The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-18 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LONDON', TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 18, 1860.

has been already carried into effect, so far as this was
practicable.
Under this convention the sum of 500,000 taels, equal
to about 700,000 dols., was stipulated to bepaid in satisfac-
tion of the claims of American citizens, out of the one-fifth
of the receipts for tonnage import, and export duties on
American vessels at the ports of Canton, Shanghae, and
Fuchau; and it was " agreed that this amount shall be in
full liquidation of all claims of American citizens at the
various ports to this date." Debentures for this amount
—to wit: 300,000 taels for Canton,:100,000 for Shanghae,
and 100,000 for Fachau—were delivered, according to the
terms of the convention, by the respective Chinese collet
tors of the customs of these ports to the agent selected by
our Minister to receive the same.
Since that time the claims of our citizens have been
adjusted by the board of commissioners appointed for
that purpose under the act of March 3, 1859, and their
awards, which proved satisfactory to the claimants, have
been approved by our minister. In the aggregate they
amount to the sum of 498,694 dols. 78c. The claimants
have already received a large proportion of the sums awarded
to them out of the fund provided, and it is confidently ex-
pected that the reminded will ere long be entirely paid.
After the awards shall have been satisfied, there will re-
main a surplus of over 200,000 dols at the disposition of Con-
gress. As this will in equity belong to the Chinese Go-
vernment, would not justice require its appropriation to
some benevolent abject in which the Chinese may be speci-
ally interested ?

Our minister to China, in obedience to his instructions,
has remained perfectly neutral in the war between Great
Britain and France and the Chinese empire ; although, in
conjunction with the Russian minister, ho was ever ready
and willing, had the opportunity offered, to employ his good
offices in restoring peace between the parties. It is but an
act of simple jistice, both to our present minister and his
predecessor, to state, that they have proved fully equal to
the delicate, trying, and responsible positions in which they
have on different occasions been placed.

torial government established by. Congress. A better spirit,
Ihowever, seemed soon after to prevail, and the two parties
met face to face at the third election, held on the first
Monday of January, 1858, for members of the Legislature
and State officers under the Lecorapten constitution. The
result was the triumph of the anti-slavery party at the
polls.
The decision of the ballot-box proved clearly that the
party were in the majority, and removed the danger of civil
war. From that time we have heard little or nothing of
the Topeka Government; and all serious danger of revo-
lutionary troubles in Kansas was then at an end.
The Lecompton constitution which had been thus recog •
niced at this State election by the votes of both political
parties in Kansas, was transmitted to me with the request
that I should present it to Congress.
This I could not have refused to do without violating my
clearest and strongest convictions of duty. The constitu-
tion, and all the proceedings which preceded and followed
its formation, were fair and regular on their taco. I then
believed, and experience has proved, that the iaterestsof '
its
admission people of Kansas would have been best consulted by
admission as a State into the Union, especially as the ma-
jority, within a brief period, could have amended the con-
stitution according to their will and pleasure.
If fraul existed in all or any of these proceedings, it was
not for the President, but for Congress, to investigate and
determine the question of fraud, and what ought to be its
consequences. If, at the two first elections, the majority
refused to vote, it cannot be pretended that *his refusal
to exercise the elective franchise could invalidate an elec-
tion fairly held under lawful authority, even if they had
not subsequently voted at the third election. It is true
that the whole constitution had not been submitted to the
people, as I always desired ; but the precedents are nume-
rous of the admission of States into the Union without such
submission.

It would not comport with my present purpose to review
the proceedings of Congress upon the Lecompton constitu-
tion. It is sufficient to observe that their final action has
removed the last vestige of serious revolutionary troubles.
The desperate band recently assembled, under a notorious
outlaw, in the southern portion of the territory, to resist
the execution of the laws and to plunder peaceful citizens,
will, I doubt not, be speedily subdued and brought to jus-
tice.

Had I treated the Lecompton constitution as a nullity
and refused to transmit it to congress, it is not difficult
to imagine, whilst recalling the position of the country at
that moment, what would have been the disastrous conse-
quences, both in and out of the territory, from such a dere-
liction of duty on the part of the Executive.
Peace has also been restored within the territory of
Utah, which, at the commencement of my Administration,
was in a state of open rebellion. This was the more dan-
gerous, as the people, animated by a fanatical spirit and
entrenched within their distant mountain fastnesses, might
have made a long and formidable resistance. Cost what it
might, it was necessary to bring them into subjection to
the Constitution and the laws.

