The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAV EVENING, MAY 27,
,1867.

I pretend to no power of prophecy. I doubt, too, '
-whether there are many European statesmen who I
would be willing to hazard predictions with con-
fidence. There is logic in events, but the syllo-
gisms can with difficulty be comprehended, until
they have been fairly propounded by time. Acade-
mic dissertations about Prussian ambition and its
possible schemes of annexation and mediatisation,
the chronic dualism between the great kingdom and
the great empire of Germany, and their historic
rivalry for the hegemony of the great people by
which central Europe is mainly occupied, the
embodiment of the German State-right prin-
ciple in the policy pursued by the middle and
lesser powers, the re- modelling of the maps
of Europe, and in general, the possible future
of the world in this century or the next, are
interesting aad important themes for philosophical
and historical speculation, but have surely no place
in a diplomatic correspondence, especially in that of
a transatlantic power. I shall only say, therefore,
that so far as my observation can reach, no political
changes seem very imminent, and the immediate
future call ha best expressed by negations."
The references to Maximilian, then about to ac-
cept the throne of Mexico, coming from such a
source, have a peculiar interest. In his despatch,
No. 34, Vienna, September 21, 1863, he reports an
interview with Count Rechberg. The Austrian
Minister said that the Government considered the
matter as a purely personal one, regarding the
Archduke himself and his Imperial brother only,
and that the Imperial Royal Government had not
the means nor *the inclination to send out forges to
Mexico to maintain the new Empire. Mr. Motley
appears to have spoken his mind plainly when
talking unofficially on the subject. He held with
all loyal Americans that the act of overturning a
republic, and substituting a monarchical Govern-

