The Sun.
London, England, 1867-12-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 20, 1867.

This day, in royal Bvo. price 10s. Gd., with numerous
illustrations.

oN THE VENTILATION OF DWELLING
HOUSES, and the Utilization of Waste Heat from
Open Fire. places. By FrgderiA Edwards, jun., author of
" Our Domestic Fire-places," &c.
London : Robert Hardwicke, 192, Piccadilly.

Lilt Published, price Is. 61., by post, is. Bd., the Second Edition,
with Addenda, containing additional Facts and Cases, in illus-
tration of the nefarious proceedings of the Advertising Quacks.
REVELATIONS OF QUACKS AND
QUACKERY. By DETECTOR. Reprinted from the
"Medical Circular."
London: H. Balliere, 219, Regent-street.
The numerous reviews of this startling work by the Saturday
Ihriew, Punch, Weekly Despatch, Public Opinion, and other
j recommending its universal perusal are reprinted with
1 ais edition

COMPAGNIE GENERALE TRANS-
ATLAA TIQUE, 8, Place Vendome, Paris.
NEW YORK, via lIAVRE and BREST.
The undermentioned Steamers will sail every 14 days, as fol.
lows:—
From HAVRE-19th December, 1867.
From BREST-21st December, 1867.
NAPOLEON 111 Paddle
VILLE DE PARIS Screw
PEREIRE. Screw
ST. LAURENT Screw
EUROPE Paddle
RATES OF PASSAGE.
Havre or Brest to New York, Ist class, .£33 0 0
~ ~ 2d class, 17 0 0
3d class, 14 0 0
Agents—STRINGER, PEMBROKE, and CO.,
8, Anstinfriars, E.C.

WF. THOMAS & CO.'S PATENT SEWING
• MACIIINBS.
The celebrated No. 2 Machine, unequalled for general work,
£lO. The new Domestic Machines complete (Lock Stitch), .E 5
ss, L 6 65., and .£B. Catalogues free.
W. F. Thomas and Co., 1 and 2. Cheapaide, and Regent-circus,
Oxford-street, London.

THE "SINGER" NEW FAMILY
_ _ MACHINE

Is fitted with a new
PATENT TUCK MARKEE,
'which GAUGES and MARKS each succeeding TUCK while
sewing, a MOST VALUABLE ACCESSORY, tot to be had with
any other Machine.
YHE "SINGER" NEW FAMILY SEWING
macnnits are the most complete, with all aooessories
or the family, seamstress, manufacturers of shirt collars, shirta,
cloaks, mantles, ehildreu:s clothing, cape, corsets, linen and silk
goods, umbrellas, parasols, &c.
Cataloes and Samples of Work poet tree.
THE BINGIR MANUFACTURINg COMPANY,

MR. HOWARD, SURGEON-DENTIST, 52,
Fleet-street, has introduced an entirely new description
of ARTIFICIAL TEETH, fixed without springs, wires, or liga-
tures. They so pcifectly resemble the natural teeth as not to be
distinguished from the originals by the closest observer; they
will never change colour or decay, and will be found superior to
any teeth ever before used., This method does not require the
extraction of roots, or any painful operation, and will support
and preserve teeth that are loose, and is guaranteed to restore
articulation and mastication. Decayed teeth stopped and ren-
dered sound and useful in mastication. •
52, Fleet-street. At home from 10 tlll5

DR SCOTT'S LIVER AND BILIOUS
PILLS.—A NEVER-FAILING REMEDY.—Prepared
without any mercurial ingredient, from tho recipe of Dr. Scott,
of Bromley, Kent, will be found invaluable to all who suffer from
bilious and liver complaints, indigestion, wind, spasms,
_giddi-
ness, dizziness of the eyes, &c. For habitual costiveness, as a
family aperient medicine, and as a purifier of the blood, they are
truly excellent; mild in their operation and grateful to the
stomach, they create appetite, promote digestion, and strengthen
the whole nervous system. Prepared only and sold by W. Lam-
bert, Chemist, 6, King William-street, Charing-cross, London,
and by most druggists, in boxes, ls. lid., and three times the
quantity in one, is. 9d. Be sure to ask for Dr. Scott's Bilious and
Liver Pills. The genuine are a square green v‘ckage, with
"William Lambert" engraved on the stamp.

