The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-05 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 5,

, was in consequence always a number of families intriguing
againstethe reigning hospodar, wise would -get up com-
plaints, and carry them to the Sultan, in order to get him
deposed. In- OA way the state of these provinces was
constantly disturbed, iu consequence of the intrigues of the
nobility against the reigning family. Then they say, and
I think very reasonably, let ua have a prince who is not
subject to these influences —let us have a foreign
I prince. Let us imagine what would be the state
of , things then. They would have that self-govern-
ment which, but for the interference of,l Russia, they
would have enjoyed very many years, and they would in
crease iu wealth and prosperity. But, says my noble-
friend, that would be no barrier against the designs of
Russia. It appears, on the contrary, that a people enjoy-
ing the benefit of self-government, increasing in wealth
and prosperity--a people in theenjoymeut of liberty—that
such a people form the best barrier against foreign aggres-
sion and foreign conquests that can be devised—(hear,
hear)—a barrier far better and more effective than any
treaty. That has been the result in other parts of Europe.
In the division of Europe in 1815 those wise persons by
whom that arrangement was finally made, it is well known,
departed from the plan of Mr. Pitt, with regard to uniting
Belgium with Prussia —in that final arrangement Belgium
was joined to Holland, and what was the result? Every-
body knows that Belgium speedily became discontented
and demanded a separation. The Dutch, though they
governed themselves very well, had not the art to govern
the Belgians, whose language, religion, aid habits differed
from theirs. There was geeer .1 discontent; and at last,
in 1832, Belgium was erected into an independent king-
dom under King Leopold. That was an arrangement
made by say noble friend the member for Tiverton, who
was then Foreign Secretary ; and ever, since then there
had been a strong national s, irit in Belgium. They hare
enjoyed their own constitution, their representative cham-
bers, and their free press. They value those institutions,
and I believe nothing would be so irksome to them, or so
likely to create resistance, as any attempt to extend French
or any other foreign influence in that country. These are
matters which those who negotiate diplomatic treaties
sometimes neglect to take into consideration. But they
ought to remember, in making those arrangements, that
the content of a people, the love of a people for their insti-
tutions, form a barrier against foreign foes more success-
ful than the most skilfully drown treaties. These, then,
are my opinions as to the arrangements which ought to he
made. I think the house ought to feel indebted to my
right hon. friend (hear) for bringing forward the
subject I feel that the Governments which at Paris
made an engagement to consult the Principalities, did, to
a certain extent, commit the faith of this country. (Hear,
hear.) I feel also the justice of the statement made by the
noble lord opposite, that we are too often accused of giving
encouragement to nations to assert their liberties and to
proclaim their independence, and then calmly and coldly
deserting their cause. (Cheers.)
Pudet et base opprobria nobis
Et did potuisse et non potuisse refelli."
It is painful in such a case as this, coming forward at the
time when the case of Sar•tilde is exciting attention, to
find that after giving encouragement, we are about to with-
draw from the Principalities the support of this country.
It will give rise not only to disappointment, bat the com-
plaint of want of faith. I think that her Majesty's pleni-
potentiary should have instructions not to support the
placing of a foreign prince over the Principalities, whose
aim it would be to extend his dominion into Bulgaria, but
that they should have a united government—a united legis-
lature. If they have this I believe that they will give
security to the future peace of Europe.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Sir, the
noble lord who has just sat down thinks that it is only by
adopting the address moved for by the right hon, gentleman
the member for Oxford that we can extricate ourselves from
a dilemma. It appears to me that if we adopt that motion of
the right hon. gentleman, we shall find ourselves in a
dilemma. The right hon. gentleman has in that eloquent
speech produced an effect on the house which his eloquence
was calculated to bring forth, for his address was conceived
in a generous spirit— its object was a generous one. Now, at
this present moment, on this subject, there is, between the
Government of her Majesty and that cf France, a perfect
unanimity of sentiment, of views,and of policy, in its widest
and truest sense; and in a few days the representatives of
these two governments will be prepared to maintain, to re-
commend, and to enforce that policy. Now, how it will
facilitate that policy that at this moment the House of
Commons should come forward, on the eve of the com-
mencement of negotiations, and carry an address like this
to the Crown, embarrassing the English representative
without in any way embarrassing the French representa-
tive, I do not see. On the contrary, 'think that that will
place us in a dilemma. (Hear) And, sir, the noble lord
who has just addressed us has told us that the honour of
this house of Parliament and of the country is involved in
this question, and that we are taking a course which is not
in accordance with the engagements into which we have
entered. That, sir, is a very serious charge. We are all
guardians of the honour of this country in this house. But
before we come to a vote which may have an influence upon
the course of events which few, perhaps, in this house are
prepared to anticipate, we ought to have a clear idea of
the engagements into which this country has really entered
on this subject. (Hear.) Therefore, I must refer to the
articles of the treaty. They are brief, but if they were
long I should not apologise on readingthein when so grave
a statement has been made. Now, tare are the articles.
