The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-07 00:00:00

/I LE
_SUN, LONDON, MON DAY EVENING,- JITN-E 7, 1858.

him miss seeing the right article. He will find it
and it is headed " THE BALLOT NO
oPnARPTagoe 619,
rTRu z LIBERALISM." We beg the Hos.
Member to read it most attentively, and we would
beg him to believe it, at least till after Tues-
I day, to be irrefutable. If, however, he be too
busy to read a column of economical print, and
[aside this] we almost wish he may be—we will
give him the cream of, the sentences we wish him
to believe—here they are : No. 1. " With
Toryism it would amalgamate well, we should
expect to see the Ballot if it were ever carried,
oneof the strongest supports of a Tory Government!"
No. 2. " The Tory has generally maintained his
absolute and irresponsible right to use his political
influence as he pleases, without any answerability
(A new word for you, Mr. DISRAELI) to the public
at large." No. 3. 44 Who can doubt that the
triumph of the principle of secret voting would
really be the triumph of Toryism—the triumph
of the influence of health and rank and patronage,
over that desire for public esteem, which still
influences so powerfully and so beneficially the
minds of electors." No. 4. "We are convinced
that the Ballot, if really efficient, might soon
become a most powerful instrument in the hands
of the Tory 'party ; we are sure that it would
utterly paralyse the hands of all true Liberals."
There—that is enough. Read those four
extracts, Mr. DlSRAELl—confide in an Editor
who was once, to the best of our knowledge and
belief, a Radical—but who is now become a
devoted adherent of Lord PALMERSTON—and
don't be restive at the mention of PALMERSTON—
the Record, who a year ago recorded that he was
the " Man of Gon," a week or two back
recorded that " Lord PALMERSTON was as good
a Tory at heart as Lord DERBY." Confide, there-
fore, in Mr. Edit n- of the Economist, and take•
these sentences to Lord DERBY, and get him to
agree forthwith that you and all your party shall
support Mr. BERKELEY on Tuesday night. You
never had such as opportunity before, and may
not soon have it again. You may ruin PALMER-
( ETON and Russerz for ever. They may sit on the
Opposition Benches till they wear the seats
through, but never will they turn you out if you
make every elector a downright Tory by giving him
the ballot. You must see, sir, that the ballot will
do it ; for it will enable him—to shorten ex-
Secretary Weesom's long sentences—it will enable
him "to do what he will with his own." From
the enactment of the ballot, therefore, every voter
will be a real practical Tory, and of course he will
vote for Tories only, Q.E.D. We are sure you—
Mr. DISRAELI and Lord DERBY—are convinced.
We have asked your votes for the ballot before,
because come it must, and you might as well carry
it and get the credit of it as any one else. But,
thanks to Mr. WILSON lately—that is, since he left
vulgar Radicalism, enjoying 2,5001. at the Trea-
sury, and now, we believe, by virtue of a few
days over six years' service, enjoying a pension—
thanks to him, you are now sure, mathematically
sure, of making by the ballot a whole nation of
Tories ! If you fail to vote for the ballot, there-
fore, to-morrow, we shall hold you for political
suicides. Now, here you must stop—your time is
precious—and the rest of our remarks are merely
a little special pleading with the hoodwinked
Radicals, to persuade them, nevertheless, to lend
you their aid in making Tories of the people.
We now, therefore, speak to all good Radicals,
and to all good Liberals, too, who dislike the name
Radical—for, in truth, it does not befit the
Brahmin caste—but yet are sound at heart, and
such Liberals there are ; we want a word with
thee And first, we would cheer them up,
they mace heard our conversation with
Mr. DISRAELI, and, above all, should they
have read the solemn prosy of our Economical
Contemporary. We may assure them, if they
need assuring, that it is all solemn—bosh—that
is all. What it means leaks out in the second
sentence—or shall we call it the first sentence—
since only a short statement precedes—one we
believe to be as true as any of the prophecies in
the House of Commons' journals—" that Mr.
BERKELEY is to bring forward his motion for the
Ballot on Tuesday night." Well, whether we
call that the first sentence or not, we like it well
--the next is at least the first sentence of bosh,
or introductory to bosh, for there is some truth
in it ; this is it —" We see that many of our
Liberal contemporaries aro raising a cry that ad-
hesien to the principle of the Ballot should be
made a sine qua non for any Ministry honoured
with the confidence of the Liberal party." We
wish the Economist were more economical of words.
He might then have found time and room to say
" Ministry which shall be honoured," for woefully
does the editor rue the fact that no Ministry is
just now honoured with that confidence.
Well—we are sorry for it—but we must now ask
our readers to strip—and to prepare for a plunge
Pearls, especially anti-Ballot pearls, are not to be
got in shallow water. Here, at the beginning,
we are told that the antagonism of the Ballet to
liberal principles is profound—(reader, profound
antagonism—profound strugglings and wrestlings
—are not ours ; it Is really as they say—sic
or lest that cant expression should be unpleasantly
,eisunderstood—sic in. origins ; and at the end,
too, the editor is still in the deeps—dealing' with
"evils which lie deeper than the great evils the
Ballot is intended to remedy." Our readers will
believe that the evils then are deep enough ; we
tremble for the divers—but let us see.

