The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-14 00:00:00

APPETITE AND INDIGESTION IMPROVED

LEA and PERRINS' WORCESTERSHIRE
SAUCE imparts the most exquisite relish to Steaks,
Chops, and all Roast Meat, Gravies, Fish, Game, Soup, Cur-
ries, and Salad, and by its tonic and invigorating properties
enables the stomach to perfectly digest the food.
The daily use of this aromatic and delicious Sauce is the
best safeguard to health.
Sold by the proprietors, Lea and Perrins, 19, Fenchurch-
street, London, and 68, Broad-street, Worcester ; also ty
Messrs. Barclay and Sons, Messrs. Crosse and Blackwell, and
other oilmen and merchants, London ; and generally by the
principal dealers in sauce.
N.B.—To guard against imitations, see that the names of
"LEA and PERRINS " are upon the label and patent cap of
the bottle.

ON PHYSICAL DISQUALIFICATIONS, GENE RATWE
INCAPACITY, AND IMPEDIMENTS TO MARRIAGE.
New and improved Edition, enlarged to 19Q pages, illustrated
by 100 Anafcmical Coloured Engravings on Steel, just pub-
lished, price, free by post, ls.
THE SILENT FRIEND : A Medical Work
on the physical exhaustion and decay of the frame, from
the effects of solitary indulgence, infection, and the injurious
consequences from the use of Mercury: with observations on
the obligations of marriage, and directions for obviating cer-
tain disqualifications. By R. and L. PERRY and Co., Sur-
geons. Consultations as usual (see page 197). Sold by J. Allen,
20, Warwick-lane, Paternoster-row; Sanger, 160, Oxford-
street; and Gordon, 146, Leadenkall-street, London.
The CORDIAL BALM of SYR lAC UM is employed in both
sexes to renovate the impaired powers of life. Its action is
purely balsamic: its power in reinvigorating the frame in all
cases of nervous and sexual debility, obstinate gleets, impo-
tency, barrenness, anddebilities arising from venereal excesses,
has beendemonstrated by its unvarying is ucess in thousands of
cases. Price lls. per bottle, or four quirtities in one for 335.,
which saves 11s.

The CONCENTRATED DETERSIVE ESSENCE, an
anti-syphilitic remedy, for purifying the system, and is recom-
mended for any of the Varied forms of secondary symptoms,
such as eruptions on the skin, blotches on the head and face, en-
largements of the throat, tonsils, and uvula; threatened
destruction of the nose, palate, &o. Its action is purely deter-
sive, and its beneficial influence on the system is undeniable.
Price lls. and 335. per bottle, also a saving of lls.
PERRY'S PURIFYING SPECIFIC PILLS constitute an
effectual remedy in either sex for all cases of gonorrhoea, gleet,
stricture, and diseases of the urinary organs. Price 2s. 9d.,
4s. 6d. and lls. per box.
Sold by Daniel Church, 78, Gracecburch-street, City ; Bart-
ley-Hooper, 43, King William-street (four doors from London-
bridge) ; G. F. Watts, 17, Strand ; W. Sutton and Co., 10, Bow-
churchyard ; W. Edwards, 67, St. Paul's-churchyard ; J.
Sanger, 150, Oxford Street ; Hannay and Dietrichsen, 63.
Oxford-street ; Butler and Harding, 4, Cheapside ; Prout and
Harsant, 229 Strand, and all medical vendors throughout
the United Kingdom.

THE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF YOUTH AND
MATURITY.

Just published, price is., post free, in an Envelope, for 13
stamps,
gELF-PRESERVATION.—A Medical Treatise
on the Functions and Disorders of the Generative System,
and on the cure of Nervous and Physical Debility, resulting
from vicious habits acquired during the critical passage from
youth to Manhood, with practical observations on the Phy-
siology of Marriage in its social, moral, and physical rela-
tions. To which are added remarks on the wonders of the
Microscope in revealing the hidden mysteries "of Life with!n
Life," and its advantages in detecting, by urinary examina-
tion, the cause and effect of every variety of these complaints,
with numerous engravings and cases.
BY SAMUEL LAWERT, M.D.,
37, BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON,
Matriculated Member of the University of 'Edinburgh, Hono-
rary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society, Li-
centiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &c., &c.
The essential object of this treatise is to point out the fear-
ful consequences resulting from certain habits, irregularities,
and excesses, which have produced more misery in Youth,
degradation in Manhood, and premature decay at all stages
of life, than, perhaps, any other class of disease known to
modern pathologists. Its perusal is particularly recommended
to persons entertaining secret doubts of their physical condi-
tion, and who are conscious of having hazarded the health
happiness, and privileges to which every human being
titled.
It is absolutely necessary that all men should know that
tlitioeslrdaeot
principles of personal management which cannot be
violated without incurring grievous penalties, and when
et succeed the heyday of inconsiderate self-
indulgence, indulgence, how those penalties may be mitigated, how the
meadre and rennet
sting; of their bitterness may be removed, and how the evil
and its consequences may be avoided, and, above all, that
there is scarcely any. degree of physical infirmity or functional
derangement to which the timely aid of scienze cannot apply
a cure.
Published by J. Allen, 20, Warwick-lane, Paternoster-row,
and may be had of Mann;39, Cornhill ; Horne, 19, Leicester-
square;
yGordon, 146, Leadenhall-street ; or from the Author,
who
be consulted daily, from 11 till 2, and from 6 till 8,
at his residence, 37, Bedford-square, London.

