The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-05 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 5, 1858.1

To the ELECTORS of the COUNTY of BUCKINGHAM.

Gentlemen,
T" Queen having confided to the Earl of
Derby the duty of forming an Administration, her Majesty
has been graciously pleased to confer upon me the office of Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer.
I resign, therefore, into your hands the trust, which for 10 years,
you have extended to me, as your member in the House of Corn.
mons ; but as you have thought fit on several occasions to renew
that mark of approbation, I beg leave to announce that on the day
of election I shall solicit the honour of being, for the fifth time, your
representative in Parliament.
The circumstances of the country are, in many respects, critical;
and in none more so than in its external relations. Painful miscon-
ceptions have arisen with the Government of that faithful and
powerful ally, who, in so many instances, has proved his good feel-
ing and fidelity to this country. Believing that a cordial alliance
between England and France is equally conducive to the interests of
boils countries, I shall express my hope and conviction that by mea-
sures, at once firm and conciliatory, these causes of misunderstand-
ing may be speedily and entirely removed.
If the country will heartily support the Queen's Government at
this conjuncture, a result s desireable for the peace and progress of
Europe will be greatly facilitated. Believe me, yours sincerely,
Grosvenor-gate, Feb. 26, 1858. B. DISRAELI.

BUCKS COUNTY ELECTION.—The follow-
by all coingsgtietnuttromnymhaeavnes signified-EthLeEirc dreltoerNmolnratthioenßtioghptroHmoonte.
BENJAMIN DISRAELI as member for the county of Buckingham,
and trust the electors generally will give him their hearty and
earnest support:—
Barrington, the Hon. Percy, Westbury Manor
Bent John, Esq., Wexham Lodge
Bernard, Thomas Tyringham, Esq:, M.P., Winchedon Priory
Broadhead, Rev. George, West Wycome
Box, Philip, Esq., It adclive
• Chandos, Marquis of, Wotten
Cooper, Sir Astley Paston, Bart., Gadebridge
Clayton, Rice Richard, Esq„ Hedgerley-park
Cameron,Donald, Esq., Hampden House
Chetwode, Rev. Geo., Chilton House
Cartwright, Colonel Henry, M.P., Oving House
Chester, Rev. Anthony, Chicheley Hall
Du Pre, C G., Esq., M.P , Wilton-park
Drake, Thomas TyrWhitt, Esq., Shardeloes
Duncombe, P. D. Pruncefort, Esq., Eriekhill Manor
Dauncey Philip, Esq., Little Horwood
Evett, Rev. Thomas, Prestwood
Fuller, Benjamin, Fsq., Chesham
Franklin, John, Esq., Hinton'
Greaves, Edmund, Esq., Haversham
Higginson. Lieutenant-General G. P., Great Marley?'
lianmer, Colonel, Stockgrove
Harvey, Robert, Esq., Langley-park
Harvey, Robert Bateson, Esq.,Langley-park
Hall, General, M.P., Weston Colville
Hamilton, Captain, Thame-park
Hale, John, Esq., Chesham
Hibbert. John Nembhard, Esq., Chalfont-park
Hoare, Joseph, Esq., Wendover
Knox, Colonel Brownlow, M.P., London
Lowndes, William, Esq, the Bury, Chesham
Lowndes, W. Selby, Esq, Whaddon Hall
Lowndes. E. Selby. Esq, Winslow
Lovett. Philips Cosby, Esq., Liscombe
Lowndes, William, Esq, jun' The Bury, CheshaM
Lowndes. R. W. Selby, Esq, Bletchley
Lucas, Major, Newport Pagnel
Lovett, Moses, Esq, Aylesbury
Mansell, John Christopher, Esq, Cosgrove Hall
Morgan, George, Keg, Biddlesden
Newman, John, Fsq., Brands House
Nugent, Sir George. Bart, Bill-street
Praed, W. Backwell, Esq. Tyringham
Pennington, William. Fern Acres, Fulmer
Strr tton, J. Locke, Esq, Turweston
Stone, W. F. Lowndes, Esq, Brightwell
Stone, John, Esq, Westbourne-terraco
Stone, Edward, Esq. Wotton, Underwood
Turner, Samuel, Esq, gay's-inn, London
Vyse, Colonel Howard, Stoke-place
Wckeham, Herbert, Esq, Tythorhg
Williams, Rev James, Tring-park.
Committee-room, George Hotel, Aylesbury, March 2, 1858.
BANK

0 F

DE P 0 S I T,

Establtshel A.D. 1844.
3, PALL-MALL EAST, LONDON.

