The Sun.
London, England, 1858-03-05 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 5, 1858.]

To the ELECTORS of the COUNTY of BUCKINGHAM.
Gentlemen,
THE Queen having confided to the Earl of.
Derby the duty of forming an Administration, her Majesty
has been graciously pleased to confer upon me the office of Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer.
I resign, therefore. into
your hands the trust, which for 10 years,
yon have extended to me, as your member in the Howe of Com-
mons ; but as you have thought flt on several occasions to renew
that mark of approbation, I beg leave to annonn, e that on the day
of election 1 shall solicit the honour of being, for the fifth time, your
re• resentative in Parliament.
The circumstances of the country are, in many resuacts, critical ;
And in none more so than in its external relations. Painful miscon-
ceptions have arisen with the Government of that faithful and
powerild ally, who, in 'o many instances, has proved his good feel-
ing and fidelity to this country Believing that a cordial alliance
between England and France is equally conducive to the interests of
both countries, T shall express my hope and conviction that by men-
su es, at once firm and conciliatory, these causes of misunderstand-
ing may be speedily and entirely r m^ved.
Ti the country will heartily support the Queen's Government at
this conjuncture, a result s desireable for the peace and progress of
Europe will be greatly facilitated. Believe me, yours simerelY,
Grosvenor-gate, Feb. 26, 1858. B DISRAELI.

THE RE-ELECTIONS.

KING'S LYNN.
THE SECRETARY FOR THE COLONIES.
Lord Stanley, the new Secretary of State for the
Colonies, was re elected yesterday for the borough of
Lynn, Norfolk, without opposition. The proceedings,
which were remarkably quiet and orderly, took place in
the Guildhall, which was Well filled with electors and
others. Mr. Smetham, the mayor, officiated as return-
ing officer, and, after a few appropriate remarks, called
upon the burgessei to nominate their candidates. His
appeal was responded to by
Mr. Alderman MOYES, who proposed Lord Stanley
as a fit and proper person to represent the borough in
Parliament.

The nomination was seconded by Yr. PLATTEN, and,
no other candidate beitig proposed,
The MAYOR, amid some cheering, declared Lord
Stanley dely elected.

BUCKS COUNTY ELECTION.—The follow-
ing gentlemen have signified their determination to promote
by all constitutional means the RE-ELECTION of the Right Hon.
BEN.TA.MI'v DISRAELI as member for the county of Buckingham,
and trust the electors generally will give him their hearty and
earnest support :
Barrington, the Hon, Percy, Westbury Manor
Bent, John. Esq., Wexham Lodge
Bernard, Thomas T 3 ringham, Esq:, M.P., Winchedon Priory
Br .adhead, Rev. George, West Wycome
Box, Philip, Esq., Padclive
Chandos, Marquis of, Wotton
Cooper, Sir Astley Paston, Bart., Gadebridre
Clayton, Rice Richard, Esq„ Hcdgerley-park
Cameron, Donald. Esq.. Hamnden House
Chetwode, Rev. Geo , Chilton HOLM
Cartwright, Colonel Henry, M.P.. Oving House
Chester, Rev. Anthony, Chicheley Hall
Du Pre. C G., Esq., M.P , Wilton-park
Drake, Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., Chardeloes
Duncombe, P. D. Pruncefort. Esq., litrickkill Manor
Dauncey Philip, Esq., Little Norwood
Even, Rev. Thomas, Prestwood
Fuller, Benjamin, Fsq., Chesham
Francklin, John. Esq., Dinton
Orcatves, Edmun Esq., Havorsham
Iligginson, Lieutenant-General G. P., Great Mario,"
llanmer, Colonel, Stockgrove
Harvey, Robert, Esq., Langley-park -
Harvey, Robert Bateson, Esq., l angley-park
Hall, General, M.P., Weston Colville
Hamilton, Captain, Thame•park
Hale, John, Esq., Chesham
Hibbert, John Nembhard, Esq., Chalfont-park
Hoare, Joseph, Esq., Wendover
Knox, Colonel Brownlow, M.P., London
Lowndes, William, Esq, the Bury, Chesham
LoWndes, W. Selby, Esq, Whaddon Hall
Lowndes. E. Selby. Esq, Winslow
Lovett. Philips Cosby, Esq., Liscombe
Lowndes, William. Esq, jun , The Bury, Chesham
Lowndes. It. W. Selby, Esq, Bletchley
Lucas, Major, Newport Pagnel
Lovett, Moses, Esq. Aylesbury
Mansell, John Christopher, Esq, Cosgrove Hall
Morgan, George, Esq, Biddlesden
Newman, John, Esq., Brands House
Nugent, Sir George. Bart, Hill-street
Praed, W. Backwell, Esq, Tyringhans
Pennington, William, Fern Acres, Fulmer
Stratton, J. Locke, Esq, Turweston
Stone, W. F Lowndes, Esq, Brightwell
Stone, John, Esq, Westbourne-terrace
Stone, Edward, Esq, ‘Votton, Underwood
Turner, Samuel, Esq, Gray's-inn, London
Vyse, Colonel Howard, Stoke-place
Wvkeham, Herbert, Esq, Tytherhg
Williams, Rev James, Tring-park.
Committee-room, George Hotel, Aylesbury, March 2,1353.
BANS

