The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-08 00:00:00

L.9NDO.N, MONDAY, APRIL 8, 1867

nary.

It was fortunate that ta deputations from Lanca-
shire waited upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer
on Saturday, because it afforded the right hen.
gentleman an opportunity of stating his views on
the subject of the " instruction" which is to be
moved to-night. Nothing could be plainer or more
straightforward than his speech in reply to the re-
marks of the deputations. These latter came to
offer to her MAJESTY'S Government their sym-
pathy and support in the present crisis with
respect to Reform. The deputation was large
and influential, and in the existing state of
things must be considered most significant, Mr.

ANTROBUS assured the Chancellor of the Exchequer
that they represented the majority of South Lanca-
shire, and the obj'ct in view of those who belonged
to the Association represented was to show that the
Reform League or National Reform Union did not
adequately represent the opinions or feelings of the
working classes. After some remarks had been
made by various speakers, all more or less approving
of the Government scheme, and condemnatory of
the moves and counter-moves against it, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer made a brief
but emphatic reply. Ile said that he was
convinced nothing would be more gratifying
t) his colleagues and himself than to meet with
such encouragement. As the right hon. gentleman
truly declared, this question of Parliamentary Re-
form ,4 has thrown its shadow over everything,"
and they felt they should not be doing their duty
if they did not attempt to grapple with it. Alluding
to the scheme before Parliament, he said it was a
Conservative plan, but it was " a popular one."
He further more assured the deputation that the
Ministers would not depart from the cardinal prin-
ciples of their bill. We agree with Mr. DISRAELI
that a personal payment of rates and an adequate
residence are checks to limit the extension of
the franchise, which are very requisite and neces-

Very correct was the description given by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer of the course of con-
duct of his opponents. " The fact is," said he,
" that what is called the Liberal party is now en-
gaged in opposing popular principles, and gentlemen
are not at all surprised at that. I always felt that
there was a great distinction between liberal opinion
and popular principles, those who prefer liberal
opinions are extremeiy " liberal" in the inter-
pretation of their own privileges, but not of
the privileges of any other class. Nothing can
posssibly be a more accurate account of the mode
practised by those who sit on the left of the
Speaker's chair at the present moment greatly to
their own discomfiture, and as they think greatly to
the detriment of the country. We believe that this
Reform Bill of Lord DERBY'S Government is far too
" popular" in its style and character to meet the
approval of soi-disant Reformers, and it certainly
goes a great deal further than the much-vaunted
proposal of last year. As Mr. DISRAELI very
clearly put it, the Government have rendered it
possible for all those who desire it to possess the
franchise, and every man who desires may obtain
the franchise ; but if he will not make the necessary
sacrifice, and use the needful exertion, there can be
no reason why he should enjoy the privilege. As
the right hon. gentleman truly averred there has
been a great deal of " skirmishing" on the part of
the opponents of the Government; and now, although
it is difficult to annex any " definite meaning" to
the amendment placed on the table by the
Opposition on Friday, the country cannot
be in doubt as to its " exact purpose."
The purpose is to " defeat the attempt on the part
of Lord DERBY to settle the great question of
Parliamentary Reform on national principles."
This is the exact truth, neither more nor less, and
the full, true, and particular account of the mean-
ing of this last move. He may depend upon it
that Mr. GLADSTONE knew well what he was about
when he framed this pernicious instruction. Mr.
CLAY divined his motive, and declared that if
carried it would destroy the remnant of principle
that remained for the measure. The exceeding
tartness of Mr. GLADSTONE'S reply t 43 the wise
suggestion of the hon. member for Hull was per-
haps induced by the perception that his motive was
exposed and his ulterior aim brought to light. If
this attempt to-night on the part of the Oppcsition
succeed, the effect will be, as Mr. DISRAELI said, to
delay the settlement of the Reform question for
another year, and this must have been very well
known to the leader of the Opposition when he laid
lis plans, and summoned his followers to the work

