The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-09 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1858.

21118 BE-ELECTIONS.

BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
RETURN OF MR. DISRAELI.

times when the great theatre of human action was con-
fined to Europe alone, have become obsolete. Under
those circumstances rivalry between France and Eng-
land, the two foremost nations in Etirope,ll natural,
and under some circumstances it was even necessary.
No doubt the general effect of the rivalry was salutary
to the progress of that civilisation which has made
Europe, though a small portion of the world, pre-emi-
nent. But of late years other imperial influences have
arisen in the world—no longer limited to Europe—which
render it necessary that if the preeminent power of
Europe is to be maintained the rivalry between the two
chief nations must no longer be encouraged, but a
cordial alliance must be cherished, as the only means to
maintain the independence and importance of Europe in
the scale of the world. Now, gentlemen, that is the
real reason why both Englishmen and Frenchmen should
support the alliance between England and France, and
for that great consideration, and to obtain that great
result, the petty jealousies of traditionary times must by
the strong common sense of both countries be forced to
be obsolete—(hear, hear)—for our existence as great
civilised powers, and the maintenance of Europe itself
in the political and social scale, depend upon the cordial
union of feeling between the populations of these two
foremost European countries. (Hear.) Well,gentlemen,
with that conviction, and looking upon that alliance, as
I described it to be in the House of Commons, as the
very corner stone of civilisation, it is impossible for me
to express the sexiety and apprehension with which I, in
common with all who were elected by the people to guard
over their interests, must have viewed the recent cir-
cumstances that have occurred to disturb the good un-
derstanding between these two countries. If the prin-
ciples I have laid down be Pest, the policy to be adopted
is totally irrespective of the forms of government in
France. Whether France be Imperial, be Royal, or be
Republican, I maintain that it is the essence of English
policy, and not only of English but of French policy,
that there should be an intimate alliance between Eeg-
land and France. That alliance is founded on principles
totally independent
.of forms of-government - totally in-
dependent of dynasties—totally independent even of the
characters of the rulers of France. It does indeed FO
happen that the present ruler of that country is a man
eminently gifted, and who from a variety of circum-
stances necessarily exercises a great influence over
events. The Emperor Napoleon is not only a prince,
but a statesman—the Emperor of France is not only a
man who has a great knowledge of human nature, but
he is a man who has a great knowledge of Engl sh
human nature. Therefore it is clear that while the Em-
peror of France is not only a statesman but a man inti.
mately acquainted with the character, the laws, the
customs, and all the circumstances of England, we have
a security and an advantage for the cultivation and the
maintenance of that alliance which, under circumstances
less favourable, we might not have enjoyed. And, gen-
tlemen, we have reaped the fruity of that alliance, so
guarded over and guided by a prince of the character
such as I have described—one who ie not only a states-
man, but one who is intimately acquainted with the
customs of England. We have found in France and in
the ruler of France a faithful ally in a great emergency
—not the faithful ally of mere courtly phrases expressed
in a Queen's speech or in a diplomatic document, but in
the deeds of a nation sealed by blood and crowned by
victory. The French people have fought by the side of
the English people. Now, as my honourable friend
who did me the honour of proposing me properly
reminded us, the French people are at this moment
fighting by the side of the English people. (Hear.)
