The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 9, 1858.

The Ministerial re-elections proceed smoothly.
In no instance has opposition been offered to a
candidate who vacated his seat by accepting office
under the Crown. The only case in which a con-
test is likely to occur is that of the University of
Dublin , and there the old member is prevented
from again soliciting a renewal of confidence in
consequence of his elevation to the head of the
profession of which he had long been a distin-
guished ornament. We venture to say that if
714 r. NAPIER or Mr. HAMILTON had again to
aPpear before the electors of T. C. D., they would
be returned without going to a poll.
some very important revelations have how-
ever been made. Although " walking over the
course," aeveral members of the Government have
spoken clearly and distinctly respecting the prin-
ciples by which they would be guided in their
future career ; and we are bound to say that the
doctrines enunciated are at least as acceptable as
any that could reasonably have been anticipated
from their quasi Liberal predecessors. Contrast
the speeches of Lord STANLEY and Sir F. KELLY
Ivi.th any that a member of the Palmerston Cabinet
might be expected to deliver, and the scale will
1117
as the not incline against the Derbyites,
penden7 taremnie.n of any disinterested and inde-
hy., then, should a fair trial
be refused to
ftohrose ,cy
who r
ospeaku ) candidly, and
bid so fairly
r
Yesterday, the leader of the go„, of c
ora-
MOBS appeared before his constituents, aud
was
for the fifth time, returned as the chosen rep,:.
tentative of the electors of Buckinghamshire.
any time the opinions of the Right Honourable
Gentleman would be received with respectful
attention. As one of the most influential mem-
bers of her Majesty's Opposition, they would be
entitled to calm and deliberate consideration.
But now that he is placed at the head of the
n'llcial department; that he is practically to
decide on, or at least to inaugurate, the fiscal and
monetary reforms that may be introduced, the
importance of his statements is increased in a
duplicate ratio The views of Mr. DISRAELI are •

second only in importance to those of the Paz-
MIZE ; and, indeed, they ,may be regarded as
those of Lord DEB,BY himself, for whatever might
be the reticence towards the less prominent mem-
bers of the Government, there can be no doubt
that the person on whom the burden of the con-
test will fall in the forthcoming Parliamentary
campaign, is thoroughly acquainted with the inten-
tions of the head of the Government.
As might easily have been anticipated, the great
question, which led to a change in the Ministry
was clearly explained by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. He proved that it was by no factious
vote that Lord Palmerston and his coadjaters
were driven from office, and he had therefore the
greater reason to demand the reasonable forbear-
ance—and we will add " fair play "—that should
be afforded to men who had very unexpectedly
been called to the discharge of arduous duties,
without any previous notice. They might be fully
competent to examine a new measure, all the
details whereof were cautiously concealed, until
the last moment, without having one on the
subject, " ready cut and dry, " to be
brought forward without delay or postponement.
As we have referred to the Conspiracy to Murder
Bill in another part of this days' impression, we
shall not further allude to it here, but proceed at
once to the interesting questions respecting India

and Reform.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer shows that,
in 1853, he was desirous of postponing the
renewal of the Company's Charter, until the pend-
ing inquiry had been terminated, and which might
have induced Parliament to come to a different
conclusion from that at which it arrived, and
led to the termination of the double Government,
and perhaps averted the deplorable catastrophe
that occasioned the expenditure of so much blood
and treasure—all parties now concur in the pru-
dence of that course: Mr. DISRAELI declares the
reason why he opposed immediate legislation be-
fore the restoration of complete tranquillity in the
Anglo-Indian Empire. But the vote of the
House of Commons has removed that reason.
The prestige that belonged to the Company has
been totally dissipated by the adverse vote of the
Commons. The Directors are in a moribund con-
dition. The glory has departed from their house,
and the sooner the last struggle is over,
and they have been decently and respect-
ably interred, the better for all parties con-
cerned ; or, as Mr. DISRAELI suggested, that
their political " burial should be consummated in
the most decorous, and even splendid manner."
That a bill will be forthwith introduced by the
Government for that purpose, and we must
patiently await the promised explanations as to its
details.