Parties desirous INVESTING MONET are requested to examine
the Plan of the ltsxx OF DEPOSIT, by which a high rate of interest
may be obtained with perfect secu its.
The Interest is payable in January and July.
PETER. MORRISON, Managing Director.
Forms for opening accounts sent free, on application.

EORGE HOBSON calls the attention of the
Public to his Superfine Black Cloth Dress and Frock Coats,
2/. 15s. Od. to Three Guineas ; also a new and extensive Stock in
Trowserings, for the present season, price 21s. The Inverness
Cape, 255. _ _

Excellence with Economy.
GEORGE HOBSO', Fashionable Tailor,

57, Lombard-street.

MESSRS. NICOLL'S ESTABLISHMENTS
are thus divided:—
No. 114, REGENT-STREET, is their Depot for Paletots, Uni-
forms, Gentlemen's Evening and Morning Dress.
No. 116, for the manufacture of the Guinea Trousers.
No. 115, kr Ilalf•Guinea Waistcoats.
No. 120, for Waterproofed Guinea Capes, and Servants' Liveries.
No. 142 is their new Establishment 'for Ladies' Riding Habits and
Mantles in Fur and Cloth,
No. 144 contains their other new Department for Clothing young
gentlemen with the taste, excellence, and economy whereby Messrs.
NICOLL have secured wide spread confidence.
The Wholesale Warerooms are at the rear of the Regent-street
premises, viz, 29, 30, 31, and 4!, WARWICK-STREET.
The City Depot is at 21 and 22, CORNHILL.
The addresses of the various Agents are duly advertised in the
ournals of the United Kingdom and the Colonies.

TO PERSONS FURNISHING.—Cabinet and
Upholstery Furniture, Bedsteads, Bedding. Chimney-glasses,
Console and Bracket Tables, Cornices, Carpets, New Fabrics for
Curtains, Chintzs, &c., &c.—Turchasers, before deciding, are invited
to an inspection of the contents of these extensive show rooms and
furniture galleries, where every facility is given to make their own
remarks and calculations without being importuned to purchase, the
Proprietors being desirous of a comparison. This Establishment
has been long celebrated tor the immense and varied stock of first-
class Furniture always on show to select from ; also every article
being manufactured by first-rate workmen, of the best well seasoned
materials, and designed by Artists of superior taste, for which a
warranty is given, and the prices being marked in plain figures, it
will be at once perceived that they are much under what is usually
charged for goods of a very inferior quality:—Excellent dining-room
chairs, I9s each; mahogany washstands, with marble tops, 325.
each; iron bedsteads from 8s 6d each; carpets Is per yard below
the usual price.—DRUCE and Company, 68, 69, and 58, Baker-
street, Portman-square. New designs of furniture. and books with
the sizes, weights, and prices forwarded pest-free. N.B.—Down
quilts, 5s 6d each.

MR. RAREY'S HOl
Among those who have a
list opened by Messrs. TATTERSALI
art of Horse Taming are—
H.E.H. the Prince Consort
Duke of Wellington
Duke of Leeds
Puke of Atholl
Marquis of Breadalbane
Marquis of Donegal
Marquis of Abercorn
Marquis of Ailsa
Marquis of Stafford
Marquis of Harlington
Earl Grosvenor
Earl of Zetland
Earl of Warwick
Earl of Bessborough
Earl of Dalkeith
Earl of Eglintoun
Earl Vane
Earl Spencer
Earl Granville
Lord Vivian
Lord Saltoun
Lord a. Paget

RSE TAMING ART.-
already subscribed to make up the
a., of five hundred to be taught the

Lord Walter Scott
Lord Dufferin
Lord Ossulston
Viscount Palmerston
Baron N. de Rothschild
The Count de Morella
Sir Geo. Chetwynd
Hon. Col. Hood
Hon. Francis Villiers, Master of
the Pytchly Hounds
lion. Admiral Rous
F. Fitzhardinge Berkeley, Esq.
Gen. Sir R. Airey
Colonel Airey
A. and H. lisnkey's, EsqrS.
R. Bevan, Esq.
Lewis Ricardo, Esq.
F. Magennis, Esq.
H. Barthopp, Esq., the cele-
brated Breeder of Suffolk Cart-
' horses.

