The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-05 00:00:00

[PR,ICE 4D. STAMPED 5D •]

vote in very small constituencies has a direct tendency
to produce corruption. (Hear.) I think that many dis-
tricts of this country have reason to believe that they
have not their adequate share of representation. (Hear.)
Although that state of things has arisen rather from
accident than from any settled purpose it is doubly un-
fortunate because apart from the practical inconvenience
which it causes, it produces a suspicion—an unfounded
but, nevertheless, a very general suspicion—that our
present representation is arranged in such a manner as
to be rather delusive than real. But the whole subject is
full of difficulty—difficulty which seems to increase in
magnitude the more one considers it. Any plan that is
proposed requires care and consideration, and I think, .
therefore, the demand which we make for time will not
be held unreasonable. There is just one word of expla-
nation which I should like to offer upon this subject.
If any motions are made suggesting this or that partial
alteration in the franchise, and not dealing with the
subject as a whole, I repeat to you now, what I said
before, that I shall be bound to give nay vote against
any such propositions. I shall do se, not as neces-
sarily condemning the prop ,sals themselves, but
simply because we should refuse to consider in a
fragmentary and partial way a question which, to be
dealt with effectually, should ha dealt with as a
whole. (Hear, hear.) It is quite idle to suppose that a
question involving such important interests can be 'dis-
cussed without a certain amount of excitement, and even
of asperity. But lam confident that whatever discus-
sions may take place on the subject, either in the pre-
sent or in any future session of Parliament, will be car-
ried on in a very different temper and with very diffe-
rent feeling from those of 25 years ago. I say that not
merely on account of the gradual approximation of
opinion among leading men, which is one of the most
remarkable political phenomena of our time, but also
because I think—and you will not, I am sure, miscon-
strue what I say—the question itself has lost a portion
'of the importance whicu it formerly possessed. Fifty
years ago Parliament had an almost exclusive power of
forming public opinion upon all questions of the time.
That state of things has changed. The vast develop.
ment of the power of the press during the last quarter
of a century has introduced into modern politics an
entirely new element. (Hear, hear.) It is impassible
to sit in Parliament without seeing how far and to how
great an extent modern journalism affects even our
Parliamentary debates. That power of the press is in
itself a representation. (Hear, hear.) It is the best
protection, as I believe, of the poor and the humble
against the powerful. It is a protection which no legis-
lation created ; it is a protection which no legislation
can take away ; and it is not one of the least subjects of
satisfaction to me, looking back at the few years which
I have passed in public life, to think that I was one of
those who took part in a measure—l mean the removal
of the stamp duty—which has given an increased &we-
loprne_t to journalism, and of which we have as yet
only a small portion of the effects. (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, I come to the subject in which perhaps the
liveliest interest is felt at the present moment. I mean
our relations with foreign Powers, and especially with
France. I apprehend that men of all parties agree,
looking at it as a matter of reason rather than of
feeling, that upon a close and intimate alliance
betweea England and France the best hopes of Earo-
pears civilisation depend. (Hear, hear.) There exhet
between the two countries differences of national
character, but great as those d.fLrences are there ars
resembles far more important. In strong patriotism,
in a quick sense of personal honour, in physical courage,
in energy and capacity for action, in a love of inquiry
and free thought, is the prep niderance of the intellecnial
over the lower parts of our nature, we of the two nations
are alike. In science, in philosophy, and in politics
Franca has received from us some of her mo,t, valuable
idea,. and she in return has given to those ideas a dif-
fusion and development over continental Europe, such
as, from our insular position, and per/ apa I may say,
our insular character, they would not have been likely,
without such co-operation, to obtain. (Hear, hear.) I
say, therefore, that both France and England are gainers
by our intercourse, apart from the material advantages
of trade, and apart from the question of political secu-
rity. Do not imagine that between the two countries a
position of indifference or of neutrality towards one
another is long possible. Wo are locally too near, we
are too important among the nations of the world, we
have been too long and too often rivals, to make a state
of indifference possible. We want a close and intimate
friendship as a guarantee against national jealousy and
rivalry. (Hear, hear.) That a war between the two
nations would be the worst evil that could afflict
humanity is a propositicn which, I think, needs no words
t) prove; but I will go further, and say that a disunion
between the two countries, falling short of war, would
be in itself a great misfortune to int' ipe. It would leave
European diplomacy without guidancs, and the weaker
and inferior nations without an arbiter. Nor is this all.
