The Sun.
London, England, 1858-06-01 00:00:00

TINE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 1, 1658.

HERTFORDSHIRE ELECTION.

IR EDWARD BULWER LYTTON'S
London Committee Sits Daily at the UNION HOTEL,
k:pur-street.

given valuable consideration for such checks to attach,
or to cancel, adhesive stamps in lieu of the drawers ;
also, if it would be promptly Relight to amend the law
re 0::, e,;
n C.
ti t):
!tat fc, n
, tase h tco ~r_.make the crossing to
r
Tce CILINCEJ.L.OR of .EXCITEQUEII Said
di, practice of R:gland to
refuse payment of a check without the iitainp
was cancelled, With regard to the latter part
of the question her MajlBty's Government bad no
intention to propose any alteration in the law. Where
a stamp was virtually cancelled, so that it could not be
used again, the Bank of England always paid the
cheque. The matter of cross chtques would, in all pro-
bability, settle itself.
THE CORMACKS.
Mr. BRADY asked whether there was any truth in a
statement which had appeared in the Irish journals, to
the effect that a person named Burke, the principal evi.
deuce in the case of the Cormacks, lately executed at
'navies for the murder of Mr. El'is, bad since confessed,
while in the bands of the authorities, that his evidence
upon their trial had bees false, and given under coer-
cion ; whether any investigatirms bad taken place into
the circumstances, and what had a,nee been done with
Burke!

Tanner, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Chisholm, promoted ;
Clement Wolseley Fe'►therstonhangb, Gent., to be Ensign,
vice Leatham, promoted.

BANKRUPTS.
Thomas Bull. gr0k:,,•,11 kinblrdtm, Sonthimpi in hoc, to
14, :1i cn,, :n,' Jq'y ~9, at elk:vex, the
Court of Bankruptcy.
Thotaas Flyun, choosemonger, Farringdon-street, City,
June 11, at half-past twelve, and July. 13, at eleven, at
the Court of Bankruptcy.
George Cheetham Bayley and James Bayley, cotton
spinners, Staleybridge, Cheshire, June 17 and July 2, at
twelve, at the Manchester District Court.
Thomas Robinson, jun., jeweller, Sheffield, June 19,
and July 10, at ten, at the Council-hall, Sheffield.
John Jones, beerhouse-keeper, Aberavon, Glamorgan-
shire June 14, and July 13, at 'eleven, at the Bristol Dis-
trict Court.

Benjamin Berresford, stonemason, Belper, Derbyshire,
June 17, and July 6, at elevon, at the IBirmingham Dis-
trict Court.
Thomas Thornicraft, coal merchant, Leicester, June 22,
and July 13, at half-past ten, at the Birmingham Distiict
Court.

James Way, grocer, Ox:ord-street, June 11 and July 15,
at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
William Cotton, beer retailer, Bear-street, Leicester-
square, June 15 at half-past one, and July 13, at twelve, at
the Court of Bankruptcy.
Edward Mt.rtin, fustian merchant, Manchester, Jane 12
aid July 2, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND be-
sieved no such confession had been made y Burke. In-
vesti;ations bad been made into the statement, but it
had been found to be unfounded. He declined to:state
where Burke now was. He had no doubt Burke was
proteclel by the police till he left Ireland. SIBES
DRAWING CHECKS. _

Mr. CAIRD asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer
whether drafts or orders on bankers in the form of
" Debit my account 101.,' or " Pay myself 10/.," but
not including the words " Bearer on demand," might
be drawn at and paid over the bank counter without a
penny stamp ; and whether, notwithstanding the recent
act, such unstamped checks were legal ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EX.OIiEQIJER said
drafts or orders to drawers were liable to the stamp,
except where they were drawn by the person and paid
to him at the same time over the counter.
BOARDING AMERICAN VESSELS.

Mr. LINDSAY asked the Under-Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs if it wai the case that merchant ves-
sels belonging to the United States, engaged in the trade
with Havannah, or the West Coast of Africa, bad been
fired into, boarded, searched, and detained by British
cruises ; and, if so, by what authority, or under whose
instructions the commanders of these ships had so acted.
Mr. S. FITZGERALD said t;.:e Government had re-
ceived no offici.l knowledge of such circumstances hav-
ing taken place. A statement had bet) forwarded to
her Majesty's Government by their repre.sentative at
Washington, ti.keu from a New Orieans newspaper,
but DO Lificial communication had been made by him to
her Majesty's Government. They were anxious to pre-
vent such occurrences, but the difficulty arose from
actual slavers hoisting the American colours. Her
Majesty's Government was anxious to prevent such
occurrences. Orders. had been sent by former Boards of
Admiralty, to our cruisers off the American coast, to
use the greatest caution in these matters, and these in
structions would be ca-t.ful y repeated by her Ma-
jesty's present Government, without loss of time.
THE lONIAN ISLANDS.

In reply to a question from Gen. ConftirtuoN relative
to the payment of 1,5001. and 8001.,
Gen. PEEL said that the above sums formed no part
of the 20,0001. paid to this country by-the lonian
Islands.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LOttllS.,-..-(YESTERDAY.)

