The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-18 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 18, 1858.

Whatever may be the result of the division on
lar
• CARDWELL'S 'notion, it is quite certain that
all the weight of argument is in favour of the
course adopted by the Government in reference
to the very unfortunate and inopportune Procla-
mation issued by Lard CANNING. It was—setting
the brilliant and unanswerable oration of Sir
WOK MCCALMONT CAIRNS aside—even more
conspicuous last night than on Friday. There
was the stern and truthful philippic of Mr. Ron-
BUCK, the sparkling wit, combined with sound
reasoning, of Sir R. PEEL, the sterling common
sense of Mr. HARDY, and the startling eloquence
of Mr. WHITESIDE ; and, on the other side, were
the dreary, prosaic, and slumber-compelling
harangues of Sir C. WOOD and Sir G. C. LEWIS,
redolent of red-tapism in its worst and most
offensive sense, which, even aided by the compa-
ratively brief but effective speech of Mr. ATHER-
VON—certainly the best on the Palmerstonian side
•—could not for a moment be brought int) com-
petition with those favourable to the Government.
Mr. Ronauca, with his usual frankness, clearly
indicated the real object of the motion—" one of
,the most transparent of party manoeuvres he had
ever seen'!"' The welfare, happines4, and pros-
perityi of her MAJESTY'S subjects in India were at
e• Two hundred millions of the human race
trees in
cme way or other delp'y interested in the
heult. It was to many of their number a ques-
tion of life and death' for it affected "the means
*hereby they lived," and might reduce them from
affluence rend comparat
and destitution. But e independence to poverty
t while this vast, this
momentous question" is under consideration,
one of mere politics is substituted. " We forgal
the happiness of two hundred millions of men,
and mince the question to the consideration of
this bench and that l" Well might he exhibit
the by no means flattering interrogatory, ,g Is
there any man so utterly void of consideration of
what is going on around him, and of what
is being enacted before his eyes—is there any
man So like a blind puppy, as not to perceive

that what we are fighting for now is not the
happiness of India, but the Government of this
country ? " It will be difficult indeed tolanswer
that pointed question, or to show that any per-
son voting for the resolution can be actuated by
purely disinterested and unprejudiced views.
The Honourable Gentleman contended, as we
have already done, that ELLENBOROUGH was bound
to write a despatch, that he wrote a proper
despatch, and that he could not have suppressed
that despatch, but was bound to give it equal
publicity with the proclamation to which it pur-
ported to be an answer. The last is virtually the
only ground on which the Government has been
assailed. Neither Mr. CARDWELL nor a single
one of those who have followed in his wake, have
attempted to justify the policy of wholesale confis-
cation therein enunciated—a policy calculated to
render the entire people of Oude discontented
and insubordinate. Not one has ventured to vin-
dicate Lord CANNING, with the exception, perhaps,
of his nephew, Lord DUNIEELLIN. As we stated
yesterday he was completely thrown overboard,
" his wounded feelings were not taken into con-
sideration. His injured amour prapre was a
matter of profound indifference to the schemers
for place."

The spoliation was too flagrant, too gross to be
justified. What would be said if a proclamation
had been issued in 1745, confiscating the whole
Soil of Scotland, or in 1798 that of Ireland I
Would it not have stimulated the entire people
t) war to the knife ? It may be said that indul-
gence would be shown to those who merited it—
that it was only those undeserving of favour who
could complain of the terms of the clause. Well,
for the sake of argument, let us modify the term
" confiscation," and simply say, throw into
Chancery all the proprietary rights to real estate in
the United Kingdom, casting the onus probandi
on the former owners. Would that be very
acceptable ? Would that allay the natural
apprehensions that might arise and be re-
garded as an act of clemency that would induce
-t conquered people to rest contented with their
lot 1 It would justly be regarded as an insult to
common sense to say so, and yet the proceeding
in India is even more formidable. The native
courts are justly dreaded by all who have not the
means of wholesale bribery at their disposal—
bribery carried on through every stage of the
proceedings, from the lowest official to those of
more elevated rank, and also of suborning false
witnesses to counterbalance those that may be
-kdduced on the other side, for that also is a
necessity before the native Indian tribunals,
Alen the sanctity of an oath is not very highly
respected. It is clear that the terms will be
regarded in even a more formidable character
Lord CANNING might be disposed to give
them, and that what might have been simply in-
tended to get rid of some inconvenient questions
respecting tenures, will have a muoh worse con-
struction placed on them by the parties mainly
interested, although that would be quite bad
enough, virtually amounting to confiscation, for
why. should legal disputes be disposed of on any
principles -but those of pure and disinterested
justice.