Therefore, after all that has occurred, there did appear
at this moment a prospect of that alliance being
so confirmed in the convictions and the feelings of the
two nations that statesmen who knew its; paramount im-
portance, how necessary it was for the independence and
liberty of Europe, might have reckoned upon it as that
cardinal point from which all political calculations might
be made. We must remember this also, gentlemen, that
in addressing ourselves to this subject—and I dwell upon
it because it is of the deepest importance that the mind
of the English people should be completely and fully
enlightened upon it—we must remember there is this
difference with regard to the question of the alliance be-
tween England and France., The great body of the people
of England are, I thick I may say without exaggeration,
favourable to the French alliance. They book upon the
French people—with whom they have many points of
resemblance, many ties of sympathy, with respect and
even affection. They have ao prejudices. They know
that the French, like themselves, are a high-spirited
people. They know that the French, like themselves, are
a brave people, and they know that the French, like
themselves, are eminently illustrious for 'the pursuit of
science. They know that the French, like thenhelves,
are a people who are.in the enjoyment of a degree of re-
finement and civilisation in which probably no other
nation can rival them. But in France, though the more
enlightened and superior classes have discarded ancient
historical prejudices and learnt to respect England—
there is no doubt that in the great body of the French
people—though it has greatly diminished of late years,
and though a better feeling is beginning to spread
amongst them, much of that prejudice which past event,
—I will not say justifiecl—but occasioned, en the part of
the people of France against the people of this country
still prevails. Therefore, the ruler of France in con-
solidating that alliance has a much more difficult task
to perform than has the Government of England.
Here, whatever prejudices exist are confined rather
to some of the superior classes, and do not extend
to the masses of the people. (Hear.) Here the
Government can with confidence appeal to the great
body of the people, while the Emperor of France,
even when he feels confident in the wisdom of his views
and the carrectnesa of his policy, has to deal with a
proud, an irritable, and a jealous people on this subject,
and therefore his position, with respect to this great
political question, is infinitely more difficult than our
own. Now, gentlemen, if lam right in the view which
I have sketched of the true reason why the alliance be-
tween the two countries should be cherished at anysacri-
floe short of honour—if lam correct in the view which
I have given of the relative positions of the govern.
ments of the two countries, let me now recall to your
recollection the great event which has recently occurred,
and which has occasioned such prodigious political
changes. lam sure, gentlemen, that when that horrible
attempt was made upon the life of the Emperor of the
French, the first feeling in this country was one of as
great indignation and disgust as could have prevailed in
France itself. (Cheers.) The attempt to assassinate a
Prince who, whatever difference of opinion may exist
amongst some classes of his subjects, is a Prince who
has raised his country to the highest pitch of political
influence—the attempt, moreover, not merely to destroy
his existence, but that of the lady whom he has raised
to a throne which she really adorns by every charm and
virtue—was something so horrible in its conception and
t l a e e
is o
nwheciee createhnecessary
obtained
0
in its execution, so alien from every manly feeling, that
sympathy
in this country
I hardly know any event which on its first occurrence
wase more
amicable
feelingd e
and to preserve
h
towards the ruler of France. (Hear.) Unfortunately,
on these
the French
these occasions to
speak gentlemen—for
wthgreat
i t
frankness—unfortunately
Government, and indeed I believe the French people, in
a spirit of what 1 may call indignant consternation visited
that atrocity upon the land and the laws of England.
Gentlemen, I know there were rune' extenuating cir-
cumstances in the position of France at that moment
which should not be forgotten when we recollect the
commission of this great error—for a great error on the
part of the French government and the French people
it undoubtedly was. Gentlemen, I cannot but feel that
when that took place—when the act of accusation against
any severity
the laws and the people of England was as it were handed
in
on theconducth I have no
wish
o nto
cannot
red commentpredecessors,
eaferes thoughwith
that it was not met
in a manner or in a spirit adequate to the occasion. And
I regret that, gentlemen, not merely for the honour of
our country, but for the interests of France herself.
