The Sun.
London, England, 1867-11-13 00:00:00

LONDON', WEDNESDAY, NO V. 13, 1867.

Mr. OSBORNE'S speeches are always worth perus-
ing, whether one is able to agree with them or not.
Ile is most versatile in his eloquence, and can pre-
sent his hearers with a summary of a Session, or
w:th his opinions of men and things, in a very

graphic and impressive style. He has just been
flourishing away at great length before his consti-
tuents at Nottingham, with a view of making the
best of things before the meeting of Parliament.
He began his tale by complaining of the hardships
of those gentlemen of England who certainly do not
live at home at ease if they serve in the House of
Commons. As he states the hardships of their
case, they are essentially " working men," and they
also have to work "at unhealthy hours, in a ba.i
atmosphere, where there were no factory inspectors
to look after them." Mr. 061391:NE is a little too
late in the day with his glowing retrospect of
affairs, and he would have been wiser if he had been
first in the field with his assertion that the future
historian of this country would not say that the
past Session of Parliament had increased the repu-
tation of the public men of this country. According
to the doctrines laid down in this speech, no one
has any right to take part in the public affairs of the
country but a set, a clique, a party ; and as
for the " Tories," as the hon. member says he
likes to call them, they ought to hide their di-
minished heads, and not to venture in " Working
Men's Associations." It is curious to see to what

devices people will resort when they are annoyed at
a thing, and thus we see that the last idea is to
deny that anything in the shape of a working man
could have been present at any of the affairs.
Jokes are very well in their place, and upon such
an occasion as the one we refer to, a good deal may
be excused in the way of sharp treating and exagge-
ration to produce effect; but we must say that Mr.
OSBORNE has pursued a course that is not very
commendable in being so bitter and prejudiced in
his remarks as he was throughout this lengthened
harangue. The plain English of the matter is, that
he is one of those politicians who can see nothing
right in what their opponents do, and would rather
that the question of Reform had been left as the
stalking-horse of party for years to come than that
any other but the Liberal party should have effected
a change for the better in it. No matter that it
was the principal source of discontent among the
lower classes, and the stoppage to many measures
of importance as regarded the public interest.
What did all that avail provided that it suited the
convenience of a section to have it unsettled?
It is really amusing to find Mr. OSBORNE de-
claring that the bill just passed was Mr. BRIGHT'S
of 1858, and that the Conservatives are not grate-
ful for the boon they have received at his hands.
He follows himself the rule that he attributes to
others, of copying from a leader of the French
Revolution, in saying, " Audacity, always audacity ;

whenever you are wrong, get through it." It seems
strange that a mau of Mr. OSBORNE'S experience
does not know better than to come forward at the
eleventh hour and pour forth a horde of worn-out
criticisms and stale jokes upon the conduct of
Ministers and the course pursued by the
Conservative party. lie is too late, for the
voice of the country has unmistakably pronounced
in favour of the Reform measure of 1867, and no
faction or factious efforts on the part of jealous foes
or false friends will now avail to undermine the
popularity which the Government has so worthily
gained. We came to some extraordinary revela-
tions in this speech certainly, and after hearing that
Mr. BRIGHT framed this bill, we hear that Mr.
GLADSTONE passed it. This is simply ridiculous,
when every one knows that the right hon.gentleman
did all he could to prevent its passing, and was at last
only forced into inaction by the determined attitude
taken by his own party. Mr. OSRORNE is fond of
quotations, and we should recommend to his
notice that of " next to genius is the power of seeing
where true genius lies." He appears quite ignorant
of the fact that it shows discernment to recognise
the merits of our political opponents. It is a very
old joke to quote passages from speeches delivered
years ago upon different occasions to those which
now come before one, and thence to argue that the
speakers are committed to what they then said.
Equally unbecoming is the custom that is in
favour with these extreme critics of mag-
nifying to the skies the obstructive members
of a party. Thus we find Mr. OSBORNE
outdoing himself, in order to praise Lord CRAN-
BORNE and the other seceders from the Cabinet.
When he wants to make an effect, however, Mr.
OSBORNE spares no one, and stops at no action.
Thus we find that the Parliament which, according
to his theory, framed Mr. BRIGHT'S bill, though Mr.
GLADSTONE'S exertions only did so because they
" had their noses kept to the grindstone night and
day, many of them, too, having paid heavily for
their seats, and not wanting a dissolution."
The hon. member concluded his remarks by
finding fault with the Government for un-
dertaking the Abyssinian expedition, and
declared that "he must have explanations
before he voted a penny for the cost of an expedi-
tion so undertaken." It is considerate at any rate
of him to give the Government fair warning of this
obstacle in their path, and doubtless they will profit
by the notice given to them to prepare a fair-seeming
story for the oracle of Nottingham. Doubtless this
speech was very amusing and edifying to the
hearers, but when we come to look for the enuncia-
tion of a principle in it, it seems to resolve itself
into abusing one's opponents, whether right or
wrong, and putting the most unfavourable inter-
pretation on their actions.

We are glad to see the working men of the coun-
try bestirring themselves in true constitutional
fashion, and forming themselves into orderly and
well-regulated associations by whatever name they
may be called. It is a sign of political health and
activity, which augurs well fort the right employ-
ment of their new electoral powers, and shows that
honest and honourable intention to think for them-
selves, which is the best security for the mainten-
ance of law and order. It is in nations, whose
populace are swayed by any passion or prejudice
of the moment, who are influenced by the appeals
of loud-spoken demagogues, and who are so little
accustomed to think and to act for themselves, that
they rush blindly forward in the course more cun-
ning or more audacious minds indicate that an out-
break becomes a revolution, a temporary disturbance
converted into an overthrow of Church and State.
Men who read and think a little for themselves very
soon become aware of the fact that there is some-
thing to be said on every side of a question, and,

although they need not forfeit their own opinions to
such a perception, they can at least learn to respect
the honest convictions of their neighbours. They
can test, too, by the practical experience of other
countries, the theories and the arguments brought
before them. Thus it is very easy for a speaker on
the platform to expatiate upon the rapid develop-
ment of the United States, to declare that the
Americans are a great people, and do honour to
their origin —to quote a few figures confirming the
general fact of their vast energy, enterprise, and
talent—and then the speaker may go on to declare
all these great advantages are due to the peculiar
form of the American Constitution, and to foretell
still greater progress in the future when blacks and
whites are completely on a par. But the working
man, who reads and thinks for himself, will very
soon discover that the American Constitution is
answerable for a good many of the difficulties and
drawbacks as well as for the adv ntages of its