisfac-
tory, and called upon the house to consider a new arrange-
ment, which might bring about a more general assent. It
is a fact which cannot be denied. The proposition which
was then made by the statesman who individually bad
taken the most prominent part in the ,Act of 1832 in this
house—the proposition which he made to allay the dis-
content, and to meet the requirements of the time—was a
diminution of the value on which that franchise was esta-
blished. That proposition was received with no satisfac-
tion; and from that time until the present—now, I think,
some 15 years —the subject has more or less engaged public
attention, and he been considered by public men, who
have propoied various schemes for the so:ution of the diffi-
cult question. All have been unsatisfaci-....;:y, all have been
unsucessful, and all have been distin,jais!lA by the one
characteristic that the only remedy wnizli they proposed
was the diminution in some form or in some degree of the
principle of value upon which the franchise was at that
time held. The house will easily call to its recollection the
numerous combinations and figures wlylch have been sub-
mitted to Parliament. Rating and rental, £7 in every
form, £6, and now we hear of other figures= but no pro-
position has given any satisfaction, because flit) country,
and the house, reflecting the feeling of the country, have
only recognised that changes were proposed, but that set-
tlement was not insured. (Cheers and counter cheers.)
Now, sir, last year a bill was brought forward with the
same object as the ono which I am to propose to-night,
namely, to amend the laws with regard to the represents
tion of the people in Parliament. That measure avowedly
was not founded upon principle. (Murmurs.) It was
avowedly founded, as I understood, upon expediency. The
right hon. gentleman who so powerfully and eloquently
brought the question before the house, if I understood the
course of his argument, laid down as a principle that it
was necessary there should be an admission of the work-
s ing classes into the constituencies, and, at a certain figure
which he fixed, he calculated a certain number would be
admitted, and at another he fixed upon a different number,
which he thought would be excessive, would be admitted,
and therefore he considered the first figure suffich'nt. I
mean no offence to the right hon. gentleman, bat the at--
ranger-neat which be esteemed a proper arrangement has
not been an expedient arrangement. The house knows
what took place during the long discussions last `ear.
(Ironical cheers and counter cheers long continued.) The
house knows—and, as I infer from that cheer, 1 he house
recogbises—the truth of what I say. (A laugh.) On both
sides there was a very general feeling that the propositions
made by the Government afforded no prospect of a settle-
' merit. (Cheers.) I believe there will be no question of that,
and a very considerable period of time was employed in an'
unsatisfactory manner, until at last the house took the mat-
' ter in its own hands - (oh, oh)—and in a debate, followed
by one of the largest divisions that ever took place, the
House of Commons then did, with regard to the borough
franchise, assert a principle, and it was carried.by a majo-
rity. That principle was that the borough franchise should
be founded upon rating. (Cheers and counter cheers.) Hon.
1 gentlemen seem to agree that that statement is fair and

ample. No one doubts for a moment, the Government did
not doubt, the importance of that decision. That was a. de-
cision entirely opposed to the whole policy which the Go-
vernmentduring thatsession had recommended. Of course
had they not acknowledged the importance of that deter-
mination, they would not have retired from the possession
of power. • But they felt that that decision of the House of
Commons, arrived at in a very full house, was one entirely
opposed to the whole policy which during that session they
had advocated. I do not say that every gentleman on
either side of the house-and gentlemen on both sides of
the house largely contributed to the majority-I do not say
that every gentleman in a division which numbered, I be-
lieve, above GOO members, bad thoroughly inv..stigated and
pursued to its last consequences all that must result from
the assertion and adoption of that principle. But there
happeneu, what happens in all popular assemblies, a great
and important decision was arrived at by the unerring
instinct of the House of Cemmons. (Oh, laughter, and
Ministerial cheers.). They felt that, fur fifteen years, this
question of the borough franchise had not been Meted
in a satisfactory manner by any who had attempted to
deal with it, and that the time had come when some
principle ought to be laid down for the guidance of those
who might have to offer propositions to the house on the
subject; and they did that in a distinct mid decided
manner. Now, sir, I take it for granted that if ever there
was a decision of the House of Commons which was not a
trifling decision, but a decision which meant something, it
was that decision which decided the fate of a Ministry,
and which the Ministry of the day understood to mean
something ; and if anything has added to the character
and reality of this house of late years, it was the vote at
which the house arrived on that occasion. I assume and
cannot doubt that the house meant by the vote which they
arrived at on that occasion thin-that a person who was
entrusted with a vote to elect members of Parliament
should be ono who for the regularity of his life and the
general trustworthiness of his conduct some qualifications
and security should be given, and they thought theta man
who was rated to the relief of the poor, and who paid his
rates, gave that fair assurance which the State had a right
to require. (Hear.) I take it that the house meant this, if
you are going to invest men with the exercise of public
rights lot us accompany that groat trust with with the ex-
ercise of public duties. (Hear.) They said that, iu their
opinion, being rated to the poor, and paying the rate;
was a fair assurance that the man who performed this
office was one who for the regularity of whose life and the
general trustworthiness of whose conduct there was a pro-
per guarantee. That was a principle they thought ought
not to bo lost sight of, but ought to be a sine qua non in the
settlement of the borough franchise. In having to consider
this question we accept to guide us that decision of the
house, upon which we have placed what we believe to be
the real interpretation. We believe that the House of Com-
mons has resolved and wishes that the borough suffrage
shall be bound up and united with the duty of paying rates
to the maintenance of the poor, and paying them really.