Lord STANLEY, on rising to address the electors, was
received with great cheering. He said, gentlemen, I
beg to thank you very sincerely fur the honour which
you have done me this day. Various occasions at inter-
vals of time, more or less distant, have brought us
together in this room. This is the third time that I have
had the honour of coming before you, and coming before
you successfully, as a candidate for your suffrages.
(Hear, Lear.) Perhaps you will not think that I am
abusing your kindness if I venture to hope that after an
acquaintance of nine years something less of form, some-
thing less cf ceremony, something less of lengthened
and elaborate explanation may be required at my hands
than if out political connection were only now beginning.
(Cheers.) I come 'before you to-day to ask you to ratify
the step which I have taken in beceniiog a member of
the national executive. On you, by the wise laws of
England, is imposed the duty of declaring whether
the acceptance of office by your member has
altered the position which he holds in your esteem,
or has induced you to withdraw that confidence
which you formerly reposed in him. That is the test to
which I have to submit. It is a test to which I submit
willingly, and as willingly, my term of power expired,
be it short or long, I shall present myself here again to
render you an account of my acts and to ask from you
an assurance that the trust which you now confide to me
has not been abused. A few words will suffice with re-
spect to the events of last year, which have now lost
their immediate interest. It is not 12 months since I
stood here last, and of my political life up to that date I
think I have given you on more than one occasion &suffi-
ciently full explanation. The last session of Parliament
was singularly barren of events. The war with China,
the absorbing interest of the Indian mutiny, the inter.
ruption of Parliamentary proceedings by the dissolution
which occurred in the middle of the session seriously
impeded the work of legislation. In regard to domestic
policy the last sessioo produced only two measures of
importance—both of4hem measures to the expediency of
which, if I recollectllightly, I had the honour of calling
your attention two years ago ; both of them measures
brought for ward by the Government of the day, and
both of them measures which I felt it my duty to sup-
port. One of these measures—the Testamentary Juris-
diction Bill—was a Step, but only a single step, in that
course of legal refoi* of the necessity of which every
year, and every day that I live, convinces me more and
more. (Hear.) The other measure to which I refer was
the Divorce Bill—a measure intended to render the law
on that subject equal to rich and poor, and to give pro-
tection to the property of the wife in those cases of de-
sertion which too often occur. That bill was obstinately
contested at every stage. The opposition to it, as far as
some
Icoulci
ecclesiasticalu
understand
grounds.dits motives,
had rested
the h
o honour principally
ourof
p
uspuon
.
porting the bill in every stage, and towards the close of
the session we saw it pass into law. (Hear.) Davy jus-
tification were wanted either to my mind or the minds
of others for the course which I then took I should find
it in what I see every day. You can hardly open a
newspaper without seeing there recorded some appli-
cation to a court of justice for. protection under the
provisions of the new act. That circumstance I think
shows, what otherwise would have remained unknown,
how much hardship and distress previously existed to
elders neat:, LYVYs e• ^
domestic policy mita, were settled in the last session of
Parliament. In regard to financial affairs, owing to the
pressure of war upon us, no reforms *Am 'Attempted, and
I am bound to say no reform could have been attempted ;
while, with respect to the measures which were taken
to relieve the pressure of commercial distress, although
they received the retrospective sanction of the Legisla-
ture, they were taken in the first instance upon the re-
sponsibility and by the power of the Executive Govern-
ment. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, turning from the
past, I believe I may say that the three subjects which
at present most occupy public attention are,—first, the
question of the administration of India ; next, the
