The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-04 00:00:00

had been, as yet, undecided, who would now gladly
come forward with all their power on our side, but
who await the coming of Lord CLYDE to be
assured of sufficient strength to overcome the
rebels. It may be that these men are trimmers,
that they have exhibited neither chivalry nor
nobility of conduct ; but, when the British supre-
macy has been completely re-established, they will
not prove less useful allies, in crushing the
scattered remnants of the insurrection. Every-
thing predicts a speedy termination to the
existing state of affairs. It only requires
the co-operation of the inhabitants of the several
districts to ensure it, and that co-opera-
tion we shall speedily and effectually obtain
when " the Hieland pibroch" is heard floating on
the breeze, and Lord CLYDE is once more at the
head of his invincible columns, hurling destruction
against all who resist, and showing mercy when-
ever the slightest claim can be exhibited to a
lenient consideration.

The unanimity of all parties in approbat iota of
the appointment of Lord STANLEY as Minister for
India has been as remarkable as it has been,
hitherto, justified by his Lordship's conduct of the
heavy and important business which was thus on
a sudden placed in his hands. One passing and
equivocal sneer, at his first appointment, intended
to be interpreted by the event, is all that we re-
member of a hostile kind ; indeed, there was time
for nothing more. From the hour of his appoint-
ment, Lord STANLEY applied himself with such
diligence to the Resolutions and the Bill, the press-
ing business of the hour, that they were curtailed
and moulded, respectively, to the results of the
best judgments of the time, and without truckling
to any party ; and the noble lord had the honour of
seeing a bill passed by both hours, embodying, as
nearly as possible, his own conceptions of what the
change ought to be. He was not, indeed, thought
to be himself desirous of change at all in the form
of Indian Government this year, but his decided
opinion was that any change ought to be as little as
possible of an entire revolution, and should re-
tain all the better elements of the old Board of
Directors. Whatever may be thought of his Lord-
ship's opinions, he has at least succeeded in giving
effect to them ; and probably few will affirm that
we should have procured, at least for the present,
by any other means a better working council than
that which has now been constituted. The election of
part of the councillors by the old Board is perhaps
the most objectionable of the arrangements; the
mistake about time of service, salaries, and pen-
sions may be corrected at any time within ten years.
In one opinion all parties appeared to concur—
that while Lord STANLEY was President of the new
Council everything would be looked to as carefully
and as honestly as it could be by any human vigi-
lance, and a thoroughly upright policy would be
pursued while he was responsible for it.

The Indian Minister has now completed his ap-
pointments, and has got fairly to work. The nomi-
nations by the Government were, we believe, en-
tirely unchallenged, and one which, though
declined, was amongst the first offered, has been
justly commended on all sides. We wonder
whether Mr. SMITH and the Whigs would have
offered a councillor's post to a philosopher of such
acknowledged merit, but of such an entirely oppo-
site school, as Mr. JOHN STUART MILL. We
cannot believe that the family party would have
departed so far from their wont, unless, indeed, as
in the case of Sir W. MOLESWORTH, from the
necessity of purchasing support ; but Sir WILLIAM,
after all, was a kind of aristocratic Radical. On
the whole, we imagine that both Anglo-Indians
and Englishmen at home congratulate themselves
on the result of I;,he Indian measures of last session,
in so far as it has not placed the nomination of the
new Council in the hands of Mr. SMITH and his

titled superior.
Last week the new Indian Government showed
itself in one further stage of its existence—that of
being toasted at a civic dinner—a stage essential
to -every English institution. Indeed, we may
designate the dinner at the Fishmongers'-hall as
the christening of the new-born Indian Govern-
ment—from this time it is registered as among the
dinner-honoured institutions of the land. The
Prime Warden of the company was, of course, the
officiating minister, and Lord ►STANLEY avowedly
acknowledged himself as father of the new Council.
His speech was altogether worthy of his reputation,
and showed that he was fully alive to the diffi-
culties and duties of his post, yet by no means dis-
posed to shrink or evade them. It was concilia-
tory towards all parties both in England and in
India, both Europeans and natives ; such,
indeed, is the temperament of Lord STANLEY him-
self : a temperament in him, happily associated
with a perfectly independent judgment, and with
firmness in acting on his judgment. His Lord-
ship is a happy union of tolerance and indepen-
dence, and we believe it will be seen that he can
influence as well as be influenced.

