The Sun.
London, England, 1867-05-07 00:00:00

12 months preceding any January sth, lodgings being
part of a dwelling-house of a clear yearly value, if let un-
furnished, of £lO or upwards, and has resided in such
lodgings during the six months immediately preceding the
last day of July, and has duly claimed to be registered as
a voter at the next ensuing registration of voters.' In
support of it, he argued that without some such franchise
the bill would not be of the slightest use to the metropolis.
The amendment was supported by Mr. Locke, Mr. H.
Lewis, Dr. Brady, Sir M. Peto, and Mr. alderman Lusk as
indispensable to the efficacy of the bill in London. Mr.
Smollett thought that as the number admitted by this
franchise would be infinitesimally small, it might be
safely granted. Mr. Marsh believed that the franchise
would admit a very respectable class of persons, but could
not see his way to a practical scheme.
Mr. GLADSTONE said they had now advanced to such
a point
that it would be satisfactory to hear from the
right hon. gentleman whether he was disposed to accept
the moderate iind judicious proposal of the hon. member
for Finsbury. It was true, as was stated by the hon.
member for Dumbartonshire, that he proposed a lodger
franchise in the bill of last year, and that he did not
venture to state the number that it would admit. At
that time be thought it was more likely to enfranchise
persons connected with the middle than the working class.
The proposal of the hon. member for Finsbury is a better
proposal than that contained in the Reform Bill of last
year; fora very great flaw in the proposal of last year
was that it did not go to the extent of admitting
the lodger, like the householder, to the permanent pos-
session of the franchise as leng'as he continued in his oc-
cupation. The bill of last year contemplated the annual
claim of lodgers ; but the amendment of the hon. member
for Finsbury would get rid of it. When he brought in
the bill last year, he was not aware of the intense
anxiety on the part of working men who were lodgers to
obtain the franchise. It was not right to draw a dispa-
raging line between lodgers and householders; but if any
distinction were drawn the lodgers, more than the house-
holders, represented the best class of working mi
en As
a rule the working man could not afford topay himself
the rent of the house he occupied, and the result was that
he was compelled to let out a large portion of it to
lodgers. But as the trade or business of letting lodgings
was liable to risk and accidents, the best working men
were slow to encumber themselves with the responsi-
bility attached to it. The proposal of the hon. member
for Finsbury had received almost universal assent. It
would be most desirable to supply those enlargements
and developments which are in this particular necessary
in order to make the bill applicable to the metropolis, con-
taining as it does one-third of the town constituencies of
the country, and a large portion of the flower of the
working classes. The honourable member for Finsbury
had exercised a sound discretion in endeavouring to intro-
duce the lodger franchise into the third clause of the bill ;
but if the Government were favourable to its principle, he
would no doubt take counsel with them on the particular
form in which it should be inserted in the measure. He
did not, however, thinkthat his honourable friend should
permit the standard of £lO clear annual value, which he
had moved, to be raised, because that will represent a
rent of at least from .£l6 to £lB a year, which is as high a
qualification as is likely to be acceptable. It would be a
matter for sincere congratulation if the Government would
accept the proposition.
Mr. BRADY regarded the motion of the hon. member
for Finsbury as a highly Conservative measure. No dif-
ference will be made in the members returned for the
metropolitan boroughs by such an increase of the consti-
tuency as will be effected by the introduction of the lodger
franchise ; and the same thing may be said of other large
towns. On the other hand, it will add to the num'aer of
middle class voters in the small towns, and will thus tend
there to promote the return of Conservative members.
Sir M. PETO could bear emphatic testimony to the
necessity of a lodger franchise in London and other large
towns. The increase in the value of property in these
places of late years has been such that houses are now
built in flats, and it is, therefore, absolutely requisite to
have a lodger franchise, in order to confer the suffrage
upon the highly respectable portion of the working classes
by whom they are inhabited. He would suggest that a
provision should be introduced into the bill compelling the
collectors to call for the rates and taxes, the payment of
which is requisite to qualify a man for the franchise. At
present this duty is often neglected, and voters aro con-
sequently disqualified.
Mr. Alderman LUSK also contended that the lodger
franchise is absolutely requisite to enfranchise the large
number of respectable men belonging both to the working
and the middle classes, who are compelled to live in lodg-
ings in Londgn in consequence of the difficulty and ex-
pense of obtaining houses.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I am
rather struck by the variety of inconsistent arguments
esed by hon. gentlemen on this subject. The late mem-
ber for Finsbury enlarged on the importance of respect-
able persons who live in flits being enfranchised and hav-
ing the privilege of voting. But lam under a great mis-
apprehension if every person living iu a flat and hating a
separate door has not a vote already. (Hear.) Then my
hon. friend the member for Dumbartonshire (Mr. Smollett)