The first of these deep-sea antagonisms to libe-
ralism is this—That "the Ballot attempts to guard
the elector's political freedom, at . the sacrifice of
almost all the elector's politic tl influence." The
mere vote is as nothing compared with the effect
of " honestly declared convictions working through
numberless social channels." Diop indeed yet
we, that cannot yet dive so deep, can see no
antagonism between " honestly declared convic-
tions" and a " secret vote." " We feel most
profoundly," as he of the Economist says, that
is, as profoundly as we shallow-water folks
can do, that all the honest men can now
honestly declare their convictions if doing
so won't starve them—and vote honestly in
addition. Nex, we " feel profoundly," also,
that all the honest men who would lose their
own bread, and their wife's bread, and their
childreu's bread by "declaring their convictions"
can abstain from doing it, and con' 1, with the
ballot, give at least an honest vote. The Economist
likes figures—we mean arithmetical figures—for
to otherfigures he has a " profound antagonism" as
he won' I say. It seems then to us to stand thus;
under the ballot—Liberals have " the influence of
"neatly & ehro 3 con victions,"p!us honest votes,plus
:also
tileirtho bonliposatecsotnvvoictiejs of those
cnl9.un who dare
derpublic not d!a
votiugetchei;
;lave the infi teuee of honestly declared conviction=,
plus
ineuctvliiceti
ovnast.e s oFfo
rthose
honestovto dt ahruettheir
who dare
life of us we cannot perceive how the influence of
Lily man's convictions, if the man had either cha-
racter
lusteter uorndr secretaregumentsto give weight to them, could
be voting.
Arguments could
not be affected by it. Character would need
nothing but the assertion of intention to vote for
this man or that. Indeed, it would not need so
much, since character includes consistency.
The deepest argument of all is, of course, that

under the ballet we shall all be Tories, that we
shall "do what we will with our own," that we
shall regard the votes as our own, that we shall
no longer give them patriotically, at the bidding
that is of those Patriots—the landlord, the banker,
the mortgagee, the customer, and the creditor,
or at the bidding of the patriotic distributor of
five-pound notes—these last patriots always
wishing for a poll-book receipt for their votes.
Well—and why should not we give them, as each
man thinks they will be for his own good No can•
didate can offer us, under the ballot, any personal
advantage but what must reach us through public
measures—measures, therefore, which will benefit
the majority with us. What public measures will
benefit me, and what public measures will benefit
the nation must be generally, and if men are en-
lightened, always, identical questions. Now,
electors are required to vote for the advantage of
their masters or their purchasers, who of course
are patriots.

We must beg, however, to be excused from any
further descent into the profundities of the Econo-
mist. We only fear that both Tories and Whigs
of the RUSSELL and PALMERSTON school have a
profound conviction, or an interest, or an intui-
tion, or something, that tells them to beware of
the ballot—as they wish to keep office, place, and
power for the aristocracy ; as they would enjoy
jobbing and patronage unmolested ; and as they
would perpetuate the monopolies of their order in
Church and State. When the Economist has
converted one staunch Whig or Tory to his own
belief, we could almost pledge ourselves to adopt
his faith.

L A TEST NEWS.

......-__.-03,-...-_

TRIESTE, Ju 5.

By private advices from Cattaro it appears that
two French line-of-battle ships have anchored
before Budna.

The French Vice-Admiral and the Consul of
France, who had gone to Cettigna, returned thence
the day before yesterday. The above-mentioned
ships have since arrived at Gravosa.

TURIN, JUNE 5.

The Senate, in its sitting of yesterday, adopted
the projet de loi relating to conspirators, to persons
who shall justify the doctrine of political assassi-
nation, and to the reform of juries.

The manager of the Genoese journal L'ltalice
del Popolo has been arrested.

BERNE, JUNE 5.

The Swiss Federal Council has granted to M.
Chappeldelaine his exequatur as Vice-Consul of

France, at Bale.
M. Schenk has been nominated President of

the Government.