I find in article 22 of the Treaty of Paris, " The Princi-
palities of Wallachia a nd Moldavia shall continue to en-
joy, under the suzerainty of the Porte and the guarantee
of the contracting powers, the privileges and immunities
of which they were in possession. No exclusive protec-
tion shall be exercised over them by any of the contracting
powers, and there shall be no separate right of inter-
ference in their internal affairs." (Hear.) Who, then,
is prepared to assert that anyone who has been cr is
Minister of this country is trying to recede from this en-
gagement ? There is another article to which I will refer.
" His Majesty the Sultan promises to convoke in each of
the provinces a Divan ad hoc chosen in such a manner as
to represent all interests. These Divans shall be called
upon to express the wishes of the people in regard to the
organisation of the Principalities." Who desires that any
expression by this Divan with regard to the interior orga-
nisation of the Princip,lities smuli' not be respected?
Wo have just heard from the noble- -J-:hot a joint legis-
lature is most desirable. But no engagement exists on the
part of this country for the establishment of a joint legis-
lature. In dealing with this subject we must have re-
ference to the engagements of treaties and to the rights of
powers. You cannot settle a question of this kind by a
brilliant oration—turning this house into a divan ad hoc.
(A laugh.) You must look to the rights and obligations of
the parties—that, at least, was the opinion of the noble
lord (J. Russell) when he was the representative of his
Sovereign at Vienna. Nothing could be
more
statesmanlike
than the expressions of the noble lord styie_n
Vienna when he ob-
served—" Though in the discussion of the first point of the
negotiation I have not touched on several questions, such
as the union of the two Principalities, it was not that their
importance had escaped ins, but it seemed to me that the
consideration of a proposition of this kind belonged to the
sovereign Porte." (Cheers and laughter.) But we do not
now seem to have from the noble lord that consideration
for the views of the Oteornan Government which the noble
lord expressed when atVienna. At that time the noble
lord went deeply into the consideration of this quo. tion,
not taking it up merely
tzs a topic of debate, but wielding
to him as a plenipotentiary rtes which attached
responsibility
in affairs having
for their object the settlerlentakoifntuPlosPe. The noble lord,
in his despatches at that time, expressed himself like
statesman, which indeed, when' hewrites despatches, he
always does. (Laughter.) The noblelord then thus
ex-
pressed himself :—" With regard to the other point, as to
establishment of a power in the Principalities, such power
would scarcely long o the Porte
remain a vassal t " •
(Cheers.) But we have
heards to-night scmethine of the
Pacha of Egypt ; let
us e
what the noble lord has in
former times said of the Paecha of Egypt. The noble lord
said that the Pacha of Egypt was througe religious feelings
likely to remain a vassal of the Porte, tot that a Christian
prince would be, for all P"
practical purposes, independent.
(Hear.) And, said the noble lord,With regard to the
free institutions—alluding to an independent or quasi inde
must be
pendent state --itremarked than the sovereigns of
Austria and Russia would never toleratem the neighbour•
hood of Poland and
Hungary
and rebellions promoters
of disturbances
amongst
their subjects.' (Cheers and
laughter.) I recur to these important documents, be-
cause, when we are told thatavernsi9nt and parlia-
ment of England are about to be°. false the engagements
which they have enteredtbe hop of iieep importance
that we should, by treatiesto and of docu-
ments applying an interpretation them see what
these engagements really are, and see, moreover, the
po-
sition in which these treaties place English honour
English interests. (near' h • and
aze-a/re But the noble lord when
plenipotentiary took especial
ttoexbaust the subject.
d ni
(Hear, hear.) Speaking of the u • provinces, he said,
" The freedom of discussion and thee liberty of the press
would scarcely be suffered to exist to any large extent.
Disturbances would occur, eud an armed intervention
follow, and it would be difficult to interfere with prudence
and with effect It is therefore worthy of consideration
weation
how we should promote institutions which hereaftere
should be unable to protect." (Loud cheers and laughter.)