Sound policy, therefore, as well humanity required that
this object should, if possible, be accomplished without the
effusion of blood. This could only be effected by sending a
military force into the territory sufficiently strong to con-
vince the people that resistance would be hopeless, and at
the same time to offer them a pardon for past offences on
condition of immediate submission to the Government.
This policy was pursued with eminent success ; and the
only cause for regret is the heavy expenditure required to
march a large detachment of the army to that remote region
and to furnish it subsistence. Utah is now comparatively
peaceful and quiet, and the military force has been with-
drawn, except that portion of it necessary to keep the Indians
in check and to protect the emigrant trains on their way to
our Pacific possessions. _

FINANCES.
In my first annual Message I promised to employ my
best exertions, in co-operation with Congress, to reduce
the expenditures of the Government within the limits of
a wise and judicious economy. An overflowing treasury
had produced habits of prodigality and extrava-
gance which could only be gradually corrected. The
work required both time and patience. I applied my-
self diligently to this task from the beginning, and was
aided by the able and energetic efforts of the Heads of the
different Executive Departments. The result of our labours
in this good cause did not appear in the sum total of our
expenditures for the first two years, mainly in consequence
of the extraordinary expenditure necessarily inourre i in the
Utah expedition, and the very large amount of the contin-
gent expenses of Congress during this period. These
greatly exceeded the pay and mileage of the members.
For the year ending 30th June, 1858, whilst the pay and
mileage amounted to 1,490,214 dole, the contingent ex•
penses rose to 2,093,309 doll 79c, and for the year ending
30th June, 1859, whilst the pay and mileage amounted to
859,093 dole 66c, the contingent expenses amounted to
1,431,565 dole 78c. lam happy, however, to be able to in-
form you that during the last fiscal year ending on the 30th
of June, 1860, the total expenditures of the Government
in all its branches—legislative, executive and judicial—ex-
clusive of the public debt, were reduced to the sum of
55,402,465 dole 46c. This conclusively appears from the
books of the Treasury. In the year ending on the 30th
June, 1858, the total expenditure, exclusive of the public
debt, amounted to 71,901,129 dole 77c, and that for the
year ending 30th June, 1859, to 66,346,226 dole 13c.
Whilst the books of the Treasury show an actual expendi-
ture of 59,848,474 dole 723 for the year ending on the 30th
June, 1860, including 1,040,667 dole 71c for the contingent
expenses of Congress, there must be deducted from this
amount the sum of 4,296,009 dole 26c, with the interest
upon it of 150,000 dole, appropriated by the act of 15th
February, 1860, "for the purpose of supplying the defi-
ciency in the revenues and defraying the expenses of the
Post. Office Department for the year ending the 30th of
June, one thousand eight hundred and fifty•nine." This
sum, therefore, justly chargeable to the year 1859
must be deducted from the sum of 59,848,474 dole
72e, in order to ascertain the expenditure for the year end-
ing June 30, 1860, which leaves a balance for the expendi-
tures of that year of 55,402065 dole 46c. Thelinterest on the
Public debt, including Treasury notes for the same fiscal
year ending June 30. 1860, amounted to 3,177,314 dole 62c,
which, added to the above sum of 55,402,465d01s 46c, makes
the aggregate of 58,579,780 dole 08c.
It ought in justice to be observed that several of the es-
timates from the departments for the year ending June 30,
1860, were reduced by Congress below what was and still
is deemed computable with the public interest. Allowing
a liberal margin of 2,500,000d01s for this reduction, and for
other causes, it may be safely asserted that the sum, of
61,000,000 dole, or at most 62,000,060 dole, is amply sufficient
to administer the government, and to pay the interest on
the public debt, unless contingent events should hereafter
render extraordinary expenditure necessary.
This result has been attained in a considerable degree by
the care exercised by the appropriate departments inentering
into public contracts. I have myself never interfered with
the award of any such contract, except in a single ease
with the Colonisation Society, deeming it advisable to cast
the whole responsibility in each case on the proper head of
the department, with the general instruction that the se
contracts should always be given to the lowest and. best
bidder. It has ever been my opinion that public truntracts
are not a legitimate source of patronage to be, conferred 1
upon personal or. political favourites; but the', in all such
cases a public officer is bound to act for tl,ae Government
as a prudent individual would act for h;,:,,eie.
AFRICAN SLAVE TE,4:05, &c.
It is with great satisfaction I cor
Aruunicate the fact that,
since the date of my last annual message, not a single slave
has been imported into the United States in violation of the
laws prohibiting the Africem slave trade. This statement
is founded upon a thorough examination and investigation
of the subject. Indeed, the spirit which prevailed some
time since among a portion of our fellow-citizens in favour
of this trade, seems to have entirely subsided.
I also congratulate you. upon the public sentiment which
now exists against the crime of setting on foot military ex-
peditions within the.lP:aits of the United States, to proceed
from thence and me,Ke war upon the people of unoffending
States, with whom we are at peace. In this respect a happy
change has ',Jean effected since the commencement of my
Administration. It surely ought to be the prayer of every
Christen and patriot, that such expeditions may never
again receive countenance in our country or depart from
our shores.