That rating franchise is what the house intended by
the resolution, Well, sir, having accepted the decision
of the house with that interpretation to guide us, we
had to consider how far we could unite that
with the principle of value which hitherto had
been and which still is the law of the country with re-
gard to this franchise, and which almost, without an ex-
ception, has been adopted by Parliament in all its discus-
sions upon the question during the last fifteen years. Well,
sir, but in this attempt .the result was not satisfactory.
The moment we accepted the real, genuine, and authoitic
principle of rating to guide us, we found disturbing ele-
ments which promised no prospect of solution, and which
gave no chance of permanent settlement, and therefore
under these circumstances the course of consideration we
proposed to ourselves was to examine the whole question
of occupation in boroughs, and to see what would be the
effect of the application of the principle of genuine rating
without reference to value. Now, let me call the attention
of the house to these figures, which I take from a return
which will be immediately in the hands of members, but
in a much more detailed form than that which I now hold
before me. There are in the boroughs of England and
Wales 1,367,000 male householders, of which there are at
present qualified 644,000. There would remain therefore
unqualified to vote 723,000. Now, in dealing with these
723,000 and applying the principle which we are for the
moment considering, of a franchise founded upon being
rated to the poor and paying the rates, we find that out of
these 723,000, now under the existiug law disqualified, or
rather not qualified for voting, we should have at once to
take away 237,000; that is to say, that beneath the LlO line
which now prevails there are 237,000 persons who are
rated to the poor and who • pay their rates, and who
if the law were altered so that value was not an clement
of it, would then be qualified to vote for members of Par-
liament. Now, if we add these 237,000 poisons who are
rated to the poor and pay their rates to the 644,000 who
aro at present qualified, you will find then 831,000 per-
sons who would then fulfil those conditions ; that is to
say, almost exactly two-thirds of the whole of the house-
holders in the boroughs of England and Wales. There
would then still remain 486,000 householders, who
would not be qualified under these circumstances
because they do not pay rates personally. No doubt from
the 486,000 persons great deductions must be made for the
migratory character of a large portion of them. But there
would then remain a great proportion of those 480,000
persons who have nut the opportunity of being rated to the
poor, because by certain acts of Peril:uncut, some of a gene-
nil character and some of a local character, the owners pay
the rates, and compound for the rates of tenants and occu-
piers, who in consequence of that arrangement are called
compound householders. Most of these are under the ope-
ration of en act with which doubtless every gentleman in
the house is familiar, viz., the Small 'reneinentsAct. There
are in Eugland 53 boroughs which are entirely under the
operation of the Small Tenements Act, and 96 boroughsin
which there aro parishes under the operation of that act, so
that they are partially under the operation of the small
Tenements Act. Now, sir, in considering the settlement of
the franchise for boroughs, and considering the possibility
of attempting to establish it, not upon a fluctuating prin-
ciple of value, which is only a question of degree, and which
may vary, and which you may be called on to change from
year to year, it is impossible not to consider the question of
the peculiar position of the compound householders. A
question had arisen whether compound householders should
have a vote. Well, sir, in our opinion, and assuming that
the house is of the same opinion, the foundation of the
franchise should be rating-the payment of rates ; and that
that is adopted by the house, not as a check, as some may
say, but, on the contrary, as a qualification-(hear, hear)
-and because it is the best evidence of the trustworthiness
of the individual. We have no hesitation in saying our-
selves that we do think the compound householders, as a
compound householder, ought to have a vote. (Hear, hear.)