- •
It being essential, then, that there should be
an answer, and that answer being of the right
description, it would have lost all its utility had
it not been published to the world. It was the
only course tending to the pacification of India,
and, as justly remarked, should have been writ-
ten "in letters of gold." It was an honest
despatch, a judicious despatch, and such will be
the opinion of every disinterested and. unpreja-
k diced person throughout the length and breadth
of the land. Woe to those who may give factious

rotes on the present all-important occasion. They

will, when too late, deeply deplore their error,
when they find that it hae removed them from the
tares and labours of Legislation. Mr. ROHBUCK
fairly explained the difference between the present
Government and the preceding one. He said—
" I believe that good government, that happi-
nevi for the people, that advance of liberal
measures, which we all desire, are more to be ob-
tained from that weak Government—(pointing to
the Treaaury bench)—than from the strong inso-
lence of this—(pointing to the front Opposition
bench, amid great cheering). 1 have seen, sir, both,
I have tried them both, and I am sure that we are
further advance,' in a course of improvement and
liberty than we should have been under the
guidance of the noble lord (Palmerston.) If
we seek simply and honesty—if we want justice
for the people of England and good government for
England, we shall give a decided negative to the
resolutions of the right hon. gentleman the mem-
ber for Oxford."

We believe that the independent electors of
Great Britain will unhesitatingly endorse that
honest verdict, and that the comparison between
the tw• Governments will be immeasurably to the
disadvantage of that which is attempting to grasp
the seals of office by such unfair, such factious,
such unconstitutional, and, so far as India is
concerned, such nefarious means.

I What have become of all the quasi private
letters addressed to the ex-President or Secretary
of the Board of Control, or other persons in office
therein, since the advent to office of Lord DERBY'S
Government ? It is notorious that such letters
are of frequent occurrence, that they, in fact, are
delivered by every mail. And the reason is
obvious, there may occasionally be inconvenient
addresses for papers, which can be avoided by the
publication of the despatches. But, it would
not do to give every - thing to the public.
There must be some slight reserved, some
pearl that is not to be cast before
the of roXXot. The private letters disperse the
mists that might otherwise affect official vision.
Like ladies' postcripts, they contain the real gist
of the correspondence, and though nominally
thedirected for individuals, are really intended for
occupants of particular situations.
It is, however, strange, that since the present
Government came into office no such document
had been received or forwarded to the office until
the last mail, when Lord ELLENBOROITOR re-
ceived uo l.ss than three of these so-called
private letters from Lord CANNING ; but none
of them containing the promised explanation
which was to have arrived by the next mail. Is
it possible to conceive that Mr. SMITS could only
have received the one letter, which he did not
communicate to his successor, by any of the three
mails that arrived, although, according to ordi-
nary rules, he ought to have received nine during
the period, one of which must have contained
that all-important explanation. He may have
had a bagful of such letters, but with that laxity
of political morality which he has already dis_
played, ho may, after consultation with his leader,
have decided on keeping them all back, of using them
against his opponent, but not givingthe information
that was really intended for the President of the
India Board, and not for Mr. SMITH of Can non Row.
We trust some Hon. Gentleman will Exhibit a
stringent interrogatory to the member for North-
ainpou on this interesting topic.
_ _

It is scarcely less remarkable that the Palmer-
stonian organs have been so unfortunate as not
to have received the interesting communications
of their own correspondents, showing the feeling
entertained by the people of India respecting the
confiscation
Policy. These are doubtless untoward
accidents, but they occur at a Tory suspicious

crisis ; and we earnestly hope that these interest-
ing documents may only have been mislaid, and
that they may come to light as soon as a division
has been taken on Mr. CARDWELL'S motion.

THE SUNDAY CABAL.

SECOND MEETING AT CAMBRIDGE-HOUSE.

A second meeting of the Palmerstonian conspi-
rators was held at Cambridge-House on Sunday
last. The Noble Lords and Right Honourable
Gentlemen, who take a deep interest in the Oude
question, but who—Heaven is their witness—have
no desire to embarrass her Majesty's Government,
were summoned to assemble at 5 o'clock, in order
that the Earl of Shaftesbury, who had been to
church, might be able to assist them by his
presence.

Lord Palmerston is said to have briefly stated
the objects of the meeting. They had over-
come many obstacles to their success one
only now remained. He alluded to the fear of a
dissolution, which was doing them a great deal of
harm. They had to consider what course should
be pursued, with a view to convincing their friends
that so dissolution would take place.

In the course of a !brief conversation which fol-
lowed, Mr. Labouchere observed that, unfortu-
nately, it was only too true that Lord Derby in-
tended to dissolve.

Lord Palmerston—Of course it is, but we must
not say so.

This view of the case was accepted by the
meeting, and several suggestions were made, which
were discussed at considerable length. At last a
resolution was proposed by a Noble Lord, which
was adopted by the meeting, after a protest
from Mr. Labouchere, who, with some diffidence,
gave it as his opinion that the leaders of a great
political party ought not to constitute themselves a
society for the propagation of falsehood.
The resolution runs thus :—" That this meeting
pledges itself to take every opportunity of stating
authoritatively that her Majesty has positively de-
clined to dissolve Parliament as long as Lord
Derby is in office."

On the motion of the Marquis of Clanricardo, se-
condel by a Noble Earl, it was farther resolved
that copies of the above resolution should be for-
warded to the Rtrl of Beisborough, and to Sir
William Hayter, in order that it might be made
known to the Palmerstouian expectants in both
Houses of Parliament.