merit on American soil, and upon the United States
frontier, by means of foreign armies and navies,
would be not only distasteful, but even menacing, to
the people, irrespective of section or party.
" I suppose," he says, " that the Archduke
is going forth upon this adventure to improve
Imperial institutions upon the ruins of a demo-
cratic Republic having weighed all the possible con-
sequences of such a step, and that he is not likely
to have reckoned on the sympathy and support of
the, United States Government and people." In
reply to a remark about the New Mexican Empire
recognising the Confederate States, the Count ob-
served that it would be easy for the United States
Government in a moment to make such a step im-
possible. This meant, of course, that the Govern-
ment at Washington should themselves recognise
the new Government of Mexico, to which Mr. Mot-
ley's reply, ought to have carried more weight than
it appears to have done, for it shadowed forth the
undying hostility of the great Western Republic,
which, in truth, meant the impossibility of eventual
success for such an expedition. Mr. Motley an-
swered that the recognition by the United States
Government seemed to him impossible, and without
urging further his own opinions he placed in the
Count's hand a despatch from Mr. Seward to Mr.
Dayton, of March 3, 1862, which appears to have
given in very decisive terms the views on this sub-
ject of the American Government. The Archduke
Ferdinand Maximilian received the Mexican depu-
tation offering him the throne, on Oct. 3, 1863.
" Gentlemen,—l am deeply touched by the wishes which
were expressed by the Assembly of Notables at Mexico, at
their sitting of the 10th June, and which you have been
charged to bring to me. It can only be flattering for our
house that, at the first mention of the word monarchy, the
eyes of your countrymen were at once turned to the race
of Charles V. Although the task of assuring the inde-
pendence and well-being of Mexico, by moans of durable
and free institutions, is a very noble one, still I must acknow-
ledge, in full understanding with his Majesty the Emperor
of the French, whose glorious initiative makes the regene-
ration of your beautiful country possible, that the
monarchy cannot be restored, on legitimate and last-
ing foundations, unless the whole nation of its own
free will, ratifies the wish of the capital. Therefore,
I must make my acceptance of the throne which is offered
to me, depending first on the result of a vote of the entire
country. On the other hand, my Comprehension of the
sacred duties of the ruler over the restored empire makes
it necessary for me to ask for those guarantees which are
indispensable to protect it from the dangers which threaten
its integrity and independence. Should the assurances of
a well-grounded security in the future bo obtained, and
should the universal choice of the noble Mexican people
fall upon me, I shall b 3 ready to accept the throne sup-
ported by the acquiescence of the high chief of my
family, and confiding in the protection of the Almighty.
In case that I should be called by Providence to the high
mission of civilization connected with this crown, 1 must,
gentlemen, declare to you even now, my firm determina-
tion, following the wise example of my imperial brother,
to open to the country the path of progress, founded on
law and order, by means of a constitutional Government,
and as soon as the whole realm has been restored to peace,
to seal the fundamental fact with the nation by my oath.
Only in this way could a now and truly national policy be
called into life, in which all parties, forgetting their
ancient enmities, would help to raise Mexico to that con-
spicuous rank among the nations to which she would seem
to be destined, under a Government which held as its
highest principle, to lot moderation and law govern.
Gentlemen, will you communicate to your countrymen
these resolutions which I have freely imparted to you, and
strive that it may bo made possible to the nation to declare
what Government it wishes to see established."
The American Minister alludes to the Mexican
question in his despatch, No. 108, Vienna, June 5,
1865, as occupying a large part of public attention
in Europe. He informs Mr. Hunter, the acting
Secretary of State, that he had had no conversa-
tion, official or informal, on the subject with the
Imperial Government. "As 1 have often had occa-
sion to observe, the Imperial Government has ever
held itself aloof from the whole Mexican enterprise
and disavows responsibility for its results. I sup-
pose that the United States Government continues
its diplomatic relations with the Mexican Republic,
