The Sun.
London, England, 1858-12-23 00:00:00

MR. MONCREIFF, M.P., AT LEITH.

Mr. Moncreiff, M.P. for the Leith district of
burghs, addressed his constituents in the Council
Chamber, Leith, on Monday afternoon. The Pro-
vost of Leith presided.
Mr. MONCREIFF, after some preliminary remarks,
adverted to Lord. Palmerston's defeat on the Con-
spiracy Bill, and his going out of office, and t-, the
ungenerous, unfounded, and ungrateful criticisms,
as he considered them, that had been made
of his administration after his downfall by many
of those who were attracted- towards him in the
days of his prosperity. I think of Lord Pal-
merston, in 1858, he said, exactly as. I thought
of him, and the country thought of him, in 1857.
I know no respect in which his character or his
claims on public confidence have altered since then.
I think Lord Palmerston was a great, a vigorous, a
patriotic, an indefatigable minister. I think he has
laid this country under obligations that they will
never forget, and I believe that when the history
of this century comes to be written the three years
of his administration will stand out as among the
most brilliant in the annals of the reign of Queen
Victoria. (Cheers.) We have been told that Lord
Palmerston lost the confidence of the Liberal party
because he truckled to France. On the Conspiracy
Bill, no doubt, there was fair room for difference of
opinion, but when I am told that the minister lost
the confidence of the Liberal party because he
truckled to France,l think his whole life is a sufficient
refutation to such an accusation as that. I think
that, recollecting through how many storms he had
piloted the ship of the State ; recollecting that from
the French Revolution in 1830, through all the
European convulsions that have taken place, it
was his strong . arm that kept us safe ; re-
collecting that not only had. he surmounted the
difficulties of the Crimean war, but after peace had
been concluded he, with a firm and unrelenting
grasp, tied France, reluctant as she was, to the
letter and spirit of the treaty—(cheers)--consider-
ing that these things were not a year old at the
tune that this event happened,l say that to tellme
Lord Palmerston, whose name was and is through-
out Europe the terror of the tyrant and the hope
of the oppressed, lost the confidence of the Liberal
party because he truckled to France, is a charge
that bears refutation on the face of it. (Loud
cheers, and slight hissing.) But we are told that ke
did not carry out in his Government liberal mea-
sures, and in particular that he did not carry out
Reform. Well, I must say that remark comes very
ill from gentlemen who did all they could to pre-
vent his doing so, from those who defeated him in
1857 and sent him to the country upon the Can-
ton business, and who, before the session of
1858 was three weeks old, again defeated him
and turned him out of office. Is it very consistent
in them to say—We turned you out of office in 1858
because you did not brinc,• in a Reform Bill, and
you could not bring in a Reform Bill because we
turned you out of office ? Why, Lord. Palmerston
never had the opportunity of bringing in a Reform.
Bill. He promised to do so, and you may depend
upon it—for he is not in the habit of forfeiting his
pledges—if he had remained in office that pledge
would have been fulfilled, and it is not for those
who prevented the possibility of his fulfilling it to
doubt its fulfilment. Gentlemen, it was Lord Pal-
merston's praise that, taking the helm of affairs in
the darkest hour which Britain had seen since the
revolutionary war was terminated on the field of Wa-
terloo, he left his country in a state of repose, both
as regards foreign and home politics, so profound
that there was not one single question of import-
ance or one single danger looming in the distance
which caused the pulse of the nation to beat one
throb higher. So far am I from sympathising in
the observations which have been made against
Lord PalmerstOn; that I fairly own I consider the
downfall of his Government as a great' national
misfortune. (Laughter.) Not that I think it neces-
sarily a national misfortune for the Whigs to go
out of office, and possibly if that had been all it
might not have been a matter for us to lament over,
because the cool breezes of the Opposition benches
are often very salutary to health. Mr. Moncrieff
proceeded to state three reasons for regretting the
downfall of Lord Palmerston :—First, that narrow
majorities had been the great weakness of every
Government in this country since 1835, and that
Lord Palmerston's majority, had the party adhered
to him, was larger than any Minister had had since
the time of Lord Grey, and that majority gave Par-
liament the opportunity of dealing with social,
sanitary, educational, and other questions that had
been knocking fruitlessly at the door of Parliament
for many Tears past ; second, that the accession of
a weak Government had shaken to pieces one of
the most sacred principles of the constitution—
namely, Ministerial responsibility—a principle
altogether lost sight of when they found a Go-
vernment sitting with its hands folded, asking
what measures they would be allowed to pass.
