The Sun.
London, England, 1867-08-21 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AUG. 21, 1867.

To-day terminates a session which will long be
memorable in the history of Parliameats. In some
respects this session of 1867 deserves more notice
than any which has passed since 1832, for it can
count a Reform Bill among its achievements. At
any time during the period which has elapsed since
that date would such an event have been notice-
able, but it has become far more important,
and of much greater significance just now, on
account of the many hindrance's that have
beset the way, and the great difference of
opinion that has prevailed on the subject. Reform,
indeed, has been the stumbling-block of Cabinets
and the bugbear of Parliament for many years past,
and the worst of it was that each session closing
with inaction made it more difficult for any legislators
to renew their efforts, while it rendered the nation
at large more and more impatient and indignant at
the delay. Lord DERBY and his friends came into
office at a most critical time, and it is no exaggera-
tion to say that they could not have been placed
in a more awkward position than they were. A
Reform Bill had just been thrown out, and it was
the fashion among the disappointed friends and fol-
lowers of the Government to say that the Conser-
vatives were the cause of the failure and defeat of
the late Ministry. This was not true by any means,
that result being due to the insufficiency of the
scheme laid before Parliament, and to the unwil-
lingness of some of the influential members of the
Li )eral par. y to have Reform considered just
then. Be it as it may, the Conservative
Government came into office unfettered by promises
and unbound by pledges, but they Lave contrived
during the course of this Session to effect more than
those who were bound by the most solemn pledges
ever did during the lapse of long years. This is
the plain truth, and it seems right and fitting that
it should be impressed upon the public to-day, when
the thoughts of all naturally turn to the considera-
tion of politics, and when men are likely to speculate
upon the doings of that Parliament, whose hours
are numbered.

The difficulties which were in the way of Minis-
ters were very great indeed, and the fact of those
of the members of the Cabinet suddenly leaving
their colleagues on the eve of the introduction of a
change so momentous, of course did great injury to

the cause. The damage sustained was of a tempo-
rary nature, however, and distinguished as these
seceders were for their abilities, it was soon
found that the work went on better with-
out them. The course pursued by Mr. GLAD-
STONE was most factious, for time after time
he returned to the charge. The chief part of the
struggle took place before Easter, a decisive majo-
rity declaring for Government just before the recess.
From that time there was no actual danger, but
only the greatest care and caution on the part of
Mr. DISRAELI enabled the Government to reach
that point. It is perfectly true that the good sense
and right feeling of the House in general came
to the rescue of the Government, but had not
the Chancellor of the Exchequer met the House
half way the Ministry could never have held on.

In the House of Lords the bill met with favour-
able treatment on the whole, but even there it had
to weather some storms. Lord DERBY showed a
spirit worthy of the course he undertook in the
summer, in which he entered upon the task of in-
troducing a Reform Bill. He had given time enough,
and more than time enough, to the Opposition to per-
form the work, and their numerous failures seemed to
indicate that if Reform were to be carried he must
attempt it, and no other. Lord CAIRNS came out
conspicuously in the debates on the measure, and
has taken a prominent position in the House of
Lords in this the first year of its experience. The
Hitless of Lord DERBY was a great drawback to the
chance of Ministerial success, but fortunately the
noble lord was enabled to re-appear and conduct
the debate to a triumphant issue.

During the height of the excitement of the Re—
form discussion considerable anxiety was felt on
account of the differences that arose between France
and Prussia on the question of Luxembourg ; but
the skill and sagacity of Lord STANLEY sur-
mounted the difficulty, and the noble lord gained
the approval of all by the masterly manner in which
he conducted affairs. There is something more
than the disinclination which Lord STANLEY enter-
tains to meddling in foreign disputes to account for
his success. He is determined and decided,
and those whom he addresses know that he means
what he says. Hence England has in a great
measare acquired that influence which she sought
to possess, and has ceased to be the nonentity that
she had become during the meddle-and-muddle
system. Mr. DISRAELI wisely abstained from
attempting to perform any financial feats this
session, for he had more on his hands than it
seemed possible for him to accomplish, and he
showed his good judgment by keeping as
nearly as possible to the line laid down by
Mr. GLADSTONE last year. Although Reform
was the one thing thought of this year, the Go-
vernment have afforded ample proof of their desire
to do a great deal in many ways,.and the various
departments of the State have been faithfully served.
Ireland and Irish legislation has been a great diffi-
culty, but that is a heritage left to the present ad-
visers of the Crown by their predecessors. On the
whole, we may say, fairly and candidly, that
the Conservatives have been put on their
trial, and that they have passed through
the ordeal with credit to themselves and with
satisfaction to the country. The Reform Bill
of this year is not certainly perfect, but it goes
further and effects more than any laid on the table
of the House since the momentous period of 1832 ;
and the more it becomes familiar to the public the
more it is likely to be appreciated and ad-
mired. At any rate the task is accomplished,
and that is the great thing to think of.
No :natter Is hat temporary disappointments may
be felt, or what apparently good chances have been
For many reasons it is as well that the Con-
servatives should have had the honour of this work ;
but it is not theirs alone, but that of the two Houses
of the Legislature. The opinion of the country
will certainly be in their favour, and we hope that,
encouraged by their support; they will go on ani
prosper in their undertakings on future occasions.