and has no present. intention of departing from the
line of strict neutrality which it has laid down be-
tween the contending parties in that country, nor
any intention of lending assistance by underhand
means to either belligerents."
It is interesting to observe the opinions expressed
by Mr. Motley on the progress of the great civil
war, as the despatches now before us were written
during its height and close. Europe was filled with
Confederate emissaries, and every means were used
to falsify news, to decry the useless and hopeless
effusion of blood, to misrepresent the objects con-
tended for, and to bolster up a vicious and failing
cause. "The opinions," Mr. Motley says, " held
by the influential minority in Europe with re-
gard to the American War are manufactured for
them by their public preceptors, who make
up what is called the public opinion of Europe.
Now there was a time when this tribunal was re-
garded by us almost with reverence. That day is,
I trust, gone for ever. In regard to American
affairs, the result of a final analysis of that opinion
is simply this—lt is desirable that the great Ameri-
can Democratic Republic should be destroyed, an
energetic and admirably organised domestic insur-
rection is attempting its destruction, therefore that
nsurrection should be encouraged in every possible
way." He adds, "In Europe, to be powerful, is to
be venerated ; to be weak, is to be trampled upon ;
therefore the public opinion of Europe is and ought
to be, of comparative indifference to us." " The
thinkers of Europe, so far as I know, without a
solitary exception, and the labouring classes, wish
success to the American Republic. The dominant
classes, with individual and illustrious exceptions,
together with the idlers who are unwilling or unable,
to form opinions for themselves, desire the success
of those who are attempting its destruction." He
held that the great unrepresented voiceless mass of
humanity, the toiling millions, whose part in life,
according to the European scheme, is to be go-
verned, and to hew wood and draw water for those
who govern, dimly perceived their own interest in
the struggle of the American people to uphold the
principles of freedom against the slave oligarchy.
Though he writes bitterly of the general opinion of
the upper classes, he pays a generous tribute to the
working men of England. In his despatch, No. 36,
Oct. 5, 1863, he says, " The heroic attitude of the
working classes of England, steadily withstanding
the acts and misrepresentations of demagogues, will
ever be cherished as a manifestation scarcely less
sublime than the heroism with which Ameri-
cans of all classes have been ready to lay
down their lives that their own country might
live ; nor shall we ever forget that the journalists
who have defended our cause among a host
of enemies have been unsurpassed in the whole
history of the periodical press for knowledge,
ability, and nobility of sentiment ; that some of the
most eloquent and honoured public men of England
have spoken words which have echoed in every
American heart, and that the loftiest and most ear-
nest thinkers, both of England and of the Con-
tinent, the true and permanent guides of public
thought, with scarce an exception, have expressed
themselves, in regard to the great revolution now
going on in America, with a wisdom, breadth of
vision, that do honour to the age."
In almost every letter a sentence appears which
shows the strength of his own belief in the future of
his country. In one he says :—" I may be over
sanguine, but a doubt Las not yet crossed my mind
that the American Republic, based upon .constitu-
tional law, popular self-government, and tle gie2at
principles of reason and justice, will suppress an in-
surrection mad fur the perpetuatiJn and extension
of African slavery, and for the abrogation of the
first principles of freedom. I expect as much to see
the sun set at noon-day as to witness the destruc-
tion of our noble commonwealth and its
jarring, dismember-
ment into a arr.ng, warring Europe, without the
historical excuses of Europe." His opinion that
the Americans had something worth fighting for is
frequently and strongly given. "A contemplation
of European politics leads us to the sincere prayer
that America may never be Europeanised."
Mr. Motley was greatly troubled by the infamous
manner in which telegraphic summaries were con-
cocted of American intelligence. "Itis no exagge-
ration to say that since I have been here we have
always been under the influence of some perversive,
exaggerative, or absolute fraud, perpetrated by the
telegraph working in the interest of our enemies."
He urged on Mr. Seward the necessity of sending a
telegraphic summary twice a week from New York