CONTRACT FOR COALS FOR:MALTA.
Department of the Storekeeper-General of the Navy,
Somerset-place, 4th March, 1858.
rHE Commissioners for executing the Office of
Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, DO HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that on TUESDAY,
the 23d instant, at Two o'clock, they will be ready to treat with
such persons as may be willing to Contract for supplyinz and de-
livering into store at her Majesty's Naval Yard at Malta, a cargo
of about 400 tons of

Simpson's Pontops,
Windsor's Pontops,
Cowen's Garefield, or
Bell's Primrose Coals.
A bill of lading, in triplicate for the coals, to be delivered at the
Admiralty, Somerset-place, by or before the 30th April next.
A form of the tender may be seen at the said office. No tender
will be received after Two o'clock on the day of treaty, nor will any be
noticed unless the party attends, or an agent for him duly autho-
rised in writing.
Every tender must be addressedto the Secretary of the Admiralty,
and bear in the left-hand corner the words "Tender for Coals,"
and must be delivered at Somerset-place, accompanied by a
letter, signed by a responsible Person, engaging to become bound
with the person tendering, in the sum of £2OO, for the due per-
formance of the contract.

BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH,
Euston-road, London.

MORRISON'S VEGETABLE UNIVERSAL MEDICINES.
FOREIGN GENERAL AGENTS.
Baltimore (U.S.) ......... Messrs J. C. French and Son
Barbadoes
Barcelona (Spain) ........ •• .. Mlret, Cuyas, and Escribos
Basle (Switzerland) ...... ••• • .. Mr Roderick Scholp
Brody (Germany)
Carthagena. ......... ••••• •• • • Dn. Rafael Canto, 3lurello del
Mar
Mr J. Bensnsan
Thos. Gardner, Esq
Lieutenant J. M'Kinnon
Mr A. Stampa
Mr Michaelson
Mr Muldner
Mr 0. S. Steenberg
Berck Frorss, general agents for
Austria and Germany
Mr T. 11. Itober t
Mr Cochrane
Messrs A. and W. Mackinlay
Messrs Krauskopf and Co.
Mr M. Gayrbos
Miss King-ton

Calcutta .......•
Cape Breton .. •• ....
Constantinople • • .. •• • • .. • • • •
Copenhagen
Cracow
Elsinore . . •
Frankfort-4),M— •• ••

Gibra1tar..........
Guernsey ............ ...... • • • •
Halifax (N.S.) ••• • • •
Hamburg—. ... • • ........ ......
Kempten (Bavaria) .... ..... ...
Kingston (Jamaica) ..... ... • • • •
Macon (Bibb County, Georgia,
U.S.) .... „ . ..... .. .. Mr Thos. Gibson
Madras .. •••• • • •••• • • •
Melbourne (Port Philip) . Mr A. Chariwood
Mexico .............. Mr Jean Togno
Montreal Mr B. Trud2au
New Plymouth (New Zealand)
New York (U.S.) ..
Odessa ...• • • • • • • Wm. Wagner
Valencia

DESTITIITION and SICKNESS. The
AFFLUENT and BENEVOLENT are earnestIy:SOLICITED
to AID the-efforts now making by the Managing Committee of the
ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn-road, a Charity established
for the relief of the foreigner, the stranger. the friendless, and the
outcast, when in sickness or disease, who are here received, so far
as the means of the Institution will permit. Neither patronage nor
letters of recommendation being necessary, numerous urgent appeals
are daily made at the gates of the Hospitad by the most miserable
and wretched of the human race.--Confaibutions received by the
Treasurer, Jchn Masterrnan, Esq., Nichol as-lane. Also by Messrs.
Coutts and Co. ; Drummond and Co.; I.Terries and Co. ; Ransom
and Co.; Prescott, Grote, and Co. ; Smith. Payne, and Co.; Glynn
and Co.; Jones Loyd and Co.; Barclay and Co. • Denison and Co.;
Will ams, Deacon, and Co.; Overend, Gurasec and Co.; Nisbet and
Co., Bernell-greet ; Masterman and Co.; and at the Hospital.
By Qrder.

13%1, SUITH, Secretary.

TUE RE-ELECTIONS.

KING'S LYNN.

THE SECRETARY FOR, THE COLONIES.