rLEEARTRIDGE AND COOPER
WHOLESALE MANUFACTURING STATIONERS, 192
T-STREET (CORNER Or CHANCERY-LANE), LONDON, E.C.
THE PUBLIO SUPPLIED AT WHOLESALE
PRICES.
CARRIAGE PAID TO THE COUNTRY ON ORDERS
OVER 20, •

Per ream.
s. d.
Pine Cream Laid Note: a cheap paper
Superfine Cream Laid Note: much approved 4 0
Superfine Thick Cream Laid Note; especially recom-
mended L 6
Extra Superfine Double Thick Cream Laid Note 7 0
Straw Paper, " Patent ;" adapted for rapid writing
Large Commercial Note Papers "s., 45., Is., and 6 0
Foolscap Papers, blue or cream 10s. Gd., 12s. Gd., and 14 0
Outriclos Foolscap, thick hand-made
Letter Paper for scribbling plain, 45.; ruled ditto 4 6
Tinted Lined Note five quires ls. Gd., or 5 6
per 1,000
Superfine Cream or Blue Envelopes 4s. 6d., ss. 6d., and 6 6
Extra Thick ditto, "Registered Secure" 9 0
Large Blue Wove Commercial Envelopes 4 6
Cheap Buff Colour, for circulars, &c.
COLOUR STAMPING (Relief) reduced to Is. per 100. Polished
steel dies sunk by the best artists in the trade at about half the
prices charged by the retail houses.
An ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE, containing full neserip.
tion, with prices of Account Books, Copying Presses, Inkstands,
Stationery Cabinets, Postage Scales, Despatch Boxes, Tsavelllus
Writing Cases, Desks, Bags, &c., post free.

ANDLES, GLYCERINE, and SOAP.—A
C Gold Medal was awarded at the Paris Exhibition to
Price's Patent Candle Company Limited, for " Candles,
Glycerine, and Soap"—the only one to any British exhibi-
tor for these three things combined. The chief Candles of
the Company are their "BELMONTINE" and "PRICE'S
PARAFFINE" for those who must have the extreme
transparency of pure Paraffins ; their "GOLD MEDAL
PALMITINE" and " SHERWOOD PALMITINE," for
those who, while desiring candles of great beauty, require
also steady brilliancy of light and freedom from smoke
and smell; their good old-fashioned "BELMONT SPERM
AND %VAX," and " BEST" "No. 2," " No. 3," and
"BATTERSEA" COMPOSITES for those who require
only perfect burning without caring for transparency; and
their "CHAMBER" Candles, hard, and of small diameter,
to avoid the dripping of grease when carried. Their new
toilet soap, "PRICE'S SOLI DIFIE GLYCERINE" con-
tains half its weight of their distilled Glycerine, and should
be the one toilet soap in use, especially in winter, because of
its admirable effects in preventing chapping of the hands and
face. There ought also to be in every house ono of the sealed
bottles of their patent distilled Glycerine, known every-
where as " PRICE'S GLYCERINE," two or three dr ps
of which, mixed with three or four times as much water,
will in a day or two remove chapping and roughness of
skin, whether of adults or children ; and when this is
effected, a single drop of the undiluted Glycerine applied
once a day will prevent the recurrence of the chapping and
roughness. insist on having " Price's Glycerine" in the
Company's own sealed bottles, quantities of cheap impure
Glycerine being now sold in the shops because of the low
rate at which the dealers can buy it in comparison with
Price's. All the good medical authorities abroad as well
as at home order " PRICE'S" as the only Glcerine to be
used.

" PRICE'S NEW PATENT NIGHT LIGHTS" for
burning in the wide glasses, are believed to be the very
best Night Lights made. " PRICE'S CHILD'S NIGHT
LIGHTS" are known everywhere, and are excellent for
burning without a glass.