to London, thence to be telegraphed to the Legations
on the Continent. He notices an admirable objec-
tion made by Mr. Seward that his Government
should beware lest, by sending intelligence which
might be sometimes mischievous, inaccurate, or in-
sufficient, it should lay itself open to the charge of
misleading public opinion in Europe. His answer
was conclusive, the intelligence was not prepared
for, nor would it reach, the foreign public. In
closing his despatch, he added—" A telegram just pub-
lished in the Vienna papers, New York, July 27. A
desperate battle was fought near Atlanta on the 22d;
the result was indecisive. General Sherman took a
position in the fortifications. Hunter has been
beaten, and retreated to Harper's Ferry. A new
invasion of Maryland was expected."
The retirement of a Minister so celebrated, leads
us to glance over his despatches, where we find
matter of such absorbing interest that it is not easy
to relinquish a subject better calculated for the
pages of a quarterly. It is probable we may soon
again revert to this record of Mr. Motley's facts
and opinions during a period which will ever be re-
garded by the great Republic, as its second vital
struggle for liberty embracing a war beyond all
comparison greater than its first, and involving
interests scarcely less in political importance.

Spirit of the American Press.

" THE GENIAL CRITIC."

We receive occasional remonstrances on what
is considered the severity of our rivews of books
from the friends of what is known as " genial criti-
cism," that is, of praise with just enough faint cen-
sure in it to make it seem that the writer is really
balancing defects against excellences. Under the
shelter of this " genial criticism " there has grown
up a great crop of pretenders in all walks of
literature and science, who deluge the country
every year with their books, and secure a ready
sale for them, to the great depravation of the
public taste and to the great hindrance of real
scholars, real poets, and real scientific men. We
have endeavoured to the best of our ability to
do something to check this evil by providing
a channel in which men of real culture: may
say what they honestly think, about the claims
of the numerous applicants for public atten-
tion who now make their appearance every week.
Without going into the vexed question of the use
of criticism in its highest aspects, there is one
aspect in which its utility will be denied by no-
body, and that is as an aid to book-buyers. The
American public contains more book-buyers than
any public in the world, and the American and
foreign press teems with books. Now, the majority
of book-buyers have neither the time nor the money
to buy or read the one-thousandth part of what is
published. It is of the highest importance to
theidance m,
therefore, that they should have some gu in
deciding what books of the thousands they had
better buy, and read, and digest, and put
away on their book-shelves ; and it is to supply
this guidance, however imperfectly, that what
are called " literary notices " are published in the
newspapers. Without this object in view, two-
thirds of them would be an idle flow of words, and
the time spent in writing them uttaly lost to nearly
everybody but the writer and a few of his friends.
But, for the book-buyer, the first essential of these
" notices " is honesty and independence. The writer
of them—certainly of those which appear in the
weekly papers—professes to be a third party, a
judge of books, standing between the bookseller and
the public, without interest or bias on one side or
the other, and occupied solely with the task of giving
the book-buyers a fair idea of the literary value of
the wares which the publisher offers for sale. The
publisher is, of course, interested in selling, and in
nothing else. Caveat einptor is even more empha-
tically the rule of the book market than of the
horse market. Of course no publisher of respecta-
bility selects works for publication which he does
not honestly believe to have inerit. But having
once selected a book and put his name on it his
whole and sole business is to push its sale, to recom-
mend it, and induce others to recommend it. The
public is perfectly aware of this, and is consequently
not in the least affected by what the publishers say
of their own books in their advertisements or else-
where. Those funny little sheets, containing ela-
borate notices of the works they have for sale, which
some of the booksellers have lately taken to circu-
lating, and in which so much philosophy, sociology,
" knowledge of human nature," and wide and
various reading are brought to bear upon the com-
mendation of the last novel or poem, are very enter-
taining, but nobody is deceived by them. Every-
body makes allowance for the motives of the
writers, and, having laughed, lays them down.
When a man not very familiar with books wants to
know what is going on in the book world, and whe-
ther he had better buy the latest novelty, he looks
at the reviews of it, probably at that which has ap-
peared in his weekly paper—most probably, in this
country, in his religious weekly. " Here," he says
to himself, "I shall get the opinion of an honest
man of some literary acumen who has read the book
who has no interest in promoting its sale, and by
his opinion I shall be guided in deciding whether I
had better expend in purchasing it any portion
of the too small sum which I can afford each year
to lay out in this way." Now, if the reviewer
is pecuniarily interested in the sale of the book,
as the publisher is ; if he is not an impartial
judge, but virtually an agent of the publisher
rec tl y or
htheine.‘dbovirrieoteketslfyaorreftohrneopt:
disguised as a critic, and rewarded by him di-
oifi on fg candid histh
e estimatesbuwaresy er,b;
oui
fft
at thehd e-
rveav ueewosf
vofertthiseepmuehnitissh,
einr, benefit
of
public to purchase the book—then, we say, the re-
viewer and all who aid and abet him are guilty of
an odious fraud, which is not rendered one whit
less culpable or less contemptible by the fact that
most books only cost a dollar and a half each. A
cheat is a cheat, let the amount be what it may.
And we say, advisedly, that a very large proportion
of the "genial criticism" of our popular periodicals
is of this kind, and it is Owing to the wide pre-
valence of this fraud that the efforts of some
journals to judge of books on their merits solely
and speak of them as they deserve, are stigmatised
as indications of a malignant and acrid nature.
Let us not be misunderstood. We do not say
that there is any paper of reputation in the coun-
try which does not often contain reviews of real
merit and written with an honest purpose, and
which does not occasionally take pains to procure
such reviews. Nor do we say that the cor-
ruption of the Genial Critic takes the form of
gross bribery ; that the bookseller gives him or
the newspaper publisher. a fixed sum to produce
" a first-rate notice" of his last book. It is only
the lowest order of humbugs and deceivers who
can be seduced in this way. The process com-
monly in use is more complicated and a little more
delicate. The bribe is " advertising
.patronage."
Publishers find that an advertisement in any paper
able critique, in the editorial columns of the book
the appearance of a favour-
naturally and
ve
ry advertisedexou;s a
h thereforely
adve r
tti
shoe y
mvoesrty:,where. they get
most favourable notices, and the Genial Critic,
knowing their weakness, offers favourable notices
in return for paying advertisements. Both parties
in this way make money ; the author's feelings are
;pared; his " profundity," his " lucidity," his "acute-
ness," his " wonderful grasp," and " rare powers"
are proclaimed to the listening world ; and a few
hundred persons are eased of two dollars apiece,
" which they will never miss," and " where's the
balm of it all ?" say the Genial Critic and the "en-
terprising publisher" of the " widely circulated and
influential journal." The harm is the harm of all
money-getting on false pretences, and the addi-
tional harm of lowering the public taste, hindering
the reward and recognition of real merit, and
tempting scores of people into authorship who
would be much better employed in selling
thread and needles or raising cranberries. All
this has, of course, been said before many a
time. The reason why we repeat it now is that we
have caught " the Genial Critic" in the very act of
making his bargain with the book publishers, and
are thus enabled to fortify our judgment with
names, dates, and circumstances—an advantage
which few of those who have assailed his malprac-