The work may be bad in India, et' Mr. Von Li tzky, Loll
Bazaar; Calcutta—Messrs. C. and J.3lormusjee, Apollo-street ;
Bombay—Circulator Office ; Madras—Mofussilite Office, Agra;
Dodsworth, Colombo, Ceylon and of all Booksellers through-
out the Colonies

like Mr. CObden, who depended more on gifts of
mind than territorial advantages. And this could
not he said, perhaps, of all the changes into which
Governments were likely to be driven unless the
ballot was adopted. It was not unusal for politi-
cians to inquire by what solid facts such a change
as vote by ballot could be justified. There were
many answers to that question, but he preferred
one which rested on the basis of statistics. It should
first, however, be remarked that indifference to the
franchise they possessed was no prevailing quality
in our electors—the many strong motives were in
the habit of impelling them to vote—that every
facility of locomotion was afforded without expense
—that polling-booths were much nearer and more
frequent than they, used to be, and that the limited
duration of the poll made it important for either
party to exert its strength without delay. If, in
spite of these circumstances, all urging men to
vote, a large per tentage of electors in the counties
on the register were found absent from the poll, it
was. not easy to suppose that their power to vote
was unimpaired and independent. Mr. Campbell
then quoted statistics, showing the number of re-
gistered electors in 1852 who had not voted in
counties :—ln Middlesex, out of 14,610 electors on
the register, only 8,721 had polled; in East Kent,
out of 7,119, only 5,221 ; West Kent, out of 9,379,
only 5,852; East Surrey, out of 6,618, only 4,584;
Berkshire, out of 5,129, only 1,971 ; East Somerset,
out of 10,840, only 7,505 ; and about 20 other coun-
ties were namedin which the election books showed
a similar state of things, the total number of elec-
tors on the various registers being 170,024 out
of which only 116,153 had polled. He then re-
ferred to some of the distinguished men by whom
the ballot had been advocated, and particularly to
Lord Macaulay, who, on his return to Parliament
after a long absence, pronounced himself in his
speech on the 18th of June, 1839, as a supporter of
that measure. That speech was not answered then,
and never since had been refuted. (Hear.) Among
many strong considerations it urged one too re-
markable to be forgotten at this moment. Intimi-
dation and corruption, as Lord Macaulay reasoned,
were identical. (Hear.) Each of them consisted
in an irregular appeal to hopes and fears, with a
view to supersede the judgment and bribe the con•
science of the voter. (Cheers.) But against cor•
ruption new laws had been perpetually aimed since
the Revolution of 1688, and are still being aimed
now. Consistency and policy required that laws
should be directed against intimidation also—(loud
cheers)—which was but another form of offence.
(Continued cheers.) And how could they direct
laws against intimidation ? It was not possible,
according to our manners and ideas, to restrain the
customer in the choice of his .tradesman, or to fetter
the landowner in the disposal of his farms. The
only alternative remaining was to direct their aim
to the intimidated party—to throw around him the
strongest shelter they were able to devise. And
no other shelter but the ballot had ever been pro-
pounded with that object. Such was the position
to which Lord Macaulay was entitled in 1839.
But how different and how much firmer was the
ground on which the friends of the ballot stood at
that very Moment. It might be said with some
degree of plausibility,in answer to the distinguished
man he had referred to, that the Reform Act of
1832 was then a recent settlement—that it was not
expedient to disturb it even for a benefit of which
the value was demonstrated. The time for such
an answer was exhausted. The settlement was
less recent—at all events was going to be disturbed.
Four Governments had found it necessary to make
engagements to disturb it. From whatever cause the
necessity arose, it was a necessity which all states-
men united in acknowledging. To re-open our re-
presentative arrangements, and still turn a deaf ear
to the supporters of the ballot, was far more vio-
lent a course than to resist it on the ground that
the time had not yet come for unsettling our sys-
tem. And in the same way the demand for the
ballot was far more rational and forcible, when
organic change was going to be proposed, than
when the intention was to keep it at a distance. A
Minister proposing to alter the Reform Act could
only do so by two methods. He must either go
upon the plan of occasional and gradual reform, or
hditcusssoiolnuntchhanligthhet
he must go on that of large and comprehensive
partl:
.he efiri neecotl le; eda ripenednone on
Novnhb which which
it was so useless to
legislation. As regarded occasional reform, there
ibNiVaaaldsl
beennt.o
tried, they knew as much
teLpoesexpteorifmuretnhteiw. aLitation and inquiry. Unless
about it now as they would in half a century. It
ought to be adopted or rejected;
hainindselfto a final
what states-
manna would venture to commit
negative against it ? If, however, a Minister pre-
ferred the plan of comprehensive legislation, his
comprehensive legislation, no doubt, was intended
to be permanent. It was only with a view to per-
manence that comprehensive legislation on organic
questions could be offered or accepted. But what
permanence could really mark any comprehensive
scheme from which the ballot was excluded ?
(Hear, hear.) Would boroughs be more silent than