He justly observed that we had " to protect India
from the fluctuations of Parliamentary politics ;"
and, though we are sure nothing was further from
his Lordship's intentions than to intimate any such
thing, we hope that, whatever changes may occur
next year in the Government of the country, he
will be invited and will be content to remain at his
post. Of course, it is a possible, almost a probable
thing, that Reform Bill battles may end in a resig-
nation of the present Ministry, or a dissolution, or
both, and nothing, we are sure, would be more
objectionable to the whole country than to see
India again placed in the hands of Mr. SMITH, or
even Sir CHARLES WooD. If the Whigs, under
any arrangement should accede to office as the
whole or part of a Cabinet, they could. not do a
more popular thing than to offer Lord STANLEY
the retention of his present office wholly unfettered
by any party considerations. The public would not
fear Lord STANLEY'S opposition to any political
reforms that were desired by the nation, and there
could be no reason, that we can conceive of, why,
for the sake of India, his perfectly independent
support or opposition should not be cordially
accepted or willingly tolerated. The party to
which Lord STANLEY nominally belongs could not
feel aggrieved by his compliance ; it would be not
deserting his party, but saving his country, and
India. There ought not to be a Whig and a Tory
policy for India ; on Indian questions, therefore,
Lord STANLEY would always have a united Cabi-
net, or at least a majority; and even on questions
of home
,policy, the only danger would be that
Whigs would find his Lordship too liberal a col-
league for them.
This general view of our relation to the natives
of India is so well expressed that, though the
passage is rather long, we reprint it entire
We regard, and undoubtedly we ought to regard, the
natives of India as persons towards whom it is our duty to
have a good will, and for whom it is our duty to labour.
But that is not enough. It is not enough that we should
regard them as objects on which our benevolence may be
exercised—as persons as to whom it is in our power to make
important changes for good. We must look at them also
as being men with whom, and not against whom, we have
to work—men with feelings of their own—men, though
politically subject to us, with a sense of their own rights,
and with a respect for their own independence—(cheers)—
men who are apt to be all the more tenacious of their intel-
lectual independence and national customs because of the
political subjection in which they are held. (Cheers.) Un-
doubtedly the position of a conquering and governing raec

confers many advantages as regards the influence which
may be exercised over a conquered people ; but that posi-
tion has also its disadvantages, for the position of a con-
quering race is one which almost inevitably tends to pro-
duce a certain sense of superiority, a certain arrogance, if
that be not too harsh a word to use, a certain disregard to-
wards feelings, in which, not being placed in similar circum-
stances, it is utterly impossible for us to share ; and I d o
not hesitate to say that, unless we iuodify and keep within
proper bounds that feeling of national superiority—unless
we remember carefully, and even jealously respect, the very
prejudices of those whom we have to rule ; above all
things, if we attempt to introduce the force and influence of
government into that which ought to be a matter of private
conviction between man and his own conscience-(cheers)—
if we do this, or even if we are suspected upon plausible
grounds of attempting or desiring to do it, we shall have
our efforts at improvement thrown back in our face as in-
sults, and shall end in doing more harm than good."
Of course, we do not interpret sucli.language in
the spirit of the men who could repair and orna-
ment the bloody car of Juggernaut, and throw the
Bible and the cross beneath its wheels. Lord
STANLEY means that religious liberty should be
complete, that the Government should aid the
missionary only by protecting him equally with
the Hindoo priest and the Mahommedan moolah,
and discourage nothing but overt immorality and
orime. He is not the man who through fear of the
natives would go out of his way to pander to super-
stition, but he is the man who would candidly
appreciate the effect of education, of the traditions
of ages, and of habit, on the minds of natives, and
who would not employ compulsion, or Government
patronage, where education and the preaching of a
better faith can alone effect a permanent and
bloodless change.