It would be a useless repetition to do more than refer(
with earnest commendation, to my former recommendations
in favour of the Pacific railroad—of the grant of power to
the President to employ the naval force in the vicinity for
the protection of the lives and property of our fellow-citi-
zens passing in transit over the different Central American
routes, against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depreda-
tions; and also to protect American merchant-vessels, their
crews and cargoes, against violent and unlawful seizure and
confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the South American
republics, when these may be in a disturbed and revolu-
tionary condition. It is my settled conviction, that with-
out such a power, we do not afford that protection to those
engaged in the commerce of the country which they have
a right to demand.
ELEOTIO'N OF MEMBERS Or CONGRESS.
I again recommend to Congress the passage of a law. in
pursuance of the provisions of the Constitution, appointing
a certain day previuus to the 4th March, in each year of
an odd number, for the election of representatives through-
out all the States. A similar power has already been exer-
cised, with general approbation, in the appointment of the
same day throughout the Union for holding the election of
electors for President and Vice-President of the United
States. My attention was earnestly directed to this subject
from the fact that the 35th Congress terminated on the 3d
March, 1859, without making the necessary appropriation
for the service of the Post-office Department. I was then
forced to consider the best remedy for this ornission, and an
immediate call of the present Congress was the natural
resort.

Upon inquiry, however, I ascertained that 15 out of the
33 States composing the Confederacy were without repre-
sentatives, and that, consequently, these 15 States would be
disfranchised by such a call. These 15 States will be in the
same condition oa the 4th March next. Ten of them cannot
eleot representatives, according to existing State laws, until
different periods, extending from the beginning of August
next until the months of October and November.

In my last message I gave warning that, in a time of
sudden and alarming danger, the salvation of our institu-
tions might depend upon the power of the President imme-
diately to assemble a full Congress to meet the emergency.

TARIFF.
it is now quits evident that the financial necessities of the
Government will require a modification of the tariff during
your present session for the purpose of increasing the re-
venue. lii this aspeet I desire to reiterate the recommenda-
tion contained in my last two annual messages, in favour of
imposing specific instead of ad valorem duties on all im-
ported articles to which these can be properly applied. From
long observation and experience I am convinced that specific
duties are necessary, both to protect the revenue and
to secure to our manufacturing interests that amount of
incidental encouragement which unavoidably results from
a revenue tariff.
As an abstract proposition it may be admitted that ad
valorem duties would, jn theory, be the most just and equal.
But if the experience of this and of all other commercial
nations has demonstrated that such duties cannot be assessed
and collected without great frauds upon the revenue, then
it is the part of wisdom to resort to specific duties. Indeed,
from the very nature of an ad valorem duty, this must be
the result. Under it the inevitable consequence is, that
foreign goods will be entered at less than their true value.
The treasury will, therefore, lose the duty on the difference
between their real and fictitious value, and to this extent we
are defrauded.
The temptations which ad valorem duties present to a
dishonest importer are irresistible.
His object is to pP.ss his goods through the custom-house
at the very lowest valuation necessary to sate them from
confiscation, In this he too often succeeds, in spite of the
vigilance of the revenue officers. Hence the resort to false
invoices, one for the purchaser and another for the custom-
house, and to other expedients to defraud the Government.
The honest importer produces his invoice to the collector,
stating the actual price at which he purchased the articles
abroad. Not so the dishonest importer and the agent of the
foreign manufacturer. And here it may be observed that
a very large proportion of the manufactures imported from
abroad are consigned for sale to commission merchants who
are mere agents employed by the manufacturers.
In such cases no actual sale has been made to fix their
Value, The foreign manufacturer, if he be dishonest, pre.