time maintain a firm resistance to the ballot ? He
need not touch upon the plan of large disfranchise.
ment, because it was implied in the system of elec-
toral divisions. But the conclusions to which his
observations tended was that a Minister who started
as an opponent of the ballot on the grounds of Sir
R. Peel—and no other grounds could be embraced,
although others might be stated—would find him-
self obliged to give his negative to every scheme by
which it was proposed to meet the expectations of
the moment. If it was an easy thing to alter the
Reform Act—if it imposed no grave responsibilities
on any Government attempting it—if a Minister,
by turning to his papers or his friends, could at
once command a budget of safe ideas and useful pro-
positions on the question--it might be less desirable
and urgent to embrace a proposition so moderate
in scope, so luminous in principle, and so little
to be apprehended in its operation as the ballot.
"In real fact, however, the problem of amending the
Reform Act was so difficult and grave that scarcely
any plan was found to meet it satisfactorily. The
boundless difficulty of the problem arose from this
circumstance that the House of Commons was a
body with two functions—Lone to represent the
people, the other to make laws and watch admini-
strations. If they merely viewed it in its repre-
sentative capacity, it was easy to suggest improve-
ments which bore alone upon that point. If they
viewed it in its legislative character, it was easy to
propose reforms by which that character would
singly be elevated. But the task before which
statesmanship and genius were exhausted was to
construct a scheme which answered one of these
demands, and did not militate against the other.
As he had no desire to perplex them by vague and
barren generalities, he would ask leave to give an
illustration so clear and brief that it would reach
the mind of every man he was addressing. Sup-
pose their aim was merely to improve the represen-
tative exactness and fidelity of Parliament, to have
general elections once a year or more frequently
would do it. No doubt, under such a change, the
House of Commons would respond with greater
pliancy and quickness to the views of its consti-
tuents. It would be more fully and precisely the
organ and the reflex of the people than it had ever
been before. It would therefore gain in point of
representative capacity, but it would lose in legis-
lative character ; since the excitement of general
elections constantly impending would take away
that power of weighing and investigating details,
without which public business could not be effec-

tually advanced. Suppose their aim was merely to
increase the business-like capacity and legislative
vigour of the house, they might do it in a moment
by a large reduction in the number of the members.
No man of common observation ever sat in Parlia-

ment without forming the opinion that the present
number went beyond the limit by which the inte-
rests ofbusiness would be most effectually consulted.
Why should they not reduce it ? Because, if they
reduced it, the different portions of the country could
not have that full representation and that iufluenc-

ing voice to which they were entitled. The duty of a
Government approaching the Reform Act, to dis•
turb and to revise it, was to discover changes by
which representative efficiency would be more
thoroughly secured, and by which the character,
the elevation, and the power of the governing as-
sembly would not in any way be injured. He had
not any hesitation in contending that vote by ballot
would not be found to run counter to either of the
tests it was so difficult to satisfy. It must, by
emancipating voters, improve the representative
efficiency of Parliament. (Cheers.) Its influence
extended to all the various constituencies into
which our system was divided. Neither counties,
nor great cities, or the boroughs of an intermediate
kind, would be withdrawn from its power. By a
single blow it touched the whole representation.
But in what manner could it sully or degrade the
character of Parliament ? No party would be
strengthened, and no party would be weakened by
it. No class would be elevated of those who sat in