question of Parliamentary reform ; and, thirdly, that of
our relations with other European Powers, and espe-
cially with France. (Hear, hear.)
To begin with the first
question, we have probably all of us heard various cola
tions of the outbreak which occurred in India during
the past year. I cannot say that any of these solutions
are to my mind entirely satisfactory,
and, l
a generallye at
speaking, I have jfound that those who know
of the real condition or of the internal administration of
India are precisely those who are most confident in
assigning a cause for what has occurred. What Ido
believe is that the causes which led to this mutiny were
not one, but many.: No doubt, the annexation of the
kingdom of Oude had some effect in creating alarm in
the native mind, although it is worth notice that it did
nut produce any ill-feeling or hostility against us on the
peat of those native princes who we should imagine
would have been the most forward to resent that act of
annexation. There is no doubt that the searching inquiry
into land titles which was instituted some time ago
alarmed many of the native chiefs. There is no doubt
that the discipline of the army which revolted was de-
fective, and that the withdrawal of officers to fill
civil situations affected it injuriously. But with all
this I think that great doubt still rests on the causes of
the outbreak. I think we are apt, in dealing with this
subject, to allow too little for those vague impulses,
those mysterious panics, those what we may call mental
epidevnics which have prevailed in all ages and all coun-
tries among an untaught people, and from which even
the most civilised nations are not entirely free. (Hear.)
I have seen a letter from an officer of the very highest
rank: and of the greatest ability now employed in India,
who went so far as to deny the existence of any wide-
sprttad conspiracy among the people, and even to doubt
the tarietence of any conspiracy of long standing in the
army. According to him it was the withdrawal of
European forces from India that taught for the first
time the Sepoys what power they possessed. One
thine at least is clear, that hitherto in the composition
of oar native force we have overlooked brims ordinary
precasutions of prudence. we have taken the men
whoa we employed too much from a single race and
from n single caste, and we have not always been careful
to clitek and control our native force by a sufficient
Europe an army. (Hear, hear.) The remodelling of the
Indian administration upon the spot will require the
utmost care. The remodelling of the native army will
require the more care because I do not hesitate to say
hasgen
gentlemen,
often e
n, beento u s
a t
t entertainedhe p
pre-
sent European troops is utterly im-
t;
thathol
holdings
tnl 11.1
Ipihertd.ohipea(oHn
eetaais
iourn.nll)tysw
Bhhoyi
uch
of
the Indian mutiny are more
psi
wmer
hha
pact
ott
ri
det
aasittt than its causes. What have we lost by it and
haveli,
we
gained ? Our losses are easily recounted.
The sacs ifice of many valuable lives, a heavy expenditure,
an increa eed military charge, and, what is far worse than
all, I am afraid there has been produced a bitter ani-
mosity of race which it may take long years to extin-
guish. e(Hear.) On the other hand, we have gained a
knowledge of our strength which we never possessed
before. *We have gained a knowledge that our rule is, I
do not any popular, for you can hardly expect that the
Govern meat of an alien race will be popular, but it is so
far tolerable that the people will remain neutral, and will
take no active part against us. Lastly we have gtined—
and I think it a great advantage—a knowledge of the
fact that public opinion has been directed to Indian
affairs in a greater degree than ever before, that public
interest has been excited, and that the interests of our
mighty Eastern empire will not in future be neglected
as they have been. (Hear.) In speaking of the Indian
smoulattinioynlwhdiochnot
:ovnztt
arusrten
staoyoinffgerthyaotUtthhiantgsk
mindighotfhemovne-
, but I ask you to think what
been worse than theye
Ind a 'would have been if the partial outbreak in
India bad been an outbreak really national, and spread
y. Ido not speak merely of ths
material difficulties of the case. It would be no lig
P exceeding fivefold the
viattgr to subjugate
h
over the whole county
t