in question.
Mr. EDGE, of Bolton, assured the Chancellor of
the Exchequer that the Government and the
Conservative party have given such evidence of an
earnest desire to settle this question that if it were
necessary to appeal to the country both the Govern-
ment and their party would be strengthened thereby,
and Mr. DisRAELi himself made some observations
on the point, and expressed his hope and conviction
that " if the hour came when the sympathy of the
people of England is expressed i❑ a manner teat
cannot be mistaken they will not appeal to the
people of England in vain." We consider it to
have been a most fortunate coincidence that the
deputation should have come at this time, and
certainly no better exposition of the intentions of
the Government could have been made than was
afforded by the speech of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer. It was decided, and yet not extravagant;
confident, but not presumptuous; and distinguished
more for its regret at the conduct of the Opposition
than animated by the factious and bitter tone which
is so often infused into Mr. GLADSTONE'S speeches.
It was very satisfactory to the deputation, and by
this time it must have been appreciated by
the country in general. We think that,
under the circumstances, the Ministry could
not have done otherwise than accept the chal-
lenge of Mr. GLADSTONE. It is quite evident that
they will be allowed no peace until some decisive
struggle has taken place ; and the permission to
have the second reading was only a feint after all,
for the arch-conspirator was on the alert, arranging
his schemes and plotting ruin and destruction in
his mind while his words sounded plausible to the
house.

A significant meeting was held on Saturday at
Blackfriars for the purpose of allowing
middle-class and working meu to confer
together respecting the present Reform
question. Some home-truths were spoken
which, if not pleasant to Mr. GLADSTONE to listen
to, would have been very profitable had he been
present. A letter was read from Mr. TAYLOR,
M.P., in which he said that he considered it was
more important at the present moment to secure
the basis of the suffrage, namely household and
rating, rather than the lodger franchise, which
was not endangered. " The better all Liberals
are prepared to maintain the household suf-
rage will, I fear, be ' burked' on our side." This
is a very correct definition of the state
of things, and the letter reflects great
credit on the discernment of the writer. The same
idea was expressed by Mr. APCULLOGII TOIIRENS,
who said that he could not go back from household
suffrage, and should vote to go into committee on
the bill. The fact is that a good many members
on the Liberal side will be disappointed at the turn
events have taken, and ashamed of the part their
leader :is playing. :Mr. GLADSTONE'S zeal has al-
together outrun his discretion in this matter, and
he is now appearing before the country as an anti-
Reformer, so that by any means he may impede the
progress
of his political opponents. Such a course
is unlike unworthy of himself and his position, as
leader of the Opposition and a statesman of many
years' reputation. We think the friends of the
right hon. gentleman have ample cause to deplore
the policy whose last greatest exploit will be wit-
nessed to-night.
The 'Ministers have, indeed, an anxious time
i before them, but we reel cminced that the sym-

pathy of the country is on their side, and
we trust that the House of Commons will
♦indicate itself from the aspersions that have been
cast upon it, and will to-night, by giving a trium-
phant majority for Government, declare its inten-
tion to settle the long-vexed question of the repre-
sentation of the people. We would earnestly impress
upon hon. members that it is not a question of
party which they are called upon to decide, but a
great question of national interest and im-
portance. There will be many more fitting
opportunities for testing the respective merits of the
various statesmen who aspire to rule the destinies of
the country ; but the present moment is not the
right time. It is indeed disappointing to think
that all that has been done as yet daring this
session in the cause of progress is lost, and
that we are again to engage in a discus-
sion of first principles ; but let the House do
its duty, and reject Mr. COLERIDGE'S Instruction
by an overwhelming majority. The news will spread
through the length and breadth of the laud to-
morrow, and cause rejoicing in the hearts of all
who are genuine in the cause of Reform, and
anxious to secure the welfare of the community.
If, however, a vote adverse to the Government be
recorded, they will have but one course to pursue—
to appeal to the country, and they have
no cause to fear the result of such an alternative.
The general feeling of the people has been with them
throughout this session, and it will not fail them
should they be defeated by the schemes and devices
of faction ; and we feel convinced that if they are
defeated to-night it will only be to appear with
renewed strength when they meet a new House of
Commons.