addressed us in a speech of deli humour, which appears to
be hereditary. (Laughter.) His argument is that the
Government have brought forward a very revolutionary
measure, which nevertheless will not at all increase-the
constituencies. Ido nut, therefore, think that we shall
have any great difficulty with my hon. friend, because,
although he sometimes speaks against us, he always gives
us his support in moments of emergency. (A laugh.)
Then comes the member forFinsbury(Mr. Alderman Lusk),
and he tells us that it is necessary to confer the franchise
upon lodgers because people cannot, on account of their
scarcity, obtain houses in London. But I cannot help
thinking that if there was this great demand the houses
would be forthcoming, and tbat there is, in fact, some
other reason than that referred to by the hon. member why
people who have all the requisite qualifications for en-
franchisement prefer in London to live in lodgings rather
than to become householders. I have myself always been
of opinion that the claim of the lodger to enfranchisement
is a sound one ; but I wish to consider it in a spirit and a
mode very different from that in which it has been treated
by some hon. gentlemen, who have assured me that in the
small towns, at any rate, the voters thus enfranchised will
be animated by Conservative principles, while they have
at the same time assured their friends that the Liberal
seats for the larger towns will not be endangered. I have
the most profound contempt for these considerations. I
am perfectly convinced that, however wise we may think
ourselves in legislating so as to promote our party ends, a
few years will baffle all our calculations. I confine myself
to the considerrtiou whether, in giving the franchise to
lodgers, we are extending it to men who would exercise it
with a due sense of duty. And I have always been of
opinion that lodger franchise, established on a sound basis,
would be a good franchise. I cannot say, howevei, that
I entirely approve of the manner in which the proposition
now before the house has been introduced to our notice.
The hon member for Finsbury proposes to foist into what,
if any, is a rating clause a provision which does not blond
with the rest of the clause, and which, in some respects,
indeed calls on the house to assent to absolute contradic-
tions. I hope, therefore, the hon. member will consider
the suggestions lam now making. I say that we are not
only not opposed, but are friendly to the lodger franchise ;
and that if it is brought forward at a convenient time and
in a definite manner, it shall receive our favourable con-
sideration, with an anxious desire to adopt it. I should
be glad to have a lodger franchise, but I trust that the pre-
sent proposition will not be pressed in connection with the
clause now under consideration.
Mr. AYRTON said the proposition had been met to a
certain reasonable extent, but we ought to have a clear
assent by the Government to the principle of the lodger
franchise. There are different views as to what is a lodger
franchise. The one virtually before the committee pro -
poses £lO, and we ought to know really what we are doing,
and it is desirable that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
should explain himself a little more clearly.
Mr. NASH had never been a sincere reformer. (Laugh-
ter.)
bd
eo ucbututlhde
nportospeoeshaloswv
oitultvlas letto in
l daonree7easetthaebrlee class, but
can be no system of self-registration.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought it
committee,
expression proposition
o
was unfair to call for an expression of opinion on *hat
was really a matter otlyf
tdbeoetffaooirl.cee.
andf f oot rhp ei an
hon.i4o 0.
thTaenh
fgraenntelehmistienisonuogthtrenaol
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. GLADSTONE said the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer had already expressed a general opinion on the ques-
dente' a lodger franchise, and if the amendment wete
now withdrawn we should find ourselves exactly in the
position we were in on the second reading of the bill. The
right hon. gentleman says that the question of £lO is one
of detail. It must be admitted there are various forms of
lodger franchise. He should press for this, that before the
withdrawal of the amendment the views as to the lodger
franchise should be such as not to include the middle class
and exclude the lower, but fairly to admit the artisan class,
and that involved no matter of detail. (Hear, Lear.) With
a less clear declaration the amendment ought nut to be
withdrawn.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER remarked
ou the doubtful meaning of the expression artisan class, for
he knew men of that class with larger iucomes than usually
earned in the middle class. The right hon. gentleman was
not so anxious last year to admit the artisan class. The
proposal was given up in despair on the dismal description
of the effect of admitting so many of the middle class.
(Hear, hear.) The Government have already accepted the
principle urged by the member for Finsbury; they were
certainly not opposed to it ; but there is no definite propo-
sition before the committee, not even for a £lO franchise.
Besides, it would be most inconsistent to engraft a lodger
franchise on a purely rating clause.
Mr. AYRTON urged that it was most important to have
some understanding on the point. What was meant on his
side was a £lO dwelling occupation, unfurnished, for 12
months.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said they
ought to be regulated by the strict rules of the committee.
The question is not before the committee. Several gen-
tlemen have left the house who are n A unfavourable to a
lodger franchise, but differ as to the a oUnt. Itshould be