PAINLESS DENTISTRY.
3IESSRS. GABRIEIBILS,,
of DENTISTS (Established
Lon don 6B, Harley-stieet, Cavendish-square,
64, Ludgate-Hill, E. 0.,
Liverpool B4, Duke-street, and
Brighton . 38, North-street,
have just published a NEW PAMPHLET explaining their Pain-
less System of Dentistry, and self-adhesive Teeth without
springs, at MODEL TZ CliAlilis4 which may be had free by pest
for four stamps.

MR. GLADSTONE AND HIS CON-
STITUENTS.

ORMSKIRK.

Mr. Gladstone yesterday afternoon attended a
crowded public meeting in the public hall of Orms-
kirk, for the purpose of addressing his constituents.
Mr. E. Musgrove presided and briefly introduced
the right hon. gentleman to the meeting.
Mr. GLADSTONE, on rising, was received with
great enthusiasm. He said—Mr. Musgrove and
Gentlemen,—The first if not the only duty that I
have to discharge among you is that of paying, so
far as acknowledgment can pay, a debt which is
now an old-standing one. it can hardly have passed
from your minds, and it has not passed, and never
can pass, from my own—that I was returned to
Parliament for the district of the county in which I
was born and where my childhood was passed.
Under such circumstances, by no means usual, it bad
been my fate at an earlier period of my Parliamen-
tary life to lose the seat for the borough of Newark,
which I had long enjoyed, on account of the share I
took in sustaining Sir R. Peel in the adoption of a
great change in the economical policy of the coun-
try—a change much contested at the time, but
now acknowledged on all hands to have been dic-
tated by the truest 'wisdom. (Hear, hear, and
cheers.) On that occasion I found a refuge open
to me in the University of Oxford, and for 18 years,
and in the course of four or five severe contests, was
so happy as to hold my ground through the indul-
gent confidence of that learned body; but at last
came the general election of 1865. At that period
the cup of my offences was full and running over—
(laughter)—and I believe that, so far as I have been
able to learn or judge, the final delinquency which
put me beyond all patience and beyond all bearing
was that I had made a declaration iu debate in the
House of Commons on the subject of Parliamentary
Reform—(hear, hear)—to the effect that if we were
exposed to the extension of the suffrage, it became
us to show good cause why our fellow-countrymen
should not be admitted to that privilege. (Cheers.)
That was some four or five years ago, and great was
the horror that was produced by that revoluticnary ,

