The Sun.
London, England, 1867-08-07 00:00:00

to say that there is no one thing that would be more
likely to abolish freedom than that which would
abolish contested elections. (Cheers.) Go to any

constituency where there has not been a contest for
many years, and you will find there a deadness
reigns through all its streets and all its parishes on
all the great questions which are most interesting to
the great body of the people and to the character
and the future of the nation. Now, at present, by
this scheme you are not about to divide these con-
stituencies by wards or parishes, or according to
population, but according to opinions. You are to
have a majority of one opinion electing two mem-
bers, and then you are to have a minority of another
opinion, it is presumed, electing one other member.
In fact we are about to do that which would really
destroy all the interest which men have who go to

Ascot and to Epsom ; we are going to have a great
political race, and the last horse is to win just as
much as the first. (Laughter.) I always thought
that the grand object of a general election was to
ascertain what is the opinion of the majorities of the
constituencies upon great questions that are before
Parliament, and upon the character of the adminis-
tration by which the affairs of the country are being
conducted. But according to this system that is not
to be the case. You are to find out an opinion, and
then you are to emasculate it, and finally, if you can,
by giving an absurd influence to minorities, in fact
wholly to reject it. I understand that when we come
before constituencies—and I have been before seve-
ral constituencies—the members appeal to all the
electors in their addresses, and they address the
electors in their speeches. But upon this system
all the electors cannot vote for them. It is to be a
sort of pick and choose, and a mode of election is to
be established so complicated and so difficult to
manage that I will undertake to say there is no elec-
tion committee that has everexisted in England that
would not be puzzled to the very last degree if it
were to attempt to manage au election or to conduct
it honourably, or in any way under the new system
which is proposed. But now look at the unconstitu-
tional character of this proposition. What is the first
process of an election ? The first process is that the
candidates and their friends go some of them to the
hustings and with the great body of their supporters,
voters and non-voters, come in front of the hustings,
and there is a sort of preliminary election. There
is the nomination of any number of candidates.
There is the show of hands, and every man who holds
up his hands may vote at least for as many candi-
dates as there are members to be returned. He is not
likely to vote for more. But this is not to be
carried out at the poll. The voter who lifted up his
hands for three members for South Lancashire or
for the city of Manchester, if the bill became law
and if a poll was demanded and took place the fol-
lowing day, could not follow the lifting up of his
hands, which was the first constitutional manifesta-
tion of his opinion, but he could go to the poll and
vote for only two of those candidates. Then there is
a great discrepancy made between the preliminary
election at the hustings and the after and more real
and vital election at the poll. Will any man tell me
that I have ever proposed in Parliament or out of it,
in private conversation, or before great assemblies of
my countrymen, anything so utterly unconstitu-
tional and so utterly absurd and ludicrous as this pro-
position? (Cheers.) Why do you appeal to the
country. Why does the Queen dissolve Parliament
but that she may ascertain the opinion of all the
electoral body of the nation expressed in their sepa-
rate constituencies by the honestly given votes of
the majority of such constituencies? (Hear.) At
present Manchester has two members in the House
of Commons and Salford has one. What will be the
result if this bill passes as it has come down from
the House of Lords? Salford will have two clearly.
I say nothing of their complexion, but I hope they
will do credit to the electors of Salford. (Hear,
hear.) But Salford will have two members, and
although Manchester will have nominally three yet
really it will only have one. Salford would have two
votes in a division, and Manchester, in all human
probability, would have two votes on one side and
one on the other, and in the division Manchester
would really count only for one. (Hear.) Now,
there is no answer to that case at all. It is as clear
as anything can possibly be, or can be made to be,
and I say that the proposition which was rejected
by the House of Commons, and which has been ac-
cepted by the Lords, is a proposition aimed with a
deadly malice at the political power of the great con-
stituencies of the kingdom. (Cheers.) lam rather
au admirer of many things that are ancient some-
times, not because they are very useful, but I can ad-
mire them if they are harmless. (Hear.) I would
not advise my countrymen with hasty and irreverent
hands to pull down that which has been left them by
their forefathers until they see their way clearly to
build in its place something that will tend more
to the true greatness and the lasting happiness
of their country. (Cheers.) But I ask them to
reject this new and worst device of their op-
ponents, because it has within it a principle, as
I believe, disastrous and fatal to everything
which we comprehend, and which our fore-
fathers have comprehended, of the true principle
of popular representation. (Cheers.) I regard it—
I say it it here without fear of whomsoever it may
strike—l regard it as the offspring and the spawn
of feeble minds. (Loud cheers.) It may have been,
for aught I know, born of eccentric genius. (Laugh-
ter.) It may and probably has been discovered in
some of those abysses in which the speculative mind
of man delights to plunge. (" Hear," and a Voice
—" The Cave."). I said that Mr. Disraeli in his
speech on this subject spoke with an earnestness
that could not well be exceeded. On a previous
occasion, when the question was only incidentally
mentioned, ho condemned all these plans with a
wisdom of expression and a heartiness of feeling
that I could not but admire and honour. I know
not what the House of Commons will do, butfthelEaxm.
certain that I know what the Chancellor o
chequer would wish. He has brougfhgrt feoartrarrdictati;
bill; he has byways, many of them o
—(laughter)—and some of them
poofgjoens.t
I be-
conducted this bill to its present si
should be
lieve that he would regret that at
Therthise are some,n
single point that is useful and liberal
struck out of that measure• ment one
and that I
strong Wm",
whose opinions I respect on ulany.
will think I bold a very s
words in connection
.questions, who
reserve that there
with this question.
have used
.needlesslyl ssatyron
has never been a discussed in Parliament
in connection with the subs
con questwub'ect of representation in
withoutg
nt (Loud cheers.) It seems
the settlement of this poi .
have felt so intense an Interest as I feel in
which I
man who may hereafter under this
to me that
everyre resent one of these constituencies
clause p
unhappy el_
must always feel that he is in a position of infe-
riority. Who would like to be spoken of as the
hon. member for the minority of the borough of
so and so ? (Great laughter and cheers.) I con-
demn and repudiate the whole scheme from begin-
ning to end, and I say that any man who adopts it
must necessarily shake the faith and lose the confi-
dence of every true friend of Reform and of free-
dom. (Great cheering.)
Mr. Bright had spoken for nearly an hour and a
quarter, when he resumed his seat.

THE CIVIL SERVICE COLLEGE.—The Earl of
Derby and the Earl Russell have each contributed £lOO
to the building fund of the Civil Service College. The
institution, which is to be conducted as far as possible on
the model of Marlborough School and Wellington College,
although primarily intended for civil servants of the
Crown, will not be exclusive in this respect. The sons
of gentlemen, not civil servants, are to be admissible.
The committee have appointed Mr. A. G. Goodliffe, of the
India Office, and Mr. J. C. C. WC:au], of the Civil Service
Commission, to be their honorary secretaries.
BIRTH EXTRAORDINARY.—On Thursday morning
the wife of Mr. Patrick Mullin, Ballynally, Moville, pre-
sented him with five children, throe sons and two
daughters. All were born alive. Four survived their
birth but a short time, and ono is still living.—Northem
Whig.