The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-27 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 27, 1867.

The National Reform Union has been starring it
again in St. James's Hall. There is really little or
nothing of moment that occurred at this meeting to
justify comment, but it is worth while to consider
bow extreme aro the prejudices that prevail in cer-
tain quarters. It is quite absurd, to say the least
of it, to notice how these gentlemen talk at these
meetings that are convened for the ostensible pur-
pose of promoting the cause of Reform, but which
in reality tend greatly to damage it. The speakers
seemed rather at a loss for something to say on
Saturday, so they fell back upon their never-
failing resource, the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Abuse of him is a sock piece in these performances,
and it was played out with full effect on that oc-
casion. It appears that the meeting was called
before the decision of the Government with respect
to Mr. HoDGKINSON'S amendment was made known,
but it was deemed advisable to go on with it, be-
cause, as the Chairman said, if it had been Mr.
GLADSTONE who had accepted the amendment they
would have felt confidence in his honesty, but they
were now dealing with a Government which could
not be relied upon. The chief feature of the
evening was Mr. MILL'S speech, in which he con-
trived to being in Fenianism, and most unaccount-
ably to mix that up with the question of Reform,
to much so that a voice exclaimed, " Is this a

Fenian meeting ?" It does not say much for the
dignity of their cause in the eyes of these devoted
enthusiasts that they are always ready to mix it up
with anything that comes up of an exciting nature.
Thus the Jamaica revolt was always alluded to in
the meetings of last year, and now it seems
that we are to have Fenianisni rampant among
them. It is most inconsistent for public
men to address meetings, and to seek to make
martyrs of those whose best excuse is that they are
ignorant, and perhaps this is one of the greatest
inducements which should prevail with the Govern-
ment in the case of BURKE and others. It will not
advance the interests of peace if the death of these
men is always to be referred to in terms of honour,
fI while it reduces them to comparative insignificance
if they are sent off to penal servitude. Mr. GILPIN
avowed his respect for Mr. GLADSTONE, and he said
that he would rather fail with that great
Reformer than he would triumph with his rival.
His quotation was not exactly correct in the last
line—

" Who gained no title and who lost no friend,"
because the right hon. gentleman has not been upon
the best terms with his friends this year. Mr.
MASON JONES'S indignation at Mr. DISRAELI'S con-
duct could scarcely allow him to use conventional
language ; he declared his insolence to be almost
sublime, and we must confess that the criticism
upon it was quite ridiculous. We should be
glad if these meetings would cease ; they can-
not possibly do any good, and they may be produc-
tive of harm. We speak with the authority of
those who were among the first to advocate the
necessity of Reform when we say that the course
pursued by those who like to hear themselves
declaim at public meetings is not the right way
to attain the end that ought to be desired—if it
is real—the speedy and satisfactory settlement of
the question. Their inflated language leads one
to doubt if they would not rather put it off to
have something more to complain of.

On Saturday a large and influential deputation
waited upon the Premier, for the purpose of urging
her MAJESTY'S Government to spare the lives of
those men who are no 'iv lying under sentence of
death in Dublin. Sir G. BOWYER spoke first of all,
and while he admitted that the convicted Fenians
had forfeited their lives to the law, he still advo-
cated the extension of mercy to their cases. The
hon. baronet made a mistake, however, when he
went on to intimate that those Irish members who
wished to give the Government a fair trial would
withdraw their support if the law was allowed to
take its course. Dissent was, however, expressed
by the other members of the deputation to this un-
warrantable remark, and Lord DERBY subsequently
adverted to it, declaring that he was glad of the
general disclaimer to mix up the matter with the
question of political support. After a good many
observations on the subject from various speakers-
among which Mr. DODSON said that if these men
were executed it would give offence in Canada, and
Dr. BRADY declared that the fulfilment of the sen-
tence hanging over them would cause an angry
feeling which would last for generations among the
Irish in America—Lord DERBY made some obser-
vations. The noble lord did not hold out much
hope of clemency being exercised, though he
promised to lay the petition before the Cabinet
Council which met that afternoon, provided those
present signed their names to it. In the course of
his remarks the noble lord entered fully into the
question of extending mercy to these men, or rather
to BURKE, who was in reality the only one then
referred to. The Government had, he declared,
anxiously considered the matter, and had come to
the conclusion that with the single exception, by
the interposition of PRoVIDENCE, no blood was shed,
there was nothing which should keep BURKE from
suffering the extreme penalty of the law. There is
no denying the truth of the noble earl's observa-
tions, nor the justness of the conclusions which he
drew from the arguments he adduced ; but still
we would fain hope that the Cabinet had by this
time come to another and a better decision than
that which they arrived at at the period to which
we refer. Justice is against these men, and upon
the ground of justice no one has a right to
speak, but in the name of mercy we
would urge the claims of those now lying
under sentence of death in Dublin. For
many reasons it seems advisable that clemency
should be exercised and a pardon accorded, and we
trust that those in authority will see this for them-
! selves.

It is not likely that any sensible person will be
led astray enough to think that these unhappy
men have not deserved death—all are by this
time well agreed on the matter. It is not sympathy
with those who have distinguished themselves as
Fenian leaders, or as abettors of the Cause
of Fenianism, which leads us to hope that
mercy will interfere to stay the hand of
justice in the extreme execution of the law. On
the contrary, we think that they deserve death, but
the very fact of their being executed will defeat the
very ends which it is hoped their execution will
answer. It would connect them with heroes, mar-
tyrs, and demigods in the sight of their unfortunate
friends and followers ; it would arouse bitter feel-
ings among those who are now on the side of order,
and it would very likely tend to renew the
agitation at a distant period in Ireland. If,
on the other hand, it was distinctly stated
that upon any future occasion, if the spirit
of Fenianism was rife in Ireland, all those
who took a leading part in it should upon con-
viction suffer the extreme penalty of the law, with-
out hope of mitigation, but that now, for the last
time, mercy should prevail in the case of those now
convicted, we think that the best results would fol-
low. At any rate we are justified in thinking that
in all human probability they would do so, and
with such promises in view there is everything to
induce those in an official position to make
the attempt. We do not hold that any
blame should attach itself to the Govern-
ment if they decide upon letting things take
their course, because they will be acting ac-
cording to their settled convictions as to what is
right, and they have many weighty arguments on
their side. We shall, however, rejoice to hear that
the sentences have been commuted, and this feeling
will be shared by many whose opinions go for much,
and whose expressions in favour of clemency may well
justify any in authority for a change of opinion.

The war between employers and employed seems
likely to be fought out by the tailors, masters
and men. In the old Roman war, which the
genius of the French drama has rendered me-
morable, three chosen representatives on either
side were deputed to settle the question by a
trial of strength, and in the same way the disputes
and discussions going on in almost every branch of
industry are for the time being silenced, while the
public interest is concentrated on the issue of the
struggle between the West-end tailors and those
whom they employ. Neither side of the
question can boast of having started with
any particular prestige. Tailors and tailors'
bills are generally considered fair 6_ ects for satire
and ridicule, while, as for tha actual manipulators
‘hemselyes, they are usually looked upon as follow.