declaration. (Laughter.) It was impossible to
find words to paint the violent and dangerous cha-
racter of my of inions without going back to the
agitated and excited period of the French re-
volution, and I was toll across the House of
Commons by the gentleman who has lately been
the hero of Reform—(laughter and cheers)—that
I had revived the doctrines of Tom Paine ; and
having succeeded in fastening upon me
.a relation-
ship to that now almost forgotten hero of his day, it
is no wonder that he fairly frightened the Univer-
sity of Oxford out of returning me to Parliament—
(laughter)—and the University then took in my
place what is called a " safe" man (the Right Hon.
Gathorne Hardy), a man who might be depended
upon to stand for that £lO suffrage which in the
year 1832 had itself been ie the mouths of these
gentlemen—held to be the badge of revolution, and
which in 1865 had come to be the basis of the Con-
stitution and the salvation of the country. Weil,
gentlemen, I won't pursue the political history of
the Right Hon. Gathorne Hardy, nor will I inquire
what the University of Oxford now thinks of the
manner in which it was led—l was going to say led
by the nose, but I am not sure that a University
has a nose—(laughter)—on that remarkable occa-
sion. But, gentlemen, my love of that much-
prized and valued honour, the representation of the
University, at any rate did this—it enabled me to
submit my name and character to you as a candi-
date for the representation of this great and dis-
tinguished county—(cheers)—and it enabled you
in a manner dictated only by your generous con-
fidence, and certainly warranted by no deserts
of mine, to return me to Parliament upon
48 hours' notice as member for the most popu-
lous district and for the greatest county constitu-
ency in England. (Cheers.) Allow me to offer you,
gentlemen, the expression of my cordial and most
respectful thanks. And I would not ask you to
treat the expression of these views with reference
merely to the terms in which they are expressed. I
think that you will feel, with me, that the best mode
of tendering thanks in any case where confidence
has been shown and an important trust conferred is
not by the use of inflated language, but is to testify
by the evidence of facts that that confidence has
not been abused, and that the trust so conferred, to
the best, at any rate, of a man's power, has been
fulfilled. (Hear, hear.) I must ask you, therefore,
gentlemen, to consider the manner in which I have
endeavoured to discharge the duties of the steward-
ship you have placed in my hands ; and, in my opi-
nion, these references to the past, which I shall
enekaVour to divest, as far as possible, of any cha-
racter that could be offensive to any one—these
references to the past do, in point of fact, form the
truest and the safest test of the conduct you ought
to pursue for the future in the exercise of the privi-
leges and electoral powers that are placed in your
hands. Ladies and gentlemen, after the election of
1865 it was perfectly evident that the confidence of
the country was generally given to what was called
the Liberal party. A very powerful, and, I am
bound to say, in many respects a most respectable
minority represented a different principle, but a
majority of 60 or 70 members in the House of
Commons professed adhesion to what is called the
Liberal creed in politics. Under these circumstances
it was absolutely necessary that the Government,
whether it continued under the guidance of Lord
Palmerston, or, as it ultimately happened, in the
event of his lamented death, that another distin-
guished statesman should succeed to the office of
Prime Minister—it was absolutely necessary that
Government should consider its position with refe-
rence to the long-contested and debated question of
Parliamentary Reform. We proceeded to consider
that position, and we endeavoured to take into view
what was known to be the state of opinion and feel-
ing in the country ; for in the consideration of
every great question in a country like this, which is
free both in theory and practice, you will agree
with me that no body of suen would be worthy of
the name of statesmen if they proceeded to frame
and submit measures to Parliament grounded
merely on their own individual ideas, and with-
out taking into view the opinions and the social
and political forces that act upon the body of the
community. (Hear, hear.) In the autumn of
1865 and the beginning of 1866 we had three
main facts to take into view ; I mean to say
three main facts after adopting the condition in
which we were unanimous, that considering the result
of the election, it was our absolute duty to consider
the question of receiving in Parliament the proposal
to widen the basis of our electoral system, and in
that way to strengthen the institutions of the coun-
try. (Hear.) These three facts were these :—ln
the first place, there was the attitude of the people,
and I mean by the people that great mass of the
community who were at that time generally excluded
from electoral power. That attitude was one of
calm and tranquil expectation, combined with ear-
nest desire ; but such was the confidence placed by
the people m the deliberations of Parliament, that
not only all noisy and turbulent, but even energetic
manifestations of that desire of the people for poli-
tical privilege, had been generally withheld, and we
therefore had to take into account this difficulty,
that when we came to make to Parliament a pro-
posal for Parliamentary reform, the reproach would
be cast in our teeth that it was a subject of indiffe-
rence to those on whom we proposed to confer the
benefit and the privilege of the franchise. Next to
this we had to bear in mind a fact the existence of
which it was impossible to doubt—namely, that the
great middle class of the country—l do not speak
now so much of the country constituencies as of
the constituencies in the towns—the great middle
class of the country admitted to the exercise of
a predominating power in the town elections
by the Act of 1832 were considerably di-
vided in opinion with respect to a further Par-
liamentary reform. Many, no doubt, were, as
I think in consistency they were, bound to be
friendly to the extension to their humble fellow•
citizens of the benefit they had themselves enjoyed;
but there was also no inconsiderable portion of that
middle class who were either opposed, or if not op-
posed, yet indifferent and lukewarm with respect
to the extension of the franchise. We could not,
therefore, at that period count upon the earnest and
ardent support from that quarter which in the pro-
motion of many other liberal measures we could
confidently anticipate. Both those circumstances
were reasons for great moderation on our part ; but
there was a third, and it was more important than
either of the other two. We knew that there was
a powerful minority of 270 or 280 gentlemen in
Parliament who were banded together as one man
to resist the extension of the franchise. I mean to
resist a popular extension of the suffrage, for I do
not enter into questions about the creation of votes
in respect of income tax, and 20 other kinds of
voting, but we knew, or had reason to believe we
knew, that in our attempt to admit to the suffrage
any sensible portion of the labouring classes of the
country in addition to the few possessing it, we
should have to face the determined opposition of a
powerful party minority. So it proved when we
did introduce a bill of great moderation, the effect
of which would have been in the towns of this
country to give the franchsse only to those who
dwelt in a house possessing what it called
a clear yearly value of £7 and upwards;
and I take credit to those who were then
united together in the Government for having
used every effort that man could use to unite to-
gether, by a conciliatory course, if it were possible,
all parties of politicians in carrying harmoniously,
and in a friendly spirit, a change which might grow
to violence and danger, and which, it was quite
evident, must, within a short time, be carried.
(Cheers.) What happened in the year 1865 ? We
soon found that the Parliamentary dangers which
there was some reason to anticipate were likely to
be realised ; that a section of the Liberal party was I
not disposed to go along with us in promoting any

