The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 20,

plaints directly to him at Havannah we are obliged
to present them through our minister at Madrid.
These are referred back to the captain general for
information, and much time is thus consumed in
preliminary investigations and correspondence be-
tween Madrid and Cuba before the Spanish govern-
ment will consent to proceed to negotiation. Many
of the difficulties between the two governments
would be obviated, and a long train of negotiation
avoided if the captain general were invested with
authority to settle questions of easy solution on
the spot, where all the facts are fresh, and
could be promptly and satisfactorily ascertained,
We have hitherto in vain urged upon the Spanish
government to confer this power upon the captain
general, and our minister to Spain will again be in-
structed to urge this subject on their notice. In this
respect we occupy a different position from the
powers of Europe. Cuba is almost within sight of
our shores ; our commerce with it is far greater than
that of any other nation, including Spain itself,
and our citizens are in habits of daily and extended
personal intercourse with every part of the island.
It is therefore, a great grievance that, when any
difficulty, occurs, no matter how unimportant,
which might be readily settled at the moment, we
should be obliged to resort to Madrid, especially
when the very first step to be taken thereis to refer
it back to Cuba.

" The truth is that Cuba, in-its existing colonial
condition, is a constant source of injury and annoy-
ance to the American people. It is the only spot m
the civilised world where the African slave trade
is tolerated ; and we are bound by treaty with
Great Britain to maintain a naval force en the coast
of Africa, at much expense both of life and trea-
sure, solely for the purpose of arresting slavers
bound to that island. The late serious difficulties
between the United States and Great Britain re-
specting the right of search, now so happily termi-
nated, could never have arisen if Cuba had not
afforded a market for slaves. As long as this mar-
ket shall remain open there can be no hope for the
civilisation of benighted Africa. Whilst the de-
mand :for slaves continues in Cuba wars will be
waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs in
Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to supply
this trade. In such a condition of affairs it is im-
possible that the light of civilisation and religion
can ever penetrate these dark abodes.
" It has been made known to the world by my
predecessors that the United States have on seve-
ral occasions endeavoured to acquire Cuba from
Spain by honourable negotiation. If this were ac-
complished the last relic of the African slave trade
would instantly disappear. We would not, if we
could, acquire Cuba in any other manner. This is
due to our national character. All the territory
which we have acquired since the origin of the go-
vernment has been by fair purchase, from France,
Spain, and Mexico, or .by the free and voluntary
act of the independent state of Texas, in blending
her destinies with our own. This course we shall
ever pursue, unless ccircumstances should occur,
which we do not now anticipate, rendering a de-
parture from it clearly justifiable, under the im-
perative and overruling law of self-preservation.
" The island of Cuba, from its geographical posi-
tion, commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and
its immense and annually increasing trade, foreign
and coastwise, from the valley of that noble river,
now embraces half the sovereign states of the Union.
With that island under the dominion of a distant

foreign power this trade, of vital importance to
these states, is exposed to the danger of being de.
stroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been
subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in time
of peace. Our relations with Spain, which ought
to be of the most friendly character, must always be
placed in jeopardy, while the existing. colonial go-
vernment over the island shall remain in its present
condition.
"Whilst the possession of the island would be
vast importance to the United States, its value to
Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. Such was
the relative situation of the parties when the great
Napoleon transferred Louisiana to the United
States. Jealous, as he ever was, of the national
honour and interests of France, no person through-
out the world has imputed blame to him for accept-
ing a pecuniary equivalent for this cession.
" The publicity which has been given to our for•
mer negotiations upon this subject, and the large
appropriation which may be required to effect the
purpose, render it expedient, before making another
attempt to renew the negotiation, that I should lay
the whole subject before Congress. This is espe-
cially necessary, as it may become indispensable to
success that I should be entrusted with the means
of making an advance to the Spanish Government
immediately after the signing of the treaty, with-
out awaiting the ratification of it by the Senate. I
am encouraged to make this suggestion by the ex-
ample of Mr. Jefferson previous to the purchase of
Louisiana from France, and by that of Mr. Polk, in
view of the acquisition of territory from Mexico. I
refer the whole subject to Congress, and commend
it to their careful consideration.

" I repeat the recommendation made in my mes-
sage of December last in favour of an appropriation
' to be paid to the Spanish Government for the
purpose of distribution among the claimants in the
Amistad case. President Polk first made a similar
recommendation in December, 1847, and it was re-
peated by my immediate predecessor, in December,
1853. I entertain no doubt that indemnity is fairly
due to those claimants under our treaty with Spain
of the 27th October, 1795 ; and whilst demanding

justice we ought to do justice. An appropriation
promptly made for this purpose could not fail to
exert a favourable influence on our negotiations
*with Spain.