Lord Stanley, the new Secretary of State for the
Colonies, was re elected yesterday for the borough of
Lynn, Norfolk, without opposition, The proceedings,
which were remarkably quiet and orderly, took place in
the Guildhall, which was well filled with electors and
others. Mr, Smetham, the mayor, officiated as return-
ing officer, and, after a few appropriate remarks, called
upon the burgesses to nominate their candidates. His
appeal was responded to by •
Mr. Alderman MOTES, who proposed Lord Stanley
as a fit and proper person to represent the borough in
Parliament.

The nomination was seconded by Mr. PLATTEN; and,
no other candidate being proposed,
The MAYOR, amid some cheering, declared Lord
Stanley dely elected.

Lord STANLEY, on rising to address the electors, was
received with great cheering. He said, gentlemen, I
beg to thank you very sincerely for the honour which
you have done me this day. Various occasions at inter-
vals of time, more or less distant, have brought us
together in this room. This is the third time that I have
had the honour of coming before you, and coming before
you successfully, as a candidate, for your suffrages.
(Hear, hear.) Perhaps you will not think that I am
abusing your kindness if I venture to hope that after an
acquaintance of nine years something less of form, some-
thing less of ceremony, something
less of lengthened
and elaborate explanation may be required at my hands
than if our politicaloonnece;on wereestly now beginning.
(Cheers.) I come before yon to-day to ask you to ratify
the step which I have taken in beceming a member of
the national executive. On you, by the wise laws of
England, is imposed the duty of declaring whether
the acceptance of office by your member has
alt,red the position which he holds in your esteem,
or has induced you to withdraw that confidence
which you formerly reposed in biro. That is the test to
which I have to submit. It is a test to which I submit
willingly, and as willingly, my term of power expired,
be it short or long, I shall present myself here again to
render you an account of my acts and to ask from you
an assurance that the trust wieich you now confide to me
has not been abused. A few words will suffice with re-
spect to the events of last year, which have now lost
their immediate interest. It is not 12 months since I
stood here last, and of my political life up to that date I
think I have given you on more than one occasion a suffi-
ciently full explanation, The last session of Parliament
was singularly barren of events. The war with China,
the absorbing interest of the Indian mutiny, the inter-
ruption of Parliamentary proceedings by the dissolution
which occurred in the middle of the session seriously
impeded the work of legislation. In regard to domestic
policy the last session produced only two measures of
importance—both of them measures to the expediency of
which, if I recollect rightly, I had the honour of calling
your attention two years ago ; both of them measures
brought forward by the Government of the day, and
both of them measures which I felt it my duty to sup-
port. One of these measures—the Testamentary Juris-
diction Bill—was a step, but only i. single step, in that
course of Is gal reform of the necessity of which every
year, and every day that I live, convinces me more and
more. (Hear.) The other measure to which I refer was
the Divorce Bill—a measure intended to render the law
on that subject equal to rich and poor, and to give pro-
tection to the property of the wife in those cases of de-
sertion which too often occur. That bill was obstinately
contested at every stage. The opposition to it, as far as
I could understand its motives, rested principally upon
souse ecclesiastical grounds. I had the honour of sup-
poiting the bill in every stage, and towards the close of
the session we saw it pass into law. (Hear.) If any jus-
tification were wanted either to my mind or the minds
of others for the course which I then took I should find
it in what I see every day, You can hardly open a
newspaper without seeing there recorded some appli-
cation to a court of justice for protection under the
provisions of the new act. That circumstance I think
&owe, what otherwise would have remained unknown,
how much hardship and distress previously existed to
which the Legislature has now for the first time applied
a remedy. (Hear, hear.) These were the only matters of
domestic policy which were settled in the last session of
Parliament. In regard to financial affairs, owing to the
pressure of war upon us, no reform was attempted, and
I am bound to say no reform could have been attempted;
while, with respect to the measures which were taken
to relieve the pressure of commercial distress, although
