The Sun.
London, England, 1858-10-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 29, 1858.

PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.-
The public are respectfully informed that all descrip-
tions of PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS may be had at very
LOW PRICES of—
Mr. Hansard, Parker-street, Drury-lane, London, W.C.
Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, New-street-square, Fleet-
street, London, E.C.
Messrs. Longman, Paternoster-row, London, E.C.
Messrs. Black, Edinburgh ; and
Messrs. Thom, Dublin.
And generally of all booksellers in all parts of the country.

GEORGE HOBSON begs to call the attention
of Gentlemen to his New Autumnal Trousers, 21s. to
255. Also his New Partridge Mixture Shooting Coats.
Excellence with Economy.
GEORGE HOBSON, 57, Lombard-street.
Established 1796.

DECAYED TEETH and TOOTHACHE.—
HOWARD'S ENAMEL for 'stopping Decayed Teeth,
however large the cavity. It is placed in the tooth in a soft
state, without any pressure or_ pain, and immediately
HARDENS INTO ENAMEL ; it will remain in the tooth
many years, rendering extraction unnecessary, and arresting
the tUrther progress of decay. Sold by all medicine vendors,
Price One Shilling.

MR. BRIGHT AND THE BIRMINGHAM
REFORMERS' UNION.

Yesterday, at noon, a deputation from the Bir-
mingham Reformers' Union waited upon Mr. Bright,
at the residence of Mr. J. Sturge, the hon. gentle-
man's host during his stay in Birmingham, to pre-
sent the address adopted at the meeting of the Union
on Saturday evening, and -which has been already
published in our columns. The deputation consisted
of Messrs. J. S. Wright, IV. Morgan, Pickering,
Beddoes, Allbutt, and others.
The address having been read, Mr. BniGirr said
he was very much obliged to the Reformers'
---Union-for the extremely kind expressions made use
of towards him personally in the address ; but he
was very sensible how very little he deserved or
held the sort of position in which they would
place him, and how very little it was possible for
any man to do with regard to the great objects the
Union had in view. In this country matters of Go-
Vernment were disposed of very much by a class of
persons and fhnuhes to which he did not belong,
and the utmost one could hope to do would be to
create, us far as he held it himself, an intelligent
opinion on public matters, and to try to bring that
opinion into some shape whereby it could act upon
the Government. It was only by slow degrees and
difficult steps that anything could be accomplished;
but on that account they were not to be discouraged
from endeavouring to do their best in the time
they had and in the circumstances in which they
Were placed. With regard to the political views
which were expressed in the address, he had given
his adhesion to them some time ago, and he thought
that if the measures there recommended were car-
ried out in the legislation of the country, they would
promote a very beneficent change in our govern-
ment, and in everything connected with the ad-
ministration of public affairs. It was perhaps not
necessary for him to give the gentlemen of the
Union pledges or assurances for the future, but as
he had honestly endeavoured in the past to abide
by what he thought was right and good for the
country in his political life, he hoped to be able to
do that in the future, and to make the advantage of
the country and the goodness of our legislation the
objects he should pursue in his political career. The
hon. gentleman concluded by saying that he felt '
very much the kindness of the association in pre-
paring the address, and of the deputation in coming
there to present it ; and he should be glad to co-
operate with them and his constituents generally
in anything that could be of advantage to them
and the country at large.
A conversation with regard to the political ques-
tions of the day, and that of reform in particular,
ensued.

