The Sun.
London, England, 1867-03-07 00:00:00

as it is. As the effort to amend it must be unsuc-
cessful, so the postponement of the bill would be most
disastrous. The failure to pass the bill last July cost
the country hundreds of millions of dollars—a repe-

tition of the same folly now may produce conse-
quences disastrous beyond computation. We there-
fore urge upon all who desire the promotion of our
national policy, all friends of American industry,
to unite in pressing the House at once, and without
amendment or alteration, to pass the Senate Bill.
Any change from that, our readers are aware, will
necessitate a return to the Senate, and involve such
unavoidable delay, either by debate there, or by
reference to a committee of conference, as will have
the certain effect of putting over the measure to a
new Congress, when it will, of course, be quite un-
certain when it will be acted upon."

IMMEDIATE RECONSTRUCTION A DUTY.
The absolute rejection of the Constitutional
Amendment by Mr. Johnson's State legislatures
takes away all excuse for the thought of sanctioning
his usurpations by recognising the validity of the
governments organised by him. It is, in every point
of view, as well that this has happened. The
Amendment, though excellent in itself, would not
be a complete settlement of the issues between the
North and the South ; while the recognition of
States organised by a bold usurpation of the Execu-
tive, no matter upon what conditions, would be a
highly dangerous precedent. In offering such terms
to the South, we believe that Congress obeyed the
will of the people ; but we are confident that the
people neither expected nor desired that, if these
terms were rejected, Congress should do nothing
more. Yet some influential Republicans in

Congress seem to considerthe Amendment a finality,
and to hold Congress bound to wait for the Southern
whites to ratify it, even though months and years
pass by. From this view we strongly dissent. The
day of grace is past. All the Southern legislatures
have met, and all have deliberately rejected the
terms offered to them. If these legislatures should

reconsider their action, ratify the amendment, and
thereupon be recognised by Congress, it may yet
be questioned in the courts whether such a ratifica-
tion is valid ; and after such recognition the amend-
ment would clearly have no validity if not ratified
by three-fourths of all the States, including those
newly recognised. Congress is not bound to run
any such risks, nor has it a right to do so. The
main reasons for further action by Congress are,

however, to be found in the obvious dangers of delay
in reconstruction, and the certainty that such delay
will be almost indefinitely prolonged under the

present policy. On this point we have frequently
expressed our entire concurrence with the most
earnest advocates of the Southern cause. It is absurd

to deny that the unsettled condition of the South
is prejudicial to the North. With no legitimate
Governments tending to injustice, inequality, and
insecurity, it is impossible that the South should
prosper. Nor is it possible for the North to prosper
as it should so long as this unsettled state of society
exists in one-third of the common country, depriv-
ing it of capacity to produce or to purchase as it
otherwise would. The labourers of the South have
no security for their liberty or their wages. Capi-
talists have no security for their investments. How
can they safely lend money to Governments wi►ich
may at any day be overthrown ? How can they
act under charters from such Governments ? We
do not wonder that the Southern States have
had to allow large discounts on their bonds.
We only marvel that such obligations should be
saleable at any price. The unpleasant situation
in which Northern men find themselves at
the South is notorious ; nor can it be improvel
without a thorough reorganisation of the
local governments. Under such circumstances the
South cannot possibly contribute to the national
wealth anything like what it would if law, order,
and equality of rights were firmly established. The
political precedent involved in indefinite delay is

also worthy of consideration. Ten governments
are in fact controlling the internal affairs of as
many States ; and Congress neither recognises nor
disavows them by any decisive official act. Yet,

if they are not legitimate, it is the clear duty of
Congre:2s to suppress them and secure to the people
regular government ; while if they are legitimate,

it— is —equally the duty of Congress to
admit their representatives. A prolongation

of the pcsent state of things would be
an excuse to future Congresses for either
weakness or usurpation, as they might feel dis-

