The Sun.
London, England, 1858-11-15 00:00:00

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, Nov. 14.

THERMOMETER, IN THE:SITADE.
47—highest since noon yesterday.
45—lowest this morning and during the night.
48—this day at noon.
BA-nom-ET ER-29.48-a great fall.
INTINn, Easterly ; strong fresh gales, with dull, cold
weather.

Nov. 15.
48—highest since noon yesterday.
42—lowest this morning and during the night.
44—this day at noon.
BA-RoIa:TER-2612—a sudden rise.
WIND, Easterly; -fresh, with cold fine weather.

THE SUN.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 13, 1858.

We have had another telegram from Alexandria,
bringing dates from Bombay to the 25th October,
and Aden to the 22d November. They are of the
nival character. Again we hear of .TANTIA ToPEE
making gigantic but hopeless efforts to retrieve his
position, so far as natives are concerned, but flying
before, or defeated by, the British troops, whenever
they can overtake what may literally be designated
as his " flying brigades." There is still extraordi-
nary energy displayed by this man. He has re-
ceived defeat after defeat, been deprived of guns
and ammunition, and his troops scattered and
dispersed throughout the jungle and wild
passes of the district ; but within a few
days they are again recruited with marvel-
lous celerity. He is again enabled to menace every
native who may be supposed to be friendly to the
British rule, and, still more extraordinary, to find
all the materiel of war to replace that of
which he had been deprived so shortly before.
At one moment he is levying many lacs of rupees
on native bankers and merchants to prevent the
confiscation of their effects, and the next destroying
a contumelious town or district which is either un-
able or unwilling to comply with his exorbitant de-
mands. We now hear that, after burning Esanghur,
he encountered SCINDIA'S troops, the fight lasting
three days, and the indefatigable rebel eventually
entering Chundaree—after the loss, however, of 800
General MI HET, however, subsequently
encountered him at Moorgow Dey, and again at
Scindwas on the 19th October, and entirely routed
him, capturing all his guns. Had we cavalry to
follow up our successes to their legitimate conclu-
sions, their total destruction would speedily be
effected. This, however, will be remedied ere long,
and then the rebels will be brought to a true sense
of their situation.
Indeed, we may believe that the beginning of

men.

the end of the rebellion has at length arrived.

Lord CLYDE is slowly but steadily bringing up his
• forces, and forming his strategetical arrangements
with so much skill and judgment, that he will be
enabled to ensure not merely the defeat, but the
destruction or surrender of the insurgents. There
must, of course, be many instances in which, from
the extraordinary activity of the enemy, and their
knowledge of the jungles and wild passes of the
country, scattered parties may be enabled to escape
and to maintain a species of guerilla warfare for a
brief period. But no formidable body will remain
united to offer any combined resistance to our
troops.

Lord CLYDE possesses that which is perhaps the
first quality of a great commander. He is chary
of the lives and of the health of his soldiers. Never
hesitating to encounter any danger, either person-
ally or otherwise, for which an adequate return
can be obtained, he will not be guilty of that fool-
hardiness: that too frequently sacrifices valuable
lives without any beneficial result. He well knows
that the climate during the sickly season is fraught
with greater peril to Englishmen than the weapons
of their opponents: He therefore allows a short
respite to the rebels, in order to economise his own
resources, whereby he will, when the proper time
arrives, be enabled to accomplish far more than if
he had recklessly and rashly taken the field, as
some of his censors would have desired. Fast
young officers and even grave civilians may criti-
cise what they arc not capable of understanding,
but we depend on tho cool brain and daring valour
—the happy combination for which Lord CLYDE
is so justly celebrated, and which will doubtless,
ere long, be more powerfully illustrated than at
any former period of his brilliant career.
The task which he has to accomplish is
unquestionably one of a very arduous character.
Although the British arms have triumphed in
every quarter ; although no division or brigade
of the rebels has been enabled to meet them
in fair fight, or to maintain its position on a
field of battle, still there are a number of
zemindars and chieftains, who fancy that they are

too deeply compromised to entertain any hope o'
tardon. Of cours,- they look to these matters
an Asiatic point of view. They cannot conceive
the British system of tempering justice with mercy,
of distinguishing between shades of guilt, or believe
any consideration will be shown for a fallen foe.
These men have great local power and a large number
of devoted followers. And it is far more desirable that
they should be won back to their allegiance,
by comparatively gentle means than that there
should be many sanguinary examples or general
confiscation of property.

We must remember that the people and chieftains
of Oude are differently circumstanced from any
others with whom we have to deal. They have not
owed a prolonged allegiance to the Anglo-Indian
Government. Many had not even giveu in their
adhesion to the just and necessary decree that de-
throned their imbecile Sovereign. There was
certainly a broad and striking distinction be-
tween their case and that of the mutinous
Sepoys—who had proved " unfaithful to their
salt," and displayed the deepest ingratitude against
those by whom they had been clothed and fed, and
who had treated them with extraordinary kindness
—making ample allowance for every prejudice and
jealous suspicion that seemed to be part of their
natures. The latter have no claim for indulgence,
but the former may be treated with lenient con-
sideration whenever they are disposed to make
unconditional submission.