and even passing measures which they had before
stated that as Christians and men of conscience they
must oppose to the end of their political life ; and,
thirdly, the breaking up of the Liberal party—an
evil which he hoped would yet turn to good, and
that when Parliament met again in February the
events that had taken place since Lord Palmerston's
Government went out of office wouldonly have had
the effect of cementing more closely together those
who were really at one as to the opinions they en-
tertained. After adverting in indignant terms to
the manner in which Lord Canning had been treated
in reference to the Oude Proclamation, and making
some remarks on the Scotch bills of the session,
Mr. Moncrieff took up the subject of Reform, and
asked what leader they were to be called on to
follow in this matter. Is it, he asked, the Derby
Government ? I think it very likely Lord Derby
will propose a Reform Bill, but if I am asked to
follow Lord Derby as my leader in Reform I must
plainly say I can have no confidence in the party
that
distinctivethel
eadsonfaeantyurse of
such question,
partyion, for m
if
more
ehains
one
another it is this, that they believe the democratic
element was carried too far in 1832, and I cannot,
see how they can conscientiously believe that carry-
ing it further will be of advantage, unless they shall
coline to be of opinion that an extension of the
franchise would probably increase their own
strength. That may be, and I admit the difficulties.
Lord Derby's Government are in. They cannot
carry out their Conservative notions, forthoekedupon
country
has outgrown them, and they cannot be looked
as leaders of the Liberal party, or followed with
confidence on the question of Reform. Well, then,
am I to swear allegiance to the new philosophy—
(laughter)—that philosophy that was propounded
the other day at Birmingham, which was diluted at
Manchester, which was discarded at Edinburgh ?
(Cries of " No loud cheers, and hisses.) I am not
prepared to do anything of the kind. I am not pre-
pared, so far as I understand its tenets—and I
tried to comprehend them—to follow them. I
am not prepared to introduce the ballot from
France ; I am not prepared to introduce electoral
districts and Parliamentary representation from
America ; I am not prepared to embark on any
crusade of jealousy against the aristocracy and the
House of Lords. (Hear, and cheers.) I am not
prepared to think the House of Commons a pack
of ingenious political swindlers, who have no ob-
ject but injustice, and no motive but the love of

perpetrating it. (Cheers.) I ant not prepared to
hold the governing classes—that is to say, you and
constituencies of this country, as parties
wild have-only ono object to serve; and that is to
grind the face of the working man-, and to transfer
to his shoulders the taxes whic:i wo ought to bear
ourselves. In fact, Ido net feel, any more than
Manchester itself, perfect confidence in the Man-
chester party: Ido not deny there is a great deal
of ability among the few men who constitute the
:enders, and, indeed, I may say the bulk of that
party. They are men who laid this country under
very great obligation at one time, and I am far
indeed from saying that they have not done good
service to the State ; but I think they exhibit some
qualities which prevent them from being safe
leaders in this matter; and I do not think they
understand either the constitution of the country
or the feelings of the people. lam not going to
say anything unhandsome of Mr. Bright. I have a
very unfeigned admiration of him ; I rejoice, like
every one who has heard him in the House of Com-
mous, at his re*tored health; I admire the energy
and courage of the man; andd-I admire his oratory,
alwas fervid, and sometimes in its pure, clear,
undiluted Saxon reaching in its fervour to the
border of genius. - Far be it from -me to say any-
thing disparaging of Mr. Bright ; I freely admit
that.even in his faults, which are on the surface,
and so-glaring that no man can fail to see them ;
then even while preaching toleration, as he does,
with so much intolerance; even hile he is so
uncharitable in his charity, and promulgates peace
and amity to all men with such a defiant and bel-
ligerent spirit; even with all that, I Say there is
a freshness and pungency about it that affects and
excites not unpleasantly the more combative prin-
ciples of our nature, and certainly is not with-
out its own. attraction. (Cheers.) . And therefore
I am not :all disposed to say anything un-
handsome of Mr. Bright, but I entirely doubt his
wisdom as a leader in this matter. I think he is
about the most unsafe guide that it would be pos-
sibte for the people to follow, and I do not think
I could have a better illustration of it than the

wonderful change that has come over his views
since he first promulgated his creed at Birming-
ham down to the time we had the last edition of it
at Edinburgh. (Cheeri, and some disapprobation.)