In every age that old question of the " balance of
power" assumes a now form. That queetion no longer
concerns Western Europe alone. Two empires are spring-
ing up in the East and in the West; they are already
of first-rate magnitude, and both of them aro increas-
ing—not mainly or necessarily by aggression upon
others, but simply by natural moans—at a rate of pro-
gress which far exceeds that of ourselves. Looking
merely at the matter of population, it is impossible not
to see that, unless some unforeseen events take place,
America and Russia will 100 years hence, perhaps even
60 years hence, be numerically the most powerful
empires upon the globe. I say numerically, and of
course in that reckoning I do not include India, because
it can hardly ha considered an element cf strength in
respect of population. Now, of both these great empires
I speak with no feeling of jealousy; I speak of them
both with respect ; of one I speak with sincere admira-
tion and sympathy, but still, as society is constituted,
it must happen that independent nations will have
different interests. A position of inferiority is never
satisfactory, and it is not always even safe. What I say
therefore is, that if Western Europe—at this moment
the very focus and centre of civilisation throughout the
world—is to hold its own—is to hold in another gene-
ration the place which it occupies in the present, it must
be by a cordial and friendly union among its leading
Powers. (Hear, hear.) Such, gentlemen, is to us the
value of the alliance with France. Has that alliance
been endangered 'I." We cannot deny that of late there
has existed a good deal of irritation in both countries.
How did that irritation originate ? Not long ago, as
you all know, au attempt was made in Paris to commit
a crime which political fanaticism can never justify or
excuse—a crime which, if those who tried to perpetrate
it would not admit to be an outrage against humanity,
they must at least perceive to be for their own cause
a gross and suicidal blunder. (Hear, hear.) That
attempt failed, but it failed narrowly. Never man's
life was in greater danger than the life of the Emperor
of the French. Now, what would have followed
upon that one man's death! Perhaps civil war, pro-
bably serious internal disturbances, certainly deep and
widespread alarm, paralising industry and disturbing all
the ordinary relations of life. It is not extraordinary,
I think, that so great a peril, so narrowly escaped,
should have produced in the minds of the French people
a feeling of alarm ; nor is it extraordinary that that
alarm should have found vent, as it often does, in a
somewhat indiscriminate feeling of irritation and anger
—a feeling which prevents men from accurately distin-
guishing between the innocent and the guilty. It was
believed that the plot which had failed was concocted in
England.. A cry arose—a cry, no doubt, foolish and
wild—against what were supposed to be the laws and
institutions which had permitted such outrages to be
attempted. Naturally, that expression of irritation in
France produced resentment here. Some unfortunate
publications, with the history of which you are all familiar,
and with regard to which I wish only to say that I think
they have very amply apologised and at med for, in-
creased that resentment. When that feeling was at its
height a despatch was written by the French Minister
and published here, the style and substance of which
was, to say the least, capable of misconstruction. It has
been said, since that despatch appeared, that it was not
intended to be male public, which was the act of our
Government, and not of the Government cf French. I
have no doubt that that statement is true, but still, as
public men, we have to deal with facts, and not with
intentions alone. (Hear.) The despatch was made public;
it was left unanswered ; a bill was brought into Parlia-
ment, avowedly to satisfy the demand made upon
natural
Government, and, that being the cate,
that a measure so introduced should be viewed with
whichmore
1 than ordinary jealousy. (Hear.) With the events
,sly ell
it was. nhat
I followed you are all familiar. I esu ontl,y
that the result was quite as unexpected
possibly could be to any of you.
that those who ara
do—l think I may venture to say hdadsatyonomtheingas tiot
do—with framing, or suggesting,t -on o f thelate Government.
concerned in the present Ad ini struartipornophuasdi
ungotthheingmtoo
(ion which lid to the resignaoi
opinion
"Aye" or " No"
We were asked tot
Zorn- We were asked to
or the Government of Lord
had done right or wrong, wisely or un-
Palmerston
giveupon
oauqr u
opinionest i givelw•ighhe ttoh.ou rr
I wisely, in leaving
Tuunatnhaawterireudesttihune
sduesppuattc—hatuod withwicales
reply by
I have referred.
butour
one which it was possible
vote one way or the other—there w
a question which we could not avoidaansw s
no answering
for me to give. (Cheers.)
That is the whole history of the recent change of
Ministry. Now, gentlemen, the present Government
have been asked what they mean to do with respect
to the measure which occasioned these events. (Hear,
hear.) To that I answer, we are in no sense pledged
to the bill Lrought forward by Lord Palmerton, and
with that bili we hava nothing to do. Whether any
change in tlte law of England be required is a matter
in dispute among lawyers. Lord Campbell, one of the
greatest living authorities, says that no change is re-
quired, and that the powers of the commos law are
sufficient. I lioie, and shall be glad to believe, that he is
right ; but that is a question which will probably soon
receive an authoritative dseision, far it is one which
must probably be raised and decided in the course of
seine proceedings now pending ; and until it is so raised
and so decided it is impossible to give any decisive reply
to the question aq to what we intend to do. Of this
only I ;tin cc-utiin, that if it should be neceetar y to frame
any measure for the repression of attempts at assassi-
nation, which I think—at all events, I hope—is une-
likely, it will be a measure, not founded uposnith
solely
demands of even a friendly Power, but Laced oired
to
and simply upon a sense of what is
re
,
make all residents in England equally aa:l.llWe to 1