tices have enjoyed. We have before us a printed
circular issued by the proprietor of the Independent,
a religious weekly paper of this city, and addressed
to "booksellers and publishers," soliciting advertise-
ments, and judiciously marked "private." He an-
nounces at the opening that the _lndependent is
" unsurpassed in circulation and influence by any
religious paper on the globe ;" that "in name
and reputation it has no superior ;" that " iu charac-
ter and ability" it has acquired " a fame thoroughly
national ;" that its subscribers are "a reading class, a
book-buying class," " in comfortable or independent
circumstances," including " seven or eight thousand
clergymen of all denominations." Much of this is,
no doubt, true. The independent has some excellent
qualities, and has certainly a very wide circulation,
but this only increases its responsibility in the
matter of " book notices." But the views of duty
on this subject entertained by the publisher of this
wonderful " organ" may be inferred from the fol-
lowing paragraph :—" Books Sent for Review.—
The managers of the Independent desire to make
their paper in this respect as acceptable to book
publishers Its possible. All books sent for review
are considered as candidly and favourably as pos-
sible. We cannot review every book sent us, as
our space for book notices is limited. Yet all books
of worth are reviewed and well treated." We
have great pleasure in giving this notice the benefit
of our circulation. Publishers will observe that

it is only their " books of worth" that are
favourably treated, so they had better send their
poor books elsewhere. The Genial Critic never occu-
pies himself with the chaff. There is one question we
should like to ask him, and we leave him to answer
it at his leisure. He will be the last man in the
world to deny that humbug is the great curse of
our time. What we wish to know is, how he sup-
poses society is ever to be delivered from it if the
press, and especially the religious press, which is
the ex officio exposer of humbug, is to remain one of
its most besotted worshippers ? Has he no bowels
of compassion for the " best families, the people of
intellectual culture and appreciation," even though
they are " in comfortable and independent circum-
stances," and especially the " seven or eight thou-
sand clergymeni" who every week have to read his
" candid and favourable reviews ?"—The Nation.

TUB APPEAL FROM SOUTH CAROLINA.
Governor Orr, of South Carolina, has sent the
Editor of the New York. Herald documentary

evidence whose authenticity he avouches, and which
reveals a condition of destitution and woe posi-
tively startling. The accounts come from a great
many districts, and it should be at once distinctly
understood at once in the North and the West,
where alone the means of relief are to be found,

that the people in these districts are not simply
in need, but that they are absolutely starving. We
call upon the wealthy and benevolent in our great
rich centres to come forward promptly, and out of
their abundance to prevent such terrible calamity.
It would be lamentable enough in a country like
this, over-running as it is with the necessary sup-
plies,:if even a few should be suffered to perish for
want of food ; but when such a catastrophe is
threatening entire communities it were inexpressibly
shocking as well as a national disgrace that it
should not be promptly and generously averted.
Public meetings should be held at once in all the
great towns of the country, and the press should unite
in giving extended publication to the sad facts, so that
none who can give aid May be ignorant of its neces-
sity. Governor Orr has done wisely in sending forth
details of the pitiful situation in their naked
simplicity. Appeals to public sympathy have been
of late so numerous that many have habituated
themselves to neglect them on the plea that they
cannot possibly help all, and that they feel unable
or unwilling to discriminate. But in a case like
this there can be no excuse save genuine inability
for refusing to contribute. Such a refusal from
those who can pay their honest debts and still have a
surplus is, iu a contingency like this, nothing short
of criminal. We beg our readers to consider the
following accounts, bearing in mind that the