bya uontothisrit y
occasion
o efla ms iy p
(Hear, hear.) Ido believe that an English Minister at
that moment, by frankness and firmness—which are
quite consistent with the most entire friendship and
friendliness—might have taken a course which would
have indicated in a manner that could not be mistaken,
to the French Government the error of their way—which
would have prevented them from pursuing an error every
step of which rendered it more difficult for them to re-
cede, and
which,while it would have vindicated the
honour of our country and the dignity cf our Govern-
ment, might at the same time have respected and sym-
pathised with the feelings of France, and retained and
even cherished that cordial friendship which is I think
to invaluable. But, gentlemen, lam bound to say—and
indeed the Parliament of this country has ratified that
opinion—that I perceive in the conduct of the late Go-
vernment with respect to this important transaction, a,

total absence of those qualities which so great an occa-
sion demanded. Instead of a public reply we have
private conversation—instead of a frank and firm
exposition to the Government of France of our feelings,
and of the false position to which they were drifting, so
far as I can form an opinion of the course which was
pursued on the part of the English Government—there
was vacillation, timidity, intrigue, manoeuvre—anything
but an open assertion of our right—(hear)—anything but
a firm though friendly demonstration to the French Go-
vernment of the error that they were committing--
anything but a recourse to those means which were
requisite when the peace of two great nations, and indeed
the peace and the future happiness of Europe, were
depending. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, under these
circumstances, power fell—suddenly and as it were by
some judicial act—from the hands of a ministry that
was deemed omnipotent ; and it came to us, gentlemen,
not by any of the routine of the faction, not beceu e we
were the English Opposition, not because wo had taken
a considerable part in the Parliamentary opinion that
was given—for it was not even the party of which I
am a member that originated the vote upon that ques-
tion—l say power did not come to us by any of the
routine forms of faction. You have been recently told
by Lord Derby, in his place in Parliament, teat when her
gracious Majesty was pleased to summon him to her
councils, he entreated her Majesty to think well over
the critical position of affairs ; and while he told
her Majesty that, critical as was the occasion, and
vast as were the difficulties with which he must
grapple, he would not shrink from the conjunc-
ture, and would serve her, if necessary, he besought her
Majesty to take one night to think over existing circum-
stances, and not to renew the offer unless hie presence in
her councils was, in her Majesty's opinion, necessary for
the welfare of the country. It was on the day after—
eubtequent to that mature consideration—that eer Ma
je-ty railed up et Lord Derby to take the helm. There-
fore, I say, without exaggeration, it is to nines her
Majesty, at her instance, at a critical moment, that the
present government has been formed, and under those
circumstances it is that it appeals with confidence to the
country (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, the political pro-
blem we have to solve is one of no common difficulty.
We have to assert the dignity of this country, and at the
same time to maintain—perhaps to revive—our cordial
friendship with France. Any man, or any minister,
could do either by himself. It is very easy to bluster
an I insult with high-flying terms an ally who has proved
his constancy and fidelity. Oa the other hand, it is not
difficult to cringe to a great power, and be subservient
to its wishes. (Hear, hear.) But to combine at the
same time the virelication of the rights and privileges of
Englkhmen with the maintenance of that alliance which
is essential to the cause of European civilisation, is a
problem not easy to solve, but one from the solution of
which we will not shrink. (Cheers.) So unhappily,
gentlemen, have affstra been managed, that the result of
the proceedings of the late administration with respect to
recent tran ac ions is this—that th, r is apparen 1, an
attempt to change the laws of England at the dictation
of a foreign power. lam convinced that the people of
this c ;untry would never submit to a course like that.
(Cheers.) And therefore I deeply regret that by mis
understanding and misconception, such a situation should
have been arrived at, I feel that it is impossible that the
difficulty should be solved by taking a course which the
great majority of the people of England have already
entirely condemned. But, gentlemen, 110 not despair
that this great difficulty may be overcome. I do not despair
that means and methods may be found by which, coatis-
tautly alike with the honour of England and of France
—and consistently alike with the interest of the two
countries, we may arrive at some conclusion that shall
be perfectly satisfactory to both nations, and leave, as I
hope, no coldness or feeling of alienation behind. And
I leek forward at this mement with great confidence in
this respect to the Emperor of the French himself. The
custom of that prince, arising as it does neceseari'y from
the great transactions with which be has to deal—the
custom of that prince is to leave the conduct of affairs
for a considerable time to his Ministers and subordinate
ageing. That is the necessary consequence of his deal-
ing himself, more or less, with the entire administration
of his empire, both foreign and domestic. But it hoe
happened befere, as I hope it will happen in this in-
stance, that when by their mismanagement or ini‘con-
dact a critical state of affairs has arisen—when the peace
of Europe or the independence of countries has been in
question—and when difficulties have presented them-
selves which appeared to take such an inextricable form
that no solution seemed at stand—the Emperor himself
has then interfered ; and, bringing to the survey of the
whole transaction that sagacious and unimpassioned
intelligence which he possesses—viewing, as I believe he
will view, this state of affairs solely with regard to the
interests of France—the E nperor of France will, I feel
assured, not permit those great principles of policy of
which he has been the great supporter, if riot originator
—he will not allow them to be sacrificed by a want of
intelligence or a deficiency of judgment on the part of
those individuals who have had the previous manage.