But, sir, we are far from saying that any person who is a
compound householder-from the influence of acts which
have been passed for the convenience of vestries -should
be deprived of the opportunity of obtaining and enjoying
those rights which persons in the same sphere may have
had granted to them, and which, fur aught we know,
these compound householders may be equally competent
to enjoy and fulfil. Therefore, we shall have to con-
sider whether it would not be possible to concede to all these
compound householders who are deprived fur the moment,
by the rating acts to which I have referred, either of a
general or a local character-whether it might not bo pos-
sible to give theta the right of accepting a public duty and
enjoying in consequence the public right which others in
the same sphere of life, and influenced in their conduct by
the seine condition of existence, might possess. And taking
this general view of the question, seeing the impossibility
of settling this question upon any principle connected with
value, and that it is only by taking the rating principle
in its completeness and authenticity that you can get a
principle on which you can rest, and upon which there is
a perfect settlement-our opinion is- and we shall make
that proposition to the house-to establish the franchise
in boroughs upon this principle : that any 111%:1 who has
occupied a house for two years and been rated to the
relief of the poor, and has paid his rates-that every
householder under these conditions should enjoy the
borough franchise. (Cheers.) By that means the 237,000
persons Who are now rated and pay their rates would be,
of course, at once qualified to enter; but with regard to the
compound householders, we propose that every facility
shall bo given to them-that they shall be allowed to enter
their names upon the rate book, and to fulfil the constitu-
tional conditions to which we have adverted ; and then
they can of course accede to theconstitutional right I have
mentioned. (Cheers.) Now, sir, by that, it we pursue that
Course, you have your borough franchise fixed upon a prin-
ciple. (Hear, hear.) Yon know
where
that the power of electing members
of yroaurlai raem. e nYtou mustkn know
exorcism:l.l,y men who by their position in life have shown
that they aro qualified for the trust. And meeting the dif-
ficulty of the compound householder by the provisiors
which are in the bill, which will give every facility toclaini
the exercise of the same right, on condition of fulfilling the
same duty, the whole of the 723,000 householders in the
gland that are at present not qualified to
veto for of E'l
members m
of Parliaeut will be qualified by the
boroughsbill I propose and ant asking leave to introduce. Nur will
there be a man among them who, if ho deserves the frau-
chiee, may not have it. (Cheers.) Now, sir, I have
heard many observations on this question of the corn-
pound householders. They are not arguments-they are
plausible statements. They really do amount to this-
that those who wish that the compound householder
should n qualify himself for a vote by the constitu-
tional COI 67 we propose as a means by which the
suffrae? sholi-id be obtained, really, in fact, make ono as-
surnlAion upon which all their remarks are founded; and
it is this, that the working classes of this country are really
so little ieterested in the possession and exercise of the
suffrage that they won't take the slightest trouble in
order to avail themselves of it and to possess it. (Hear,
hear.) Well, that may be the opinion of those who make
these observations, but it is not the opinion of her Ma-
jesty's Ministers. Wo believe that the feeling of the
great body of the people on this great subject is very gene-
ral, and that it is a feeling very likely to increase in this
country- (hear, hear)-and that the conditions which we
have laid down as those • which should qualify a house-
holder in a borough for a vote are consistent with the
security of society, end are at the same time conditions
which would be agreeable to the mind of every industrious

man of integrity. (Hear, hoar.) Now I will just recapitulate
to the house for a moment tho figures we have to deal with,
because such vague assertions aro made, in the absence of
accurate statistics on the subjects of voting and house-
holders, that it is well for the house to bear iu mind what
these figures are : There are 1,367,000 male householders
in the boroughs of Eugland; and, at the present moment,
there are 644,000 of them qualified to vote.

Mr. BRIGHT—May I ask if only houses are counted, or
whether the figures include warehouses, shops, and other
buildings ?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—These ans
houses.