0 F

D:E P 0 S I T,

Established A.O. 1841.
3, PALL-MALL EAST, LONDON.

Parties desirous of INVESTING MONEY are requested to examine
the Plan of the BANK OF DEPOSIT, by which a high rate of interest
may be obtained with perfect secu.ity.
The Interest is payable in January and July.
PETER MORRISON, Managing Director.
Forms for opening accounts sent free, on application.

CONTRACT FOR COALS FORMALTA.

Department of the Storekeeper-General of the Navy,
Somerset-place, 4th March, 1858.
HE Commissioners for executing the Office of
1. lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, DO HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that on TUESDAY.
the 234 instant, at Two o'clock, they will be ready to treat with
cuch persons as may be willing to Contract for supplyin - and de-
livering into store at her Majesty's Naval Yard at Malta, a cargo
of about 400 tons of _ .

Simpson's Pontops,
Windsor's Pontops,
Cowen's Garefield, or
Bell's Primrose Coals.
dAmbi
rilalltoyf lading,somer triplicate Somerset
-place, by
oforr be the coals,
the 30
ttohbAe
pdredivneerxetd, at the
AA
form of the tender may be seen at the said office. No tender
will be received atter Two o'clock or. the day of treaty, nor will any be
noticed unless the party attends, Or an agent for him duly autho-
rised in writing.
E eery tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty,
and bear in the left-hand corner the words "Tender for Coals,"
and must be delivered at Somerset-place, accompanied by a
letter, signed by a responsible Person, engaging to become bound
with the person tendering, in the sum of £2OO, for the due per-
formance of the contract.

BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH,
Euston-road, London.

MORRISON'S VEGETABLE UNIVERSAL MEDICINES.
FOREIGN GENERAL AGENTS.
Bal imore (U.S.)
Barbadoes • ..... •• • • ...... Messrs J. Montetiore and Co.
Barcelona (Spain) ........ • • Miret. Cuyas, and Escribos
Basle (Switzerland) .. Mr Roderick Scholp
Brody (Germany)......
Carthagena..... ..... .•••• • • • • Dn. Rafael Cauto, Murello del
Mar
Cadiz •• .. .
Calcutta ..
Cape Breton ...•
Constantinople Mr• A. Stampa
Copenhagen
Cracow
Elsinore Mr 0. S. Steenberg
Frankfort-0.-M.....
Austria and Germany
Gibraltar.. • Mr T. II Roberts
Guernsey ............. . • • • • .• • • Mr Cochrane
Halifax (N.S.) • • • • Messrs A. and W. Mackinlay
Hamburg• ..... • • .. .. • •
Kempten (Bavaria) .... ...... Mr M. Gayrkos
Kingston (Jamaica) .........•
Macon (Bibb County, Georgia,
U.S.)
......., ...... • • Mr Thos. Gibson
.
Madraselbonß. L. Pereira, Esq
Mrne* (*P. * Philip)
Mexico .. • Mr Jean Togno
Montreal ......... . • • ..
New Plymouth (New Zealand) Mr R. Parris
New York (U.S.) • • Messrs Flrtis, Pond, and Co.
Odessa .. • • .• • • .• • • , Wm. Wagner
Mr Antonio Andreu
Valencia • • .....• • • • • • • • •

DESTITUTION and SICKNESS. The
AFFLI rE,:T and BENEVOLENT are earnestlyiSOLlClTED
to AID the eff.tnts now making by the Managing Committee of the
ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn-road, a Charity established
for the relief of the foreigner, the stranger, the friendless, and the
outcast, wb en in sickness or disease, who are here received, so far
as the mer.ns of the Institution will permit. Neither patronage nor
letters of recommendation being necessary, numerous urgent appeals
are daily made at the gates of the Hospital by the most miserable
and wretrhed of the human race.—Contributions received by the
Treastirecr, John Masterman, Esq., Nicholas-lane. Also by Messrs.
Coutts and Co. - Drummond and Co.; Ilerries and Co. ; Ransom
and Co.; Prescott, Grote, and Co. ; Smith, Payne, and Co.; Glynn
and
Co.; Jones Loyd and Co.; Barclay and Co.; Denison and Co.;
Will ants, Deacost, and Co.; Overend, Gurney, and Co.; Niibet and
Go., Beers-sir get ; Masterman and Co.; awl at the Hospital.
Py Order.

S. IL SMITE(' kattArif

[P tITO:a! 4D. STA:MPED 511.