pares an invoice of the goods, not at their actual value,
but at the very lowest rate necessary to escape detection.
In this manner the dishonest importer and the foreign
manufacturer enjoy a decided advantage over the honest
merchant. They are thus enabled to undersell the fair
trader, and drive him from the market. In fact, the ope-
ration of this system has already driven from the pursuits
of honourable commerce many of that class of regular and
conscientious merchants, whose character, throughout the
world, is the pride of our country.
The remedy for these evils is to be found in specific du-
flee, so far as this may be practicable. They dispense with
any inquiry at the custom house into the actual cost or
value of the article, and it pays the precise amount of duty
previously fixed by law. Tney present no temptations to
the appraisers of foreign goods, who receive but small sala-
ries, and might, by undervaluation in a few cases, render
themselves independent.
Besides, specific duties best conform to the requisition in
the Constitution that "no preference shall be given by any
regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State
over those of another." Under our ad valorem system such
preferences are to some extent inevitable, and complaints
have often been made that the spirit of this provision has
been violated by a lower appraisement of the same articles
at one port than at another.
An impression strangely enough prevails to some extent
that specific duties aro necessarily protective duties. No-
thing can be more fallacious. Great Britain glories in free
trade, and yet her whole revenue from imports is at the
present moment collected under a system of specific duties.
It is a striking fact in this connection that, in the commer-
cial treaty of 23d Jan., 1880, between France and England,
one of the articles provides that the ad valorem duties which
it imposes shall be converted into specific duties within six
months front its date, and these are to be ascertained by
making an average of the prices for six months previous to
that time. The reverse of the proposition would be nearer
to the truth, because a much larger amount of revenue
would be collected by merely converting the ad valorem
duties of a tariff into equivalent specific duties. To this
extent the revenue would be increased, and in the same
proportion the specific duty might be diminished.
Specific duties would secure to the American manufac-
turer the incidental protection to which he is fairly enti-
tled under a revenue tariff, and to this surely no person
would object. The framers of the existing tariff have gone
further, and in a liberal spirit have discriminated in favour
of large and useful branches of our manufactures, not by
raising the rate of duty upon the importation of similar
articles from abroad, but what is the same in effect, by ad •
mitting articles free of duty which enter into the compo-
sition of their fabrics.
Under the present system, it has been often truly re-
marked that this incidental protection decreases when the
manufacturer needs it,most, and increases when ha needsit
least, and constitutes a sliding scale which always operates
against him. The revenues of the country are subject to
similar fluctuation. Instead of approaching a steady stan•
dard, as would be the case under a system Of specific du-
ties, they sink and rise with the sinking and rising prices
of articles in foreign countries. It would not be difficult
for Congress to arrange a system of specific duties which
would afford additional stability both to our revenue and
our manufactures; and without injury or injustice to any
interest of the country.
This might be accomplished by ascertaining the average
value of any given article for a series of years at the place of
exportation, and by simply converting the rate of ad valorem
duty upon it which might be deemed necessary for
revenue purposes, into the form of a specific duty. Such an
arrangement could not injure the consumer. If he should
pay a greater amount of duty one year, this would be coun-
terbalanced by a lesser amount the next, and in the end the
aggregate would be the same.
I desire to call your immediate attention to the present
condition of the Treasury, so ably and clearly presented by
the Secretary in his report to Congress ; and to recommend,
that measures be promptly adopted, to enable it to diseharge
its passing obligations. The other recommendations of the
report are well worthy of your favourable consideration.
I herewith transmit to Congress the reports of the Secre-
taries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior and of the Post-
master-General. The recommendations and suggestions
which they contain are highly valuable and deserve your
careful attention.