But there is another, and a very important class
in Oude, who have not yet elected the colours
under which they are to fight—who have not com-
mitted themselves one way or the other—who
have preserved what may be termed a species of
" armed neutrality," ready to adopt the Pickwickian
maxim of " shouting with the largest mob," or
casting in their lot with the strongest party. The
moment Lord CLYDE is enabled to take the field,
these men will be enabled to declare themselves,
and then they will join with greater energy even
than the British troops in hunting down the
defeated rebels who have been conquered by
British prowess, skill, and bravery.

What is the most damaging difficulty with which
advanced Reformers have to deal ? We reply
America and France. We wish not to write a dis-
paraging word of either country—one is allied to us
by blood, and by political institutions, on the whole.
similar; the other by the friendship of our Go—
vernment with her ruler, and by the altered tone
of our people generally towards the French people.
Yet it is an undeniable fact that when Radicals
ask for anything like Universal Suffrage and the
Ballot, or for a fair apportionment of members to
population, or even to voters, we are immediately
pointed to America and France. And not only
that, but the reference is felt to be an inconvenient
one. Our Transatlantic cousins, and our allies
across the Channel, if they see accounts of our pub-
lic meetings, must have observed how every Tory
obstructive uses them as warnings, and how nearly
every Radical, Mr. lons BRIGIIT, perhaps, who is
never very measured in his assertions, excepted, is
unable to convert the warning into an encourage-
ment. The Radical leaves such political meetings of
speeches, wishing that, for his argument's sake,
America and France either presented a very dif-
ferent aspect, or that they were scuttled for four-
and-twenty hours. He could, we may allow, if you
give him time, make out that his arguments for
thoroughgoing Parliamentary Reform were sound
and practical after all, but he feels that his shield
is so cumbrous that ere he can bring if into posi-
tion, the audience regard him as having received
an awkward stroke. He may feel that he is not
disabled, but if he is to be victor at last, the meetiny
thinks he was down and undermost in that round.

This ought not to be. The Great Republic, at,
least, ought to furnish us with an illustration on
which we might declaim by the hour respecting
the advantages of the utmost conceivable political
liberty ; and France, La Belle France, ought to
show us, close at hand, in a different race, and as a
sort of experimentum crucis, that in an old Euro-
pean state universal suffrage and vote by ballot
bestowed on the people at large such liberty as
they had never enjoyed under their old, arbitrary
monarchs, or under a constitutional monarchy with
very limited suffrage, and open voting. As we
have just observed, it is altogether the reverse. If
these political arrangements would conduce to
political freedom here, we must ascertain the pro-
bability of such a result from anything but the
experience of the Empire and the Union. In the
former, we see that, against the political arrange-
ments of the day, " not a dog may wag his tongue,"
much less one of the most gifted of Frenchmen
venture to describe them in comparison with those
of our own country. Nowhere throughout the
world do we behold all liberty of action more cora.
pletely fettered, and all expression of opinion, ex-
cept cuckoo iterations of " Napoleonic ideas," more
effectually interdicted than in the great nation
whose electors count their numbers by tens of
millions, and give their votes in freedom from the
surveillance of any one. Universal suffrage and
the ballot are in France compatible with, as some
would say, the foundation of a despotism over body
and mind the most revolting to Englishmen which
they can well conceive of. Hence the force of the
allusion. Indeed, few speakers who make it like
to develop its force ; to do so they must, more
strongly than we could wish, deal in vituperations
of our distinguished ally.
With America it is the same, but with a difference.
We see there a despotism to which that of France
can hardly be compared—a despotism over a race,
now native—a race which has the misfortune to be
of a colour diverse to our own, and a despotism so
extensive, so complete, and, on the whole, so cruel
and immoral, as to be without parallel in any Chris-
tian or civilised country. We see this despotism
rampant in what are called, and what used to be,
the Free States. Voters there by the million sus-
tain the slave power in all its enormities, even
while those very Free States are politically sub-
jugated by the slaveholders of the South. In this
country free Englishmen, under monarchical insti-
tutions, and with a suffrage extending to but one
in seven, compelled the emancipation of their
slaveS in the distant South. In America the guilty
South borders on the Free North, and yet the latter
is unappalled by the iniquity, and votes in its favour.
And, besides this public moral delinquency, it is
notorious, first, that the Emperor Mob dictates to
genius and honesty what it shall be allowed to givo
to the world through the press ; and, secondly, that
Governmental corruption surpasses the worst ever
heard of in our own country. The jobbing and
purchasing of votes for private bills in the lobbies
of Congress is attested by its own investigations ;
and the universal bribery by means of all the
Government salaried appointments, down to the
very village postmaster, is a practice openly re-
sorted to, and which no party is strong enough to
break through. We must own, then, that if an
extended suffrage and the ballot would Americanize
or Frenchify our institutions, we should, unlike
Mr. BRIGHT, say—have nothing to do with them
We apprehend the true answer to all such argil-

ments is, that we are neither Frenchmen nor
Americans, but Englishmen. Even the " leading
journal," which for the last few weeks has given

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