population of these islands. I know, however, that vote in very seed] constituencies has a direct tendency
even against overwhelming numbers discipline will do to produce corrupCon- (Hear.) I think that many die-
much, but what I wish to say is that I cannot con- l tricts of this country have reason to believe that they
ceive any task more utterly demoralising to those upon have not their adequate share of representation. (Hear)
whom it should devolve than that of having to subju- Although that state of things has arisen rather from
a fortunate
than from any settled purpose it is doubly un-
gate a nation struggling for its independence. (Hear.) because apart from the practical inconvenience
Fortunate indeed may we consider ourselves who have which it causes, it produces a suspicion—an unfounded
been spared that trial. Our feelings of patriotism may I but, nevertheless, a very general suspicion -that our
thoroughly and fully coincide with our sense of justice, prevent representation is arranged in such a manner as
The class that arose against us was precisely the class fall
ofradtlier delusive than real. But the whole subject is
difficulty
--difficulty
had least to complain of. It was that class which eguitudectuh—difficultY which seems to increase in
rn
by taking service under us had, as it were, abjured its proposed requirese more one considers it. Any plan that is
care and consideration, n,rat I think,
right to claim its nationality ;it was that elms in regard therefore, the demand which we make for time will not
to which we had, as I believe, no fault to reproach our- obelt liield uhnreasonable. There is just one word of expla-
selves with, except possibly in some respects the fault of If,
anoyn
mwot•iohoslashould like to offer upon this subject.
reframnnadhiesesugagnedstnitcul thitr thatiptharttiisel
ever-indulgence. (Hear.) As to the future administra- alteration in the
tion of India, you will probably not expect me to speak subjeot as a whole, I repeat to you now, dealing
with
I said.
here much in detail ; but I may remind yon that five before, that I shall be bound to give my vote against
years ago, in 1853, the Ministry of the day brought in a saanTii SUCcilonTeOmptOisnitiOnsh. I shall do so, not as neces-
simpYly because wge teheoull(3rorpefselal, tothceonensseidlveeis, i
oh: tint
measure which seemed to many members of Parliament
unsatisfactory and incomplete, being founded upon an fraamentary and partial way a question which, to be
ol
eto dealtsup suppose inquiry, which at the time was left unfinished. Many dealt with effectually,
is..ihogtotlidta
idle
(Hear, hear.)
members of the House of Commons, of whom I was whole'thatas aa
di .involving uch imortat interests cn
an be t
even
one, opposed opposed that measure as being uneatisfactory, and cussed without a cerstain mountsa f eacitemen ta
asked for a longer delay, hoping it would lead to a more of asperity. But lam contisleta that whatever
thorough reform. The opinion was overruled, and I con- dons 111 :V take place on the subject, either in Pi the pciscus:
bee it is with some natural satisfaction that at the end of sent or in any future eestion of Parliament, will be ceria
five years I see those who were the authors of the measure reed on in a very different tetuper and with very niffe-
of 1853 cowing forward to condemn it as unsatisfactory,
m rent feeling
from those of 25 yearsual ago. I say that not
to sly that we were right and they were wrong, that sterely onaccount of the grad approximati on o
opinion among leading men, which is one of the most
more thorough measure of administrative reform is re- remarkable political phenomena of our time, but also
quired, and themselves undertaking to propose a measure because I think—and you will not, lam sure, miscou-
of that kind. (Hear, hear.) In the course of the debates strue what I say—the question itself has lost a portion
in 1853 a motion was made by a private member for the of the importance which it formerly possessed. Fifty
carrying on of the government of India is the name of years ago Parliament had an almost exclusive power of
the Crown. That motion.l supported, not holding that it forming public opinion upon all questions of the time.
was in the nature of a penal proceeding against the Coin- That state of tillage has changed. The vast develop.
soany,aintor holding that it necessarily involved any con- merit of the power of the press during the last quarter
on of the manner in which they have conducted of a century bas introduced into modern politics an
the management of affairs, but thinking that the Govern- entirely new element. (Flour, hear.) It is impassible
went in the name of the Company was in its nature only to sit in Parliament without seeing how far and to how
provisional and temporary, and that the only natural great an extent modern journalism affects even our
connection of a vast dependency like India with the do- Parliamentary debates. That power of the press is in
minant country was a connection with the executive of itself a representation. ([Tear, hear.) It is the best
the latter. (Hear.) No doubt a change of that nature at protection, as I believe, of the poor and the bumble
first sight appears one of the most momentous that the against the powerful. It is a protection which no legis-
human imagination can conceive. To transfer 150,000,000 lation created ; it is a protection which no legislation
men, one-sixth of the the whole human race, and a terri- can take away ; and it is not one of the least subjects of
twy larger than all western Europe, and separated from satisfaction to me, looking back at the few years which
England by a distance of half the globe from an indepen- I have passed in public life, to think that I was one of
