The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-11 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, FEB. 11, 18G7.

The speech of the King a PRUSSIA, in closing
the Prussian Chambers, will be sure to' be read
with interest, no matter whether its terms arc such
as to insure approval or not.. On the whole we do
not see much difference between this and many
former speeches, but if there is not much met with
for the worse, neither is there for the better. Of
course we meet with a great deal of self-glorifica-
tion for the part which Prussia has played during
the past year, and some acknowledgments are made
to the Deputies for the help they have afforded

to the Government.
'Since, for the present,
they can do nothing to interfere with any
thing the Government chooses to do, it is easy to
play the courteous part and to pay compliments.
'We arc not surprised to find that the KING and his
Ministers are glad to have got over the very awk-
ward predicament in which they placed themselves
by the informal and irregular way in which they
carried on the finances of the country. The Act of
Indemnity should not, however, be regarded by them
as a precedent, for had it not been for the peculiar
circumstances of the case they would not have got
the Chamber toTawit. So far the war was an as-

sistance to them, and they will make a great mistake
if they count too much for the future on the readi-
ness of the House to renew the act of grace. We
do not think that it is either quite fair or quite
correct for King WILLIAM to affirm that, bs the
passing of the act in question they have " held out
the hand to a settlement of the dispute upon a mat-
ter of principle which has for years obstructed ti
co-operation of the Government with the represen—
tatives of the country." Had it not been that thot
deputies were anxious not to interpose any obstacles,
in the way of consolidating the conquests that have
been gained, neither this year nor the next shoul(1
we have heard anything of an indemnity. As f(
the idea that for the future the sentiments of ti kir
constituents will prevent a recurrence of such e „rents
it seems quite a preposterous one, for ..vho in-
fringed the laws and violated the prinf.:iples of all
constitutionalism but those who are may the loudest
in their praise, and the most eager In their self-
praise for supporting them?

" To guard what has been gained" will be, we
presume, the new motto which is to distinguish the
Prussian rule, and great emphasis is laid
upon it in this speech. They may find,
however, that it is not so easy as they imagine to
do so, no matter how strenuous be the support
they meet with from the people and the Chambers.
"Warm thanks" are recorded to the representa-
tives for the readiness with which they have granted
to Government means for alleviating the soldiers
incapacitated by the late war, and also the widows
and orphans of the fallen. It may be suggested
that there was no necessity for putting these unfor-
tunate persons in their present painful position,
and a little more adherence to the principles of
honesty would have preserved the lives of thousands,
and prevented many more from enduring loss and
suffering. The poet has exclaimed—

" What millions did that•Ca3sar might bo great,"

but the Prussian moralist cannot even lay that poor
satisfaction to heart, for his Sovereign has not risen
in the estimation of the really discerning by his

recent exploits.
We may take it for grallted when we commence
the perusal of a Prussian discourse that everything
is to be favourable to the sway of the KING, and all
to be auspicious in respect to the policy of the Go-
vernment, and hence there need be no cause for
wonder in the seemingly astounding declaration
here met with as to the likelihood of those inha-
bitants whose countries have been joined to Prus-
sia feeling themselves "more and more at home
in the great commonwealth of their fellow-coun-
trymen and recent neighbours." Whether, by
careful management, they might eventually have
done so, it is, of course, very difficult to deter-
mine, but as things have turned out, there is no
likelihood of their becoming settled or satisfied
under the new regime. As for the statement that
these newly acquired districts will be brought
into " free community" with the older provinces,
it is not a reliable one, because we
have had ample experience of late as to the
manner in which these unfortunate plans will be
treated. The rules sent out to the Governor of
Hanover were quite subversive of all freedom of
themselves, and we doubt it is the same to all
intents and purposes with other places that have
been annexed. As for its being such a desidera-
tum for these provinces to be mingled with the
older portions of the monarchy, we confess that it
is difficult to realise it. Why should they be glad?
and what have they to rejoice at in finding them-
selves put under an iron rule, and in knowing that
they have lost their nationality through the adverse
chances of war? The fact is, that the KING in his
speech starts from false premises, and hence he
naturally arrives at an erroneous conclusion.
Were the truth allowed to be spoken, both
he and the Deputies would hear a very different tale
from those who figure so prominently in these
official accounts.

Great stress is laid upon the " special develop-
ment of the Prussian political system, and especially
the part which relates to the North German Con-
federation." It is confidently expected that Ger-
many will obtain, " upon the basis of an united
organisation, such as Germany has vainly striven for
during centuries of conflict, those blessings to which
it is called by Providence, through the fulness of i: s in-
herent power and civilisation as soon as it understands
how to maintain peace both at home and abroad."
All we can say is that if the German people have
to wait for good fortune until they rightly estimate
the good of peace they will have a long time to look
forward to, for they never seem at all to appreciate
its importance. The Speech closes with the usual
rigmarole of grand vocations, and so on ; and we
regret to say with the customary insinuations
that " Providence specially watches over the
destinies of Prussia." It is really quite out of
character that the KING should suppose that he
has been entrusted by Heaven with a special mission
to " re-establish the lasting unity of the German
races and their Sovereigns." For the matter of that
there is no Sovereign but himself, the rest are all
puppets by the changes that have taken place ; and
all right-judging persons would infinitely prefer to
see the KING take the responsibility of his acts upon
himself, or share it with his Ministers, instead of wit-
nessing his repeated attempts to, make out that
tyranny, oppression, and bad faith are the agencies
which a higher Power inspires him to employ him to