freely open to them to express an opinion nhen anAmend-
ment comes forward in a substantial form. Having so far
expressed an opinion, he did not feel free to express an
assent to the proposal now submitted. After this general
statement, they ought not to be called on to decide on the
figure on this issue.
Mr. AYRTGN, Mr. BRIGHT, and others pressed Mr. Dis-
raeli to consent at once to the line of £lO ; but, after along
conversation, Mr. TORRENS withdrew his amendment with
no further pledge from the Government as to the details,
on the understanding that he will renew it at the end of
the clause, the Government agreeing to accept the

principle.
At this point the Chairman was ordered to report
progress.
On the motion for going into committee on the Corrupt

Practices at Elections Bill,
Sir R. COLLIER, who was seconded by Sir R. KNIGHT-
LEY, moved that it be referred to a select committee, and,
while approving heartily the proposal to hold inquiries on
the spot, objected to the power of appeal, and pointed out
other practical defects in the machinery of the bill.
Sir F. GOLDSMID deplored the omission from the bill
•f the clause originally promised, transferring the seat,
when bribery had been:proved, to the unsuccessful can-
didate.

Sir G. GREY criticised sharply the provisions of the
bill, urging that it would deprive the house of many facili-
ties it now enjoyed of ascertaining the existence of cor-
rupt practices, and would be altogether a change for the
worse.

Sir S. NORTHCOTE assented on behalf of the Govern-
ment to the reference of the bill to a select committee, as
the chief desire of the Government was to ascertain how

far the house would go in this matter. Inquiries con-
ducted by independent tribunals, he argued, were the best
means of getting at the existence of corrupt practices, and
the Government was quite willing to omit the power of
appeal if the house would agree to it.
Mr. B. HOPE maintained that the most efficient means
of suppressing bribery was by a total change of elec-
tioneering machinery, and making illegal all colourabla

expenses.
Mr. B. OSBORNE in an amusing speech expressed his
utter incredulity as to the sincerity of the house in this
matter, and gave the Government great credit for having
dared to propose to commit these inquiries to an indepen-
dent tribunal.
After some strictures on the bill from Mr. Sandford, Mr.
H. Berkeley, and Col. Sykes, it was ordered to be referred

.0 a select committee.
The Customs and Revenue Bill passed through coin.

mittee.
The other business was disposed of and the house ad.
iourned at 20 minutes past 12 o'clock.

