The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, _MARCH 21, 1867.

they could not consent to the unconditional aboli-
tion of the Church Rates. Mr. GLADSTONE was in
favour of the Bill, intimating that in committee he
would wish to see inserted the machinery for
voluntary rating. It was a fact that the
right hon. gentleman's scheme of last year
for settling this question was not carried
out, for it seemed to offer a very satisfactory mode
of dealing with the matter. Mr. NEWDEGATE'S
Bill was thrown out, and Mr. HUBBARD'S measure
was postponed till next Wednesday. We should be
very glad to see some settlement of this vexed ques-
tion, which has too long been made a subject of dis-
cussion and- a fruitful source of religious contro-
versy. It would be better for all parties if some
compromise was made, and at a future period the
question of total abolition could be disposed of.
It is to be hoped that some consideration
will be given to Mr. HuBBARD's scheme next week;
and it really has a great chance of success, if hon.
members could once forget to be so extreme in their
views. The consequence of both sides being so
arbitrary has been that nothing effectual has been
done for years, but if they would but consider a
little they must see the propriety of doing something
to meet the wishes of the people in this matter,
which has so long been a source of confusion and
controversy.

The telegrams from Bombay give us a more en-
couraging account of the general aspect of affairs.
Money, indeed, is said to be scarce ; but the public
health is good, and we may hope that this year, as
it advances, may prove more favourable for India
as fur England. The disastrous famine has, of
course, made itself felt in regions where it never
actually penetrated; and its indirect as well as
its direct effect upon the industry and the fortunes
of the whole country must be taken into account
in surveying Indian affairs. We earnestly
hope that at least it may be productive of
definite and lasting good, and that the hundreds
and thousands who suffered and perished will not
have suffered in vain. The authorities are bound
by every consideration of duty, as well as of hu-
manity, thoroughly to investigate the whole matter,
and to ascertain what are the best and surest means
of preventing the recurrence of such a tragedy. It
is idle, if not wicked, to talk about the uncontrollable
nature of the calamity, when it is absolutely im-
possible that it can steal upon us unawares, with a
pestilence, au inundation, or an earthquake. Such ca-
tastrophes are not only out of our ken, but if weknew
of their approach there is little we could do to avert
them or to mitigate their severity. But the gradual
failure of the crops can not only be foreseen but
provided against, since our resources are boundless,
and we have all the appliances of skill and science
at our command. Surely then it is a lasting re-
proach to English rulers that so many should have
died of actual want of food.

The Government seem anxious to encourage the
progress of public works, and we are glad to see
that it is expected the East India Railway from Mir-
zapore to Jubbulpore will be opened before the next
monsoon. The establishment of a thorough system
of communication throughont India will be an in-
valuable assistance in guarding against famine as
against other dangers and catastrophes to which
India is liable. Had we done our duty years ago in
this matter the suppression of the mutiny of '57
would have been a very different task. Sir SEYMOUR
FITZGERALD, the new Governor of Bombay, was
hourly expected (Feb. 28), and will, we hope, fulfil
the anticipations which have been formed respect-
ing his career as an Anglo-Indian administrator.

The scenes which attended the closing of the
thirty-ninth American Congress and the opening of

the fortieth were of a character that would not a
little surprise an English Parliament. Just now,

when there is so much criticism and censure of our

own representative assembly, it is not without profit
to examine the accounts given by eye-witnesses, and
familar with the whole history of the political situa-

tioa across the Atlantic. As is usually the case

the last days of the Session were overcrowded with

,
business. Ili e need not wonder that this year found
a great accumulation of neglected measures, since

,here has been so much disputing and disagreement
.hat there has been little time for any thing.

It is customary for the PRESIDENT to go down to
his private room in the capitol to sign the bills
hurried through their last stages at the close of a
session, in order to save time ; and some idea may
be gained of the general confusion and hurry from
the fact that Congress continued sitting all Satur-
day night, breaking up on Sunday morning about
9 o'clock, to re-assemble in the evening. The
Radicals, never at a loss for a political manoeuvre,
took advantage of this state of things to hurry
through the Army Appropriation Bill with two new
and startling clauses. They knew very well that such
clauses, if introduced openly, would never obtain the
PRESIDENT'S sanction, since they were in direct
opposition to the old constitutional forms, and
invaded the prerogative of the PRESIDENT himself.
Hurried as he was, Mr. JOHNSON, watchful, no
doubt, for any manoeuvres of his adversaries, de-
tected the obnoxious clauses, and found himself in
au awkward position. To refuse to sign the Appro-
priation Bill was to keep the army without pay for
a whole year—a manifest impossibility. To sign it
was practically to hand over the command of the
army to the general in charge, and to take away
from the States the right to defend themselves by
calling out the militia. Under these circumstances
Mr. JOHNSON probably followed the wisest course
by signing the bill under protest, stating his rea-
sons for signing the bill, but indicating the provi-
sions against which he protested.
The new Congress was not likely to be very dif-
ferent from the old one, and if we are to accept the
division on the vote for Speaker as a test of the
strength of parties there is not much chance of the
Democrats influencing the legislation. The votes
for the Radical candidate, Mr. COLFAX, were 127,
for the Democratic 30. It is true that Mr. COL-
FAX'S chance was naturally improved by his tenure
of the office during the last Congress, but there can
be no doubt that the extreme party have still a very
large preponderance. The position of the Southern
States is, of course, the question uppermost in
men's minds, and it is one which there seems little
or no chance of settling. Seventeen States excluded
from representation in Congress, seven of them
actually belonging to the world-famous thirteen,
seems anachronism too great to be continued.
Nevertheless there seems no doubt that the Radicals
are determined to maintain their policy of exclusion
coute qui conic, and it is currently believed that the
new Congress will be more violent and vindictive
iu its policy than the old. A scheme for a confis-
cation of rebel property in the South is talked of
as well as the impeachment of the PRESIDENT, which
has been under discussion for some tune. Thus
one-half the States are to legislate on the most im-
portant matters for the other half, and this is called
a Union. The only hope is that the extravagance
of the party may thoroughly disgust the quiet and
reflective part of the communtiy, who will recognise
the danger which threatens the country through
their intolerance. Should the Radicals bring about,
as it is most likely they will do, a disturbance of
the finances, both North and South will suffer for
their recless folly, and they may find too late that,

by their abuse of the opportunities of peace, they
have damaged the national credit and destroyed
public confidence in the speedy restoration of their
fortunes.