The Sun.
London, England, 1858-07-10 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 10, 1858.

The session is now rapidly approaching its ter-
mination. For once noble lords and right hon-
ourables and honourable gentlemen will be per-
mitted to depart before August, and that although
the Ministers were not regularly installed in office
and re-elected until the close of the second week
in March. They have certainly not been idle during
the interval. The vexed question respecting the
future government of India has been satisfactorily
disposed of. The property qualification has been
for ever abolished, and there is every reason to
hope that the discussions and divisions which
have taken place will lead to the settlement of
questions in which the community at large take a
deep interest, including the Ballot, the Extension
of the Franchise, and the Abolition of Church-
rate!. Ministers have acquired a high reputation
for the zeal, energy, and ability displayed. They
have shown that they were a vast im-
provement on the select family party whom
they superseded, and the hints thrown out by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer indicate that much
more will be done when time and opportunity
are propitious.

Mr. DISRAELI last night answered several inter •
rogatories that had been exhibited during the
evening, and in a perfectly straightforward and
satisfactory manner. There was no mystification.
He spoke plainly and distinctly, so that " he
who runs might read," and clearly understand
the real state of the case.

The first point referred to the creation of a
department of justice, in conformity with the
resolution of the House of Commons, adopted two
years since. It was carried, on the motion of
the Right Hon. JOSEPH NAPIER, now Lord
Chancellor of Ireland, and was supported by those
who now occupy the Ministerial benches. The
members of the Cabinet would, therefore, rejoice
in bringing to a satisfactory conclusion a measure
entirely their own, and for which they could
claim the entire credit, and which had been ne-
glected by their predecessors for two entire years.
Considering the vast amount of pressing business
that could not possibly be postponed, the country
has every reason to be satisfied with the intima-
tion that, " when the necessary information on
the subject was supplied, ho (Mr. DISRAELI)
would be prepared to act iu accordance with thcA
resolution at which the house had arrived."

On the all-important question of Church-rates
that now occasions so much vexation and annoy-
ance, and which ought to be disposed of, no less
for the sake of the Church by law established,
than,for that of the numerous and influential
congregations of Dissenters who conscientiously
object to the impost, Mr. DISRAELI declared
that "her MAJESTY'S Ministers did not relinquish
the hope of settling the question, and that they

Many of the Liberals b the House of Commons
are getting uneasy. They have again, we are
told, made an attempt to re-unite, and again
failed. We believe there will yet be many such
failures, and there ought to be failure after
failure, till either a decidedly Liberal leader
comes forward, or till the old ones adopt conduct
worthy of their name. In some quarters, where
we ought not to look for it, there is no little
bitterness against Mr. MILNER GIBSON, Mr.
BRIGHT, and the other independent Liberals, for
their refusal to act a factious part, and for their
obtaining liberal concessions from a Conservative
Government. The latter, certainly, is wholly
the fault of Whig Administrations, which left
these measures for their successors. And one
would suppose that the former, although veiled
under the more plausible charge of " deserting
their party," is an accusation which can do
little harm. The truth is, there are in
the House of Commons, as in most really
popular bodies, THREE PARTIES. This fact
the Whigs ignore. They always • boast as
if the Radicals belonged to them,. The more in-
telligent section of that party no more belong to
them than they do to the Tories. Their avowed
rule is measures, not men ; and since the Whigs
uniformly desert them when they bring their own
most highly-prized measures forward, they can
claim no right to their allegiance.
A Dissenting quarterly of no humble preten-
sions, so far as bulk and rather heavy but solid
knowledge are concerned, actually takes us, and,
we believe, the great majority of Dissenters
too, to task, for making hay under a Tory sun.
It "protests against the political immorality of
those Liberals who seem well pleased to carry
liberal measures by squeezing them from the grasp
of an illiberal Government." Such conduct, it is
stated, will " school. men into contempt and
loathing of their rulers," and those " who should
have been guardians of pure political feeling,"
will do by it " the worst possible mischiefs." In-
deed ! in our simplicity we thought we were
doing the greatest possible good, politically.
Our wisdom (or our partisanship) may not
equal that of the Reviewer in the British Quar-
terly, but we beg to protest too ; and our protest
is against the very easy argument of branding as
immorality what it would be, as we conceive, diffi-
cult enough to prove to be so. Does not the Editor
well know that had Lord PALMERSTON', or his pet,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, been in power, we should
have equally been compelled to use the squeezing
process ? We should like to know what really
liberal measures could be got from our so-called
Liberal Governments, except by " squeezing
them from their grasp ?" And, also, what earthly
difference it makes, either in morality or expe-
diency, whether we squeeze them from one section
of an unwilling aristrocracy or from the other ?
In our view of the position of the honestly
Liberal party—the party, we mean, which can
trust the people with real power, for that is our
definition of the Liberal party—it must fight for