The Sun.
London, England, 1858-05-05 00:00:00

very greatly increased. (Hear, hear.) Now let there
be no question or dispute in the house as to the desire of
the people of the Principalities that these two territories
should be united. The Principalities, as the house
well knows, are those territories upon the Danube
termed Wallachia and Moldavia. They are the relics
of a territory that was once considerably larger, in•
habited by that Daciaa race which, in former times,
was a terror to the Roman empire, and which
afterwards, receiving a strung tinge of Roman colonisa-
tion, in no respect departed from its ancient military
fame ; so that at the time when the flood of Turkish
conquest came in, this people almost alone, by their own
good swords and their own stout arms and hearts,
were able to vindicate their own rights. In times of
darkness, of oppression, of blood, of misery and of crime
almost unequalled in the annals of mankind, the people
of the Principalities vindicated their own freedom, and
that freedom they continued to enjoy until a compara-
tively recent period, when they, their rights and inte-
rests, were bandied about between the contending claims
and intrigues of Russia, and Austria, and Turkey on the
one side and the other. What said Sir John M'Neill on
the subject ! Writing in 1843, he says—" During the
last 815 years the principalities have been occupied for
more than 30 years by Muscovite marauders, and have
been the battlefield of the Russian and the Turk in not
less than twenty campaigns." And the very struggle
that you made, and justly made, in the late war for the
independence of Europe—what did it do for them ? Un-
fortunately, it increased the miseries of these people.
(Hear.) The Emperor of Russia, playing his old game,
but not playing it with his ancient skill, when he was,
as we say, in a political sense, about to inflict an injury
upon Turkey, inflicted it upon the Principalities.. No
doubt, politically, that was an injury to Turkey. 2 But
I apprehend that the injury to Turkey must not lead us
to forget the deep suffering, the degradation, and the
misery of that frightful military occupation, which did
not fall upon Turkey, but on the unhappy people in
those territories—those people who had fought and won
freedom for themselves—who had held that freedom for
a long series of centuries, and whose freedom has only
been impaired and lost as to a great part of its effects,
since the time when Russia began to extend her terri-
tories, and found it more to her interest to back the claims
of Turkey over the Principalities, in order that, having
asserted the right on the part of Turkey , she might ob•
tain them from Turkey by insidious negotiation. (Hear.)
The union of the Principalities is tne ardent desire of
the people of these territories, and I am anxious to make
good this proposition, because although it is not conclu-
sive upon the case—yet I speak in the British House of
Commons, I speak in that assembly to whicb, I will not
say to which alone, but to which almost alone, every lover
of liberty in the world has now to look for the vindication
of his rights—(cheers) —and I beseech the House
of Commons to do full justice to the wishes and
rights and interests of this people, if those interests are
compatible with justice and the welfare of the world.
(Cheers.) I will quote an authority upon the subject of
the union of the Principalities which appears to me to
be entirely beyond dispute. I refer to a document of
the utmost importance, bee sties it carries with it not
only the assent of the people and the authorities of the
Principalities, but likewise the assent of the suzerains
power, namely, the Sultan of Turkey. The date of that
document is 1834. It has no relation whatever to the
recent struggle in tke East. The case for the union has
been infinitely strengthened since that period. But that
instrument, which has the sanction cf a hatti scheriff of
the Turkish empire, contains the following language re-
specting the union of the Principalities :—" The origin,
the religion, the usages, and the conformity of habits
among the inhabitants of the two Principalities, no less
than their common wante are elements of au intimate
union, which has been hampered and retarded by acci-
dental and secondary circumstances. The advantages
and salutary consequences resulting from the union of
these two Principalities cannot be brought into doubt."
That is a public and authoritative document recognised
as part of the public law of the Principalities, and hav-
ing the assent of the Sultan of Turkey. (Hear, hear.)
Of course it was natural that repeated and aggravated
suffering of the people of Moldavia and Wallachia since
that time should have strengthened that sentiment. The
Russian occupation was calculated to give it still further
force, and when that Russian occupation ended I am
sorry to say the public necessities of Europe obliged us
to acquiesce in the substitution for it of what I believe is
a still heavier infliction, namely, occupation by an Aus-
trian army. (Cheers.) There is something in the thing,
and something in the manner ; and the Austrian armies
have the unenviable reputation of placing in the most
odious form and circurnetancee that which must always
be afflicting tothe heart and spirit of a people that cherish
and love their freedom. (Cheers.) It was natural that
the people of the Principalities should raj,dce in the in-
terest shown in their condition by the powers of Europe
both during the negotiations which preceded the war
and during the negotiations that were afterwards insti-
stuted, and I believe I am correct in saying that when
the plenipotentiaries assembled in 1855 there was sub-
mitted to the assembled body, through the medium of
the French plenipotentiary, sufficient evidence as to
the desire of the people fur the union of the Principali-
ties. But it is not to that meeting of pleriipot ntiaries
that I refer as constituting the declaration of European
policy to which I now ask the house to give its adhesion.