ment and conduct of these matters. Ifeel persuaded that
'thou the Emperor himself brings, as no doubt he is at
this moment bringing, his powerful investigation and
supervision to bear on all the circumstances of this
difficult,caae, he will not hesitate to recognise the origi-
nal error of his Ministers—he will not hesitate to place
confidence in those lava of England, the efficiency of
which has not even yet been tried to obtain for him that
just remedy he solicited ; and I am confident that when
the Emperor has investigated in this spirit all the cir-
cumstances; of this case—when he recognises the first
error of his Ministers—when he recognises that which
has too late been acknowledged, the efficiency of our
existing laws—he will feel confident that if his hopes are
frustrated—if it be proved that the law as it now exits
is not sufficient, which I, at present, am not inclined to
believe—if that monstrous doctrine can be demonstrated
to be the law of England, that an alien in this cnuutry
may commit a crime with impunity, which her Majesty's
own subjects cannot commit without meeting the penal-
ties of the law—then, lam sure, the Emperor of the
French will not send dictatorial menaces and messages,
but leaving them to counts and colonels, will appeal to
the justice of the English nation, and ask them, "Do
you wish it to be the law of England that an alien may
commit a crime with impunity which the subjects of
your own Sovereign may not commit when that crime
is directed against the person of your faithful ?"
(Hear.) With respect to his situation, I watch with
deep interest the trials that will soon take place in this
country. (Hear, hear.) I know that abroad they
imagine there are great and purposed delays in the
investigations that are taking place before the magistrate
preliminary to the more formal judicial proceedings ;
but that arises from the ignorance of our forms of law
which is too common on the Continent. The forms and
the delays in our criminal law procedure were established
to protect the liberty of the subject, and we must not
allow them to he diminished. But, so far as I can form
an opinion as to what is taking place, I believe there
will be a case of such gravity and magnitude soon
brought before our tribunals that it must fairly and com-
pletely test the efficiency or non-efficiency of our laws on
the subject. Until the decision upon that case has been
pronounced I think it would be premature in me to say
more on this point. I myself have confidence in the laws
of England. I cannot believe but that the laws of this
country are sufficient to touch miscreants of the class in
question ; and though I would on no account, under no
circumstances, with no conditions, and with no limita-
tions, ever consent to any tampering with the right of
asylum which has made this country the consecrated
land of liberty, I do not hesitate to express the great
gratification I should feel if the law should be proved to
be powerful enough to deal with those who have so
outraged the feelinee of thie country, and have so vio-
lated the sacred right which, even with such exceptions,
we are still bound to maintain. (Hear, hear.) Now,
gentlemen, I have touched upon what has been called a
difficult and delicate topic with frankness, because it
appears to me of the utmost importance that there should
at this moment prevail in this country an intelligent
spirit on the subject of our relations with France. It
is undoubtedly the interest of many influential persons
—classes and individuals—to poison the mind of the
people of England against the government and people
of France. That is, however, in my jedg,ment, a most
dangerous course ; and while the people of this country
should be prompt under all circumstances to maintain
its laws and customs, while they ought to consent
to any and every sacrifice rather than change those
laws and customs, even indirectly, at the instiga-
tion of a foreign sovereign, still I think it would
be wise, and consistent with that spirit and that deter-
mination, to maintain an unimpassioned and unpre-
judiced feeling towards the government and the people
of France. At this moment calumnies are uttered in
every quarter which would convey to the people of this
country that the Emperor of the French, instead of being
that faithful ally upon whom we counted, has rather
sought an opportunity of picking a quarrel with the
people of England, because he thought that in conse-