Parliament, and no class would be depressed.
Questions of finance, of foreign policy and war,
would not be debated or determined by a body less
independent in its circumstances, or less enlightened.
in its views, or less respected out of doors, than the
body who now controlled these matters. (Cheers.)
So much might be contended for the ballot ; and
he would venture to inquire if there were many-
schemes of which the same assertion could be
hazarded ? (Hear, hear.) It might be urged,
however, that although Governments had ovary
inducement to view the ballot in a friendly manner
in connection with the whole question of amending
the Reform Act, if examined on its Inuits it was
found to threaten evils too great to be submitted
to in spite of the advantages it very obviouuly
implied. He would therefore reply briefly to the
prevalent objections. The most commonly ad-
vanced of them involved a fallacy so barefaced that
it was riot easy to approach it with the 'calmness.
he was anxious to preserve. It was all summed up
in the word responsibility. The elector, it was
argued, was responsible for the use of the power he
enjoyed; and they could not ascertain how far his
exercise of that power was correct unless it w 3.1

exercised before the criticism- of the public.
He would put two questions. .First, what was
the duty of the voter? secondly, under what cir-
cumstances would his duty be most faithfully per-
formed ? The duty of the voter :was—and he
might state this without fear of contradiction—out
of all candidates proposed to him, to support the
candidate he most approved; Here his dirty began
and here it ended. Would that duty be most
faitlifblly- performed when his mind was influenced
by fear, or when no fear of any sort controlled
him ? The fact was, no publicity-whatever could
exert thejletective flOrce which these reasoners so
eagerly insisted on. If the-vote -was declared with
the power of a thousand trumpets in all the market
place's of the kingdom, they had no better means of
proving -its accordance with the judgment of the
voter than if the vote remained a secret in his
breast. But the only thing to be inquired into, the
only thing on which his integrity or the want of it
depended, was the accordance of his vote with his
ideas, The upshot of the whole was, that publicity
was no aid to a conclusion of the question as to how
far the elector gave effect to his convictions, while
the fears publicity beget were, in inimmerable
cases,' a solid guarantee that these convictions
would be stifled on the polling day. Mr. Campbell
then referred to the controversies • on the balhit,
drawn from practical experience of the United
States. Some maintained that it worked well
there; some maintained that it worked ill. Some
thought it aimed at secrecy in the United States,
-and s+ine only at rapidity in voting. He did not
care in what way this controversy ended, because
he felt that-neither opponents nor supporters of the
ballot could rest on the United States as an autho-
rity against it or in favour of it. Britain was an
old country; the United States had not long en-.
joyed a national existence, In Britain society was
complex and divided; in the United States great
equality prevailed. In Britain capital and labour
did not always find the scope which was essential
to them; the United States possessed a territory
which was at once rich and unexhausted. The
United States were governed by a President and
Congress ; in Britain the form of monarchy sur-
vived; and the question our Governments and
Parliaments were called on to decide was, not
whether vote by ballot would succeed in a republic
of America, but whether it was well adapted to
a monarchy of Europe. Instead of plunging into
difficulties with regard to the United States, which
could not lead to any satisfactory conclusion, their
eyes ought to be directed to those monarchies of
Europe in which, along with institutions not unlike
our own, the ballot was established. (Much cheer-
ing.) Holland, Belgium, and Sardinia, were those
monarchies. (Hear, hear.) It was only there that
the political experience of other countries could be
useful to us on this question. If it was shown that
in Holland, Belgium, and Sardinia the ballot was
inoperative, that it left the voter in the Same con-
dition he would be without it, or that it led to evils
by which his independence was too dearly bought
in those communities; Britain was bound to hesi-
tate before consenting to adopt it. But if from
these three monarchies not a single argument had
yet been drawn against the ballot, while many had
arisen in its favour from them, so far as the experi-
ence of other countries could guide our own, there
was nothing to prejudge the course which he was
advocating. He would now refer to an objection
less frequently avowed, but more weighty in its
influence, perhaps, than any he had mentioned. It
was thought by some that, provided they did not
go so far as to emancipate the voter—provided they
kept alive the subtle forces which controlled him—
it did not much matter what other organic changes
were conceded ; the publicity so much vaunted as
a detective power would always neutralise and
balance them. The generous and unlimited reli-
ance, he might almost say the warm-hearted en-
thusiasm, with which these reasoners confided in
the influences which vote by ballot would remove,
often called to his mind the well-known terms in
which Mr. Sheridan had eulogised the power of a
free press in 1810. " Give them," said Mr. Sheri-
dan, " a tyrannical Court, give them a servile aris-
tocracy, give them a venal House of Commons ; but
give me a free press, and I defy them to encroach a
hair's breadth on the liberties of England." (Loud
cheers In a very different sense, but with the
same degree of chivalrous audacity, these rea-
soners appeared inclined to exclaim, " Give
them electoral divisions, give them universal
suffrage, give them unlimited enfranchisement ;
but give us intimidation and corruption—with
these simple means we undertake to keep the con-
stitution on its basis." (Laughter.) The reply to
this argument, if it ought to be considered, was,
that the organic changes these men were so ready
to propound as a kind of set-off against their refusal
of the ballot, must so far extend the number of
electors in want of shelter and exposed to interfe-
rence, that the measure which they deprecated
would become an object of more imperious and irre-
sistible demand. He had dwelt at length upon
the arguments which ought, as it occurred to him,
to recommend the ballot to the minds of Govern-
ments and statesmen; but he was not indifferent
to the views which made the topic a familiar one
amongst the haunts and firesides of electors. In
this country Ministers of State were exposed to no
coercion in the discharge of public duty. The in-
dependence of judges; had long been a common
theme of pride and exultation. Since 1688 no
Court had dared to attempt the coercion of our
representative 3in Parliament. It was therefore an
anomaly, as well as a misfortune, that the elector,
by whom the whole machinery of Government was
caned into existence, should be oppressed in his
performance of the duty the Reform Act had as-
signed to him. They knew, for well-authenticated
figures had explained to them, that a very large
proportion of electors in the country lived in houses
between the values of £lO and £l5. Such men,
however honest in their characters, however sound
in their political opinions, were cut off from the
various excitements of which wealth and ease were
indispensable conditions. It must occasionally
happen that rent and local rates pressed with too
much severity upon them. Unhappy speculation
might embarrass them. Debt might choose them
for its victims. And these evils undoubtedly re-
ceived a cruel aggravation if, at the very moment
the elector would seem to be enabled to dismiss
them from his memory—when he was called upon to
do his duty to the public—to assert the tenets which
he held, and which perhaps his forefathers had
left to him—he found himself compelled, as he ad-
vanced towards the hustings, to balance the reproach
of sacrificing his convictions, and the fear of ruin-
ing his home. Why had he refrained from dwelling
upon these topics ? Because they appealed to senti-
ments and touched on passions which were wholly
unnecessary to the purpose he had in view. He had
no occasion to appeal to any animosities on which

