The Sun.
London, England, 1867-02-26 00:00:00

bank qualification 25,000 voters. I must here remark, both
with reference to the county and borough franchise which
depends on the savings-banks, that all these estimates aro
made upon the old savings-banks. There is no return yet
of the Post-office savings-banks; but of course in time, if
that national institution advances and prospers, it will have
a very sensible effect upon this matter. Extending, then,
to the counties, those four new franchises, we propose to
reduce the occupation franchise in counties to £2O. Mr.
Gladstone—" Will that also be founded upon rating ?"j It
will be founded upon rating. This will add, after all deduc-
tions, to the occupiers having votes in counties, 82,500.
The whole of the increase to the constituency of the coun-
try, in round numbers, will be 400,000. The house will now
permit me to advert to one of the Resolutions not strictly
in the order in which it is placed on the paper, but on which
it would be more convenient for the general management of
this subject that 1 should at once touch ; and that is the
Resolution to which an amendment has been given notice
of -viz., No. 9—which declares "That it is expedient that
provision should be made for the better prevention of bribery
and corruption at elections." Sir, I have heard that in
dealing with this subject we have only ourselves to blame,
because we thoughtlessly, and, perhaps, incautiously, sup-
ported an hon. baronet, a member of this house, in the last
session of Parliament, in a resolution which we must now
find inconvenient to us. (An Hon.Member—"Hear, hear.")
Sir, 1 can only say to those who have made that observa-
tion and to the hon. gentleman who cheers it that they are
under a very great mistake. (Hear, hear.) After what
happened, not only before that resolution was passed, but
after what has occurred subsequently and recently in this
country, I think that any Ministry, of whatever party it
might be formed, would not be doing its duty to its Sove-
reign and its country if it did not attempt vigorously to
grapple with this question of bribery and corruption.
(Cheers.) And, Sir, we have given to it our anxious atten-
tion, and are perfectly prepared to act upon the conclusions
at which we have arrived. This is not the occasion upon
which it would, I am sure, be agreeable to the house to
enter into minute details on such a subject ; but I may, per-
haps, advert to one or two of the principal conclusions to
which we have come, and which we shall recommend the
house to adopt in regard to it. In the first place, it is our
opinion—and wo hope we may induce the house to agree with
that opinion—that after an election, if the decision within
two months is challenged either by the candidate who was
defeated or by the electors, he or they shall be empowered
to serve the returning-officer with their protest; that when
that protest has been received the returning-officer shall
communicate it to the proper authorities—the clerk at the
table, for example, Mr. Speaker, or it may be the Lord Chief
Justice of the Court of Common Pleas; and that then these
authorities should have the power immediately to autho-
rise the despatch of two assessors to the spot, to hold
their court and conduct their examination at the locality,
and there decide upon the question at issue. (Hear, hear.)
Of course, these assessors aro not to be sent—that protest is
not to be acted upon, unless the persons making it enter
into their recognisances to bear the necessary expenses of the
investigation. And as we are unwilling in any way to
diminish the jurisdiction of this house, or to take its real
business from out of its bosom, in case we give an appeal
from the decision of the assessors, we propose that it should
be given in this way—that the person decided against may
make his appeal to this house, and that this house may, if
it thinks fit, appoint a Select Committee to investigate the
question. ("No, no," murmers, and cries of "Hear, hear.")
The decision of the assessors will remain 15 days on the
table. If it is not questioned it will be acted upon ; if it
is questioned, the person who questions it and makes the
appeal must, of course, again enter into his recognis-
ances to bear the necessary expenses, and it will be open
to the house, if it thinks proper, to act upon that appeal.
The next conclusion upon this matter which we shall re-
commend the house to adopt is to declare that, when a
candidate has been convicted of bribery, the other candidate
whose conduct is proved to have been pure, although he
may have been in a minority, shall be returned to this
house. Sir, these are two important recommendations, to
which, from a desire not to weary the house, I have done
very imperfect justice ; because, of course, all these regula-
tions are very much matters of detail ; but I hope that I
have succeeded in conveying to the house the general re-
sults at which we have arrived. (Cheers.) We believe
that their consequences will be very considerable upon the
conduct of the constituencies, and also of the members of
this house. (An Hon. Member.—" What about the punish-
ment?) I would rather decline to enter at the present
moment into the subject of punishments, and prefer to
leave it till this branch of the question is more specially
before tho house. (Hear, hear.) I hope, although this is
a subject involving very great difficulty, that we may
bo able to arrive at certain conditions by which in-
veterately corrupt boroughs shall after a certain time,
and after the fulfilment of those conditions, by their
own conduct lose, as a matter of course, the power of re-
turning members to this house. If the Resolutions are
passed, and it should fall to our lot to bring in a bill, we
shall be perfectly ready to act on this question of conup-
tion by introducing clauses to carry these propositions, or
propositions of an analogous character, into effect. Bat it
will be for the house to decide whether they shall be adopted.