Mr. BRlGllT—llouses only?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEsZUER- AI-saws
dwelling-houses. (Hear, hear.) The male occusders of
dwaiegehouses. Of the 723,ter0, if the house accedes to
the building which I gin asking leave to introduce, 237,000
now rated to the poor, and paying their rate; would ire,
mediately be qualified to vote; aed to the 436,000 who re-
main, cud who are compound householders, facilities will
be afforded, so that if they chose to chum their vote—that
is to cry, to pay their rates, insert their:names in the rate-
book—they will also, as a twitter of course, attain to the
enjoyment of the fietechise. Well, sir, that appears to us to
be the only solid foundation upon which you can settle
this (pie thou of the borough franchise, and I have heard
nothing which gives me any hope that any other plan can
be offered which involves at the same time a permanent
settlement. The State has a right to ask that a person who
exercises the suffrage is not a migratory pauper. And
as regards settlement, I can see no satisfactory settlement
unless you lay down the principle that every householder
who fulfils the constitutional conditions to which I have
adverted, trio! which prove him to be fitted for the exer-
cise of such a trust—unless you take that course, I can see
no chance but that this question will be for ever agitated.
(Hear, hear.) Now, air, there is a plan which I anftold at
this moment is popular among certain persons—some of
them, no doubt, members of this house. There are a great
many plans, both as regards the suffrage and the distribu-'
tion cf seats and other matters, which I have no doubt will
come under the consideration of the house; and when they •
do it will be very much to the advantage of those who in-
troduce
them to our notice; for I believe that no subject
can ever be better understood than after a discussion in
•the House of Commons. (Hear.) But there is a plan I ana.
told which is popular with certain person; and which is
held forth as a more satisfactory settlement of this question
than the one I have proposed; and that is what is called
the £5 rating—the suffrage to be established On a£s
rating. Now, sir, I must say, having had very much to
consider this question, I know no Serbonian bog deeper
than this £5 rating would involve us in. In the present
state of the law, as I have told the house, if the interpre-
tation that we have placed upon the great vote of last
year be a sound one, and if really the House of Commons
means the principle of rating to bo the foundation of the
suffrage—the rating to be bona fide and authentic eating—
then. there is no such thing. Taking what is nominally a £5
rating as your foundation, you get a very numerous and in-
discriminate number of persons let in to the enjoyment of '
rights without the preliminary performance of duties; and,
who when let in, will leave a great many behind them who,
because others are let in, immediately cry to be ad-
mitted. If, in the present state of the law, there is no no-
minal £5 rating which does not practically admit a multi-
tude of compound householders, then where is your settle-
ment ? Because there is no more reason why a£s rating
should give a vote than a £4. Then lam told this great
difficulty is to be overcome by these means—there is to be
a violent change in the law of England. Nominally £5.
raters are to be turned into bona fide £5 raters by the ope-
ration of the law, and the law is to provide that after this
change takes place, and men who were nominally rated at
£5 are really rated at £5, no Englishman with that fran-
chise is to enjoy the privilege of voting, and that all under
that are in fact to be taken out of the sphere of self-go-
vernment, and deprived of the opportunity which the
humblest now possesses, and would possess under the plan,
we propose, of performing a public duty and consequently
obtaining public rights. (Cheers.) I can imagine no
scheme more injurious, I may say more fatal, than a pro-
position of that kind. It seems to me that if we were to.
adopt it, manhood suffrage would be the logical and neces-
sary consequence ; and every man who finds that ho is in
a position in which he may nut be permitted to fulfil a con-
stitutional condition which may give him a constitutional
right, would naturally fall back into the arms of the lowest
ague . • and feel that his only chance of everattaining the
tore ,
rights of citizenship would be by a process which hitherto
has not been recognised by any authorities in this country.
(Hear, hear.) I have now expressed to the house, so far as
the occupation in boroughs is concerned, on what principle
we recommend the borough franchise to be founded. It is
one which would make at once 237,000 persons qualified
for the suffrage, and would allow all who were not rated
before to avail themselves of the right, and so, if they
choose, to become electors. (Hear, hear.) But it is said,
and it has been said by a very high authority, one for
whom I have a great personal regard and respect—though,
considering what a high authority he is, I teduk he some-
times, especially with regard to his opponents, makes very
reckless remarks—(laughter)—that the plau of the Govern-
ment, with which at the time that great authority was un-
newt:tinted, and for which lie really might have waited—
(laughter)—was an insult on the rights and power of the
middle classes. That certainly is not the iutention of her
Majesty's Government. Her Majesty's Government ate
anxious that, on the one hand, the aristocracy, and, on tho
other, the working classes, should have their full share in
the parliamentary constitution of the country; but they
tecognise with sincerity the extreme expediency that the
influence of the middle class of the country should not be
diminished. They look to the steady virtues of that class
to exercise a right bias ou the constitution of this country,
and they believe that the influence and authority which
they obtained to a great degree in 1832 has bees exercised
wisely, worthily, and to the advantage of this country.