Parliamentary reform that involved an extension of
any popular privilege; and as that was really the
only mode of dealing with the suffrage, the only
matter in regard to it which was of national import-
ance, I will say these was a portion of the Liberal
party not disposed to go with us in Parliamentary
reform. There was a minority of 270 to 280, who by
union with the dissentient section of the Liberal
party might easily grow into a majority. Th9y did
grow into a majority, such a dissentient section did
appear, and we now know the history of the arrange-
ment by which that combination was effected. It has
been told usin Parliament; it hasbeen told us empha-
tically by a gentleman himself the most vehement,
tha most able, and the most distinguished of those
who led that section—l mean Mr. Lowe, the
member for Calne—(hisses)—and much as I differ
from the course pursued by Mr. Lowe with respect to
reform, I acknowledge that it was a manly, a straight-
forward, and open course, so far as we have any
cognizance of it within the walls of Parliament.
(Hear, hear.) But Mr. Lowe has told us one story
of that combination, he has told it in the face of
the British House of Commons, and he has stated it
without contradiction, He made known to us in
the month of July last that the section with which
he acted entered into communication with the leaders
of the Opposition. (Hear, hear.) The object of
the section was not to overthrow the Government;
it was simply to prevent the lowering or, as they
called it, the degradation of the suffrage. The
party then in Opposition, and now in Government,
gave to Mr. Lowe and his friends, according to his
uncontradicted declaration, the most solemn assur-
ance, that in the event of the defeat of our bill,
and of our ejection from office and of their accession
to it, they would be no parties to the lowering or
degradation of the borough suffrage. (Cheers.)
That was the point which Mr. Lowe had in view.
Mr. Lowe was politically allied to us ; he did not
wish to place his power, and the gentlemen who felt
with him on Reform did not wish to place their
power and their votes, at the service of the Opposi-
tion for merely a party purpose. On the other
hand, such was their objection to Reform—most
erroneous and deplorable, I think —(cheers) —that
had they obtained, as they thought, for the chiefs
of the Conservative Opposition an unequivocal
and binding engagement that in the event of their
accession to office the suffrage should not be lowered,
they entered frankly into the warfare of the cam-
paign of 1366, and raised the members of the mino-
rity to such a point that they made to us a resist-
ance which we were unable to overcome. Well,
gentlemen, the result was that we retired from office.
We did not retire from office because the House of
Commons drove us out of it. At the moment we
retired we knew perfectly well that the great majo-
rity of the House of Commons, including the bulk
of those who had opposed us on Reform, were de-
sirous that we should continue to retain it, and
were prepared to make a motion, the very terms of
which they had made ready, expressive of their con-
fidence in the Government and the Councils of the
State. (Hear, hear.) Aware of these facts, gen-
tlemen, we came unhesitatingly to the conclusion
that the question lay between our existence as an
Administration on the one side and the question of
Reform on the other. 'We were not desirous to re-
tire, we were not insensible to the honour and the
distinction of being intrusted with the guidance of
the policy that is to govern a country and an empire
such as this; but we believed the interest of the
public in the settlement of the question of reform to
be of vital interest. We said, if we continued in office
we should still be exposed to the same description
of opposition as had up to that time barred our
way ; we knew perfectly well that if, on the other
hand, we retired from office, the triumph of Reform
was absolutely certain. (Great cheering.) Gentle-
men, there is an old saying that the bloo I of martyrs
is the seed of the Church. (Hear, hear.) That
which is true in religion is likewise true wish re-
spect to other principles of power in this world,