The real defect of Mr. Bright's propositions ap-
pears tome to be this—that he has no knowledge
of any of the parts of the, political machine under
which we live, and which we are now proposing to
reform. He lives under it and tolerates it, but it is
plain enough that his principles point in another
direction. Ho is always pointing to America ; I
suppose he sees that in America there are not the
same difficulties which he imagines lie in the way
of pOlitical.reform, in consequence of the House of
Lords and the aristocracy at home ; but he omits
one element which no statesman can fail to ob-
serve—for to apply to an old; small,-aad bounded
country the same principles that may be found to
act without mischief in a new, large, and boundless
country is one of the greatest solecisms and mis-
takes which a practical statesman can make. There
is one thimg that has often struck me in regard to
America. I have often been told—for I never was
there—that what really constitutes•. the aristocracy
in America do not much meddle with politics, and
that the politicians there are not the upper and
more wealthy classes. Now, I can conceive no
state of things more dangerous than that to old-
established institutions. Mr. Bright, when he
talks of the aristocracy, forgets entirely that one
of the strongest pillars of the State is this, that the
greatest distinction to which a man can reach in

this country is distinction in the field of politics.
The noble and the wealthy, refusing their years
the needful hours of rest, labour on in the House of
Commons from, morning till night, and even from
night till morning, during the cold of spring and
during the heat of the summer solStice, and day
after day you will find them returning to a task
which yields them no remuneration except the feel-
ing that they are doing their duty to their country
is their day and generation. Long may it be so,
and I would do nothing to imperil that state of
things. So long as it lasts-the British constitution
will flourish ; but my reading of history is very far
wrong if I am not right in saying this,—Woe be to
Britain when her nobles beeome indifferent to her
political government, and when we find the reins
of power no longer sought after as the noblest
object of their ambition. (Cheers.) Mr. Mon--
creiff then proceeded at length to state his views
on the reform question, and expressed himself
favourable to a £5 borough and £lO county fran-
chise. He twitted Mr. Bright with having advo-
cated household suffrage and then c alining to a rating
franchise, and with now proposing a £lO occu-
puny for the counties, whereas in 1852, when Lord
John Russell introduced his bill, he had denounced
the proposal to make a different franchise in the
lounties from that in the boroughs as " too ab-
surd to admit of argument." He, however, re-
minded him of what Benedict said, " That when he
said he would die a bachelor, he did not think he
would live to be married ;" so Mr. Bright, when
he spoke of a..'£lo county franchise as too absurd
to be proposed, did not think he would live to un-
dertake to bring in a Reform Bill, giving practical
expression to the absurdity. But he (Mr. Monereiff)
only alluded- to this to show Mr.. Bright's -strong'
dogmatism. That he was earnest and hoilest he
lid not doubt, and he was never more earnest or
more honest than when he held there was no man
earnest or honest but himself. (Laughter.) In re-
ference to the proposed freehold or property fran-
chise of 40s. for Scotland, Mr. Monereitf made
various objections to it, and in particular to the
giving votes in the county to borough two-pounders
-which might outnumber the proper constituency of
the county. As regards the ballot he would not
have it at any price, and felt persuaded that if the
ballot box were introduced 'among our free institu-
tions, public opinion and public spirit, which were
the very essence of every free government, might
find their grave in it.