quence of the Indian occurrences ho had England at some
disadvantage. Now nothing can be more unfounded than
such a notion as that. There is no prince in Europe
AO well informed upon all political matters as the Em-
peror of the French—there is no prince in Europe so
well informed as to the means of defence of this country
as the Emperor of the French. I will be bound to say
that he knows much more about our ships and soldiers
than many of heh Majesty's subjects, and quite as much
as tier Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) And there-
fore the Emperor of the French, who is this well-informed
prince, knows as well as I do that, notwithstanding our
having sent such a fine army to India, we have inc theseatl,n
islands at the present time a larger effectivehfeorhest
five
we have had at any previous period duringt
and twenty years. (Hear, hear.) The
kEmperornosao:wtehe
French, who is this well-informed prince, knows
man
with
as I do that in four-and-twenty hoursh
able seamen the most powerful c a(nanweeelarfl,
rode upon the English eeliteatri•ia)t eTvlei
Emperor of the French, wise is hest informed prince
I dare say knows as well
in Europe on English politices,
as I do the last monthly return of our recruiting rota,
and knows that in this country, where we have no
conscription,
where we can only appeal to the patriotism
and the put'lic
spirit of the people, there is now a larger
recruiting for every arm of her Majesty's service than
there was during any month of the Crimean campaigns.
\Cheers.) Then whet a calumny is it to pretend that
the Emperor of the French, who knows all this as well
as I do, bac, sought to pick a quarrel with this country
on account of its Indian disasters No, gentlemen,

we must clear our minds of this prejudice. The Em-
peror of the French is as ready as he was before this
affair occurred at Paris, and before this blundering
misconception of the English minister—the Emperor
of the French is, I say, as ready as he was before
this recent event to cultivate the friendship of a people
whom he respects and regards, and to maintain the
English alliance, which, to use his own words, is the alli-
ance which can alone maintain old Europe against those
commanding influencee that are rising in other parts
of the world ; he is as ready now as he was then to sup-
port that understanding between England and France
which he believes to be the best security for order, for
gcievnitlliseanitinonn,,itanddepfeonrdEsumronpinelayn power. (Cheers.) And,
those who are responsibleupon thoisthiesffo
efforts of r efforts
country,a and thesup-
ported by the good feeling and good humour of the
English people and the good sense of the French people,
to bring about a consummation to which I hope those
efforts will lead, namely, the restoration of a cordial
understanding between the two countries. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, I have thus at some length towelled upon the
subject which is at the present moment foremost in the
mind of every Englishman. I ought not, however, on
an occasion like the present, to avoid other topics,
though I shall endeavour to be as brief as possible. Now
we have assumed the reins of Government, as you will
no doubt admit, at a very critical period, and when we
Lave to encounter difficulties which are not of ordinary
magnitude ; but I do not myself despair of our being
able to steer the ship in a way which will be satisfactory
to the people of this country. We have at once, gentle-
men, to deal with a subject of magnitude and interest,
namely, the government of India ; and upon that ques•
tion I must say a word, because I learn from the news-
papers in regard to what has passed in different parts of
the country that there is a considerable amount of mis-
consep;;ion prevailing as to the intended conduct of her
Majesty's Government in reference to India. Now I
myself have ever been of opinion—at least ever since I
have been capable of forming an opinion that was worth
anything—(laughter)—that the Government of India is
of a vary anomalous character; and in 1853, when the
charter was renewed, I thought it a very great mistake
that the inquiry of the committees of the two houses
of Parliament into the affairs of India was hurried
over, and that we were forced to legislate without
that due investigaticn which I think would have
led parliament to a very different conclusion from what
it came to, and terminated that feral of government
which is popularly called "the double government."