OAT as BILL.

u. E of DERLY wished their lurclehip I would
cerne to au misieretendiug as to what question they were
to decide, or he was afraid they would get into a state of
endless confusion, and the real question would escape
being brought to a satisfactory issue. His noble and
gallant friend who moved the resolutions before their
lordships said he did so without any previous consulta-
tion with his political friends ; and he could confirm that
statement, for no one was more taken by surprise than
he was when, on the last day of sitting before the recess,
his noble and gallant friend gave notice that he should
move an amendment. The amendment, as it bad been
proposed, introduced a novel and important principle,
and one which, if intended should be di-cussed, would
be far better discussed with more deliberation, longer
previous nutice,and more consideration than could pos-
sibly be obtained on that occasion. Probably many of
their lordships bad not the slightest notion of the nature
and character of the proposition until the close of the re-
cess, and yet it was a proposition on which in a constitu-
tional sense every member of their lordships' house ought
to have had the fullest opportunity of making up his mind
beforehand. (Hear.) With regard to the reasons which
had been relied upon for calling upon their lordships
not to insist upon their amendment to the bill, be could
hardly think that any of their lordships who had listened
on various occasions to the able argument, the vigorous
and vivid elequeece, and had witnessed the manifest sin-
cerity of his noble and learned friend behind him (Lord
Lyndhurst) upon whose mental powers advancing years
appeared to produce no weakening effect, would be much
influenced by these reasons cf the Commons. Those of
their lordships who had had the pleasure and advantage
of hearing the clear and elegantly expressed argument of
the noble and learned lord would hardly be induced to
change their original decision by the dry bones and
skeleton of the Commons' reasons. It was, however, no
disparagement to the House of Commons if the form in
which their reasons were contained presented no peculiar
novel, or a tractive feature to the minds of their lordships
—there was nothing, in fact, in them which bad not
been over and over again advanced in the course of argu-
ment in their lordships' house, or which was not by this
time tbororghly stereotyped upon their lordships
minds. Perhaps the lase reason partook somewhat cf
novelty, and Would have the most force with their lord-
ships, because if the rate& of their lordships' amendment '
was to impose any fresh disabilities on persons of the
Jewish per: uasion beyond those already inexistence, be
was sure it was not the wish of their lordships that such
additional disabilities should be imposed. We bad not,
however, been striven yet, that such a result would fol-
low their lordships' amendment ; certainly, no case had
yet been cited where such a result would arise, while his
noble aed learned friend on the woolsack, who had di-
rected his especial attention to the point, bad come to
the conclusion that no such result would be the cense-
queece cf the bill passing in its present shape. But, for
his own part, he was the more confirmed in that belief by
the simple circumstaece that while his noble and learned
friend who had charge of the bill was urging the impolicy
of omitting the fifth clause, he never bitted at such a re-
I suit ; if he bad thought
,such would be the consequence of
the omission, he would not have omitted to use so power-
ful an argument, but throughout the entire discussion he
did not breathe a single word that the effect of striking
out the fifth clause would be to impose new restrictions
on the Jews. Nevertheless, if his noble and learned
friend, or if any other of their lordships, could show that
such a res:riction as that suggested by the Commons
really would be imposed by the omission of the fifth
clause, he was perfectly ready to concur in the adoption
of the first part of his noble and learned friend's resolu-
tion, which was intended to cure this defect. He was
not about to argue this wearisome case over again, but
at the same ti ue ha must jina draw I heir lordsbipe' atten-
tion to what were the grounds upon which the Commons
asked them to accede to the re insertion of the fifth clause.
The reason was—"Bscau e the. words 'on the true faith
of a Cerietian' were originally introduced in the oaths to
be taken by members of Parliament with a view to bind
certain Roman Catholics, and were not intended for the
purpose of excluding pe:sons of the Jewish persuasion."
' The answer to that was : true, the words were not in-
troduced for the purpose of excluding the Jew, because
at the time they were introduced there were miler re-
strictions that (alluded the Jew, but since then the
legislature bad been uniform in its determination to re-
tain these words. The second reason embraced a topic
that had been over and over again di-cussed in their lord-
ships' house. It was this—" Because the exclusion of
British subjects from seats in Parliament and offices in
the State, en the ground of their religious opinions, is
contrary to the general maxims of freedom of conscience."
Again the answer to this was not new. Civil rights, at-
taching to persons or proeery, belonged to the indivi-
dual, but tee privilege of sitting in Parliament or holding
offices in the State was not a mat- er ef right attaching
to the individual, but within the power of the Legible' ore,
and the Legislature had, therefore, the right to impose
such restrictions upon which only they should be enj eyed.
Passing over the other reasons, which to some extent
presented contradictions or conflicting views on the part
of the Legislature which it was not his province to recon-
cile, he cause to the reason which asserted that the right of
the electors of the United Kingdom hove bsen peculiarly
affected by a law which has been constrsed to prevent
the admission te the House of Commons of persons who