and of value for mankind. (Hear.) It is sound
with reference to political truth as well as with re-
ference to religious truth. We were still assured
that in the blood of an Administration would lie
the seeds of the success of the great measure of
Parliamentary Reform— (cheers) and therefore
we laid down the ensigns of power, associated our-
selves with that cause, and thankful am I to say
that we have had that which, perhaps, may be
called the highest triumph of a party—namely, to
see their opponents themselves compelled to be the
organs of giving effect to their principles and fulfil-
ling their wishes. (Cheers.) Well, then, gentle-
men, we met again in the year 1867, and I will en-
deavour to deal very briefly with the proceeding of
that year ; but in giving an account of my steward-
ship, without claiming any such credit as your
chairman was pleased to award, either to myself or
to those with whom I had had the honour of acting,
yet I am bound to say that I know nothing to
lament and nothing to repent of in our proceedings
in the year 1867. Now, in the proceedings of
the year 1867 there are two things I will call
your attention to that are totally and absolutely
different from one another. One is the Reform Bill
of 1867, and what do you think the other is ? The
Refor.a Act of 1867. (Laughter and cheers.) If
you bad those—the Bill and the Act of 1867
printed in parallel columns, you would yourselves
be able for yourselves to test the truth and accuracy
of my assertion. The bill of 1867, I said—in Par-
liament I was thought to say it in heat, but I said it
deliberately, and I repeat it now—was the worst
bill ever presented, the worst plan ever presented,
to Parliament for dealing with that great and im-
portant subject. Perhaps that may seem an extra-
vagant assertion. IVell, then, gentlemen, I won't
go through the clauses of that bill, but I will tell
you this—and I don't think that what I say can be
contradicted from any quarter—the main object of
the bill was to open the suffrage to the labouring
classes. Now, I will only illustrate this in two
points. According to the best estimate that can be
formed, it would have admitted from 100,000 to
120,000 out of the 4,000,000 labouring population
of England to the enjoyment of the franchise; but
along with that extension of the power of the
labouring classes, what compensation, forsooth, or
remedy would provide against their supposed pos-
sible misuse of that power ? There were contriv-
ances, partly in the nature of suffrages to be used
by persons in virtue of taxes, and partly in other
various forms, but which may be summed up in one
phrase, which became sufficiently notorious—the
proposal of what was called the dual vote. (Hear,
hear.) Now, the effect of this bill for extending
popular privilege, while it gave 100,000 or 120,000
votes in the boroughs and towns of England, where
enormous masses of the population are excluded
from political power, would by means of the dual
vote have given nearly 300,000 new votes to the
very people who were already possessed of the suf-
frage—that is to say, instead of extending or in-
creasing, it would have immensely diminished the
power of the labouring class. (Applause.) Well,
gentlemen, I stand upon that proposition, if neces-
sary upon that proposition alone ; and I say that
that bill was a bill which would justify words of
course a great deal stronger than it is at all neces-
sary for me to apply to it upon this occasion, but
at any rate which justify those who declined to
give approbation to that bill, whether it called it-
self a Household Suffrage Bill or whatever else it
called itself. Besides that, there were a set of pro-
visions, in my opinion, the most offensive and the
most invidious that were ever embodied in an act
of Parliament with reference to those who were
called the compound householders, who form two-
thirds of the whole labouring community of the
borough, and consequently it would have left them
not only to go through divers formalities, but
likewise, by th payment of a money fine, come to
the exercise of the suffrage. Well, gentlemen, I
won't tell you about the two years' residence, about
the absence of a lodger franchise, about the paper