Upon that occasion a noble friend of mine, now my
colleague, Lord Stanley, at my instance and with my aid
in debate, brought forward in the House of Commons a
motion to the effect that the settlement of the Indian
government should be delayed until the .inquiry had
been completed. Well, gentlemen, we were in fact out-
voted on that occasion. The policy which is now ap-
proved by all statesmen is exactly that which we recom-
mended in 1853, and which was then by a majority
prevented from being pursued. This year, gentlemen,
a motion was brought before the House of Commons by
a gentleman who is quite independent of party, Mr.
Baring, when the government introduced their measure
for introducing a new form of administration in India,
and :he motion was that it was not expedient to legislate
for India at present—this declaration, of c )urse, having
special reference to the civil war which is now raging
in that country. Now that was not a party question ;
it wee brought forward by a gentleman who has no con•
eexieu with party, and until he gave his notice of motion
in the House cf Commons no person was acquainted
with his ietenthons except himself. My own opinion
then was, I c nife-s, that it was 'sot expedient until toe
mil tary srttle.ncnt of India had ta'een place to invent a
new foam of government, and I voted with Mr. raring
in the minority on that occezion. I believe my fr fen I
and cofleegue, Lord Stanley, voted the other way. Now
it is the intention of the government to proceed to
Lgidate for India. We are accused of inconsistency in
voting that delay was expedient a month ago, and now
Troceedrug to legislate on the subject. But, gentle- I
men, I think that if you give a moment's calm and un
prejudiced consideration to the subject, you will see that
there is inconsistency whatever in the case. It is
said that if we bow toadecision of the House of Commons,
pronounced by a majority of 140 or 150, in a case in
which we do not approve of that decision, we ought to
bow to fta decree upon teR oth, r questions, even though
we °ley not approve of it. Now I say that I do not bow
to that vote of the House of Commons in the cuurse
which I and my colleagues intend to take with regard to
India ; but I look to the effect of that vote. The great
objection which I urged against legislating for the go-
verement of India at that moment, while the revolt wee
as yet not put down, was that we should thereby weaken
the government in the opinion of those who ought to be
led to look upon it as most powerful. Bat what is the
cond:tion of the government of India now that it has
been condemned by the vote of a majority of 140 or 150
in the House of Commons ? Who can suppose that the
government of India—the East India Company—can
exercise any influence in India when the House of Com-
mons has by a large majority condemned it as incom-
petent I Why the directors of the East India Company
themelves must feel like corpses— (laughter) —they
must feel like dead men—(renewed laughter)—and I
should suppose that they are most anxious that their
burial should take place as soon as possible, and their
obsequies be celebrated in the most decorous, and, ifyou
will, splendid manner. (Laughter.) Well, then, it being
a positive fact that you must have a government
for India in England, that its construction cannot be
any longer delayed, and that all the moral influence of
the East India Company was destroyed by that vote, we
have felt it our duty to address ourselves to the subject.
But we are not going to take up the measure of our
predecessors—a measure which was, I think, one of the
most objectionable and one of the most inefficient mea-
sures ever introduced into Parliament. We are going to
deal with the question of the Indian government in a
very different manner and in a very different spirit, It
would, of course, be the height of impropriety in me to
enter on this occasion into details which should be re-
served for Parliament, and which must be very soon in-
troduced to the notice of the legislature ; but when our
measure for the government of India is brought onward,
I shall appeal with confidence to public opinion to de-
cide between the comparative merits of our scheme and
those of the scheme which was unquestionably condemned
even by many of those who voted for its iotrosiuction.