That is the whole question. Nothing in the world is so
easy as to forward and make representations such as
we have heard to-night, which, When
you examine them,
vanish like a fairy dream. These descendants of the
ancient Darians— (laughter)--ea free, brave, prosperous,
with whom every generous heart must sympathise, to ac-
complish whose destiny every man would be willing to
make some sacrifice, are picturesquely and eloquently
placed before us ; but when we ask ourselves
a perfectrselveswh tastis th
reality, what is the security that ate of
society can bas brought into eatst such
mace, and kept existing,
every practical man feels in a moment that the entire
consequences which
y, one, too,
mereurage
dp cwt uoruel
do f
suet
e inue r oe
ou
es
theory isif
encouraged,
which,
would afford a painful, nay, an awful contrast to the
dreAsi ia which for a moment
we might have indulged.
(Cheer v. )
We ought to consider It he position of the
limited population scattered over a soesi(
lei•able region.
No doubt there is great undeveloped wealth and re-
sources in the provinces, but the people, as com-
pared
with the territory are not that multitude Which
gives strength to a state. (Hear, bear.) eve
ought to
remember that these four or five millions of beings are
surrounded by powerful military states, having all the or-
ganisation of despotic governments. now are we to aid
them, hew to support them, what can We do to maintain
them?' It is not by speeches in the House of Commons—
(cheers)—it is not by votes even of the House of Commons
that you can maintain a factitious independence like this.
(Cheers.) We must therefore consider this question in as
practical a manner as possible. What are the engagements
into which this country has entered? I have read them
to the house ? I have read them to the house. Those
ex.
gaeements we ought to fulfil, not only to the letter but
to the spirit ; we ought to exercise all our power and all
the influence which see justly possess to obtain for these
provinces good government and self-government. (Cheers.)
We ought to obtain that—and I believe that wecan obtain
that—with the cordial co-operation of the French Govern-
ment. Doing that we not only fulfil all our engagements.
but we ob ain all that is practicabl • to desire for the wel-
fare of these Principalities. But if wo take any other
course—if on the one hand we entirely neglect thorn_ e,
should indee cause a stain upon oar honour; if, on "
the
other, we encourage asy fantastic settlement, we cast the
seeds forth of inevitable ruin; we encourage intervention
—the armed intervention of the noble lord— and inter-
ference on the part of the great military powers ; we en-
courage hopes which we shall then bo bound in honour to
support, and we may be drawls into a war—a European war
—the end of which eo man can foresee, the cost and ruin of
which no man can foretsl. (Cheers.) It is impossible to
cc nseive a course more impolitic than that which has been
recommended to us to-night. You have undergone great
sacrifices in blood and in treasure in the course of the last
war ; are you prepared to take a course to-night which wi 1
bind you to a policy the consequences of which will be to
involve you in another ? Ara you prepared to entangle
yourself in difficulties to be followed by fresh complica-
tions, offering another theme at some future period to the
rhetori Aan of the day ? I must pay that I think the i 0193

of the noble lord the member for Stamford, although put
forth with-considerable confidence, are not the ',pinions of
one who haegiverisufficient thought to the subject on which
be has spoken to-night. But that those opinions should be
in any degree sanctioned by the right hon. gentleman the
member for Oxford is to 'me a matter, indeed, of astonish-
ment. On the ground of that policy I would -deprecate the
house sanctioning the carrying of this resolution. I can as-
sure the house that at this moment it will be impossible
for the House of Commons to take a step more embarras-
sing to the conduct of the Government of this country—
(hear, hear)—a conduct carried on in entire accordance
with the policy which the general view of this country
has eo long sanctioned. No moment would be more incon-
venient— I am not putting it upon that basis which is so
often justly rieliculed, that it is always inconvenient to give
an opinion after an event, but I say that if indeed this
strong feeling had been entertained by the right hon.
gentleman, it is deeply to be regretted that so
great a delay has taken place in bringing forward
this subject for the consideration of Parliament. At
this very moment, when there exists between the two
Governments of England and France the most complete
identity of opinion on this subject, that an address of this
kind should be offered to the house I shall ever deplore.
But, not taking that large view of the question, but adopt-
ing a view which must touch the feelings of every gentle-
man, no matter on which side of the house he may happen
to sit —namely, the condition of the Principalities them-
selves—l equally lament and deprecate this motion. I
equally lament and deprecate this motion. I think that
there is at this moment a prospect, and something more
than a prospect, not of rising up in the Danubian coun-
tries a fantastic kingdom or a phantom of independence,
but of raising that!country to the enjoyment of a greater
share of civil rights, and even of political liberty, than bas
ever been enjoyed by any population on that great stream.