they received the retrospective sanction of the Legisla-
ture, they were taken in the first instance upon the re-
sponsibility and by the power of the Executive Govern-
ment. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, turning from the
past, I believe I may say that the three subjects which
at present most occupy public attention are,—first, the
question of the administration of India; next, the
question of Parliamentary reform ; and, thirdly, that of
our relations with other European Powers, and espe-
cially with France. (Hear, hear.) To begin with the filet
question, we have probably all of us heard various solo
tions of the outbreak which occurred in India during
the past year. 1 cannot say that any of these solutions
are to my mind entirely satisfactory, awl, generally
speaking, I have tfound that those who know least
of the real condition or of the internal administration of
India are precisely those who are most confident in
assigning a cause for what has occurred. What I do
believe is that the causes which led to this mutiny were
not one, but many. No doubt, the annexation of the
kingdom of Oude had some effect in creating alarm in
the native mind, although it is worth notice that it did
not produce any ill-feeling or hostility against us on the
part of those native princes who we should imagine
would have been the most forward to resent that act of
annexation. There is no doubt that the searching inquiry
into land titles which was instituted some time ago
alarmed many of the native chiefs. There is no doubt
that the discipline of the army which revolted was de-
fective, and that the withdrawal of officers to fill
civil situations affected it injuriously. But with all
tthhoisselmthyisntkertiohuast great doubt
prevailedwhat
in al a
oubt still rests on the causes of
tins
subject, outbreak. I think we are apt, in dealing with s
thosev
subject, to allow too little for those vague impulses,
weg Inesaayeda
call
lmenta
l
epidemics which have pre
coun-
tries among an untaught people, and from which even
the most civilised nations are not entirely free. (Hear.)
I have seen a letter from an officer of the very highest
rwahnok
wanedetoefothfear asgre to
ot
denyabil the existenceitynowempl of
employed in
wide.
Iwadia,
.
spread conspiracy among the people, and even to doubt
the existence of any conspiracy of long standing in the
army. According to him it was the withdrawal of
European forces from India that taught far the first
time the Sepoys what power they possessed. One
thing at least is clear, that hitherto in the compositiOn
of our native force we have overlooked some ordinary
precautions of prudence. We have taken the men
whom we employed too much
from
not alwaysa single race
been careful
to cheek and control our native force by a sufficient
European army. (Hear, hear.) The remodelling of the
car and
from a single caste, sad we
have
Indian administration upon the spot will require the
utmost care. The remodelling of the native army will
require the more care because I do not hesitate to say
that the proposition which
gentlemen,
to ieftnelnenb,ateon
uesntaerttathineepdroef.
holding India mainly by European troops is utterly im-
practicable. (Hear.) But,
sent day the results of the Indian mutiny are mere
important than its causes. What have we lost by it and
what have we gained ? Our losses are easily recounted.
The sacrifice of many valuabletlaikvees,laonhgeavyyeaerxspteondeixteurne.,
an increased military charge, and, what is far worse than
othery hand, we have gained a
all, I am afraid there has been produced a bitter ani-
mosityguisknowledgeh. o (Hear.)
Ilr
race
er
)wu
our iOeha
strength thina
which we never possessed
before. We have gained a knowledge that our rule is,
do not say popular, for you can hardly expect that the
Government of an alien race will be popular, but it is so
far tolerable that the people will remain neutral, and will
take no active part against us. Lastly we have gained—
and I think it a great advantage—a knowledge of the
fact that public opinion has been directed to Indian
affairs in a greater degree than ever before, that public
interest has been excited, and that the interests of our
mighty
p(irewri.l)l not in future be neglected
a
In speaking of the Indian
mutiny I do not venture to offer you that kind of con-
solation which consists in saying that things might have
igthhteyy have empire
been worse tban they are, but I ask you to think what
Eastern
been. e
11 • 1 and s
ofpree,'
India had been an outbreak re
a y nationa ,
do not speak merely the
over the whole country.
our position would have been if the partial outbreak in
material difficulties of the case. It would be no light
matter to subjugate a populatiun exceeding fivefold the

