The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-07 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—As your anonymous correspondent resumes
his attack on the American Elective system in
to-day's Times, I am again compelled to defend the
Ballot against his assertions.
It is. needless to deal with his account of the
elections in " Minnesota" given on I know not
what authority, as he gives up the case by admit-
ting it to be "a territory just emerging from the
forest." In reply to his further attacks on the
Ballot founded on its operation in New York, I
send you a different account by Mr. Thornton
Williams, a distinguished member of the New
York bar :
" I will take, by way of example the city of New
York, containing about three quarters of a million
of inhabitants, and divided them into 134 election
districts, in each of which there is a poll or place
for receiving the votes of those who are resident of
such election districts respectively. The votes are
generally received through a window or other open-
ing by persons called Inspectors of Election, who
with their clerks, called Clerks of the Poll, are
seated around a table, upon which are placed the
Ballot-boxes. These are close boxes, having an
aperture in the top of no more than sufficient size
to receive the Ballot, and as many in number as
there are different classes of officers to be elected.
The voter presents himself at the window, gives
his name and place of residence, which are at once
recorded by the Clerks of the Poll, and offers his
Ballots, as many different Ballots as there are
classes of officers to be elected whom he may choose
to vote for. The Ballots are either written or
printed, as the elector may choose—most generally
perhaps partly written and partly printed, each
voter erasing and filling in names as he sees fit.
They are folded so as to conceal the names upon
them, and endorsed so as to indicate to which class
they refer. They are taken into the hands of one
of the inspectors, in the presence of all, that he
may perceive that each ballot is but a single paper,
and without being unfolded are dropped through
the aperture into the boxes respectively indicated
by their respective endorsementt. In this manner
vote after vote is deposited, until the hour for
closing the poll arrives, when the votes are coun-
ted by the inspectors, and their report made and
filed with the proper officer.
" This, in short, is the method of voting in the
City of New York. I verily believe that this
method of secret voting has done much in America
to check the spirit of bribery and corruption that
might otherwise have been as rife there as it is said
to be elsewhere. In spite of this check, however,
it must be confessed that America is not free from
those who boast of the number of votes they con-
trol, who tell of the number of their tenants or
operatives, and claim political importance commen-
surate to their assumed political power. But I
cannot say that I consider this a very successful
class of politicians. The distributors of political
patronage seem to doubt if, after all, they really
exert as potential an influence as they claim to
exert, and the results of elections often go very far
to confirm these doubts. Besides such boasters are
often embarrassed by some knowing person who is
ready to vouch that many of these tenants and
operatives voted quite differently from what they
were supposed to have voted, that many of them,
although they walked up to the poll with a ballot
in their hands, really handed in, a ballot which
they took from their pockets.
" The native Indians tell us that 'White man is
very uncertain,' but in nothing I. believe, is he
more uncertain than in the manner in which he
does vote at an election.
"A case occurred during a late election in the
State of Maine, which shows pretty clearly, I think,
the protection the 'Ballot, by its secrecy, gives to
the voter, and its discouraging effect upon those
who improperly and directly interfere to influence
or control the exercise of the elective franchise.
There was lately, as you are all aware, a general or
presidential election in America. The country was
greatly agitated from one extremity to the other,
by party zeal and personal effort to secure the elec-
tion of the respective candidates.
" Every circumstance that tended to favor one
side or the other was sei sed upon with avidity, in
the hope of influencing votes by the prestige of
anticipated success.
" But what are most looked to at these seasons
are the State elections which immediately precede
this general election. Maine is the first State
that holds her election during this period of agita-
tion, known as the presidential campaign, and it
has uniformly happened that as ' Maine led off
at her State Election in August, so the whole
country has gone in November that this election is
looked to with the greatest interest by all sections
of the country. In view of this, the Democratic
party thought it for their interest to bring elec-
tioneering appliances to bear with all possible force
upon the State of Maine, prior to the State Elec-
tion.—Accordingly, orators were sent into that
field, documents distributed ; they even went so far
as to canvass the voters individually, and make out
lists of those who would be true to the Democratic
cause. The result of this counting of votes shewed
as plainly as, figures could well shew, and you
know figures never lie, the State of Maine was
'safe for the Democratic party. So firmly was this
believed in New York City, that the Central Com-
mittee had prepared to celebrate the anticipated
victory on the evening of the Election, and accord-
ingly torches were prepared, and banners painted,
and a monster procession was to march through
the streets, by Way of celebrating a victory so
auspicious. The expected hour at length arrived,
the telegraph wires began to report the results in
cities, towns, and counties, but the report was not
quite of the right complexion for the intended
celebration ; the truth is, the State had gone by ax
overwhelming majority for the Republican or Free
Soil cause. The rejoicing was by quite another
party than that which had prepared its torches
and painted its banners. On comparing the
lists previously made with the results of the
election, there was a sad discrepancy. It is said
that in one town where there were something
like 140 votes pledged to the Democratic
cause not more than seventy Democratic votes
were polled. The secret was, that the heart o

Maine was Free Soil to the core, and pledges and
party ties were but ropes of sand when the voter
came to act with no eye upon him but the Eye
above. You will not be surprised if I tell you that
the result was a little discouraging to the party
that had wasted its treasures upon the voters of
Maine. And for one I do not believe that party
will risk such an investment again.