dent Company to the Crown—to do this, moreover, in a those who tools part in a measure—l mean the remove'
time of civil war not absolutely appeased—undoubtedly of the stamp duty—which has given an increased deve-
appears a gigantic and even a rash enterprise. Thatisthe lopnie::t to journalism, and of whica we have as yet
first aspect of the question, but when you come to look a only a small portion of the effects. (Hear, hear.) Now,
little more closely into the history of Indian affairs the gentlemen, I come to the subject in which perhaps the
change is seen to be less than at first sight it seemed, liveliest interest is felt at the present moment. I mean
During the last three-quarters of a century—that is to our relations with foreign Powers, and especially with
say, during the time when the greater part of our France. I apprehend that men of all partied agree,
Indian empire has been acquired a double process looking at it as a mutter of reason rather than of
has been going on. On the one hand you have had the feeling, that upon a close and intimate alliance
terr itory of the Company constantly extending— between England and France the best hopes of Euro.
province has been added after province, victory has peau civilisation depend. (Hear, hear.) There exist
followed victory, and the arms and power of the between the two countries differences of national
Company have advanced without a check. Oa the character, but great as theme d:fforistaces are there aro
other hand, if you look at home, you will see that resembles far more important. In strong patriotism,
there has been a continual process of absorption and in a quick sense of personal honour, in physical courage,
annexation, as it were, of the Company itself by in energy and capacity for action, in a love of inquiry
the general Government of England. The institu- and free thought, in the preponderance of the intellectual
tion of the Board of Control in 1734, the loss of the over the lower parts of our nature, we of the two natioes
monopoly, tho lass of the trade with India, the loss of are alike. In science, in philosophy, and in politics
the Malta with Ceina, and, lastly, the introduction of t' e France has received from us atme of her most valuable
nominee element into the directorate itself, are all of ideas. and she in return has given to those ideas a dif-
them gradual and successive steps in that process which fusion and development over continental Europe, ouch
I have described. The transfer, therefore, from the as, from our insular position, and perhaps, I may say,
Company to the Crown is not so much a departure from our insular character, they would not have been likely,
what has been done hitherto as a necessary consequence without such co-operation, to obtain. (Hear, hear.) I
of it, a carrying out of former measures to their only say, therefore, that both rance and Ecgland are gainers
legitimate and natural conclusion. (Hear.) No doubt by our intercourse, apart from the material advantages
the question is one which presents great difficulty of of trade, and apart from the question of political semi-
detail. No doubt there is danger in any arrangement rity. Do not imagine that between the two countries a
which you can make respecting the patronage of India. position of indifference or of neutrality towards one
That is the point upon which Parliament and the public another is long possible. We are locally too near, we
are justly susceptible. No doubt, also, there is difficulty are too important among the nations of the world, we
in so adjusting the council *r advi.ing body which you have been too long and too often rivals, to make a state
must have that it shall be capable of giving honest and of indifference possible. We want a close and intimate
independent advice without at the same time dividing friendship as a guarantee against national jealousy and
and weakening that Ministerial responsibility which it rivalry. (Hear, hear.) Tnat a war between the two
is your object to pr serve undiminished. (Hear.) There nations would be the worst evil that could afflict
is just one principle which I think we way lay down. humanity is a proposition which, I think, needs no words
It is not likely that, after the excitement and interest of to prove ; but I will go further, and say that a disunion
the present crisis have gone by, Parliament will inter- between the two countries, falling short of war, would
fere to any great extent in the details of Indian admire'• be in itself a great misfortune to Europe. It would leave
stration. It is not likely that every Indian Minister, European diplomacy without guidance, and the weaker
or statesman trained in the school of English politics, and inferior nations without an arbiter. Nor is this all.
will be as familiar with those details as the noble lord In every age that old question of the "balance of t
who now fi 13 that office. You cannot, as I said, give power" assumes a new form, That question no longer
the supreme direction of affairs to an advising council coneernsWestern Europe alone. Two empires are spring.
without
weakening the responsibility of the Minister. icg up in the East and iu the West; they are already 1
carried on as far as arettnefamins this difficulty? Mainly, of fir,t-rate magnitude, and both of them are inereas- I
place the Governor-General in a positiOnTonlitilt be 1 ing —not mainly or necessarily by aggression upon
rity. He ought to be a mau of the highestgreatf
tnu- , viper., but simply by neeneel mAana-,1 f r
talents and =Maser - less some unforeseen evenEsTdepatiat
the greatest energy. it.. :.. _____.,
.., i , ,_41,,,t un
in that admirable school, the civil 1;11-A oilltaatta bar Med ic\-faAvVa-iiti ....--:- ...al 100 years hence, perhaps even