posed. Even from a merely partisan view of the
case, the perils of delay seem intolerable. The
is put at issue every alternate year.
t would be irremediable ; for if the
Aw hsoi lneg ql
eu esd
et
fi oe
an
Southern States are once recognised, the act can
never be undone. And every year would add to the
strength of the existing Governments at the South ;
since toleration would amount to a half recognition,
and vast pecuniary interests would become involved
with them. Add to these considerations the pos-

sibility that at any moment the validity of these
Governments, as the only ones in existence may be
asserted by the Supreme Court, and the danger that
delay will resist in a triumph for the South does not
seem small. We therefore urge upon the present
Congress the duty of immediate reconstruction.
At the very least an experiment should be
made upon one or two States. Conventions should
be summoned forthwith, and all the machinery of
government be put in motion. We have repeatedly
shown that Congress has the power to do this, and
that the co-ordinate departments of the Govern-
Aleut are bound to abide by the decision of Con-
gress
t g betweenan n
set forthconflicting
arguments to this effect,
oai c
benuse Congress no longer doubts its power, but
only hesitates as to the expediency of exercising it.
Those conservative Republicans who oppose further
action on this subject, from fear of its effect upon
business, are, as it seems to us, short-sighted. It
must be far better, in a mere business point of view,
to bring this controversy to a head at once,
than to let it drag on for years. Uncertainty
is the curse of trade, which can accommo-
date itself to almost any settled state of
affairs, but is ruined by doubts and fluctuations.
It is said by some that nothing can be done until '
Mr. Johnson is removed. But it is very plain that
if an impeachment is to be had, an act of recon-
struction, imposing simple and unmistakable duties
upon the President, will either compel him to sub-
mit or furnish ground for impeachment too clear to
be a matter of dispute. Thus, he may be required
to issue a proclamation, or to provide for an elec-
tion, or to do some other act involving a repudiation
of the governments which he has set up. If he fails
to comply by the day appointed, he will be so clearly
guilty of a tuisdemeanour that no question can be
raised other than one of pure law, upon which no
argument need be made by the prosecution. Upon
such a charge Mr. Johnson could be impeached,
tried, convicted, and removed, within ten days, with
the most perfect decorum, fairness, and legality, and
with the general approval of the country. His trial
upon an indictment such as General Butler presents
would occupy six months or a year, while any
attempt to supersede him meantime might precipi-
tate us into civil war. On the other hand, if Mr.
Johnson obeys the law, his defeat will be so perfect
that he can no longer have any power to interpose
obstacles in the way of Congressional action, he
will mortally offend his present supporters (if he
really has any), and must submit to carry out the
whole policy of Congress. Whether, therefore, an
impeachment be desired or not, it is evident that
the interests of society, both North and South, de-
mand the early action of Congress upon reconstruc-
tion. However imperfect that action may be, it
will at least establish something certain where all
is now in doubt, and cannot, therefore, fail to be
beneficial. But we have no fear that the measures
of Congress upon this point will not be in the
main judiciously framed. The principles which
will govern it are well known, and are approved by
the country. Now let it act, and act without delay.
—The Nation.