" But the beneficial influence of the Ballot in
America is not confined to this very obvious effect
of discouraging attempts to control the exercise of
the elective franchise. It promotes quiet and order
of elections. Let the precise state of the poll be

known to the respective parties at any and every

hour during the day of election, and it must inevi-
tably produce discouragement of one or the other
of the contesting parties, a discouragement perhaps
that would result in a defeat, where.would other-
wise have been a victory; or, on the other hand, it
would produce a struggle for votes, for one vote,
for two votes, for some precise number of votes
that would increase as the moment for closing the
polls should approach—a struggle that might ter-
minate, inevitably would terminate, in a scene from
the contemplation of which I turn, as from a vision
of incipient anarchy, to thank God that from such
horrors my country is preserved by the use of the
Ballot. _ _

" Let me illustrate the effect of the vote by ballot
as a remedy, or rather a preventive, of evils like
these by a conversation I had with a defeated can.
Knowing didate not many months ago. A banker of consi-
derable fortune was a candidate for Congress in
one of the Western districts of New York at the
last election and was defeated,
that this

class of gentlemen do not always suffer defeat in
the most philosophic manner, I ventured to ask
him how he felt towards those who had been in
the habit of receiving favours at his counter, and
who had, notwithstanding, voted against him
lie replied that he had no resentment toward
those who had merely exercised their right to de-
posit a secret vote against him, for that might be a
matter of conscience, but those who had not only
voted against him, but had done so openly, by pro-
claiming their vote or their intent to vote, and
thereby giving not merely their vote, but their in -
fluence to his prejudice; toward such he confessed
a feeling that will I venture to say at least prevent
them from ever receiving another favour -at his
counter."

Your correspondent asserts that the American
friends of the Ballot Society " never gave a vote in
their lives that " was not well known to friend or
►foe," he says this from his " personal knowledge" of
the gentlemen in question. He may or may not have
sufficient warrant for this assertion, but it matters
little whether these individual voters do or do not
keep their votes secret, as your correspondent dces
not disprove or deny my assertion that the votes in
New York are required by law to be given in secret,
and that any voter who likes so to do may keep his
vote secret to the end of time. From a lingering
hope that a sense of fairness may induce you to
publish this I forward it, but if you refuse as you
did in the case of my last letter I shall resort to
other means of giving publicity to the information
given by Mr. Williams.

I am, Sir, yours faithfully,
F. HENRY F. BERKELEY,
Victoria-square, S.W., Dec. 3, 1858.

REFORM.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,—On this most important subject it is desir-
able to take into account, calmly and dispassion-
ately, every view that may be presented. I have
therefore to submit that there are, as I think, two
great principles to be kept in view, viz., that all
great changes in the political machine should not
be made suddenly ; and that it is most desirable
that all men should be duly qualified for, and should
have a share in, their own government. To accom-
plish these objects, let the property qualification for
the franchise be gradually reduced (fifty years being
as nothing in the existence of a nation like Britain) ;
and for that purpose let a law be passed reducing
just now the £lO qualification to £9; and there-
after further reducing it by, say, £1 every 5,8, 10
or 15 years, as to Parliament in its wisdom may
seem most expedient. And let all other qualifica-
tions above £lO be reduced in the same periods by
the same ratio—that is, by tenths, should tenths
be agreed upon. And, in the meantime, let na-
tional education go on with great and greater
vigour, so that, by the time a property qualification
is done away with, every, or almost every, indivi-
dual in Britain may possess a thorough educational
qualification, without any need for any express
stipulation that it should be possesed. -
When the £lO qualification, in virtue of the
proposed law, is reduced to £3 or £4, it might be
declared, for any practical difference it would then
make, that manhood suffrage should come into
operation.—l am, sir, yours respectfully,

H. K

Edinburgh, Dee. 4.

THE CURRENCY

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

DEAR have read your various articles
on the currency, and likewise your contemporary,
the Derbyshire Courier's, with pleasure and pride.
From the way in which the subject is brought before
the public so perseveringly, I would suggest we
had a free trade in issues, the issuer to deposit in
the hands of the Finance Minister, or responsible
trustees, ten shillings in the pound on all his issues.
That amount should be invested in stock for the
ultimate payment of those notes ; the holders then
would be partially protected. Those who deal in
larger amounts are better prepared to take care of
themselves, or they should be. Indeed, I know
from practical experience this is the right view to
take of the subject. The failure of Farley's hank
at Worcester ought to awaken a feeling to right
the country. I could say more, but Ido not wish
to occupy you needlessly.--I remain, yours faith-
fully, AN OLD SUBSCRIBER.
Dec. 6, 1858.