The report of the Postmaster-General details the circum-
stances under Which Cornelius Vanderbilt, on my request,
agreed, in the month of July last, to carry the ocean mails
between our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Had he not thus
acted, this important inter-communication must have been
suspended, at least for a season. The Postmaster-General
had no power to make him any other compensation than
the postages on the mail matter which he might carry. It
was known, at the time, that these postages would fall short
of an adequate compensation, as well as of the sum which
the same service had previously cost the Government. Mr.
Vanderbilt, in a commendable spirit, was willing to rely
upon the justice of Congress to make up the deficiency;
and I therefore recommend that an appropriation may be
granted for that purpose.
I should do greakinjustice to the Attorney-General, were
I to omit the mention of his distinguished services, in the
measures adopted and prosecuted by him for the defence of
the Government against numerous and unfounded claims to
land in California, purporting to have been made by the
Mexican Government previous to the treaty of cession. The
successful opposition to these claims have saved to the
United States public property worth many millions of
dollars, and to individuals holding title under them to at
least an equal amount.
It has been represented to me from sources-which I deem re-
liable that the inhabitants in several portions of Kansas have
been reduced nearly to a state of starvation, on account of
the almost total failure of their crops, whilst the harvests in
every other portion of the country have been abundant.
The prospect before them for the approaching winter is well
calculated to enlist the sympathies of every heart. The
destitution appears to be so general that it cannot be re-
lieved by private contributions, and they are in such indi-
gent circumstances as to be unable to purchase the necessa
ries of life for themselves.
I refer the subject to Congress. If any constitutional
measure for their relief can be devised, I would recommend
its adoption.

I cordially commend to your favourable regard the inte-
rests of the people of this district. They are eminently en-
titled to your consideration, especially since, unlike the
people of the States, they can appeal to no Government
except that of the Union.

JAMES , BUCHANAN.
Washington City, Doconiber 3, 1860.

POLICE INTELLZGENCE.—( This Day).

• MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

ANNOYING LADIES IN AN OMNIBUS.—Edward Middle-
ton, a broker, residing at 44, Charles-street, Edgeware-
road, was charged before Mr. Beadon with annoying ladies
in one of the London General Omnibus Company's omni-
buses.

Charles Smith, conductor of the omnibus, said, last night
tho defendant got into his omnibus at Farringdon-street,
and on reaehing Tottenhaia-court-road, some ladies stoppod
him and said they could go no further, owing to the defen.
dent's misbehaviour, he having been pinching them and
pulling them about. He told the defendant to get out of
the omnibus, but he refused to do so, and on coming up to
Wardour-street, and seeing a constable, he gave defendant
into custody. The defendant appeared to have been drink-
ing.

Mr. Isaac Sampson, lithographer, of 40, Star-street, Edg
ware-road, who was in the omnibus with two ladies, said a
young lady complained that defendant had put his arm
round her waist, and another complained that he had put
his a. m round her waist and pulled her on his knee. He
heard two ladies complain to the conductor. The defen-
dant had been drinking. He (witness) had two ladies
with him, one of whom was annoyed, but she did not like
to appear at the court.

Mr. 13eadon said it was ridiculous. If parties when they
were annoyed would come to the court and complain, he
would, if the case were proved, take care to punish severely.
Sergeant Gloss, 3 C, who took the charge, said the
defendant was not sober.

Mr. Beadon having made some severe remarks on the
defendant's conduct, and stated that if the ladies had
attended to press the charge, he should have fined him
said it was clearly the case of a man getting into an omni-
bus in a state he ought not to have done, and fined him 205.,
or seven days.

TEIS DAY'S MARRETS.

HAY MARKETS.

SMITHFIELD.—Moadow hay, £2 Os to £5 5s Od ; clover
do., £3 Os to £5 106 ; and straw, £1 103 to Al 14s per load.
Trade dull.

CumnnuLawn.-- Meadow hay, £2 Oa to £5 8s ;
clover, £3 Os to £5 15s Od ; and straw, £1 103 to £1 16s
per load. A dull trade.
WHITECHAPEL.—Meadow hay, £2 Os to £5 5s Od ;
clove!, £3 Os to £5 15s Od ; asd straw, £1 lOs to 14e
per lead. A. slow trade.

COAL MARKET—DEc. 17.
(rem of Coal per Ton at the close of the market
a. d. I Walls End.

Lambert's West Hart-

ley l7 3
Byass's Bebside West
_ _

d.
South Hetton ~..21 0
Russel's Hetton 20 0
Hedley 18 6
Cassel)
Hetton .. 2l 0
Harton
BReiddeoult. . lB 6
Belmont
18 9
Gosforth
Braddyll's Hatton 20 0
Eden Main l9 0
Haswell ... 2l 0
Kelloe • •
Byron 2l 0
, 249 ; sold, 199.

Hartley .17 6
Buddle'sWest Hartley 17 6
Tanfield Moor Butes ..18 0
Hastings Hartley ....17 6
Holywell
West Hartley l7 6