And believing, as I do, that there is a prospect, and more
than a prospect, of attaining so great and desirable an
end, I entreat the house, on every ground connected with
the future prosperity of those countries not to sanction an
address which if carried would lead to consequences of the
most fearful character to this country and to Europe.
(" Hear, hear," and cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE said be would detain the house but
a few minutes; yet, having heard the speech of the right
hon. gentleman he thought it necessary to remind the
house of the nature of the question before it. The right
hon. gentleman had been most liberal to him and others
of his commendations and eulogies on eloquence which
had been displayed, and which seemed to have made a
strong impression on his mind ; and he had lavished his
compliments on what he called the rhetorician of the day.
He (Mr. Gladstone) would not be guilty of the affectation
of modesty in order to pretend that he did not understand
that that designat;on was intended for himself—
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER (jumping
up from his seat)—l beg your pardon ; I really did not
mean that. (Loud and long-continued laughter.)
Mr. GLA.DSTONE said the right hon. gentleman had
entirely satisfied his (Mr. Gladatone's) mind. The right
hon. gentleman had drawn largely on his own powers of
oratory. What were the sesquipedalian words he employed
in the long catalogue of horrors which he had presented to
the house ? "Do not," said he, " let us have your phan-
tastio interference. If you do, the consequence will be
confusion, anarchy, armed intervention, European war ;"
and then he relieved the dark side of the picture by words
from which a single grain of meaning could not be ex-
tracted. He intimated that if the English Government
were only let alone, they would shower down blessings on
the Principalitie3 with a more liberal hand than had ever
been opened for their advantage. He (Mr. Gladstone) did
not ask for any interference, fantastic or °them ise. The
house was not called upon to decide anything now, or to
express an opinion on anything which was original, or
which had been introduced for the first time. They were
not asked to bind the hands of the Paris Conference, or to
place the Principalities under a foreign prince. (Hear.)
He only asked the house to maintain the principle laid
down in 1856 by the Paris Conference, namely, that the
Principalities should be united. The noble lord (the
member for Tiverton) and the Earl of Clarendon had in
1856 sanctioned that principle; and if it were not, the
fruits of the late war would be sacrificed. The question
now was, whether we were going to abandon the policy
which had been declared, and the pledges held out to the
population of the Principalities. (Hear, hear.)
The house then divided, The numbers were—
For the motion
Against it
Majority against the motion ..... -178
THE CAGLIARI.

On the SPEAKER calling upon Mr. Kinglake, who had a
motion on the papt'r with reference to the Cagliari,
Mr. KINGLARE said that at that lat 3 hour he could not
feel justified in proceeding with his motion, but he should
like to ask a question with reference to the liberation of the
Sardinian crew.
Mr. S FITZGERALD said the continual postponements
of this important question was much to be regretted. He
had hoped that the explanation made by a noble lord in
another place would have been as satisfactory to the hon
gentleman as it had been to the public ; but, though not
satisfactory to the hon. member, it had been so to the Mini-
ster of Sardinia, and be had that afternoon received a de-
spatch from Count Cavour, stating that he was satisfied with
the explanation, and that ho would act in the spirit of that
despatch, and in the spirit of the protocol of the 14th of
April, last year, in Paris. He was not able to give the hon.
gentleman the information he required with reference to the
liberation of the Sardinian prisoners ; but he was sure that
the harmony of action which had been established betw en
the Government of this country and Sardinia must lead to
such consequences as they all must desire. (Hear.)

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

,s 1

1 HOU•iE OF_CO A_MONS—NAT 4
I DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITEI33.
Motion ma• • '
de, and Question put, "That an humble ad-
dress be prasented to her Majesty, to submit to her Ma-
jesty that this house, bearing in mind the obligations
imposed by the Treaty of Paris, so far as they affect the
Danubian Principalities, has observed with satisfaction
the general tenor awl spirit of the Declaration recorded
by her Majesty's Chief Plenipotentiary at the Confer-
ences of 1856, concerning the future organisation of those
territories : &nd humbly convey to her Majesty the
earnest hope of this house, that, in the further prosecu-
tion, of this important subject, just weight may be given
to those wishes of the people of Wallachia and Moldavia
which, through their representatives elected in con.
forniity with the said treaty, they have recently ex-
pressed." The house divided—Ayes, 111; Noes, 29'.
LYES-114. '
Baring, Sir F. Ewing, Crum North, F.
