The Sun.
London, England, 1858-08-16 00:00:00

MEMOIR OF THE CAVALIERE MASSIMO

D'A ZEGLIO.

The name of Cavaliere Massimo d'Azeglio is so familiar to
our readers that we think they will be glad to find in our
columns the following masterly sketch of M. d'Azeglio's
political life. We extract it from the book recently published
by Signor Chiala, " Une Page du Goavernement Repre-
sentatff en Piemont." The author is a young man of
great talent, and considered to be one of the eminent poli-
tical writers of Piedmont, and this work is certainly one of
the most interesting that has appeared in that country on
political matters, and on this account we hope now to see a
translation of the whole work.
After giving a history of the political party known in
Piedmont as the Centro Sinistro, Signor Chlala
thus speaks of Massimo d'Azeglio, the eminent writer,
and, at the same time, painter, poet, and statesman.
On the fall of the democratic Ministry, after the defeat of
Novara, the King Victor Emmanuel called to the presi-
dence of his first Cabinet M. le General de Lannay, a
senator of the kingdom, a man who in public opinion was
considered to be a greater partizan of the ancien regime
than of the new state of things. These who knew this
honest Savoisien well judged him differently. M. de
Lannay considered, in fact, the Parliamentary system as
indispensable to our country at this period. Few Ministers
have shown more dignity and firmness than be did, as was
proved in his relations with Austria. Nevertheless, in poli-
tical affairs one must not always follow one's personal con-
victions, though good and just, but a little those of the pub-
lic—as M. Capefigue observes in his biography of Prince
Polignac, a measure must be considered less as to its
abstract right than by the result it would have on public
opinion. Thus, when Charles X., in 1830, thought of
making an Administration, after perceiving the
weak tendency of the Ministry of M. de Martig_
nac, his fault was in believing that good and upright
intentions sufficed. When a power is organised
it should take even prejudices into account. No one can
brave public opinion with impunity, no more in govern-
ments than in families. The wise King Victor Emmanuel
recognised the truth of these facts. He thanked M. de
Lannay for his services and his good intentions, and he
brought to the presidenee of his Council a man who in him-
self alone constituted a programme-11. d'.Azeglio. It was
in the first days of May, 1849. The simple announcement
of such a nomination suttee(' to make Piedmont feel, as it
were, freed from a tie, aad with new breathing power; as
Madame de Steel significantly says—it was the rainbow after
a frightful and dark storm. Confidence succeeded to defiance.
We had an assurance of prosperity and a good future. On
the part of M. d'Azeglio it was an act of devotion to his
country, an abnegation of himself for the general good. The
author of " Lutti di Lombardia," the soldier of Vicenza, was
called by his King to sign the treaty of peace with Austria.
Such a man could not admit the conditions of this treaty,
but be could have the courage to submit to them; and
he did so. We do not know in modern history
another example of a greater sacrifice, if it were not that
which, in 1816, the Duke de Richelieu gave in almost similar
circumstances. That statesman had refused to sign the
conditions of the Treaty of Paris. The King, Louis X.VI I 1.,
who saw the Chambers, upon the point of opening, ready
to call him to account for his sterile intervention for the
pacification of the country, and saw, on the other hand,
Austria, Prussia, llolland, the Powers of the Rhine, de-
stroy his people under the devastations of 80,000 men, sent
M. Decases one night for the Duke de Richelieu. The
King's tears fell on the hands of his first Minister while he
asked of him the sacrifice of that which is dearest to a man
of honour, his name. The Duke de Richelieu left, after the
interview with his unfortunate master, softened and con-
quered. He had signed. It is pleasing to be able to unite
these two names—Massimo d'Azeglio and Armand de Riche •
lieu—two names which alone suffice to honour the class to
which they belong—two names which, in am century, are
remarkable for loyalty, honour, and dignity. We shall not
examine here the successive acts of the Ministryof 11.d'Azeglio;
we have bad the opportunity of showing them forth in the
course of this study, and they speak for themselves. The
impression they leave on the mind of those who examine
them can only be favourable to him who accomplished them.
M. d'Azeglio never placed himself as a statesman, as a skil-
ful politician, or as a great administrator. Were we to
point out that if he did not possess all these advantages in
an eminent degree, at least he possessed those which were
essential, he would care bet little for our praise.

When he took the reins of government, he had no pre-
tensions; when be abandoned them, it never occurred to
him that it could be said he had done so to satisfy these pre-
tensions. His sole ambition was always that of directing an
administration with probity, loyalty, and with honour. He
treated politics as an artist. He carried an [esthetic tact
into a domain where it had rarely been felt. His was the
system of Lamartine—with prudence. and wisdom super-
added.

M. d'Azeglio would never have been a man to have writ-
ten the memorial of Mazarin to the Queen Anne, after the
decapitation of Charles 1., nor to have given forth the
maxim " That the laws of honour and justice never
should do anything contrary to those of prudence."
No, he never would have understood the strange politics of
the Italian Cardinal, based on the sole fear that the busi-
ness he was proposing to the Queen of France should not be
productive, and who never could have comprehended that
one could d:sbouour herself for honour's sake, according
to the happy expression of M. Alfred Nettement. M.
d'Azeglio would rather havO beta that Viscount d'Orta,