Already we hear of Reform Associations being
constituted in the provinces, and commencing
vigorous action. The Northern Reform Associa-
tion is organising itself for work, and even in a
county, North Hants, a local Ballot Society has
been formed ! We hear, also, of other similar
movements. It is not at all too soon. The three
or four months before Parliament meets will be all
needed. Some little time is required for Reformers
in each district to come to an understanding with
each other, then for committees of Reformers all
over the country to know each other's minds, and
to come to some definite agreement as to the points
on which they shall insist. The time before us will
certainly be not at all too long for a steady, busi-
nesslike movement on the part of the country, for a
movement which shall effect two desirable objects :
First, and chiefly, the securing of a satisfactory Re-
form Bill ; one which will last us, with the good-
will of all parties, for another quarter of a century
—and why not for a century ?
Secondly, for securing that object in the most
quiet and time-saving manner. There will be no
need for long and exciting agitation, no need for
two or three resignations, and a dissolution or two,
if the country will but take up its work betimes,
and steadily attend to it.

We trust our readers will bear with us, if even
at this dull season •we suggest to them what we
think so exceedingly desirable. In every town
and county there are certain active persons who
well know each other, and on whose bestirring
themselves all depends. What seems to us both
easily practicable and of great importance is, that
these gentlemen should not defer till the eleventh
hour, and for an extemporised agitation, what they
could effect so much better by merely taking a
little more time. The Northern Reform Associa-
tion has already held some thirty public meetings in
the northern towns of England, wisely confining
itself to its own district, and leaving Midland,
South, East, and West, to follow its example.
Hitherto the Association has found that its meet-
ings have been about equally composed of the
middle and working classes, and that the
best understanding has prevailed. Indeed it is an
object of no little consequence, to promote this
kind of goodwill between the two classes, who,
together, can vanquish all the Peers and the Peers'
sons in Parliament, but whom the aristocracy,
when the hour of trial comes, will endeavour to
divide and conquer if they can. They prolonged
the battle on the Corn Laws by this unworthy
device, and they will, perhaps, " try it on " with
the now Reform Bill. The middle classes must, too,
in fairness, remember that we gained the suffrage
for ourselves by the aid of the working men, and,
beyond all contradiction, with the understanding
that, when the latter had got us a vote, we should
put our shoulders to the wheel to get them one.
We all know how this promise has been kept—we
should rather say, forgotten or evaded ; and it is
most desirable that no ill-will between operatives
and the classes next above them should be a result
of the new Reform Bill.

We appeal to our friends in the country, because
we think that the practice of leaving everything
to metropolitan associations is in every way un-
desirable. They are useful as the centres of move-
ment, but the life must exist and the pulse be
quick in every part, if the nation is to act with
vigour and effect. Our rulers care little, anti ought
to care but little, for a merely metropolitan com-
mittee, which has got up, perhaps, a few local com-
mittees; what really tells on the Government and
on the Houses of Parliament is to find the country
awake and acting from one end to the other, and
to know that the London organisation is a mere
necessity or convenience to give effect to the deter-
mination of the kingdom. A London political com-
mittee, not originated to concentrate the political
action of the country, may be compared to a Lon-
don warehouse erected before the provincial towns'
had produced the manufactures which should fill it.
We may tell our country friends this great secret,
if it be one, that they are our political strength,
and that we here are merely in the central position
to give effect to their exertions. They are the
power, and we but the axle to impart their motion
to the Government and the Legislature.
Timely and well-considered action on the part
of the country will not only unite all classes of Re-
formers, and conciliate the working men, but
will also prepare our Members of Parliament
and the Government to concede what they would
otherwise resist. These worthies, the greater part
of them at least, require some time to convince
them that the people are in earnest, and even to
appreciate their demands. But a small proportion
of them belong to the people. Though elected by
them, they associate but little with them, and in
their own circles, though they occasionally whisper
their fears as to what the troublesome Radicals may
strive for, they persuade themselves that the coun-
try is very well satisfied with its representatives
and their conduct. Members of Parliament want
to know that everywhere bodies of electors, the loss
of whose votes would be the loss of the next elec-
tion, are stirring on the question of Reform, and
they will then talk over the thing a little earnestly
when the ladies have retired.

As to the course of the Government, no one can
doubt that its conduct wholly depends on the course
taken by the country. It is quite possible, nay, we
think it is easy for the people, to induce the pre-
sent Ministry to give us a thorough Reform Bill—
a Bill which should induce the country in gratitude
to give Lord DERBY a decided majority at the dis-
solution which must follow it. How stand the facts ?
Tories and Whigs are equally opposed to any really
liberal measure—to any reform which places more
power in the hands of the electors. Of their own
goodwill, therefore, neither party will grant this.