Mr. BRIGHT said there was great doubt as to the
course which the reform question would take.
There were those who thought it extremely doubt-
ful whether Government could manufacture a bill
at all, seeing that the " baker's dozen" of which.
the Cabinet was composed must agree to what-
ever measure was proposed. They knew very
well that a bill which had not some show
of reality in it would only disgust Reformers, some
of whom would speedily find out its character and
expose it. The members of the Cabinet differ in
opinion as to what is possible in the measure itself,
and, beides this, they would have great doubts as
to their own supporters in the house. The sup-
porters might say, " It would have been better for
us to have kept our old friend Lord Palmerston in,
who could have bamboozled his supporters and the
country, rather than have a Government like this."
If the present Government, therefore, met Parlia-
ment with a good measure they -would have to en-
counter the difficulty of disturbing their own party
--and if they brought in a bill which was disgrace-
fully bad, they would have to contend with those
Reformers who wish something better. However,
this difficulty might be solved, the country should
be very watchful ; audit might be advisable, when
Parliament meets, for the great towns to meet and
petition. Though this was a mode of agitation not
much resorted to for many years past, yet it was a
very useful one when a country was..considering
a great question like that of reform, as such an ex-
pression of opinion very much strengthened the
hands of those members who were in earnest—a
class usually but a small minority in the House of
Commons. If .Manchester, birmingham, and the
great' towns sent up petitions signed by 30,000, or
40,000, or 50,000 names—which they could do on
questions like this—if such petitions were presented
night after night, members of the House of Com-
mons, however obtuse they were, and however un-
willing to submit, would be obliged to admit that
people think of these subjects more than they
thought they did, and would admit these petitions
as evidence of the feelings of the people supposed
to be represented in the House of Commons. This
was one of the modes in which all Reformers should
signify their opinion to the House of Commons at
the opening of the session. He (Mr. Bright) did
not know the district around Birmingham so well
as that around Manchester, but from what he had
seen there were evidently a great many populous
towns within a few miles, and if any organisation
was devised by which these towns could have a series
of meetings, agree upon a petition, and unite upon a
programme, the work would be proportionately effec-
tive. The work might be arduous and discouraging
for a time, but by and by the people would become
indoctrinated, the friction would produce warmth,
and the thing would go on faster than at first seemed
likely. They might not have, as in 1830, a French
Revolution to stir up the country ; but still all with
whom he (Mr. Bright) talked were in favour of re-
form, and, an impetus once given, a good measure
might ere long be carried. It had been said by one
of the deputation that the reformers of Birmingham
were not unanimous, but it should be remembered
that in 1830 there was no union until a bill was
brought before the house. As he suggested at the
Town hall on the previous evening, so he said now.
Let somebody in whom they had confidence prepare
a bill of a solid substantial character—a bill, if they
chose, adopting the principles embodied in the ad-
dress just presented. If that bill were brought be-
fore Parliament, the country would have an oppor-
tunity of saying whether they should go for the
nieasure brought forward by those who had always
been reformers, or for those who had never been
reformers till now. If they had a dissolution of
Parliament upon the bill brought forward by the
present Government, which in all probability there
would be, then of course the people would have an
opportunity of supporting the other bill by sending
in those who were in its favour. It was certainly
desirable that all classes should be united on this
question, but the existence of a want of unanimity,
as compared with that existing in the old Reform
Bill days, was not matter for surprise. In those
days such towns as Birmingham and Manchester
had no members, and the injustice was felt by high
and low alike ; but now the upper and middle
classes were represented, and they were in that
comfortable condition, politically, which made them
somewhat indifferent to the rights of the non-elec-
tors. The Reformers' Union must try to get the
influential people of the town to go with them,
which, with their recent programme, they might
fairly expect. If they went for manhood suffrage,
he was afraid they would not have that support,
either in Parliament or out of doors. As to the pre-
paration of a bill, he advised them to leave this to
the conference which would meet next week in
London ; and this bill, when prepared, might be
sent to every constituency., for the purpose of being
considered by such associations as the Reformers'
Union. _ _

The conversation lasted nearly an hour, Messrs.
Wright, Pickering, and Morgan chiefly taking
part in it. A general hope was expressed that the
more influential classes of Birmingham, who on the
previous evening had joined with so muchapparent
cordiality in the principles then enunciated, would
give their support to any organisation which might
be formed in Birmingham, with the view of co-
operating with the Reformers in all parts of the
country for the purpose of procuring the passing of
a good and substantial measure of reform as soon
as it could be urged through Parliament.
After thanking Mr. Bright for the courtesy with
which their hon. member had received them, the
deputation retired.

