The Sun.
London, England, 1867-12-21 00:00:00

THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.

The PRESIDENT'S Message, as conveyed by the
cable, is an instance of the difficulty of condensing
a faithful summary of a long document. The Mes-
sage as delivered in Congress by Mr. JOHNSON
leaves a different impression on the mind from the
Message as delivered in London by REUTER. Yet
the latter was composed of fair and truthful extracts
from the former. The PRESIDENT'S text is—the
Constitution. It is his touchstone—to which he
brings all subjects—it is his guide, the path in which
he endeavours to walk ; and that into which he
would lead all others. But Mr. JOHNSON overlooks
one little fact—the Constitution requires an inter-
preter, and he has constituted himself that indivi-
dual. The Message is written with great ability,
embodying views clearly expressed, and sustained
by powerful reasoning. Every paragraph shows an
earnest and honest c)nviction. his mind is im-
pressed with the magnitude of the interests involved
—such indeed as we believe were never before sub-
mitted by a ruler to a legislature. But Mr. JonN-
SON looks beyond a Congress, which he regards as
a mere impediment, and addresses the American
people. The document is an exposition and defence
of the policy of the Executive ; but it does not stop
there, for it condemns the course taken by the Le-
gislature. On the one hand he sees a continent
drifting into anarchy; the Great Republic, the
repository of the freedom of mankind, sinking to a
level with Mexico. On the other, is the rise to its
proper place among nations, of that "rich country,
the richest the world ever saw." The Message
reiterates the PRESIDENT'S sentiments, as uniformly
and consistently expressed by him ; but its interest
does notlie so much in this statement of views already
known, as in the practical effect thus officially made
public of the Congressional policy. By every means
open to a PRESIDENT of expressing his opinion, Mr.
JOHNSON has urged the illegality of the Reconstruc-
tion Acts, and predicted the disasters to which they
would lead. He now declares the result, and the
picture he draws of the ruinous consequences to the
country is coloured as strongly as he can paint it

Again, he asserts that the rebel States are members
of the National Union, not even for a moment
having ceased to be so ; for neither by an act of
their own nor of Congress, nor of Congress or the
Executive combined, had they the power to sever
their allegiance. This being true, the recent legis-
lation of Congress was in violation of the Constitu-
tion, and as inexpedient as unlawful. Usurpation
is the most dangerous of political crimes, leading to
a train of frightful evils. The Reconstruction Acts
of Congress were usurpation, and he entreats the
Legislature torepeal theseillegal measures, asserting
the object to be the establishment of negro supremacy.
If that end were desirable, he argues, still, Congress,
having no right to do evil that good might come,
could not be justified in securing it by such means.
But the end is the reverse of desirable, and such as,
if persisted in, will bring ruin in its train. Negroes
are unfit to exercise the franchise. The Govern-
ment of the Southern States must, if the Congres-
sional policy be maintained, fall-into African hands
at a time when the highest wisdom is requisite to
carry society through the fearfUl crisis brought on
by the civil war. To expect this wisdom from slaves
newly emancipated after centuries of bondage, is
worse than madness. Already, says Mr, JOHNSON, the
attempt has cost uncounted millions; but although he
does not put money considerations in competition with
justice and right, yet he calculates that two hundred
million dollars must be expended to support negro
supremacy, a sum sufficient as a sinking fund to
payoff the National Debt in 15 years. Nor would
the outlay be wholly in vain, for a result would be
secured-7-but that result would be National Bank-
ruptcy. Mr. JOHNSON, anticipating the Northern
condemnation of this policy, since given, did not
consider the unconstitutional course of Congress such
as he ought to resist by force. But cases may arise
when the high duty of his office may thrust on him
the responsibility " to save the life of the nation at
all hazards." After glancing at the enormous
frauds perpetrated on the Treasury, a corruption
increasing, and likely soon to bring the people
into " total ruin and disgrace," he goes on to can-
sider the Tenure of Office Bill, which has almost
destroyed official accountability. This act played
into the hands of dishonest servants, increasing the
evils he exposes and condemns. He draws a
lively picture of the difficulties of dealing with frau-
dulent and obstructive officials, even when aided
by the law. But under such au act which makes
the PRESIDENT a mere prosecutor before a tribunal
guided by no rules, and perhaps actuated by poli-
tical hostility—the worst results may be anticipated.
From this subject Mr. JOHNSON enters finance, and
gives a just and able statement of the position of
the country, and the measures desirable to take.
The rest of the Message refers to matters of minor
importance; but one subject is explained, touching
which the telegraph summary gave an erroneous
impression. Mr. JOHNSON merely asks Con-
gress to aid him in obtaining a just and prompt
settlement of the long-vexed question concerning the
claims of foreign States for military service from
their subjects naturalised in the United States.
This is especially recommended in reference to
Prussia ; and allusion is made to the Courts of Great
Britain, where the Judges cited law, as interpreted
in the courts of the United States in support of the
indefeasible allegiance theory against the doctrine of
the Executive authority. Mr. JOHNSON will be aided
in this object in England, where the necessity for
some alteration in the law is fully recognised; but
he wid perhaps meet obstacles in Prussia. That
Mr. JOHNSON'S Message, earnest, able, vigorous as
it is, will have a strong effect on the people, we have
little doubt. It comes at an opportune time, almost
appearing by the side of the Impeachment docu-
ments, and his brilliant and statesman-like reason-
ing will be read with the turgid arguments of
Mr. WILLIAMS over the country. The shame-
ful collapse of Mr. ASHLEY and his Impeach-
ment resolutions presents the strongest possible

contrast to the broad and patriotic views enunciated
by the PRESIDENT. There is something almost
ludicrous in the accusations, and the evidence
of the Judiciary Committee arraigning a man
for murder, treachery, debauchery, and other
misdemeanours, who - was then. deeply engaged
in solving the problems which he has in so mas-
terly a manner submitted to Congress. At the

same time, we believe Mr. JOHNSON'S Message to.
be open to the gravest objections. However strong
may be the opinions he holds, he is bound to modify
their expression when they clash with the other ail(!
the greater departments of the Government. 1115
whole argument is an impeachment of Congress,
clinched by the statement that he was prepared 14
force, in case an act was passed, in his opinion, suf-
ficiently injurious to warrant his interference to
suppress the assembly. We repeat that this state-
ment is a direct challenge. Mr. JOHNSON knOWs
that laws must emanate from the Legislature—that
his power of obstruction consists in vetoing then!,
and, if passed over his veto, he can subject their
constitutionality to the test of the Supreme Court.
Why, therefore, should he threaten Congress wall
the usurpation he so severely condemns ? "If the
guarantee of the Constitution can be broken Prof•
visionally to serve a purpose, and in a part only
the country, we can destroy them everywhere, and
for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, but
they generally change for the worse. It is the curse
of despotism that it has no halting place." -7"sst
these are Mr. JOHNSON'S own words, and they are
more applicable to the usurpation he threatens,.
than to that he denounces. His Message WoOld
better become a leader of the Opposition than 3
great ruler, for it is essentially partisan, not defect'
sive only, but condemnatory, more bitter than PO:
suasive, more a challenge than an olive branch, not
wholly wanting in the statesman-like quality Oa
by concession extracts whatever good is procur-
able. In judgment and moderation Mr. JatiNsoi:
lacks the most requisite qualities for his post, au
°
it will not surprise any to hear that the House/ °II
the 16th inst., adopted the resolution to adhere t°
the Reconstruction Act. —Anglo-American Times'