-We are glad to find that some, at least, of the
inhabitants of Sheffield have thought it necessary
to disavow the disgraceful sentiments openly ex-
pressed by the Sawgrinders' Union. The outrage
on public morality, the audacity as well as the
affront offered to all right feeling and good sense,
by the determination to keep two proved murderers
as members of their body, were indeed so remark-
able that it is not surprising men of more rational
and moral views are eager to seek an opportunity for
disclaiming them. Accordingly we find that a public
meeting was held last night in Paradise-square,
called by the Rev. R. STAINTON, who delivered an
address, and afterwards proposed a resolution which
was unanimously carried. The terms of the resolu-
tion were as follows :—" That this meeting declares
that resolutions passed by the Sawgrinders' Union
on the 13th are inimical to their own interest as a
union, contrary to the basis of social law, a violation
of the laws of religion and morality, an outrage
on humanity, and a disgrace to the town ;
and it claims the right, and feels it a duty,
to call upon the union to expel the two
members in question, and to offer an apology
to the town for the evil and disgrace it has brought
upon it." These are strong terms, but none too
strong for honest men to use who are anxious to
deny their complicity with some of the darkest
crimes of which human nature is capable, and
whose minds are not confused by grandiloquent
talk about the rights of working men and the claims
of labour—the plain English of such talk being
that working men have no rights whatever over
their own limbs, their own tools, their own
children, their own time, but the union is their ir-
responsible despot. The much talked-of "rights"
of labour resolve themselves into the privilege of
affording a mark for the thief or the assassin, the
right to be blown up or shot at. The system is so
oppressive that it is only wonderful so many thou-
sands of intelligent men should have so long and
so quietly borne the yoke ; but there may Lave
been two reasons for it. The bolder spirits have
been led away by inflated talk, the quieter and
more cautious have been governed by fear
of the consequences of opposition. The non-
unionist has much need of fortitude and
steadfastness, and with all his exercise of these
he stands at a constant disadvantage in the
labour market. The organisation of the unions is

complete, and every day they succeed in drawing
within their circle men who are weary of in.portn-
nity, of threats, of defeat, and disappointment. 'the
non-unionist has hitherto stood alone. The masters,
whose interest it was to preserve the independence ,
of the workman, could not be relied on to assist
him. if they gave him encouragement to begin
with the perpetual agitation kept up by the unionists
soon weariedthem into concession. There was no at-
tempt to consolidate the forces of the non-unionists,
so that unless a man was prepared to rely exclusively
upon himself and his own exertions in defiance of
• the rest of his fellows, he must fall in with the rest.
In this case, as in many others, Ce West que le pre-
mier pas qui coute, and when once the spell is broken
and a counter organisation set up, there is little
reason to doubt that the ranks of the unionists
would be very greatly thinned. That is to
say, the Trades' Unions would be restored to
their legitimate purposes, and tho:e who have

too successfully endeavoured to convert them
into an irresponsible tyranny would find their
ill-gotten wealth and influence curtailed. The
Staveley non-unionists have shown how much can
be done in this way by connected action, and we
hail as a favourable sign of the times the establish-
ment of a Free-Labour Society, whose object is the
registration and assistance of men not shackled by
the fetters of the trades' despots, who, like the
Fenian leaders, find their positions too pleasant and
too profitable not to foster disputes and differences
between employers and employed, so that they may
" ride on a whirlwind and direct the stori." Within
two months from the establishment of this Free Labour
Society two thousand names have been enrolled as
its members, and no doubt the numbers will be
largely increased. The revelations of the Sheffield
inquiry will, we trust, be productive of much good
by giving men an excuse for throwing off the
shackles so long imposed upon them, and to refuse
to subscribe any longer to rules and regulations
whose spirit has been abundantly proved to be not
only subversive of civil liberty and individual free-
dom, but directly antagonistic to the first principles
of common morality which are adopted by every
civilised nation. •