(Cheers.) But if there is, by the proposition which I have
to make, a chance of such a result as that which has been
intimated by this great authority, why I think that we
meet it by a proposition to institute a franchise founded on
a most popular principle, and one in which the middle
class must largely partake, that is, the franchise founded
on the payment of direct taxation. (Hear, hear.) We pro-
pose that every person in England who pays 20s. a year
direct taxation shall possess a vote. (Llear, hear.)
Mr. GLADSTONE—Whether he be a compound house-
holder or not ?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Whoever
pays 20s. annual direct taxation shall have a vote, and
thus we can build up the constituencies which would
establish the franchise in the boroughs upon two great
priuciplas, the payment of direct taxation, and the pay-
ment of rates. (Cheers.) But it has been urged that the
enjoyment of this franchise, founded upon the payment
of direct taxation, is one that would not be enjoyed as in-
tended in a great degree by the class whose influence it is
said our proposition may assail. That is to say, that most
of them are householders, and, therefore, they would not
enjoy this franchise. We meet that objection by propos-
ing that a person who pays 20s. direct taxation, and who
enjoys the franchise, which depends upon the payment of
direct taxation, if he is also a householder and pays bus
rates, may exercise his suffrage in respect of both
qualifi-
cations. (" Oh, oh !" from the Opposition, and Ministerial

cheers.)
Mr. GL ADSTONE here put a question to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, but was received with cries of " order."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer having resumed his seat,
Mr. Gladstone said—l wish to put a question which is very
material to the subject. I wish to ask whether a com-
pound householder, not paying his own rates, but paying
direct faxes to the amount mentioned, would have a vote
in respect of paying direct taxation ?
The CHAN CELLOR of the EXCIIEQUER-11e would,
of course, have a vote in respect of the franchise ho enjoys
as a payer of direct taxation, and if he'chose to pay his
rates in addition ho would have two votes. (hear, hear.)
Before 1 give to the house a general summary of this re-
sult of this upon the borough constituency, there are yet
some other franchises with which the house is familiar,
but which I wish to recotn‘wend to their consideration.
Mr. ROEBUCK—WiII the right hon. gentleman state
what he means by direct taxation ? (hear, hear.)

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I mean
the payment of income tax and assessed taxes ; but I wish
to observe that that would not include the qualification
which was so huniorouslyreforred to by an hon. gentleman
opposite, because it would not include anything paid under
licences of any description. (Laughter and cheers.) But
there;are other franchises which we propose, and though
they are not of vast importance, still they are founded on
right principles, and I hope the house will candidly consider
them. The rote which wo wish to found upon the pos-
session of .£5O property in the funds and £3O property in
the sayings banks constitute property qualifications of this
character. We will give to small holders of personal pro-
perty the same privilege which the small holders of real
property have ; and as a man with a freehold of 40s. has a

vote, we think that a person whohas au equivalent property
of a persoaal character should also have a vote. (Hear.)
And they ars votes which we believe would be entrusted
to a class connected in a great degree with the working
classes, and which would be very advantageously exer-
cised. (Hear, hear.) Then, again, there is the educational
franchise. It has been said that if you introduce a suffrage
founded on the payment of direct taxation, it would sup-
ply means for exercising a vote to thost persons who would
otherwise figure nutlet the hex I of educational franchise.
This is to a certain degree no doubt true ; but after inves-
tigating what would be the op.lration of such a franchise
I lied there are many persons in whose condition the house
would be deeply interested, who, especially in the country,
would not have the opportunity, either as householders or
of exercisiug the suffrage. Yet
payers of direct taxation,
they aro people peculiarly qualified for such a trust, and
amongst others the position of ministers of religion
is remarkable. (Hear, hear.) I speak of ministers of
all sects, and I find that these men devote their
lives to the solace and the elevation of their sense of ex-
istence, and would admirably exercise to a certain degree
a political influence; but either as householders or as
payers of taxes, especially to the amount of 205., they
would c.ortaluly be debarred from voting. Therefore I
trust that the house will allow these three suffrages to
pass. Now the general result of this would be —I speak