Barnard, Thomas Fagan, W. O'Brien, P.
Bass, M. Fortescue, Hon. F. O'Donoghoe. The
Baxter, W. Fox, W. J. Ogilvy, Sir J.
Beaumont, W. • Gavin, Major Paget,, Lord C.
Biggs, John Gibson, Milner . Paxton, Sir J
Black, Adam Glyn, G. Perry, Sir E.
Bland, L. H. Goderich, Viscount Pilkington, J.
Bowyer, G. Graham, Sir J. Pinney, Col.
Bramston, T. W Greene, John Potter, Sir J.
Briscoe, John Greer, Samuel . Raynham, Viscount
Browne, Lord John Grenfell, Charles W. Roebuck, J. A.
Bruce, 11. A. Griffith, C. RoutNll, W.
Butt, I; Hadfield. George Russell, LordJ.
• Buxton C. Hamilton, Capt. Russell, H.
Byng, G. H.C. Hardcastie, Joseph Salisbury, Enoch
Caird, j. Hartington. Marquis Schneider, Henry
Caicottj M. Heathcoate, Sir W. Scholefield, W.
Cecil, Lord .R. Hodgson, K. •-• • Sheridan, H. B.
Collier, R. P. Holland, E. Smith, J. A.
Collins, T. Hope, Alexander Smith, J. B.
''Conyngham, Lord F. Jermyn. Rt. Hn, Ealr Somerville, Sir W.
.
Cox, W. Johnstone. Sir J. Stapleton, John
Craufurd, E. H. J. Kershaw, J. Sykes, Colonel
Crawford, R. W. King, L. Thompson, General
Crook, J. Kinglake, J. ' Tits, W. ' '
Dalglish, R. Knatchbull-Huguessen Turner, J. A.
Davey,.R. Levinge, Sir R. Waldron, Laurence
Denison, W. H. Lindsay,, W, 3r., . White, James
Dent, John - I ocke, Join Williams. W.
Deverehx, J. Lockhart, A. E. Willyams, E..
Dillwyn, L. L. Macarthy, Alex, Wingfield, It.
Divett,l E. MacEvoy, E. • Wise, J.
Duff, M. Mackinnon, W. Wood, W.
Dunlop. A. Maguire, J. F. Woods, Henry
Dunne. M. Mills, T. Wyld, James
Ebrington, Viscount Morris, D.
. TELLEZI. r
Elton. Sir A. H. Napier, -Sir C. Gladstone, W. '
Ennis, John Nicoll, D. Deasy, R.
1 NOES-292. •
Agnew; Sir A. Foley, J. H. Nisbet, R. P.
' Akroyd, E. Foley, H. W. Noel, G.
Alcock, T. Foljambe, FrancLs Norreys, Sir D.
Alexander, J. Forde, Colonel North, Col. J.
Annesley, Hon. Hugh Forester, Col. Packe, C.
Ayrtoni A. Freestun, Colonel Paget, C.
Bagwell, John Gard. R.. Pakington, Sir J.
Bailey, e. Garnett, William Palk, L,
Battik, IL Gaskell, J. Palmer, R.
Baines. Rt. Hon. M.. Greaves, E. Palmerston, Visconni
Ball, E. Greenall, Gilbert Paull, Henry
Baring, A. Greenwood, John Pease, Henry
Baring, H. . Gregory, W. Pechell, Sir G.
Baring, T. G. Grenfell, C. P. Peel, Sir R.
Bernard, T. Gray, Captain Peel, Gen.
Bathurst, A.'A. Grey, R. Pennant, Cot. E. •
Beach, W. Grogan. Edward Pevensey, Viscount
Bective, Earl Gordon, Brampton Philips, R.
Beecroft, G. Hall, Sir Benjamin Philipps, J.
Bennet, Capt. P. Hamilton, Lord Claud Powell, Francis
Bentinek, G. Hamilton, U. A. Power. N.
Berkeley, F. Hanbury, Robert Pritchard, J.
Boldero, Col. H. G. Hankey, T. Proby, G.
Botfield, B. Harcourt, G. G. Pugh, D.
Bouverie. Hon. P. Hardy, G. Puller, Christopher
Bovill, W. Harris, J. D. Ramsden, SI r J.
Boyd, J. Hatchell, John Rawlinson, Sir H.
Brady, J. Hay, Lord John Rebow, J.
Bramley-Moore, J. Hayes, Sir K. Repton, G.