was seized by armed men to satisfy the -amount.
Not content with that the government proceeded
further, and issued a decree banishing him from the
country. Our Minister immediately notified them
that if this decree should be carried into execution
he would feel it to be his duty to adopt' the most
decided measures that belong to the powers and
obligations of the representative office.' Notwith-
standing this warning the banishment was en-
forced, and Mr. Forsyth promptly announced to
the government the suspension of the political re-
lations of his legation with them until the pleasure
of his own government should be.ascertained.
" This government did not regard the contribu-
tion imposed by the decree of May last to be in
strictness a forced loan,' and as such prohibited
by the 10th article of the treaty of 1826 between
Great Britain and Mexico, to the benefits of which
American citizens are entitled by treaty ; yet the
imposition of the contribution upon foreigners was
considered an unjust and oppressive measure. Be-
sides, internal factions in other parts of the republic
were at the same time levying similar exactions
upon the property of our citizens and interrupting
commerce. There had been an entire failure on the
part of our minister to secure redress for the wrongs
our citizens had endured, notwithstanding his per-
severing efforts. And from the temper manifested
by the Mexican government he had repeatedly as-
sured us that no favourable change could be ex-
pected until the United States should give striking
evidence of their will and power to protect their
citizens,' and that 'severe chastening is the only
earthly remedy for our grievances.' From this
statement of facts it would have been worse than
idle to direct Mr. Forsyth to retrace his steps and
resume diplomatic relations with that government;
and it was, therefore, deemed proper to sanction his
withdrawal of the legation from the. city of Mexico.
" Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists for a
resort to hostilities against the government still
holding possession of the capital. Should they suc-
ceed in subduing the constitutional forces, all rea-
sonable hope will then have expired of a peaceful
settlement of our difficulties.
"On the other hand; should the constitutional
party prevail, and their authority be established
over the republic, there is reason to hope that they
will be animated by a less unfriendly spirit, and
grant that redress to American citizens which jus-
tice requires, so far as they may possess the means.
But for this expectation I should at once have re-
commended to Congress to grant the necessary
power to the President to take possession of a suf-
ficient portion of the remote mid unsettled territory.
of Mexico, to be held in pledge until our injuries
shall be redressed and our just demands be satisfied.
We have already exhausted every milder means of
obtaining. justice. In such a case this remedy of
reprisals is recognised by the law of nations, not
only as just in itself, .but as a means of preventing
actual war.
" But there is another view of our relations with
Mexico, arising from the unhappy condition of
affairs along our south-western frontier, which de-
mands immediate action. In that remote region,
where there are but few white inhabitants, large
bands of hostile and predatory Indians roam pro-
miscuously over the Mexican states of Chihuahua
and Sonora and our adjoining territories. The
local Governments .of these States are perfectly
helpless, and are kept in a state of constant alarm
by the Indians. They have not the power, if they
possessed the will, even to restrain lawless Mem-
cans from passing the border and • committing de-
predations on our remote settlers. A state of anar-
chy and violence prevails throughout that distant
frontier. The laws are a dead letter, and life and
property are wholly insecure. For this reason the
settlement of Arizona is arrested, whilst it is of
great importance that a chain of inhabitants should
extend all along its southern border sufficient for
their own protection and that of the United States
mail passing to and from California. Well-founded
apprehensions are now.entertained that the Indians
and wandering Mexicans, equally lawless, may
break up the important stage and postal communi-
cation recently established between our Atlantic
and Pacific possessions. This passes very near to
the Mexican boundary, throughout the whole length
of Arizona. I can imagine no possible remedy ,for
these evils, and no mode of restoring law and order
on that remote and unsettled frontier, but for the
Government of the United States to assume a tem-
porary protectorate over the northern portions of
Chihuahua and Sonora, and to establish military
posts within the same ; and this is earnestly recom-
mended by Congress. This protection may be with-
drawn as soon as local Governments shall be estab-
lished in these Mexican States, capable of perform-
ing their duty to the United States, restraining the
lawless, and preserving peace along the border.
"I do not doubt that this measure will be viewed
in a friendly spirit by the Governments and people
of Chihuahua scud Sonora, as it will prove equally
effectual for the protection of their citizens on that
remote and lawless frontier as for citizens of the
United States.

858.

lawless violence, and in protecting the lives and property
of American citizens travelling thereupon, requiring at
the same time that these forces shall be withdrawn the
moment the danger shall have passed away. Without
such a provision our citizens will be constantly exposed to
interruption in their progress and to lawless violence.
A similar necessity exists for the passage of such an
act for the protection of the Panama and Tehuantepec
routes.

" In reference to the Panama route, the United States,
by their existing treaty with New Grenada, expressly gua-
rantee the neutrality of the Isthmus, with the view that
the free transit from the one to the other sea may not be
interrupted or embarrassed in any future time while the
treaty exists.'
" In regard to the Tehuantepec route, which has been
recently opened under the most favourable auspices, our
treaty with Mexico of the;3oth December, 1853, secures to
the citizens of the United States a right of transit over
it for their persons and merchandise, and stipulates that
neither Government shall interpose any obstacle thereto.
It also concedes to the United States the 'right to trans-
port across the Isthmus, iu closed bags, the mails of the
United States not intended for distribution along the line
of the communication ; also the effects of the United States
Government and its citizens which may be intended for
transit, and not for distribution on the Isthmus, free of
Custom-house or other charges by the Mexican Govern-
ment.'

" These treaty stipulations with New Grenada and
Mexico, in addition to the considerations applicable to the
Nicaragua route, seem to require legislation for the purpose
of carrying them into effect.