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abstains from reading the newspapers ? After all,
newspapers are contemporary history, not always
accurate you will say, but, I am afraid. IRA the less
history. We' insist upon immediate, early, instan-
taneous news. We have no' time to sift matters for
ourselves, and we look upon it as the business
of the newspapers to tell us the news. The ()ma.
sional inaccuracies of the newspapers are attribut-
able in a great measure to our craving for early in-
telligence. What is reported to us is not the thing
which is afterwards found to have happened, but
what is believed at the time to happened, and
therefore subsequent events frequently modify first
impressions. The inaccuracy therefore is in the
rapidity with which people insist upon being pro-
vided with news, and we have no right to complain.
(Hear, hea.) But newspapers do something be-
yond giving us news. TAgy give to us the most
admirable discussions upon all the contemporaneous
questions the day. Ido not think that any coun-
try has ever seen a literature so rapidly executed
in which there is so much profound. thought.
(Hear.) There is no question, abroad or at home,
no question political, and very few scientific, which
is not admirably discussed in the newspaper press
of this country. The articles which appear in the
newspapers, compressed into a short space, are the
resuli of much reading and of milch'thought ; and
we'wha have not much time on our hands—we are
all in this age pressed-for time—get by that means
great results, and a vast amount of thought elabo-
rated into what the Lancashire manufacturers would
call the " finished article." (Hear, hear.) Depend
upon it, the man who shuts his eyes to the con-
temporaneous history of the newspapers is a man
unfit to deal with the practical wants of society.
(Cheers.) In speaking of newspapers, it has always
appeared to me that they might be much more ,use-
ful than they are, and I have strong belief that
ultimately we shall see .in the newspapers a
change which will, I think, tend to make them
much safer instructors of the public, for this reason
—that the public would then more easily read and
accept what it now takes cum grano salis. At the
present moment newspaper writers are anonymous.
My belief is that for the mission of public instruc-
tion that is a great disadvantage. It puts on a par
in point of weight and authority the most scru-
pulous Affriter and the most unscrupulous writer,
_ _

the most exact and the most inexact: Mr. Canning
once held up two despatches written to him by two
most eminent diplomatists, one of whom resides in
this neighbourhood. Both were admirably written,
both showed great knowledge of the world and a
finished style of writing. Mr. Canning held them
in his hand, and said, " Here are two despatches
equally well written. I have not a fault to find
with either of them, but I attach great weight to
this one and none to that. I know the characters
of the two men who wrote them. One is a scrupu-
lous investigator of facts and the other is a writer
for effect. I shall, therefore, act on the one despatch
and put the other on the shelf." Now, in reading a
newspaper we want that source of confidence in
some writers and of caution in others. If we knew
Who the writers were we should know in the case
of a man whose character is established that every-
thing he says, might be taken for gospel, while we
should also know in another case that the writer
was neither so accurate in his statements nor so
careful in sifting his facts. I think we should
derive great advantage from such a state of
things. Then, again, there is another matter con-
nected with the anonymous writing in news-
papers. A man knows that he cannot be an-
swered. As I see some members of the clerical pro-
fession before me, perhaps they will pardon me for
saying that if the congregation had the right to
answer the sermon would be sometimes different
from what it now is. (Laughter.) A man would
always be more careful in what he said when he
knew he would be liable to an answer. Even now
his writing is occasionally answered, and his facts
disputed, but he has not to go through the humilia-
tion of being proved to be wrong. He is a non-
entity himself. What he writes may be criticised,
but he is unknown. For this reason I think that
newspaper writers do not write with the same care
and caution which they would otherwise exercise.
(Hear.) Then, again, there is somethingin the Eng-
lish character that dislikes secrecy. Men are
ashamed to a certain extent of writing anonymously
and if they do so they conceal it. I have known
many gentlemen take a leading part in public
writing, but I have always found them unwilling
to admit or to be known as writers of such and
such articles. They don't like the impression
which would be produced if they were known as
anonymous writers. In the House of Commons an
impression prevails that a man who can speak in his
own name upon any question takes an unfair ad-
vantage if he says something under cover of an
anonymous article. There are some things which
people would n of bring forward except anonymou sly,
and I have no doubt that in a few cases the public
morals gain from anonymous writing, but taking
the balance of the two sides of the question, I don't
say that our newspaper writing could be improved,
for it could not ; but the weight and influence of
the newspapers would be increased if anonymous
writing were diminished where it is for the public
good that it should be diminished. (Hear.) Upon
the subject of newspapers, which will in my opi-
nion mould more and more the opinion of the
people every day, I have thought it not out of place
to throw- out these things for your consideration.
(Cheers.) As printing and book reading increases,