Bridges, Sir B. Hay ter, W.-- --,> -Itleartio, 0.
Brocklehurst, J. Heard, J. Richardson, J.
Brown, W. Heneage, Geo. F. Ridley, George
Brace, Major Henley, J. Robertson, P.
Bruen, H. Hornby, W. Holt, J.
Buchanan, Walter Horsfall, T. Rust:mat, Capt. G.
Bailer, t3irJ. Hallam, Lord Russell, A.
Buller, J. W. Howard, C. Rust, James
Banbury, W. B. Hudson, G. Sandon, Viscount
Burghley, Lord Hume, W. &later, George
Burke, Sir T. Hunt, G. W. Scott, Major
Buxton, Sir E. N. Hutt, W. Seysner, H.
Cairns, 11. Ingham, R. Shelley, Sir J.
Campbell, It. Inglis, John Bibthorp, Major
:larden, Sir R. W. Jervoise, Sir J. Smith, V.
Cartwright, H. Johnstone, H. B. Smyth, Col.
Cavendish, W. Jolliffe, li. Smaliett, A.
Cayley, E. S. Kelly, Sir F. Somerset, Colonel
Child, Smith Kendall, N. Spooner, R.
Christy, Samuel Ker, Richard Stanhope, J.
Churchill, Lord A. Kinglake, A. Stanley, Lord
Clark, J. Kingscote, Capt. R. Steel, John
Clay, James . . Kinnaird, A, Steuart, A.
Clifford, C. C. Knatchbull, W. Stuart, Lord J.
Clifford, Lt.-Col. H. M, Knight, F. Stuart, Colonel
Chive, George Knightley, IL Start, H. '
Clive, R. Labouchere,Rt.llon.ll Sullivan, Michael
Close, M. Langston, J. H. Talbot, C.
Cobbett, J. M. Langton, W. G. Tancred, H.
Codrington, Sir C. W. Langton, li. G. Taylor, S.
Cole, H. A. Laslett, W. Tempest, Lord A. V.
Colvile, C. R. Lennox, Lord A. F. Thornhill, W,
Coningham, W. Lennox, Lord H. G. Tonlemache J.
Conolly, T. Lisburne. Earl Tottenham, C.
CoAe, Sir C. H. Locke. J. TreCusis, C.
Corry, H. T. L. Lopes, Sir M. Trollope, Sir J.
Cowan, C. Lovaine, Lord Vane, Lord H.
Cross, R. A. Lowe, H. Vausittart, G.
Cubitt, W Lowther, Col. H. C. Vantattart, W.
Dalkeinh, Earl Lowther, Capt. Verney, Sir 11.
Davison, R. Luce, T. Villiers, C.
Deedes, William Lyall, tleorge Vivian, H. 11.
De Vere, S. E. Lygon, Hon. F. Walcott, Admiral.
Disraeli, B. Lytton, Sir E. Walpole. S.
Dobbs, W. C. Macartney, George Walsh, Sir J.
Duff, L. Macaulay, Kenneth Warre, John
Duke, Sir J. Mackie, J. Warren, S.
Dunbar, Sir W. Mainwaring, T. Wegnelin, T.
Duncan, Viscount Malins, Richard Welby, W.
Dundai, F. Mangles, R. D.' Western, S.
Du Pre, C. Manners, Lord J. Westhead, Joshua
Dutton', Hon. R. H. March, Earl of Whatman, J.
Edwards, Henry Marjoribanks, D. Whitbread, S.
Egerton, Sir P. Marsh, M. Whiteside, J.
Elliott, J. E. Marshall, William Wickham, It.
Elphinstone, Sir J. Martin, C. Williams, B.
Esmonde, J. Massey, W. Williams, Sir W.
Estcourt.T. Maxwell, J. Wilson, J.
Evans, T. W'. Mellor, John Winnington, Sir T.
Ewart, W. Miles, W. Wortley, Major
Ewart, J. ' Miller, Taverner Wyndham, General
Farquhar, Sir M. Miller, Stearn Wynn, Col.
Fellowes, E. Moncreiff, J. Wynne, J. A.
Fenwnck, H. MOnsell, W. Wyvill, M.
Fergus, John Montgomery, Sir G. Young, A.
Ferguson, Colonel Mowbray, J. K.
Ferguson, Sir Robert Naas. Lord T ELLE as.
Fitzgerald, W. It. S. Neeld, John
Fitzgerald, J. Newark, Viscount Jolliffe, Sir W.
Fitzroy, Henry Newport, Viscount Taylor, Colonel