' have been lawfully returned as members of that house.
He, had a right to demur to the terms in which this rea-
son was couched, t,a . the answer to it was equally sim-
ple as that which could be advanced against the other
reasons. The same argument applied to all other dieque-
-I,fications imposed by the act of the Legislature, such as
that neither aliens nor minors could be elected, or per-
sons not bald: g a preperty qualification. So much for
the reasons, one of welch dwelt upon the increasing ma-
jorities in the House of Ceinmous which bad decided in
favour of this measure; and it vas the fear of coming
into collision with these majorities which appears to
have influenced one of their lordship; in advocating a re-
versal of their former decision. Well, he was as sensible
as any of their lordships of the inconvenience, not to say
danger, which would result from a long-continued differ-
ence of opinion between the taco houses, and he did not
hesitate to say that it would afford him infinite satisfac-
tion it, on this question, without any sacrifice of princi-
ple, there was a possibility cf coming to any reasonable
compromise with the House cf Commons. " But," said
the noble lsrd, " if you do not give way in this cage, I
see another difference looming in the dietance." Now,
he must say that was rather a dangerous argument.
Ha was ready to admit the inconvenience arising from
the present state of things, and if he could see any made
of release he should be rejoiced, but under any circum-
stances he trusted the House of Commons would never
be so forgetful of what it owed to the coestitutien of the
country as to aeree to such an unwarrantable proceedirg
as the admission of Jews without the consent cf the
united Parliament. Such a course would lead to colli-
sions, not with that house, but to most painful ones with
the courts of law, and whatever the result the conse
quinces must be moat peraidous to the country. 'rile
question then arose of whether there was any solution of
the difficulty. His noble and gallant friend bad brought
forward aresolution which, although open to grave objec-
tions, was not one which he should advise their lordships
absolutely to reject, but which still was one that required
the gravest consideration, and could not be introduced
as a mere amendment in a bill. He was not piepared
to say that the resolution was unconstitutional, but
still, before they adopted it they must carefully consider
the precedente. It might be a possible solution of the
difficulty. He did not say, reject it; but the limits
within which it could be entertained should be carefully
considered, and however closely considered, they could
not shut their eyes to the danger of the precedent of en-
abling each house to legislate for itself. (Hear. His
noble friend said that, to a great extent, it bad been
proved that it wos competent for either house to adroit
persons—be did Lot see that it should be confined to
Jews—on making a declaration. He did not pledge
himself to support that opinion, but Hail he thought that
a great deal might be said in favour of it. (Hear.) But
his noble friend's amendment went further, and gave
permission to alter oaths as might be deemed expedient.
He was not prepared to adopt that principle, and there-
fora should vote against the last part of the amendment,
while he agreed to the first, and reserving to himself full
leisure for considering whether any compromise could
be adopted calculated to remove this unfortunate cause
of difference from between the two houses of parliament.
Earl STANHOPE explained.
Earl GREY was surprised that the not le earl had not
advised their lordships to adopt the reasonable proposi-
tion which had been made for settling this painful ques-
tion. He thought, however, that there was much force
in the suggestion that further thee should be given for
consideration, and he would therefore move that the
further consideration of the objection of the House of
Commons be deferred for a fortnight, in order that their
lordships might see whether the suggestion of the noble
earl opposite might not be embodied in a separate bill
to be prepared for the purpose.
The Earl of DERBY did not think that that course
could be adopted in such a way as to meet the objection
of the House of Commons.
Earl GREY thought his suggestion would be consi-
dered conciliatory by the House of Commons.
The Earl of ELLESMERE was understood to sup-
port this suggestion.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE would urge the noble
earl at the head of the Government to adopt the
suggestion which had been made by Earl Grey.
Lord CAMPBELL earnestly implored the noble
to adept any suggestion which would prevent acol_ law.lision
between the House of Commons and the courts earl
owoufldbe
If that collision took peace, the public peac
jeopardised, and no one could foresee what the
it be should
the end of it
would be. Of course, he would not say that,
be placed in the painful position which be contemplated,
he should fearlessly do his duty.
Lord LYNDHURST was quite ready to adopt the
suggestion of the noble earl, as every step ,they took
upon this important rula:act sbould be conciliatory. Lord BBOUGEIAivI advocated a course of concilia-
tion, and hoped the suggestion for further consideraticn
would be adopted.
Tne Duke of RUTLAND said they were tampering
with the constitution of the country, and he hoped the
house would grand firm in their opposition to the amend-
ment of the not le and genera earl.
The Earl of MALMESBURY said the moment the
Government was formed, his-noble friend at the head of
the Government gave every member of the Government
permission to entsr'ain any opinion he p!sased upon this
subject. (He (the Earl of Malmesbury) therefore was in .
a position to express a perfectly independent opinion. 1
His conviction was, that sooner or later the question
would be act led by the admission of Jews to Parliament,
although be adhersd to the opinion which he bad always
expressed upon this subject. He thought there were those