(Hear, hewn) I do not know that there is any other
subject of that importance which would justify me in
trespassing much upon your time. (A Voice—" The
Ballot.") I will tell you about tho ballot. That is
only a measure, Lot a principle—it is a part of that
great subject of Parliamentary reform on which it is my
intention to make a few observations. That is not a
subject upon which I can find any difficulty in speaking
to the electors of Buckinghamshire. It is not many
months ago eine° on these hustings I made some obser-
vations on that subject to which you listened with great
indulgence. Since then I have addressed my constituents
in the northern part of the county, where I laid down
some principles and expressed some convictions which I
have reason to believe were acceptable to the constituency
therefore,generally t Ih
acta
na
es sv ue
rr ei
nt ht
een hd
eo
dn
to leave
learned
table gentleman,tn.to-day
without making some remarks on that question. Now,
gentlemen, you know very well that in 1832 and 1803,
when the Reform Bill was passed—you know what was
the cry at that time. There were many persons who
disapproved of that bill, and though my opinions was
not of much consequence then; I disapproved of it.
(Laughter.) I thought it was a great party manceavre
which, if successful, would place the whigs in power
pretty well for my life, aid I thought the time would
come when the people of this country would not feel so
enthusiastic in its favour as they were at that moment.
But you know that no person could then open his
mouth in criticism upon the Reform Bill with safety even
to his lhre. There were a great many motions madti a
Parliament which would have improved it and miti-
gated the objections that were made to it, had they been
adopted. The principles involved in some of those motions
are now in favour. But nobody would then listen to them.
The cry was, " The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but
the bill ;" and I believe that no one bawled that cry
louder than the learned doctor. (Great laughter.) The
learned doctor, who always criticises any change in nay
opinions with such equable temper, is never charged by
me with those remarkable gyrations which he has him-
self exhibited. I will not say that he himself is "a, vile
antithesis," for the epithet is an odious one, and I
nhatvoe
too much respect for the hon. and learned gentleman
apply it to him, but he is certainly a very remarkable
antithesis, and I must remind him and those whor like
ancLneoart h nothing
hear.)
him bawled for "the bill, the whole
the bill," that the ballot was not in
nest
stagea oP_
f public
Well now, gentlemen, what w?asAothnfettenhr
opinion upon the Reform Bill
subject,certain timeand thetla e
tories, w o had
eah
been nation began to be a little sober
conservative party—that is thei
re-
duced by that act to 140 or 00—increased in numbers
r able man. The whigs then
under the leadership
Ttleneeytorsiaeisd,Col3.,:..irnngehatcokriteos
thought
power
the adhesion which they the Reform Bill,
must not conic back to power, becauseto they are notsin
care ingive-
g there
et
was
ai at
hcoehfyaandcvoee ofy
and if they return to power they will be trying to alter
it." I sin sure the learned doctor was very much alarmed
about that. (Laughter.) Sir R. Peel, speaking on be•
half of the conservative party, solemnly reiterated that,
though the tories had opposed that bill, and thought it,
in many respects, injurious and unsatisfactory, yet they
had given to it a sincere and solemn adhesion, and ac-
cepted it as the basis of their political conduct, and he
declared in the ince of the nation that they would act
the spirit of the Reform Bill, and would not seek to
tamper with it, or to alter its provisions. For ten :years
however, they were kept out of power, because it was
supposed thaaltldatnvhlieintygtewdtehriene
tnßoo:pfosoriwirnlceer
Br
the
Bill
el
altered. reformers,
oun t r
country
would
ktih
ba
et
intf telflielgpwre
yroelleientfi,,chaelr connexion
son I
Weil, I
oafndth3avt'was a member
died consider there was a
eoleine compact that we should give to the law an adhe-
sion in spirit and in truth. I have never changed my
?pinions as to that Reform Bill. I consider that a sub-
ject of that magnitude was dealt with in a manner that
was entirely unworthy of it ; I did believe then, I be-
lieye new,
and I think almost everybody now considers,
that there wee in the concoction of that bill a greater
number of jobs than was ever perpetrated beforeite
and,b
though the nominal object of the bill was tot improve
representation of the people,
was the consolidation of Whig power. then, the great substantial_.. object