the gifts of public orators will become of little or
no value. Formerly the debates in the House of
Commons guided, strengthened, and ruled public
opinion. They do so no longer, because the speakers
are anticipated and the questions of the day better
and more completely treated in the articles con-
tained in the periodical literature of the day. It is
to the press that we must look for the formation of
the great mass of public opinion on political and
social questions, and it is of importance to watch
with the greatest care aity defects capable of re-
medy which diminish the good influence the press
exercises, and if any one can contribute to improve
the strength of the press for good, and to diminish
it when it tends towards evil, he can confer no
greater benefit upon the community at large. Now
I have said that in my opinion there is no harm in
having recourse after our toil, whether it be physi-
cal or mental toil—to what is called light and
amusing reading. A newspaper is not light read-
ing, but it is what is a great deal better—con-
densed reading. In novels we have great rules
of conduct laid down, excellent remarks on social
evils, and the best analysis we have almost of
human nature. Then, why should we forbid
men to have recourse to this kind of refreshment
after their toil ? As I said before, there is not
not one man in a thousand who will sit down

to study difficult and abstruse books after his day's
work. We are, nevertheless, told after great labour
and toil that we are bound to reject all the lighter
and the more amusing topics and go into the abstruse
speculations of metaphysicians and theologians, and
I for one say it is not true that man as a general
rule is capa 31e of such things. We have some in-
stances recorded which I look upon as pure myths.
We read of Alfred's division of the day—eight hours
for study, eight for labour, and eight for rest—but
the conclusion I have arrived at is that there is not
one word of truth in it. No human being could

lead such a life even if he were of the most
form. lam almost ashamed of standing up
here to try to answer fallacies which have long
since exploded, and to advocate a cause in which
every one believes. There are persons in this room
of all professions, of all political and religious
opinions, who have met together on common ground.
It would be absurd for me to tell you that you arc
right in what you are doing, for no man would
venture to say that you are wrong. Therefore when
we endeavour to defend such institutions as this we
accuse ourselves in order to justify ourselves. At
the same time I have heard it said, especially when
the subject of competitive examinations has been
brought forward, "of what good to you is the
learning you obtain ?" just as if the sole object of
intellectual labour was information, and as though
the information acquired must be afterwards use-
less. Go into a courtyard where boys practise
gymnastic exercises, and what do you see there ?
It is not of any permanent ad vantage that the boy
should be able to stand on his feet with his head
downwards, or be able to use the dumb-bells, but
it braces his body
.and fits him for the toil to come.
So it is with learning. The facts we learn are use-
less except for deduction. When we have got
the deduction it is probable enough that we forge
the facts; but we have got our minds into the
habit of acquiring, storing, and using know-
ledge. Then, -again, there is the immense enjoy-
ment which attends the acquisition of know-
ledge. Who, looking back upon. his life, woul I
throw out of it the hours spent in intellectual occu-
pation ? Many a man will tell you, -" The hours I