Governor of South Carolina, is authority for their

:ruth

LANCASTER COURT-HOUSE.—WC have

names of one thousand women and children, whites,
and five hundred blacks, who must perish without
help. Some have already starved to death.
WATEnoo, COLDETON D ISTRICT.—I know of
more than twenty families within a radius of less
than four miles who are utterly destitute. I beg
earnestly that help may be sent to us at once.
" BARNWELL DISTRICT.---There are from two to
three thousand persons, black and white, in Barn-
well, who must perish unless aid be afforded them.
Our planters are drawing all their subsistence from
factors in Charleston, Savannah, and Augusta, and
are unable to afford relief to the suffering. Most
of these destitute persons are old women and
children and diseased persons.
" MIDWAY, BARNWELL DISTRICT.—W. Gilmore
Simms writes as follows :—As far as I can see, there
is no possible escape from general famine, in which
all will suffer, many perish. In a precinct of fifty
miles in this district, there is not more than one
planter in fifty who has corn enough to last him a
single month ; not more than one in two hundred
who has enough for two months ; none that have
any that can last three months ; and of these there
is hardly more than five in the hundred who will be
able to supply themselves with provisions of any
sort, unless by borrowing money on mortgage, not
only of the growing crop, butof thelands, and at such
a rate of interest that no crop they can make can
possibly save them from ruin. A great many will
almost or quite starve, unless they can get help from
some other resources than their own. Briefly, the
famine which 110 W, threatens the land is all over the
land, and no one region can help the other. The mules
and horses, especially when owned by the negroes,
and upon which the hope for next year's crop must
greatly depend, are dying of work without food.
They literally drop down in the harness, and much
the same sort of picture may be drawn of the
humans, white and black. Life is prolonged solely
by spasmodic efforts and all sorts of expedients,
day by day, the parties not regarding any sacrifice
which will yield the means of daily subsistence to
their families. Unless the charities of the outer
world are more prompt and more bountiful, I do
not see what is to avert the fate of thousands to
whom the peck or bushel of corn, which suffices for
a week, must simply prolong the agony of a death
by inches.
" NEAR MACOY'S BLUFF, BEAUFORT DISTRICT.
—Some raised in wealth and pride have managed
to conceal their sufferings, which have now become
unbearable. Widows and orphans have lived on
charity thus far, but that is being withheld from
sheer necessity. Something must be done to avert
the miserable fate of starvation.
" SUMTERVILLE.—We have been requested by a
meeting of the citizens of our district, held some
days ago, to address your Excellency on the subject
of the destitution which prevails in our district to
an alarming extent, and the consequent suffering
among a large class of our people. Already we are
informed that two females have died in the upper
edge of this district from starvation, and many
others of both sexes, white as well as coloured,
must share the same fate unless they are pro-
vided with food. Many employers have been
compelled to dismiss their hands for want of
food with which to feed them, and these people
when discharged wangler about in a starving condi-
tion, and many of the labourers who have contracted
to feed themselves and families are now utterly
unable t) provide food."
These dreadful statements are but six out of a
hundred equally piteous, and all are as eloquent re-
specting the perils of delay. In a matter like this
actions are emphatically louder than words, and he
more than gives twice who gives quickly. We
trust that every individual in the community who
can contribute even a single dollar to save the un-
happy people of South Carolina from the horrors
which threaten them will do so without an hour's
delay.—Rou iul Table.

The grant of the Legislature of New York for a
Franco-American Telegraph cable has been ap-
proved by Governor Fenton, and we learn that a
certified copy will be immediately dispatched to
France, where the Imperial Government is ready to
promote, in the most substantial way, the new en-

terprise, directly between Brest and the City of
New York. The bill grants to Mr. William Orton
and his associates, successors and assigns, the ex-
clusive right, for 20 years, to lay telegraphic cables
from this State to the Empire of France, and to
work the same ; ou the condition that the grantees,
within the period of two years, shall have telegraphic
communication established and in successful opera-

tion, with the reservation that the State of New York
may at any time have reasonable precedence in the
use of the cable, and the power to assign this right,
from time to time, to the Government of the United
States. We feel compelled to say that the shameful
mismanagement of the existing cable has to a very
great extent alienated public sympathy and favour,
and will insure for this new enterprise the best
wishes of the whole community. The management
of the present line is narrow, illiberal, petty, and
annoying. Its charges are excessive, and are ren-
dered still more burdensome by a systematic resort
to very small excuses for swelling them beyond the
rates announced. It is doubtless true of this, as of
every other business enterprise, that there is no gua-
ranty for the rights and convenience of the public
except in competition—and that we hope the new
project will give us.—New York Times.