An Intern•tional Boat Race•

--,,,___
(From the Anglo-American Times.)
It is probable that the Regatta at Paris will be
enlivened by a competing boat from the American
Colleges to run against the Universities of France
and England. A committee of Harvard and Yale
oarsmen have met to discuss the subject, and an-
nounce themselves ready to supply an eight-oar
crew in case means be provided to carry out the
idea in a creditable manner. It is feared in America
that the boattnen of these colleges may not be in a
state of training that would justify them in running
against Oxford and Cambridge. They would have
to cross the sea and practise on the Seine, and the
time appears too short to get into condition to
give them a fair chance of success against such
practised crews as those of Oxford and Cambridge.
We hope no feeling of this sort will prevent
the oarsmen of Yale and Harvard from entering the
&gists." It was but the other day that England
lined the banks of the Thames to see the great
annual trial of skill between the two English
Universities. This race has become a national
institution. It excites so strong an interest
that the result is the event of the month, ab-
sorbing to itself the closest attention of the public
mind, and through it of the Press. Where
the excitement is so general and the result
so great a triumph, or defeat, the training, it
may well be imagined is in proportion severe.
It need not then surprise us that Harvard and
Yale should shrink from a contest with such
redoubted champions. Let not this feeling,
however, daunt them. In defeat there would
be little dishonour ; in victory, a great feather
would be added to the national cap. We annex
a table of the performances of the Oxford and Cain-
bridge boats, from which the oarsmen of the
American Colleges, by tho aid of a good watch, m.y
be able to judge how far they are qualified to
compete :
-----_

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Great Bank Forgery.

framed, or proposed, or accepted by Catholic lay-
men, without the concurrence and sanction of the
pcclesiastical. authorities. Again, university educa-
ticm is a pressing need for the Catholics of this
empire, but so to vote or so act as to promote in the
remotest manner the mixed or godless system to the
detriment of the principle of religious education, is
to inflict a heavier evil than the absence of the
highest intellectual training could ever entail on
the Catholic body in England. Catholic political
principles find no real place in either of the great
parties ; Catholics form their political judgment
from a stand-point quite other than that of
Whigs or Tories. The result is not an acci-
dental, but an essential difference ; not in remote
or minor matters, but in the nearest andip the
highest interests. Since between a Catholle poli-
tical party and Whigs or Tories there can be no
identity of principle, or permanent or uninter-
rupted community of action, the only safe course
for Catholics to pursue is to avoid absorption into
either of the great parties, so as to be able to act
freely and steadfastly on their own well-defined
political principles. But such a course by no

Means imp-lies isolation or forbids Catholics from
giving to, or accepting at the hands of, either of
the great parties support or assistance, or from
acknowledging a greater affinity with one rather
than another of the great political sections. Far
less would such a consistent obedience to their
political principles make Catholics remiss in pro-
moting the highest interests of their country.
Catholic politics, as we have endeavoured to ex-
plain the subject, have no such selfish aim as the
Saturday Review in the commencement of our
career imputed to us, of seeking temporary advan-
tages, of stealing petty triumphs from the dis-
organized state of parties, to the detriment of
the good of our common country. On the con-
trary, the aim of the Catholic politician, true to
his principles, is to avert, as far as in his power
lies, the evils of unsound or un-Christian legisla-
tion, to keep before the publid eye a higher stan-
dard of judgment,. and to support the great politi-
cal, social, and religious truths which Christianity
introduced for the civilization of the world, and
which modern society in its pride and ignorance
threatens to overthrow. Such, then, is the well-
marked and definite line in English politics which
we proposed from the commencement as the aim
of our humble labours. Such a line of policy is
not truly described as one of selfish isolation or
of vigilant hostility ; it is the very reverse ; the
first effort of such a political party, as we have de-
scribed, would be to make use of the political know-
ledge learned in the light of Catholic principles for
the material and moral benefit of the nation at
large. The wisdom of Parliament would be enlarged
by the experience drawn from such a source, and
its action benefited by the presence of such a party.
Such a course of policy, at least, has the advantage
of offering to English and Irish Catholics a common
ground of united action, far removed from the
petty wranglings of mere party strife, in which
the higher interests are too often altogether lost
sight of for the sake of the lower, and in which,
not infrequently, Catholic principles are sacrificed
at the shrine of a narrow and heated partizanship.