The arrival of the Africa, with news from New
York on the 26th, brings us some fuller accounts of
the political situation at Washington. The two
great difficulties remain the same as heretofore—the
reconstruction of the South and negro suffrage.
The latter is still very unpopular in many parts of
the North, and it is one of those questions which
divide the Liberal party against itself. We have a
specimen of this difference of opinion in the news
before us. A Radical Convention, we are told, has
been held at Baltimore, at which the Convention
called by the Maryland Legislature was denounced,
and proposals made for a separate Convention to
form a Constitution on the basis of negro suffrage.
At Charleston a mass meeting of Radicals and
negroes was held and some exciting speeches made.
In consequence the negroes became riotous, and
several arrests were made. The Radicals, notwith-
standing their professions of sympathy, do not seem
to understand the negro character nor to appreciate
the excitable nature of the blacks. They are, there-
fore, very often more vehement than discreet in
their advocacy and assistance. The Reconstruction
Bill is still the main topic. The Louisiana Legisla-
ture has repealed the act calling the State Conven-
tion under the laws existing previously to the pas-
sage of the bill, and a special committee of the
Legislature has advised that active steps be taken
for the reorganisation of the State under the
Reconstruction Act. To judge by this, Lousiana
at least is willing to abide by the new measure,
but we very much question whether it will be cor-
dially accepted throughout the South generally.
President JOHNSON in his veto states very forcibly
the constitutional reasons against it. He declares
with truth that it is based upon the wrongful as-
sumption that the Southern States are entitled to
no constitutions, except those which are arbitrarily
dictated to them. The Southern State Constitu-
tions, he says, conform to the acknowledged stan-
dard of loyalty and republicansim, and yet
CongreAs would exact from them universal
suffrage as evidence of their loyalty. If this
is to be the best reconstruction he pointedly
reminds :them :they might as well begin in
Ohio or Pennsylvania. lie goes on to complain
that the bill requires the voters to take an oath that
they have never been disfranchised for participation
in rebellion—a grave responsibility, in discharging
which an error in judgment may lead to perjury.
The officers of the Board of Registration are to
need no qualification but loyalty; but Mr. JOHNSON
has ample opportunity of discovering that such
a term is by no means synonymous with all the
virtues that great power is entrusted to their hands.
" It is a scoff and a satire on liberty," he exclaims
with indignation, for the terms of government to
be prescribed by military leaders, and for the suf-
frage to be exercised at the point of the sword."
Yet this is the inconsistent position to which these
professors of extreme theories have reduced Ame-
rican liberty. During the war, says Mr. JOHNSON,
measuresa
nf for
meetr
tti
hthsee
msnhutahlsuppression,
Southerners
asyr
yhh
iene
tladwde vdho,ecnha
ett
tldeh
esetunrgda
hnwtg a
sei t
bgae best
tnetdo,
" and to conquer them more by magnanimity than
by force of arms." If Congress, he adds, " had
adopted that policy the States would now be in the
unty is
Union." Americans must acknowledge that, in
spite heirsacrifice
sacrifices,
the co
disunito all t
disunited.
The very Object which they r
set
before themselves during the years of struggle
and suffering they are
voluntarily surren-
dering when won. The State
could scarcely
be more disorganised had the
Southern population
refused to acknowledge the supremacy of the Central
Government, and had each State Legislature pro-
tested against the form of union. Mr. JOHNSON, iu
concluding his veto, says, truly enough, that con-
templating the alternatives left to the South he
considers its condition deplorable; and, is fact, it
has been reduced after all this lapse of time, and con-
sequent modification of public feeling to a choice
of evils which no honest and patriotic American
could conscientiously wish his countrymen to be
willing to accept.

The political horizon of Europe is„ just now very
far from being tranquil. In spite of the long-looked
for Parisian Exhibition, which was to inaugurate a
season of peaceable festivity and harmless rivalry,
the rumours of war and danger are making them-
selves heard even in the French capital. Luxem-
burg has risen into sudden prominence as the
question of the day, and a good many Frenchmen
at all events are disposed to think that NAPOLEON'S
pacific policy will not hold out much longer. The
progress of events has been strongly marked in the
operations on the Boulevards during the last two
days, and the prevalent uneasiness is increasing.
Prussia has given the rest of Europe too good reason
to mistrust both her intentions and her actions,
while it is well known that the high-spirited people
of France chafed under the restrictions hitherto
placed upon them. The crisis assumes a serious
aspect when there is so little good faith to appeal to.
Meanwhile we are getting into difficulties on our
own account, though they will not, we trust, prove
very formidable in their nature. Notwithstanding
the almost universal adoption of the non-intervea
tion policy, we believe the public will learn with
great satisfaction that Lord STANLET has
adopted decisive measures in order to obtain
fitting reparation for the outrageous conduct
of the Spanish Government. The Mediterranean
squadron has left for Cadiz, and there is little
doubt that the logic of the ironclads will prove
more efficacious at Madrid than the diplomatic
courtesies of Sir JOILII CRAitrIVN, The Spaniab,