gain his ends,

The intelligence brought by the Asia, from
Boston and Halifax, does not tell us much more
than we had previously learned by the telegraph.
The PRESIDENT'S veto of the second bill for the
admission of Colorado as a State we had heard of
through the electric messenger, and the veto of the
Nebraska Bill was also expected. The grounds of
both vetoes are, in fact, similar, though not abso-
lutely identical, and looking at them apart from
party feeling on the question of Radicalism or
Democratism, it is certain that they are in full har-
mony with the Constitution, and that the PRESI-
DENT, if he intends to abide by his oath,
and fulfil the duties it imposes on him,
had no choice but to oppose the bills in tote. Of
the Colorado Bill, he says that the territory has
not the requisite population, and that the inhabi-
tants have, through their representatives, protested
against a State Government being forced upon them.
There can certainly be no excuse for altering the
regulations of the Constitution against the will of
the people themselves. If they had applied for ad-
mission as a state there might indeed have been
some reason in the movement, but if they arc not
desirous of the troublesome dignity there can be no ex-
cuse for forcing it upon them. Of the Nebraska Bill

the PRESIDENT says that it exacts negro suffrage as a
condition for adinisAo», while the regulation of the

Fuffrage is a right fully optional with the people of
Nebraska. The condition, besides, is one entirely
opposed to the Constitution, which recognises no
such conditions. Negro suffrage is, in fact, a poli-
tical question of the day, just as the features of a
Reform Bill are the subject of discussion among
ourselves, and the idea of making the existence of a
State dependent on such a matter is as ab-
surd as if it were declared thr.t no represen-
tatives would be admitted fi °in an English
borough which did not allow universal suf-
frage. Of course) the general law of the land

roust be algid'
.3d by ; but negro suffrage is not the
genet` .r, and why is Nebraska to be the excep-
tion? At this rate all States North and South that
do nC it admit negro suffrage might be reduced to
the level of territories. It is likely enough that
Co)* igress may force both Bills over the veto ; but
the 3 PRESIDENT has entered his protest nevertheless.
T 1 Le Mississippi Legislature has unanimously re-
cler3ted the Constitutional Amendment; so that the
middle par'cy, which hoped for compromise, and
thought the South might be cajoled into accept-
ing the -amendment in the vague hope of bet-
ter treatment from the Radicals, inn.q by this
time ibe pretty well convinced of their mistake. It
was:at one time reported that the PRESIDENT him-
self -would be persuaded by a certain section of his
advisers to accept the amendment, and to press it
upon the Southern Legisla:,,ures for acceptance. It
way' said that negro suffrage was so unpopular that the
Radicals would never .attempt to stand by that, and
that if the Constitutirmal Amendment were adopted
by the ex-ConfedrTates they would have nothing to
fight about. This sounds plausible enough, but we
are glad t'ilat Mr. JOHNSON was not deluded by it.
In the first place, that was no sort of security that
the Radicals would abide by their own words, and
admit the Southern representatives on the adoption
of the amendment. The leaders took care to avoid
any. risk of such a pledge. Their hatred of the South
setuns so great that even if they were actually
pledged to a favourable policy they would find some
means of evading or counteracting it. Mr. JOHN-
SON; too, by so ill-advised a concession, would have
lost the strength which his firmness and immobility
have given him. All felt that he could not be moved
from the position which he had taken up by any of
the ordinary resources of manoeuvring politicians,
and although his case at first seemed almost hope-
less, yet he has gained in strength as the time went
on. lle could not be turned from his policy with-
out such violent measures as would disturb the
finances, unsettle the country, foolishly reopen the
gates of civil war, and very likely be rejected by the
people. The reaotion in favour of the PRESIDENT
and his policy, which any extensive measures, such
as the threatened impeachment, for instance, would
be quite opposed to the wishes and intentions of the
Radicals. Their leaders appear to be sagacious
enough to detect this, and we find that the impeach-
ment is less talked about.

They have not, however, abandoned it altogether,
and are now, it is said, preparing a bill providing
for the temporary instalment of General GRANT as
President during the impeachment of Mr. JOHNSON.
General GRANT has never identified himself with the
ultra party, and is highly popular. It is currently
believed that he will be the next President in regu-
lar succession, and indeed he seems to be almost the
only man likely to be accepted by the country.
The Radicals think, no doubt, that it will be a very
sagacious movement to propose him as temporary
President, inasmuch as many would accept him
who would not tolerate the idea of putting
the country under the rule of STEVENS or
BUTLER. It remains to be seen, however, whe-
ther the general would accept the flattering but
troublesome distinction. It would be identifying
himself with the impeachment, and openly desert-
ing the PRESIDENT, whose firm ally he professed to
be. It would also hopelessly embroil him with the
Democrats, and damage his European reputation.
Under these circumstances, it is quite possible that,
even were the impeachment pressed on, and the
offer of the temporary Presidency made to General
GIANT, the American ULYSSES, would have sa-
gacity as well as honour enough to decline it, and
thus neutralise the Radical schemes.

A rumour comes from Ottawa speaking of Prince
ALFRED as the possible head of the Confederation of
the British American Provinces. Certainly his
Royal Highness would be likely to receive a cordial
welcome from British subjects and from Ameri-
cans alike. A gratifying instance of international
good feeling and American courtesy has just be-
come public. Mr. BENNETT, the owner of the
yacht llenrietta, the winner of the famous race
across the Atlantic, has generously offered her to
Prince ALFRED, as a gift from au American
yachtsman to an English yachtsman, in token of
personal respect and national goodwill. His
Royal Highness, while hesitating to accept so
magnificent a present, has acknowledged Mr.
BENNETT'S offer in such kind and cordial terms
that we may hope the transaction will tend to
draw closer those bonds of national good feeling
and sympathy which all true statesmen in both
countries must desire to see strengthened.