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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TIMES.—It is with feelings of regret, but hardly
of surprise, that the public will hear of the Fenian
outbreak in Ireland. The conspirators have hitherto
inflicted the greatest amount of trouble on the Govern-
ment and of disquietude on all loyal people with the
least possible exertions and exposure ou their own
part. By meetings, drillings, importations of arms,
threats, boasts, and, finally, by the petty rising in
Kerry, they have contrived to keep in activity the
considerable force which is at present stationed in
Ireland, and to fill with "alarm the isolated house-
holds of the gentry. These rebels have shown them-
selves excellent at everything but rebellion. Still,
menaces and feints could not last for ever. If false
alarms were too often given, they would in time be
disregarded, and then the chief power of the Fenian
leaders would be gone. They who paid their money
in America have been anxious for action, and have
not failed to denounce the supposed irresolution and
cowardice of their leaders. We may well suppose
that the Fenian following in Ireland, which could
not understand the delays of Stephens and his ac-
complices, have urged that something must be done.
For some time past it has been evident that mis
chief was at hand. The mysterious visit to Ches--
ter, which no one now can doubt was connected
with the Fenian conspiracy, the premature outbreak
at Cahirciveen, and, more than all, the plotting; of
the last fortnight, which have been duly disclosed to
the authorities, have been sufficient to keep the mili-
tary force on the alert. Lord Strathnairn returned to
Ireland as soon as the first news of the Kerry affair
arrived, and has been ever since fully prepared for
action. His force is sufficient, and disposed in such
a manner as to be capable of being moved promptly
and effectively at the shortest notice. It has been
for so many years necessary to study the prospect
of insurrection in Ireland that there need be no
doubt of the ability of the Commander-in-Chief
to take military possession of the country, and deal
successfully with rebellion wherever it shows itself.
N‘ hile, however, there is no ground for alarm
so far as the vindication of the Queen's au' ho-
rity is concerned, it would be wrong to disregard
the sinister features of the present outbreak It has
evidently been concerted. It broke out at the same
time at many distant points. The despatch read. by
Lord Naas in the House of Commons states that the
rising around Dublin was general, and that at
Drogheda the police barrack was attacked, though
without success. We have since learnt that at two
other stations the police were overpowered and made
prisoners ; at Dermore the police barrack was burnt,
and a Coastguard station near Kilrush was plundered
of arms. At Kilmallock, however, a small body of
police sustained for three hours the attack of a very
superior force of Fenians, whom they defeated with
the loss of three killed and 14 prisoners ' • and at
Drogheda also the police defeated a body of Fenians
estimated at 1,000, who had taken possession of the
market-house, made 40 prisoners, and captured a
large quantity of ammunition. " The military,"
by which we understand the force under Lord
Strathnairn, had brought into Dublin 208'prisoners,
and large quantities of arms and ammunition had
been seized. Of what materials the Fenian force is
composed some idea may be forma from the signi-
ficant fact that 105 young men are said to be miss-
ing from the Dublin drapery establishments. In
and near Dublin, however, there is not likely to be
even a temporary success of the insurgents. The
city is well supplied with troops, and these are dis-
posed so as to act promptly wherever riot may ap-
pear. In the South-west the movement appears to be
more dangerous. The telegraph wires have been every-
where cut; the railway bas been blocked and some of
the rails torn up in the neighbourhood of Thurles.
It must be borne in mind, too, that Munster is, and
always has been, the most disaffected part of Ire-
land, that there the Fenian conspiracy was hatched
and has grown up, and that, both in Ireland and in
America, the rebels have put their chief trust in
the men of Cork, Tipperary, Limerick, and the
neighbouring counties. The " Generals" and
leaders from America have also been especially.busy
in the South-west. We are not surprised, there-
fore, to bear that in several parts of the South-west
there have been isolated, but evidently concerted
outrages, in pursuance of the plans of the disaffected.
As in other parts of the island, however, the mili-
tary power is quite able to deal with any disturbers
of the public peace. A large force is stationed in
the South of Ireland, and can be moved to the un-
settled districts at once. Hitherto it would seem
that the police alone had in most cases
been able to resist and disperse the rebels.
Though there is, consequently, no political danger,
it is impossible to exaggerate the social calamities
which this nefarious conspiracy is bringing on the
whole of Ireland. The constant fear of disturb-
ance and outrage, the discouragement to industry
