The Sun.
London, England, 1867-06-01 00:00:00

THE FALSE NOTION OF PARTY FEALTY.

One cf the best political indications of late is the
general condemnation by men and presses of all
parties of the gross venality that has prevailed in the
New York Legislature. The Republican Tribune
and Times have rather excelled the Democratic
World in bold rebuke of corruptions, the responsi-
bility of which must rest mainly upon the party of
the former, because of its controlling majority in
the Legislature. One or two Republican papers
in the rural districts have condemned the metro-
politan press for their free exposure of the Legisla-
tive offences at Albany, as if it were infidelity to
the party. Let the enemy discover and expose our
faults, they cry out ; if we belong to a party we must
stand by it and defend it. The mistake is a radical
one. It is the Legislators who accept bribes that are
false to their party, as well as themselves. It is
they who bring dishonour upon the party, and if
the party would escape ruin by them it must dis-
avow and condemn their acts and do what it can
to punish them. To do otherwise ; to attempt to
cover them up, to excuse or defend them, is to
bring upon the party the condemnation which be-
longs to individual members ; and the Republican
press of New York city, in its course towards the
Legislature at Albany, has not only shown itself
faithful to the interest of the State but of the party
also. It seems to be very hard for the political
press of this country to break away from the old
and absurd notion of fidelity to party. True alle-
giance simply requires that they advocate the prin-
ciples and promote the aims of the party to which
they are attached. Yet most of them act on the
apparent supposition that they must indorse the
course of the individuals belonging to the party, at
least of all who are prominent enough to be in the
Legislature or in Congress. They are always to
assume that what these party leaders say and do
is wholly right and to be implicitly received, and
they are never to admit for a moment that there
can be such a thing as dishonesty in their ranks.
When important measures are proposed they are
discussed, if at all, with careful avoidance of posi-
tive opinions, until they pass, or it is certain that
they will ; then they are espoused absolutely and
without qualification, and defended through thick
and thin. If a man gets nominated for office, by
whatever means, no matter if he is the most unfit
person that could well be found for the place, he
must be held up as a model statesman and an example
of all the social and Christian virtues, while the
opposing candidate is of course to be held so debased
in morals and principles as to be almost beneath
contempt. The party press is gradually breaking
away from this wholesale and indiscriminate mode
of treating measures and men, but the old habit
still clings with wonderful tenacity, and there are
many who have yet to learn that independence and
honesty can exist with fidelity to party. There
have been some amusing illustrations of this in the
comments made upon the acts of the military com-
manders in the South. Because these commanders
are acting under laws of Congress, some of our Re-
publican papers seem to think they are bound to
indorse whatever they do—their petty follies and
mistakes with the rest—and, so far as they can,
they thus make the Republican party and Congress
responsible'for the errors of the President's ap-
pointees. This whole matter ought to be too plain
to need discussion. He is faithful to a party who
supports its principles, and in that support, and to
make it real and effective, uses entire freedom in
dealing with men and measures ; who rebukes cor-
ruption all the more severely that it is found in his
own party ; combats errors and sophistry wherever
it appears, and has no toleration for duplicity and
demagogism because they are found on his own
side. The opposite course is fiunkeyism, not fealty.
—Springfield Weekly Republican.

Two things of some significance, as regards the
Protection and Free Trade Controversy, have oc-
curred within the last ten days. The one is the
meeting of the iron masters at the Astor House, in
this city, for the purpose, we believe, of creating an
organisation to work on public opinion in opposition
to the Free Trade League. The Sessions were pri-
vate, so that, except the resolutions and the
speeches of Messrs. Greeley and Cooper, nothing
is known of what happened. But it is as
well to state frankly that we think the pro-
minence given to these two gentlemen looks
badly for the future of the movement, inasmuch as
neither of them is likely to be of the slightest use in
controversy, both being entirely ignorant of the
existing condition of economical science as taught
by free-traders, and one, at least, possessing little
or no reasoning power, which in politico-economical
discussions is of prime importance. We say this
with the utmost respect, as they are both worthy
citizens ; but Mr. Greeley's contributions to the
science have for some years excited simple merri-
ment amongst the leading free-traders of England
and the Continent, who, whenever the great tug
comes here, will undoubtedly supply most of
the weapons to the free-trade arsenal. The
other dent to which we have referred is the
appearance of a pamphlet on the " Collec-
tion of Revenue," by Edward Atkinson, who is
treasurer for several of the largest mills in New
England, and perhaps represents as well as, or
, better than, anybody else the manufacturing mind
of New England on the tariff. The pamphlet is a
I broad, straightforward advocacy of the application
of the free-trade theory to our tariff, as far as cir-
cumstances will admit, and of the total abandon-
ment of the protective system, due regard being
had to the vested interests which have ;grown up
under it. We propose next week to notice Mr.
Atkinson's views at greater length. His utterance
of them is an indication of a formidable defection
from the Protectionist ranks. —The Nati on.

In Rhode Island the amount of capital invested in
manufactures is reported to be $33,000,000, and the grosp
annual product of the mills of the State is estimated at
about $103,000,000.
SENSIBLE.—Jay Cooke, the well-known Phila-
delphia banker, in invitations to a party recently given by
him, is said to have forewarned his guests followingly
" Guests received at 5.20 ; dancing commences at 7.30 ;
supper at 10.10." It is presumed that the guests were
expected to leave soon afterward, although it would not
have exactly done to have fixed also the hour for depar-
ture. This is a good example, and if generally followed,
would do away with one serious objection to evening
entertainments of this nature.

The Springfield Weekly Republican gives in a
correspondent's letter from San Francisco, the following
description of the Japanese Commissioners. " They are very
intelligent, and much superior to the doubtful embassy
that visited Buchanan some years ago, and turned the
heads of fair New York. They are of higher rank, a
Prince and Governor being among them. They seem to
be well educated, understanding the theory and principles
of many things which they saw practically demonstrated
for the first time. The Secretary of the Commission is a
Japanese author of some popularity, and has translated a
history of the United States, the Constitution, and Declara-
tion of Independence, into his own tongue, with comments
and annotations. He has also written a treatise on European
civilisation, besides occasionally translating from English
and American papers accounts of discoveries, inventions,
and scientific data. The Commissioners aro obliged by
virtue of their office to transmit an account or daily
journal of their experience, and I presume that a very
detailed and accurate description of our pacific civilisation
will, by the time this reaches you, be in the possession of
the Japanese State Department. Their literature is
marked by a refreshing simplicity and good faith. The
Secretary translated one of Dr. Ayer's advertising
almanacs, even to the marginal facetim, and transmitted a
copy to Japan, as a work of a national and benevolent
character. All this of course has no relation to the specific
object of the commission, which, when it transpires, will
create some little excitement in Washington. As it was
told to mo as a secret, I are of course burning to get rid of
it. Nothing but a perhaps too sensitive regard for the bowels
of my friend the Secretary reatraho my pen at this mo-
ment."