of India—a service the efficiency of which --I refer to 50 years hence, be numerically the most powerful
the civil branch especially—will be greatly increased by empires upon the globe. I say numerically, and of
the reform which was made in 1853. Be:ng such a man, course in that reckoning Ido not include India, because
so circumstanced, and surrounded by such advantages, it can hardly be ceueidered an element of strength In
I apprehend it will be found best to leave him a large respect of population. Now, of both these great empires
authority and a wide discretion. (Hear, hear.) Much I speak with no feeling of jealousy; I speak of them
has been said of the influence of public opinion at both with respect ; of one I speak with sincere admira-
home upon Indian affairs, and there are many persons tioa and sympathy, but still, as society is constituted,
who fear that any change in the method of administra- it must happen that independent nations will have
tion will increase that power. I hold that the effect of , different interests. A position of inferiority is never
English public opinion upon Indian affairs will be of a y,
very and it is not always even safe. What I say
very mixed character, I have no doubt it will be greatly therefore is, that if Western Europe—at this moment
beneficial as regards questions of public works and clues- the very focus and centre of civilisation throughout the
tions of taxes and finance ; but in matters which concern world—is to hold its own—is to hold in another gene-
native habits and prejudices it will be liable to abuse. ration the place which it occupies in the present, it must
But what I wish to point out to you is that, wbethcr be by a cordial and friendly unien among its leading
the effect upon India be good orbad, it is a result which Powers. (Hear, hear.) Such, gentlemen,
is to ns the
it is not in our power to control. (Rear.) It is not value of the alliance with France. Has that alliance
only the proceedings of the 'Legislature during the last been endangered ?: We cannot deny that of late there
few years that have created the increased interest which has existed a good deal of irritation in both countries.
is felt in Indian affairs. That interest is due to greater How did that irritation originate ! Not long ago, as
facilities of communication, to the overland route, to you all know, an attempt was made in Paris to commit
lines of telegraph, to the vast increase of the Indian a crime which political fanaticism can never justify or
trade, to the increase of the European population in excuse—a crime which, if those who tried to perpetrate
India, and, lastly, to the excitement produced by it would not admit to be an outrage against humanity,
the late events. These are results which legislation they must at least perceive to be fur their own cause
did not produce and which legislation cannot a gross and suicidal blunder. (Hear, hear.) That
prevent. (Hear, hear.) One word more upon attempt failed, but it failed narrowly. Never man's
the Incian question, and I have done with it. You have life was in greater danger than the life of the Emperor
heard a great deal of the discouragement given to the of the French. Now, what would have followed
profession of Christianity in India, of the patronage of upon that one mail's death! Perhaps civil war, pro-
native religions, and of the necessity of employing bably serious internal disturbances, certainly deep and
active means for spreading our own form of belief in widespread alarm, paralising industry and disturbing all
that country. Now, I venture to say that nine-tenths the ordinary relations of life. It ie not extraordinary,
of the stories we are told respecting what is called the I think, that so great a peril, so narrowly escaped,
discouragement of Christianity by the government of the should have produced in the minds of the French people
Company are absolutely untrue, and that the other one- a feeling of alarm ; nor is it extraordinary that that
tenth is grossly exaggerated. No doubt, if any obstacle alarm should have found vent, as it often does, in a
has been thrown in the way of any person conscien- somewhat indiscriminate feeling of irritation and anger
tiously becoming a convert to the Christian religion, it —a feeling which prevents men from accurately Iliiv,tlll-
- a violation on our part of the principle of duty, and if guishing between the innocent and the guilty. ,It
cted' sis
all the demand was that no such obstacle should he in- believed that the plot which had faileddonwhats cfoonocliesh
and
terposed, I, for one, would not be inclined to offer any England. A cry arose—a cry,sendo
to be the laws and
opposition; but when it is asked that the government of wild—against
,richhathwaceirepesrumpp
ittoed such outrages to be
India should violate the rule of neutrality in such neat- iastauttiodn.s w
Naturally, that expression of irritation in
tors, and should directly favour and encourage conver- aytrtaeampe
e reduced resentment here. Some unfortunate
sinus to Christianity, I say that is a false and dangerousa
mbliccatipon3,with the history of which you are all familiar,
principle, which may carry you further than you in nu
Ind with regard to which I wish only to say that I think
and the only legitimate end of which will be in parsec
it- ath
they have very amply apologised and atoned for, in.
lion. I do not say that if such an attempt were made.
kto a certain creased that resentment. When that feeling was at its
would fail entirely. Ou the contrary, I thin
extent it would succeed. The power of government is height a despatch wasthe written by d
the French Minister
üblished here, style an substance of which