As to the Reform Bill the Right Honourable
Gentleman clearly exposed the mode in which the
public were bamboozled during the last seven or
eight years. Every pretext for procrastination
was eagerly seized on. There could be no reform
while war was pending. The nation had
❑ot sufficiently recovered its equanimity
after that war had bean concluded, and
a Miaiaterial defeat on the Chinese question and
an appeal to the country was the excuse for fur-
ther procrastination. The Times and Post again
wanted delay, but the feeling of the country could
not be trifled with, and therefore something was
promised ; of which as yet nothing is known.
Can it be supposed that if Lord PALMERSTON were
reinstated in office, that the anticipated bill
would be brought forward during the present
session / Most certainly not. There would be an
adequate excuse, which would be eagerly seized
on, and therefore we may as well see what Lord
DERBY offers, and how much better will be the
biddings of his opponents.
Mi'. DrsElEtr emphatically repudiates a Go-
vernment on sufferance, and he has proved his
title to do so. His views on this point, if pro-
perly regarded, may prove useful to his political
opponents.

It is said on good authority that the Govern-

went have, at all events for the time being,
abandoned the " Conspiracy to Murder Bill,"

and that the resolution has already been announced
to the Cabinet of the Tuileries. This is as it
should be. This iv, indeed, listening to the voice
of public opinion, and showing that " deference
to the feeling of the country" that ought to be
exacted from every constitutional administration.

We are not now yielding to untenable demands

or blustering menaces. It will be distinctly and
unequivocally ascertained, before another month
has elapsed, whether the existing law is,
as declared by the highest legal authorities in the
House of Lords, adequate to punish such abuse of
the hospitality supplied to every claimant, or
whether there is a deficiency that would reason-
ably require amendment, not on account of urgent

demands, but for the sake of public justice.
As we have repeatedly explained, the contem-
plated change in the law which led to the over-
throw of the PA.LMERSTON Government could not,

in the slightest degree, conduce to the security of
the EMPEROR, the great object desired by the
French Government. Men who " have set their

lives upon a cast," and are prepared to " stand
the hazard of the die," will not be deterred
by substituting transportation or penal servitude
for a protracted imprisonment. Tne plottings
will still continue whenever political fanatics have
worked themselves up to the requisite degree of
excitement. If they can be so wrong-minded as
to consider that assassination could be justified
under any possible circumstances, they would
persevere although the code were rendered far
more sanguinary, and the penalty were life itself
in place of exile. As we have repeatedly stated,
it is not the severity, but the certainty of punish-
ment that proves effectual. The most Dra-
conic regulations frequently defeat them-
selves. Juries will refuse to convict, points
of law will be conceded in, favorem
vita, and still worse, parties relying on the pro-
tection supposed to be afforded, will neglect suit-
able precautions to avert the impending dangers.
As a morning contemporary justly declares that
Louis NAPOLEON and his advisers scorned the
Conspiracy Bill and never attached any value to
it, save so far as it indicated that "its authors
were squeezable, and afforded grounds for hope
that persevering pressure might extort still
greater concessions from them." The precedent,
too, was useful, inasmuch as it might be made a
potent weapon of coercion against minor states. How
could Sardinia or Switzerland hold on, when even
mighty England truckled to the irresistible EM-
PEROR and surrendered her most cherished tradi-
tairseadth.tis dictation.if, The French Government has
rmidetea,
me of
Passport
oirLst legitimatest powers. It has
tl,e.u.
ever
.has, ys cm far more
to
astringentasylum
whilestartott,eicalb.tri:
the
f:g., professingAecresecih,isteaak ewui
Without
t
1 fiesta of character
Nor is it con
France, but
ration of other
contented with what (love
it has more than invite
stand alone in the stringency of its
Should tahaoterntio_
mett.
done in
d the co_
Governments, so that it may sot
regulations.
Should r n •
gulations. t
England succumb, e nations must
also yield, so t.hat.thoefrethweoaultdiannotitcb.e altreias,llythferre:
country on this side