Questions on various unimportant points were
put to Mr. Monerieff, and several electors expressed
their views as to Mr. Moncrieff's remarks.

Mr, W. G. CAss.ms.complained that bitter things
had been said by Mr. Moncrieff against Mr. Bright,
and in reference to the £lO occupancy franchise
for the counties vindicated his consistency against.
Mr. Moncrieff's remarks by relating a conversation
that had taken place between him and that gentle-
man, in which Mr. Bright had said—" Why, Cas-
sels, the fact is that that is a point which we have
not yet thoroughly considered, but I assure you we
have no wish to keep it at £lO in the counties. The
jump from £5O down to £lO is a very great one,
but in our resolution we intend to put it that it
shall be at least reduced to £lO, leaving it open: to
discussion how low we shall go!'
In reply to Mr. BROADFOOT,
Mr. MONCREIFF said he. should regret if ship-
owners, because of a transitory depression in their
trade; should " hazard the great principles of free
trade ; and that if the principle of reciprocity
must be given effect to, he should acquiesce in it
With. the greatest possible regret.
A vote of thanks was tendered to the Provost for
presiding, and to Mr. Moncrieff for his address ;
and the-meeting separated.

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lie. -.Now, however, encouraged apparently even
by the failure of the Atlantic cable, there are at
least eight or ten fresh plans put forth, exclusive
of that which is about to open up telegraphic com-
munication with India, via the Red Sea. Some of
the ideas are crude, and visionary in the extreme,
though, nevertheless, they seem well supported ;
while others, on the contrary, are not alone feasible,
but so necessary that we trust they may eventually
be carried out to successful completion. Such am e
is that of the new Great Ocean Telegraph Company,
which has been established for the rurpose of con-
necting Groat Britain with America by means of
Mr. Allan's admirable system Of submarine wires.
The primary object is, of coarse, to establish a
direct communication between 'London and New
York by a line from the Land's-end to Halifax, the
chief naval station of British North America, as
well as the inlet to all the telegraphic lines of com-
munication, not only of the Canadas, but of the
United States generally. Hereafter the company
intimate that a branch line may be carried by Ber-
muda to Jamaica, and thence by connecting lines
to the other West India Islands, the Central States
of America, and the Brazils. By this independent
route, starting from the Land's-end, the cost of an
average message between London and Halifax will
not exceed 305., as it avoids all the delays and heavy
charges consequent on forming working agreements
with other companies. The sea route proposed is
also a very good one, though on the average deeper
than that across which the Atlantic cable has been
laid, and, we fear we may now say, lost as well.
This increased depth of water would most undoubt-
edly be a considerable disadvantage to any company
not working with cables constructed on Mr. Allan's
system ; but, with these cables, the deeper the
water the safer they are, for their mechanical and
physical attributes, combining as they do the maxi-
mum of conducting power and strength with the
minimum of weight and specific gravity, render
their safe sumbergence in the greatest depths a
very simple mechanical. operation.