very great in Eastern countries. There are very large and p
he least ca abe o misconstructon 1' es
numbers of persons who think they have something t was,
t , p
hope or something to fear from the executive power ;o been sai to sd, since that despatchf appeared, thati it was hnot
and Ido not doubt that if it were held out to the waives intended to be made public, which was the act of our
of India that theGovernmentfavoured those who adopted Government, and not of the Government of French. I
the European religion, a large number of converts of one have no doubt that that statement is true, but still, as
sort or another would be the result, but they would be public men, we have to deal with facts, and not with
who have neitr characters to intentions alone. (Hear.) The despatch was made putotc;
exactly the class of men
to restrain them.he They would it was left unanswered ; a bill was brought into Parlia-
lose nor co
to
discredit upon the European belief, and the only moat, avowedly to satisfy the demand .
made upon our
bring natural
effect of their adherence would be to alienate the more Government, and, that being the case, it was
~h
respectable clas3es among the natives. (Cheers.) lam that a measure so ititroduced should be viewed tem. more
satisfied, therefore, that the course which has been I than ordinary jealousy. (Hear.) With the events which
hitherto followed of strict religious neutrality is the only I followed you are all familiar. I can only say for mya
one which is either wise or just. lam sure that our that the result was quite as unexpected to me. as it
f au I had nothing t o
opinions will never be respected in India—l am sure possibly
could be to any o y .
that those who are
that our Government will never be regarded as just do—l eto say
Administra o
• • ti-n had nothing to
wise, or beneficial, unless we rigidly abstain from en concerned in the present
r roposing the mo
forcing those opinions upon others, and unless that Go- do—with framing, or suggesting,cs,
thpelate Government.
which led to the resignatio.
vernment limits its functions to those which preperly tion
nnion “ Aye" or " No"
belong to it. (Cheers.) With respect, gentlemen, to We were asked to give oourr
wopriong.
We were asked to
the subject of Parliamentary reform, 'have, as you know, upon a question of righteh the Government of Lord
explained my views before in this hall. I am bound to give our opihnio
dndone right or wrong, wisely or un-
say that those views remain unchanged. (Hear, hear.) , Palmerston a.
unanswered the despatch to which
I believe there is no statesman now, in whatever pa' of ' wisely, inleavig
To that question so put—and it was
either hones he may sit, who considers or calls the I have referred..
hich we could not avoid answering by our
Reform Bill of 1832 a final measure. (Hear, hear.) No a questionww
or the other—there was no reply but
one denies that some modification of that bill is required. vote one way
aty
was
possible for ma to give. (Cheers.)
•said that lam bound to add that the con- one which i
the whole history of the recant change of
But having say of Parlia- That is
men the present Government
duct of public men—and perhaps I may .
Ministry. Now, gentle , .
question of representative reform asked what they mean to do with respect
merit itself—upon the just 7 have been
has not been altogether satisfactory. It is now
m to the measure which occasioned these events. (Hear,
years since Lord J. Russell . promised a new Refor
be
hoar.)
To that I answer, we aro in no sense pledged
Bill, and, as far as one can judge, we not seem
tothe to the bill [rough forward by Lord Palmerston, and
nearer the result now than before. Considering
eon
with that bill we have nothing to do. Whether any
length of time during which this question hlas b
change in tke law of England be required is a matter
believe'
as it were, hung up, and considering—what
dness of in dispute among lawyers. Lord Campbell, one of the
none of you will doubt—the utter unexpecte .
d nistra- greatest living authorities, says that no change is re -
none
the events which have brought the present A. ea
be nired and that the powers of the common law z.re
that it would q . ,
tion into power, I think you will admit
members of the sufficient. I hope, and shall be glad to believe, that he is
acting unreasonable to call upon the eben'both in Perna- right ; but that is a question which will probably soon
Government, engaged as they
duty,must
net
sto frame a plan for receive an authoritative sl.-3cision, for it is one which
mentary and in departmental
f the couintry durin, must probably raised and decided in the course of
the alteration of the constitution o .
it .
not think is to
t much', some proceedingsenow pending ;and until . •itlß 50 raised
the present session. Ido
the change, considering and so decided it is impossible to •
considering the magnitude of
take in such a matter is one to ths question as to give any decisive reply
what we intend d Of *to so, this
that every step which you
ask for that amount of delay. only Icertain, am
that cannot be retraced, tothat if it should be necessary to frame
repeat here and now what any measure for the •
But I do not hesitate to
think that in ourassassi.
said upon a former occasion. present nation, which 1 think—atall
events, I hope—is tin-
tary constitution there are anomalies remov likely, it will
Parliarnen on be a measure, not founded upon the
aisle by legislation, and an ,
omalie4 of which the evilis not demands of even a friendly Power, but based solely
merely theoretical but results in practical abuse. I think and simply -
a sense of what is required to
that the excossiva value which belongs to every tingle make all 'd • England
real outs inequally amenable to