population of these islands. I know, however, that
even against overwhelming numbers discipline will do
much, but what I wish to say is that I cannot con-
ceive any task more utterly demoralising to those upon
whom it should devolve than that of having to subju-
gate a nation struggling for its independence. (Hear.)
Fortunate indeed may we consider ourselves who have
been spared that trial. Our feelings of patriotism may
thoroughly and fully coincide with our sense of justice.
The class that arose against us was precisely the class
which had least to complain of. It was that class which
by taking service under us had, as it were, abjured its
right to claim its nationality ; it was that class in regard
to which we had, as I believe, no fault to reproach our-
selves with, except possibly in some respects the fault of
over-indulgence. (Hear.) As to the future administra-
tion of India, you will probably not expect me to speak
here much in detail ; but I may remind yon that five
years ago, in 1853, the Ministry of the day brought in a
measure which seemed to many members of Parliament
unsatisfactory and incomplete, being founded upon an
inquiry, which at the time was left unfinished. Many
members of the House of Commons, of whom I was
one, opposed that measure as being unsatisfactory, and
asked for a longer delay, hoping it would lead to a more
thorough reform. The opinion was overruled, and I con-
fess it is with some natural satisfaction that at the end of
five years,l see those who were the authors of the measure
of 1853 coming forward to condemn it as unsatisfactory,
to say that we were right and they were wrong, that a
more thorough measure of administrative reform is re-
quired, and themselves undertaking to propose a measure
of that kind. (Hear, hear.) In the course of the debates
in 1853 a motion was made by a private member for the
carrying on of the government of India in the name of
the Crown. That motion I supported, not holding that it
was in the nature of a penal proceeding against the Com-
pany, nor holding that it necessarily involved any con-
demnation of the manner in which they have conducted
the management of affairs, but thinking that the Govern-
ment in the name of the Company was in its nature only
provisional and temporary, and that the only natural
connection of a vast dependency like India with the do-
minant country was a connection with the executive of
the latter. (Hear.) No doubt a change of that nature at
first sight appears one of the most momentous that the
human imagination can conceive. To transfer 150,000,000
men, one-sixth of the the whole human race, and a terri-
tory larger than all western Europe, and separated from
England by a distance of half the globe from an indepen-
dent Company to the Crown—to do this, moreover, in a
time of civil war not absolutely appeased—undoubtedly
appears a gigantic and eves a rash enterprise. Thetis the
first aspect of the question, but when you come to look a
little more closely into the history of Indian affairs the
change is seen to be less than at first sight it seemed.
During the last three-quarters of a century—that is to
say, during the time when the greater part of our
Indian empire has been acquired a double process
has been going on. On the one hand you have had the
territory of the Company censtantly cx`ending—
province has Leen added atter province, victory has
followed victory, and the arms and power of the
Company have advanced without a check. Oa the
other hand, if you look at home, you will see that
there has been a continual process of absorption and
annexation, as it were, of the' Company itself by
the general Government of England. The institu-
tion of the Board of Control in 1784, the loss of the
monopoly, the loss of the trade with India, the loss of
the trade] With China, am', lastly, the introduction of t' e
nominee element into the directorate itself, are all of
them gradual and successive steps in that process which
I have described. The transfer, therefore, from the
Company to the Crown is not so much a departure from
what has been done hitherto as a necessary consequence
of it, a carrying out of former measures to their only
legitimate and natural conclusion. (Hear.) No doubt
the question is one which presents great difficulty of
detail. No doubt there is danger in any arrangement
which you can make respecting the patronage of India.
That is the point upon which Parliament and the public
are justly susceptible. No doubt, also, there is difficulty
in so adjusting the council er advising body which you
must have that it shall be capable of giving honest and
independent advice without at the came time dividing
and weakening that Ministerial responsibility which it
is your object to pr serve undiminished. (Hear.) There
is just one principle which I think we may lay down.
It is not likely that, after the excitement and interest of
the present crisis have gone by, Parliament will inter-
fere to any great extent in the details of Indian admini-
stration. It is not likely that every Indian Minister,
or statesman trained in the school of Ecglieh
will be as familiar with those details as the noble lord
who now fi h that office. You cannot, as I said, give
the supreme direction of affairs to an advising council
without weakening the responsibility of the Minister.
What, then, is your resource in this diffi,ulty ? Mainly,
I think, this, that the government of India must be
carried on as far as possible in India. (Hear.) You
place the Governor-General in a position of great autho-
rity. He ought to be a man of the highest talents and
the greatest energy. He is surrounded by men formed
in that admirable school, the civil and military service