These negotiations failed. They were resumed in the
early part of 1857, and then it was that the questioe
took a form which I thick ought to be decisive as to its
ultimate issue. In the sixth protocol of the conferences
of Paris, in 1856, the views of the diff,rent Powers are
fully explained, and although I shall endeavour to avoid
wearying the house with reference to documents, yet
that on record relative to the proceedings in Paris in
1856, is se vital in its bearing upon the question, that I
hope the house will allow me to put them in possession
of what occurred. In the sixth protocol we are made ac-
quainted with the discussions which took place respect-
ing the union of the Principalities. There were ass•ein-
bled at the time the representatives of s x or seven powers
who gave their seeeral judgments. Bet of those powers,
although there were many whose judgment might be
important with reference to the knowledoe which the
parties possessed, yet they could carry but little weight
in point of moral authority, because they hail cross inte-
rests of their own, which made them bad judges with
respect to the Principalities. lam not about to hold
that the views of Russia, on the question of their union,
could be safely taken as a guide and authority, and still
less could the Government of Russia be taken as an au-
thority. Both Austria and Russia are in the condition of
holding and enjoying territory that was over part of the
territory of Moldavia. They stand in a false position to-
wards the Principalities. Each of them may be well sus-
pected of a desire to extend their power in that direc-
tion. But Austria is in a position more false, if possible,
than that of Russia, and for this reason : Russia, what-
ever else she may be, is an empire compacted, with an
organisation of wonderful and extraordinary strength ;
and I do not know that there is anything in her condi-
tion that need make her particularly afraid of seeing the
Principalities free and flout ishing upon her borders. But
Austria is in a different position, for she is ill compacted,
and bangs as loosely together as Russia is firm, and
the possession at this moment by Austria of her own do-
minions is not owing to her own power to bold them,
but to the military aid she received from the Emperor of
Russia. In that state, combining absolute government
in a most rigid form with the extreme of internal weak-
ness, it is natural to admit that Austria should view with
the utmost jealousy anything that tends to give freedom
and strength to her neighbours on the Danube. (Hear.)
It is impossible to blame her on that account. But it is
possible, it is natural, it is reasonable and right, that we
at least should beware of being drawn into her policy—
(cheers)—and should view with suspicion and jealousy
the policy which she may recommend in regard to what
is good for the people of the Principalities. Well, then,
but three powers assembled at Paris to whose judgment
on this subject I can assign any weight. It is impossible
to assign any great weight to that of Turkey, because it
is natural enough that selfish motives should in her case
just as it would in our case, make her a bad judge in the
matter. But France, England, and Sardinia—the latter
of course of secondary consequence, though perhaps
equally to be trusted as an impartial state—were capable
of forming a judgment which would carry great weight
with it throughout Europe. (Hear.) When the confer-
ere() proceeded to the development of the first point
relative to the Principalities Count Walewski said it was
essential at the very outset to deliberate on a question of
paramount importance, and that was whether Wallachia
and Moldavia should henceforth be united in one single
principality, and contain or possess a co-operative organi.
cation. The first plenipotentiary of France conceived
that, as the union of the two provinces sati-fied the re-
quirements brought in, the congress should admit and
proclaim it. The English plenipotentiary followed in the
same line. Lord Clarendon, spanking for himself, speak-
ing for his Government, speaking fur his Parliament,
and for England, said he shared in and accepted the
proposition. Sardinia zupported the views of France
and England.• Austria opposed them, and declared that
she did not believe that the people of the Principalities
did wish for the union. Turkey likewise declared tliat it
was a mistake to suppose that the people of the Princi-
palities desired the udion. Tue Russian plenipotentiary,
with great tact, reserved the;expression of his opinion until
every one else had spoken, and it is impossible to com-
pliment tJo highly the sagacity with which be acted.
It was dangerous for Russia to support the union if the
union was going to be carried ; but if there was going to
be a stout opposition to the union, then it was eminently
advisable for Russia t> support it, because she would at
once gain the credit with the people of the Principalities
of being their friend, and of pursuing the policy which
they had at heart, and she would, if the resistance cf
others to the union proved effecaial, enjoy the advantage
of seeing the Principalities disunited, in weakness and
degradation, and the advantage of using them as the
arena for her intrigues, and the advantage of knowing
they would be incapable of forming arty safe barrier be-
tween her and Turkey. ([Tear.) Coining in at the end
of the day, Russia supported the union of the Princi-
palities. I have shown what were the wishes cf the
people. But the Powers a,seinbled at Paris were care-
ful to make adegeate provision on the embj ,ct. There
was au article provid ng for the maintenance of the prie
vileges of the Princiaalitiete There was another article
providing for the revision of their laws, arid the appoint-
ment of a commission which should take undeS their
consideration the mariner in which their laws should be
revised. But there rasa third article—the most impor-
taut of the three ; it was framed so that the Sultan
should convoke in the two provinces a divan composed
in such a manner as to represent most clearly the inte-
rests of all classes. There was not only the pledge given
by Count Walewski and Lord Garendon, but is was
solemnly embodied in the treaty of Paris, and I now
ask the House of Commons whether they will recognise
and adopt it, or stand by in r beano and see the interests
of the Principalities made the sport of sudden intrigue,
and the faith of Europe, which is pledged to this article
nullified and frustrated, -in consequence of the selfish
designs of intereetee par ies. A reference to the
people of the Principalities was made in due time.
It was unfortunately delayed from a variety of