I cannot conceal from the house that this a subject which
must lead to prolonged controversy, and as it is no doubt
their desire that a bill affecting the representation of the
people in Parliament should be carried, I will not say with
precipitation, but at least without any unnecessary delay,
it will be for them to decide whether it is to be dealt with
in that or in a separate measure. (Hear, bear.) I can as-
sure the house that the Government arc prepared to fulfil,
not only in the letter, but in the spirit, the engagements
which were entered into on this question last session, and
to which they themselves were a party. (Hear, hear.) if
the house should be of opinion that it would encumber the
Franchise and Distribution Bill or the other subjects which
must necessarily enter into a measured Parliamentary Re-
form too much to couple with them this matter, all I can
say is that I will personally undertake to bring in a sepa-
rate bill dealing with it on the very same night, so tho the
passing of tho Franchise and Distribution Bill would be
disembarrassed of the delay which might otherwise take
place. (Hear, hear.) The subject on which I have just
treatedleadsme to the consideration of those venal boroughs
which have of late so much engaged the painful attention
of the country. ft is the opinion of the Government that
no delay should occur in enabling the house to decide on
the position of these boroughs, and that it is a very rele-
vant part of the task which, if these resolutions pass, we
are prepared to undertake. The boroughs to which I refer
aro Great Yarmouth, returning two members; Lancaster,
returning two members; Totnes, returning two members;
and Reigate, returning one member, to Parliament. The
Government have given to this part of the question anxi-
ous and painful consideration, and they think that it
is their duty to recommend the disfranchisement of the
whole of those boroughs—(cheers)—and to transfer the
seven seats thus rendered vacant to towns which have
risen into importance since the passing of tho Reform Bill
of 1832. Those sever seats would not, of course, meet all
the fair claims to the distinction of being represented in
this house which might be urged ; but on that subject, not-
withstanding the communications which I have had made
to me, the Government have been guided by the principles
and feelings which are expressed in the 7th and Bth Reso-
lutions. We have, in fact, in considering the question of
distribution, entirely been influenced by the consideration
of enfranchisement and not disfranchisement. (Hear, hear.)
We are alive to the great difficulty, and even the great
danger, of rashly, recklessly, and thoughtlessly interfering
with the representative system of a society so old, so com-
plicated, and now so vast and various as that of theßritish
Empire. We are unwilling to disturb any centre of repre-
sentation, our main consideration beingthat in the revision
of our electoral system which must necessarily be periodi-
cal, however distant from one another the periods;-we
should confine ourselves as far as we possibly can to giving
representation to those places which ought to be, and are
not, represented, duly maintaining at the same time that
balance between the various interests in this house which,
I believe, the majority of us are anxious to preserve. We
have anxiously examined all the claims for representation
which can upon any reasonable ground be advanced by
the several communities which have risen into importance
since 1832, and we have naturally, in coming to a decision
upon the subject, been influenced by a triple consideration
—in a great degree by population, by the distinctive in-
terests of that population, and, lastly, by locality. We are
desirous, as far as we can, to maintain the distribution of
representation ever the country, because we feel that un-
equal distribution must lead to discontent. We have en-
deavoured to provide that each distinctive interest in towns
should be fairly represented, and the towns which, after
the most anxious and careful investigation, we will, if
the Resolutions should pass and wo have the
opportunity, recommend to Parliament to enfranchise are
Hartlepool —(cheers) -Darling
ton (cheers)— Burnley,
Staleybridge, St. Helen's, Dewsbury, Barnsley, and Mid-
dle,;borough. (Cheers.) I stop at thei next, and the house
will, I trust, not ask me to mention its name. (A laugh.)
We wish to give a member to what is called the " Black
Country." (Hear, hear.) In our own bill of 1859
as well as
iu the bill of tho late Government, a provision
of that kind
was introduced. To reconcile a rating basis and a mining
PoPulatiou is, however, a difficult task. So many
and such
contradictory representations from different localities have;
been made to me, and I have been asked so anxiously and.)
upon such good grounds not to precipitate the determina-
tion of the Government on this point, that I am sure the
house, always anxious for fair play, will allow me to de-
scribe the town to which I inn now adverting as one in the
Black Country. (A laugh.) The remaining towns which
we propose to enfranchise are Croydon, Gravesend, and
Torquay. (Cheers.) The house will perceive that the North
of England—and that very properly—has a very large share
in this appropriation, and we think it extremely desirable
that if there are towns of sufficient importance in the
South their claims to representation should also be acknow-
ledged. We look therefore upon the enfranchisement of
Croydon, Gravesend, and Torquay as only fair and just.
(Hear, hear.) Before I leave the question of boroughs I will
mention that it is the intention of the Government, if they
should have the opportunity, to recommend to Parliament
to divide the Tower Hamlets and give to each division two
members. In so doing it will of course be necessary to pro-
vide that its boundaries should not bo allowed to remain
exactly as they wore left by the Act of 1832, but that they
should be adapted to the requirements of the present'popu-