of India—a service the efficiency of which - I refer to
the civil branch especially—will be greatly increased by
the reform which was made in 1853. Being such a man,
so circemstanced, and surrounded by such advantages,
I apprehend it will be found best to leave him a large
authority and a wide discretion. (Hear, hear.) Much
has been said of the influence of public opinion at
home upon Indian affairs, and there are many persons
who fear that any change in the method of administra-
tion will increase that power. I hold that the effect of
English public opinion upon Indian affairs will be of a
very mixed character, I have no doubt it will be greatly
beneficial as regards questions of public works and ques-
tions of taxes and finance ; but in matters which concern
native habits and prejudices it will be liable to abuse.
But what I wish to point out to you is that, whether
the effect upon India be good orbad, it is a result which
it is not in our power to control. (Hear.) It is not
only the proceedings of the 'Legislature during the last
few years that have created the increased interest which
is felt in Indian affairs. Teat interest is due to greater
facilities of communication, to the overland route, to
lines of telegraph, to the vast increase of the Indian
trade, to the increase of the European population in
India, and, lastly, to the excitement produced by
the late events. These are results which legislation
did not produce and which legislation cannot
prevent. (Hear, hear.) One word more upon
the Indian question, and I have done with it. You have
heard a great deal of the discouragement given to the
profession of Christianity in India, of the patronage of
native religions, and of the necessity of employing
active means for spreading our own form of belief in
that country. Now, I venture to say that nine-tenths
of the stories we are told respecting what is called the
discouragement of Christianity by the government of the
Company are absolutely untrue, and that the other one-
tenth is grossly exaggerated. No doubt, if any obstacle
has been thrown in the way of any person conscien-
tiously becoming a convert to the Christian religion, it
is a violation on our part of the principle of duty, and if
all the demand was that no such obstacle should he in-
terposed, I, for one, would not be inclined to offer any
opposition; but when it is asked that the government of
India should violate the rule of neutrality in such mat-
ters, and should directly favour and encourage conver-
sions to Christianity, I say that is a false and dangerous
principle, which may carry yOu further than you intend,
and the only legitimate end of which will be in persecn.
tion. I do not say that if such an attempt were made it
would fail entirely. On the contrary, I think to a certain
extent it would succeed. The power of government is
very great in Eastern countries. There are very large
numbers of persons who think they have something to
hope or something to fear from the executive power ;
and I do not doubt that if it were held out to the natives
of India that the Governmentfavoured those who adopted
the European religion, a large number of converts of one
sort or another would be the result, but they would be
exactly the class of men who have neither characters to
lose nor consciences to restrain them. They would
bring discredit upon the European belief, and the only
effect of their adherence would be to alienate the more
respectable classes among the natives. (Cheers.) lam
satisfied, therefore, that the course which has been
hitherto followed of strict religious neutrality is the only
one which is either wise or just. lam sure that cue
opinions wile never be respected in India—l am sure
just
wise, our Government will never be regarded as
wiee, or beneficial, unless we rigidly abstain from en
forcing those opinions upon others, and unless that Go-
vernment limits its functions to those which properly
belong to it. (Cheers.) With respect, gentlemen, to
the subject of Parliamentary reform, Ihave, as you know,
explained my views before in this hal!. I am bound to
say that those views remain unchanged. (Hear, hear.)
I believe there is no statesman now, in whatever pact of
either house he may sit, who considers or calls the
Reform Bill of 1832 a final measure. (Hear, hear.) No
one denies that some modification of that bill is required.
roo
hnn
anopdfs tlroe
representative
e saythatna t
osftehreef
ocon-
ductr
Parlia-
mentyear s
siu.eL itself—upon Lord
dst h. e
Russell
nu
seeseteblil
Bill, and, as far as one can judge, we not seem b
hasßtit nhooaftvpibnuegbe lasi altogethercai men—and
th
atlasmaptisfactory. It is now just 7
length of time during which this question
what I believe
as it were, hung up, and considering—
tter unexpectedness of
none of you will doubt—the otter promised a new Reform
s
nearer the result now than before.
resCeno tnsi ddhemarsiinnghi
aetterhnae:
the events which have brought
willt p
be both in Perna-
Government, engaged as they must
frame a plan for
and in departmental duty, to
Parlia-
mentary
the alteration of the constitution
not think it is too much,g
the present session. I. do
tionacti
acting
into
unreasonable pow e r , 1 think
to callyou
fupont h ee admit
tchksa sage,
hi te
rws
consideringoefldthb sa
considering the magnitude o
that every step which you take in such a matter is one
that cannot be retraced, to ask for that amount of delay.
Bat I do not hesitate to repeat here and now what I
said upon a former occasion. I think that in our present
Parliamentary constitution there are anomalies remov
able by legislation, and anomalies of which the evilis not
merely theoretical but results iu practical abuse. I think
that the excessive value which belongs to every single