a revolutionary system might be founded. If free-
dom of election, at •which the ballot aimed, were
thoroughly established, they might still have a
national establishment, as they had at present.
However thoroughly the voter. was emancipated
from any judgment but his own, there was nothing
to prevent them from retaining one hereditary
chamber, as they done for many ages ; or that un-
paid magistracy of which the chairman of the meet-
ing was himself an exemplary ornament. (Cheers.)
It was not from the fragments of a throne or plun-
der of a church that the supporters of the ballot
desired to raise another temple to the freedom which
imparted a dignity and charm to every homestead
of the island we belong to-:-that freedom of which;
the Laureate assured us—

" Her open eyes desire the truth ;"
but of which he afterwards described a better image
as ho viewed her

" Turning to scorn with lips divine
The falsehood of extremes."
(Cheers.) He had only one more 'word to add. None
of those present would have forgotten that we had
only just emerged from two national exertions, cal-
culated, beyond almost any event which history
had recorded, to try the energy, the heart, the firm-
ness, and resources of an empire. He need not say
that he advertei to the Indian mutiny and to the
Russian war, Among the various advantages by
which they were enabled to pass those fiery ordeals
unseilthed in power and in name, a high place ought
to be given to that union of purpose and of senti-
ent in all the classes of society which free trade
had signally extended a few years before. (,Cheers.)
With an eye to new emergencies, it was not a rash.
or short-sighted policy to draw still closer these
moral ties which doubled the strength by con-ecu-
trating the opinions of the nation. Without a+Lach-
ing too much importanceto the rumours and anxieties
of which Europe was full just HOW, no one could
deny that its affairs for many centuries had exhi-
bited an unvarying propensity to move to conflict,
and to gravitate to arms. Whatever struggle
might await us, and whatever quarter it proceeded
from, no reproach would fall on those who, like
themselves, had come forward to the utmost of their
power to support, to countenance, and vindicate the
only practicable remedy for an evil which continued
to estrange the aristocracy and people.
At the conclusion of the speech the whole meet-
ing rose from their seats and gave a round of loud
applause.