and to the introduction of capital, and the stimulus
to absenteeism must deeply affect the prosperity of
the country. The lieutenants of counties and other
leading people of the island are returning to their
posts in the hour of danger, but no one can doubt
that the effect of the alarms of the last two years
must be to drive a still larger number of the owners
of the soil to seek security and comfort in England.
For this reason, if for no other, it is to be hoped
that the suppression of the present disturbances will
not only be speedy and complete, but that such con-
4ign punishment may be inflicted on the leaders as
to convince even the most ignorant that rebellion is
not the safe and pleasant vocation it has long been
considered in 'lreland.
THE WESTMINSTER GAZETTE 'ON THE " FOREIGN
POLICY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.' My last
paper concluded with an account of the unprin-
cipled invasion of the Roman territory by the Pied-
montese, and with the perfidious acquiescence of
the French Emperor in that act. I ask now, how
can his advocates dare to defend the last-named
potentate by alleging his inability to control his
revolutionary allies ? Those who enter into part-
nership are responsible for the public acts of their
partners. Those who have helped to aggrandise a
weak ally have surely the right and the means of
setting bounds to his rapacity and forcing him to
observe the conditions of his contract? What a
mockery is it to talk of the inability of Napoleon
111. in these transactions ! If now the revolu-
tionary spoiler, flushed with his recent success,
and enriched by the acquisition of Venetia, the
powerful French Emperor is able to check at the
gates of Rome, is it not worse than folly to pre-
tend that the successive spoliations of the Romagna,
and of Umbria, and the Marches, by an ally yet
weak, yet unpractised in the arts of depredation,
the same Emperor was unable to prevent ! What
shall I say, too, of the policy since pursued by the
French Government towards the holy Pontiff,
despoiled of all. but a small remnant of those
possessions which the gratitude and reverential
piety of princes and emperors had once bestowed
on the Vicar of Christ.?.. At one time the Em-
peror
presses on him the adoption of that odious
Code Napoleon, .which I have already characterised
—an advice which betrayed an utter absence of
all decorum, as well as of religious zeal. At an-
other time he suggests to the Sovereign Pontiff
various political reforms, which the latter would
have been under other circumstances too willing
to carry out, but which the dismemberment of his
territory and the intrigues and plots of revolu-
tionists within and without his dominions ren-
dered utterly impracticable. Now he nominates
Ministers and sends Ambassadors to Rome favour-
able to the interests of the Pope. Now, again, he
suddenly changes his tactics, and calls to his coun-
cils men most adverse to the temporal power of the
Pope, and who engage in a series of intrigues
with the revolutionary Government of Italy. A
policy so vacillating is needs most harassing to
the Sovereign Pontiff—most inimical to the well-
being of the Roman people—most conducive to
political agitation and disorder in Italy, and most
opposed to the peace of the Universal Church.
This uncertain policy well betokens that trouble of
mind which the Pope lately adverted to the
struggles, perhaps, of a better conscience with that
demon of Revolution whom this unfortunate per-
sonage formed a compact with in youth. This
confusion—this distraction in his councils, manifest
not only in Italy but in Mexico and in Germany,
strikes like a judgment of God, and is one of the
phenomena that usually precede a monarch's
downfall. But, perhaps, if the Emperor of the
French, by a something worse than acquiescence,
has caused the . dismemberment of the Papal
States, he has, at all events, by his Italian ex-
pedition, allayed dissensions in the Peninsula—
been the means of forming its various kingdoms
into one harmonious whole, and of consolidating
the reign of religion, justice, order, and freedom,
and of promoting the material prosperity of its
inhabitants. Alas ! what sort of moral and politi-
cal blessings six years of Piedmontese rule have
established in the kingdom of Italy, friends and
foes alike attest. Let us hear the Sovereign Pon-
tiff in his allocution of the 29th of last October,
describe 'the grievous persecution of the Church
in the new:revolutionary state. "For, sad to say,"
he remarks, " prelates of the Church, most virtu-
ous members of the two orders of clergy, and other
most upright Catholic citizens, have, by this Pied-
montese Government, without any regard to reli-
gion, justice, or even humanity itself, been driven
into exile, or thrown into prison, or condemned
to forced domicile, been harassed in every the most
shameful manner; dioceses, to the great loss of
souls, have been bereaved of their pastors, vir-
gins consecrated to God expelled from their con-
vents and reduced to mendicancy, the temples of
God violated, the diocesan seminaries closed, un-
happy youth deprived of Christian education and
entrusted to the teachers of error and iniquity, and
the patrimony of the Church usurped anddissi-