The chief advantages of Mr. Allan's system of
submarine ropes consists in making them of the
utmost lightness consistent with their strength—
in doing away entirely with the outside covering of
spiral wires and making the core or conductor of
the cable its main strength. The weight per mile-
of the line proposed, from Land's-end to Halifax, is
only 10 cwt., while its specific gravity is as low as
1-35,—just sufficient to ensure its sinking very
slowly without any strain upon the rope while being
paid out from the ship. The mode of its construction
is one large solid copper wire, or conductor, wound
round closely with fine iron wire. This is enclosed
in three very thick coats of gutta percha, the whole
being bound round with strands of tarred string. We
should certainlysuggest that the idea of having a solid
copper conductor be altered for one of the same dia-
meter, but composed of a number of very fine wires
twisted into a single strand. By this plan the chances
of a flaw or break occurring to them all at the sitnie
place are so reduced as to render such an accident all
but impossible. The outside covering of tarred
string is also quite unnecessary,. and while giving
no strength worth speaking of, adds most materi-
ally to the cost per mile. -With such slight modi-
fications as these the cable will be light enough
and strong enough to fulfil all the duties which the
most sanguine in the new company can expect of
it. Throughout we have always had a most favour-
able opinion of Mr. Allan's system of submarine
ropes, and this journal was the first to point out
the folly and utter inefficiency of the old system,
under which The most ponderous iron coils were
made year after year on what may be literally
termed self-destructive principles, and, of course,
were almost every one lost in the process of sub-
merging. The remarks which we made now nearly
two years since with reference to heavy wire-
covered cables, and (specially upon the Atlantic
cable, which was then being made, have been so
fully verified by the event that we may be excused
quoting them on this occasion :—" The many failures
of the submarine cables as hitherto constructed are
so notorious that it may be safely predicted it will
be found almost impossible to connect Europe with
America by means of submarine cables con-
structed on the principles of those- now in use.
Their great weight renders the carriage of them
difficult, and the laying of them impossible, with-
out constant risk to the integrity of -the condue-
.tora. For long distances they are deficient
in conducting power, while from their peculiar
conformation they are self-destructive in being sub-
-merged to great depths. We do not-Mean to say
that- the present Atlantic telegraph cannot suc-
ceed, but the chances are much against it, and it
'is certain that before it has been down twelve-
months it will, like others similarly constructed,
be perfectly useless."—The 2"imes, April 8, 1857.
The enunciation of these opinions at once drew forth
angry contradictions from all interested in main-
taining the old system of heavy ropes, yet what has
been the result ? Not two years have elapsed since
then, and already the idea of a heavy cable for deep
water is scouted even by the great manufacturers,
who are now all directing their attention to pro-
ducing ropes of the very lightest kind consistent
with their strength, and already the plan of a heavy
easing of outside spiral wires is being modified in
such manner as shows the day to be not far distant
when that mechanical absurdity will be given up
altogether. To Mr. Allan, however, belongs the
merit of having been the first to see these evils and.
provide h practical remedy for them in ropes made
on an entirely different system. Messrs. Glass and
Elliot are preparing a rope which it is said will ba
lighter in weight and stronger than any submarine
cable ever yet constructed. It is not wished at
present to make public the detail or principle of its
manufacture, but the reputation of this eminent firm
is a sufficient guarantee that the rope, however
made, is sure at least to be one of the best of its
kind. Mr. Henley, who has just completed and
shipped off the great Australian cable, has also per-
fected a submarine cable, which is as light and
strong as any really good rope is ever likely to be.
Its principle of construction is entirely new. The
conductor has twice the conducting power of the
old Atlantic cable, and is formed after the
usual plan of seven copper wires twisted into
one strand. The insulation is secured by two
thick coats of gutta percha, served round
with greased and tarred hemp. The last covering
is formed of 18 strands, each strand being composed
of three No. 19 fine wires and four tarred strings.
The result of this curious mixture of tar and twine
is to giVe to each strand the same strength as if it
were all made of wire with only half the weight.
The lowest strain the whole cable breaks at
is gua-
ranteed at four tons, though in fact it has never
been broken under five. The total weight is 15 cwt.
per mile, and only 7 cwt. in water. The advantages
of such a submarine rope are too obvious to reouire
pointing out, especially as its cost is calculated at
only £lOO per mile. It is, we presume to meet the
number
demand of the new ocean telegraph companies now
rising
up
I varietylall
of
direcgtiooondsrotpheast
astueclbieainngunual
every-
where manufactured. Fortunate will the company
be which gets the best, but a great deal of good
capital has yet to be lost ere this valuable secret
will be finally ascertained.—Times.