The Sun.
London, England, 1867-04-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATUROAY EVENING, AMU. 27, 1867.

tween France and Prussia, and the most powerful
influences which can be exerted would doubtless be
resorted to in order to avert the horrors of such a

APOPULAR HISTORY of LONDON from
the Invasion of Julius Camar to the Present time.
Part the Second—From 1066 to 1867.

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LONDON, SATURDAY, AP.RII, 27, 18G7.

- -4.-

Another grand provincial demonstration has been
made at Norwich, where the company had the ad-
vantage of Mr. FERRAND'S downright and un-
sparing eloquence. There was a goodly attend-
ance, principally of those working men whom both
parties agree to pay so much court to just now. A
few years ago very little attention was paid to the
political views of our artisans and agricultural la-
bourers. Now, in the race of Reform, they are
thought all-important, and whichever narty can
muster the largest meeting of working men holds
itself triumphant. Extremes usually meet, and
there is not much doubt but things will presently
settle at a suitable medium, leaving the industrial

classes a voice in the direction of public affairs
without giving them actual predominance.
It is a noticeable fact that whatever the opinion
of the Liberals the Conservatives think their leaders
have made great concessions, and some evidently
are only half satisfied at the wholesale change in
prospect. The Hon. T. DE GREY, who addressed the

Norwich meeting on Thursday, said, in referring to
the Ministerial Reform Bill, that it was hardly to
be expected that a Conservative Government would
come forward with such a wide measure of enfran-
chisement. "It was a matter of anxiety to their
usual supporters whether they could support such a
measure. He had done so because he felt that after
the agitation without, and the undoubted desire
which existed on all sides that the question should
be settled, the Government had no other choice but
to endeavour frankly and honourably, and to the
best of their ability, to settle it." Mr. DE GREY
said truly enough that to draw an arbitrary line
below which no one should be admitted to the fran-
chise would only create discontent. This was the

weak point of Mr. GLADSTONE'S proposal, and it is

only wonderful that he should have fixed upon so
unsatisfactory a distinction between his own scheme
and that of the Government. A household suffrage
or a rating suffrage is founded on a principle which
every one can understand ; but no principle can ex-
plain the virtue which resides in the payment of £5
and is excluded from £4. It has been the fault of
most Reform Bills that they have been too restricted
and arbitrary, not only in the numbers which they
admitted to the franchise, but in the principle of
their admission.

Mr. FERRAND'S speech on Thursday was, as usual,
very much to the purpose. He addressed himself
mainly to the working men, of whom his audience
was chiefly composed. Notwithstanding his un-
doubted Toryism, Mr. FERRAND spoke sensibly
and liberally enough as regards the position
of the English working-man. He very soon dis-
posed of the dismal pictures of oppression and hu-
miliation drawn by some public speakers. In no
country in the world, he declared, was there to be
found a greater share of the wealth divided with
the working men ; they deserved to receive it un-
grudgingly. " Remember, working men," he ex-
claimed, " that every office, every trust, every
honour, within these realms, are as open to you as
to the highest and richest in the land ; and there
is not an hour in which some working man in this

country, or some other country, does not step out
of his ranks, boldly and honestly confiding in his
talents and integrity to advance step by step." There
is nothing, as Mr. FERRAND showed, to prevent
such a man from rising to the highest offices of State,
and becoming the companion of the QUEEN herself ;

but this very freedom which used to be the boast of
all classes of Englishmen is in reality objected to by
working men themselves. The trades unions, to
which Mr. FERRAND, in addressing an agricultural
audience, did not refer, lay down as a fundamental
rule that one man shall not do better than another.
They refuse to put the doctrine into so many
words, but they act upon it nevertheless, and
ability, energy, and perseverance are kept back
in the race, for fear they should too far
outstrip mediocrity, insolence, and indifference.
The working men of England are justly proud of
the distinguished men who have risen from their
ranks, but they cannot hope or expect to add many
more names to the list, when the one great object
is to raise wages irrespective of the quality or
quantity of work ; and in the attainment of that
object every manifestation of individual superiority
is checked and discouraged. It is nee2ssary that
working men should enter into these considerations,
now that they are on the eve of political enfran-
chisement. They must understand the principles
which regulate their own affairs if they would choose
a fitting exponent of their wants and wishes. They
must give up the habit of trusting implicitly to their
leaders, and accepting unreservedly the plausible
statements of public speakers. If they aspire to the
dignity of a voice in the representation, they must
take the trouble to understand the scope and ten-
dency of the policy they want represented.
Mr. FERRAND, as we have said, did not enter
upon this branch of the subject. He declared his
conviction that the majority of the educated work-
ing men were conservative, but had the fair-
ness to admit that he thought to whatever side
they belonged they would be opposed to all tur-
bulence and revolutionary agitation. The bees, he
said, shrewdly enough, are not likely to destroy the
hive which contains the honey. It is too much their
interest to maintain the country in its integrity and
power.

Mr. FERRAND did not, of course, spare the Liberal
party and their leaders in his satire, but they have
been altogether undeserving of it, and certainly
could not have looked for much mercy at his hands.
At the close of the evening it was decided that a
deputation should wait upon the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, so that the working men of Norwich
are determined not to be left behind in the struggle.

The Luxemburg question bids fair to become the
chief topic of the day, and to do more than rival in
interest and importance even the hitherto all en-
grossing subject of Reform. We expect that when
Parliament re-assembles there will be more hon.
members to press forward with questions to the
Foreign Secretary as to the state of Continental
affairs than to demand from the Chancellor of the
Exchequer some details as to the progress of the
bill in committee. Although it is still extremely
doubtful whether peace will be maintained, it is
satisfactory to know that no effort will be spared to
obtain that desirable result. This is as it should be,
because the misfortune of another Continental war
just now would be very great; and the manner in
which the probability of this one would be pre-
vented must keep Prussia a little within bounds for
some time. The French papers, as may be imagined,
are full of the exciting details connected with the
affair, and anxiety is on the qui vive as to the events
likely to take place at the next sitting of the Legis-
lative body. It is said that doubts exist as tc
whether M. JULES FAVRE will have the leave he
desires to question the Government on the subject of
Luxemburg. The Memorial Diplomatique asserts
that the general opinion in Vienna is to the effect
that the Duke DE GRAMONT has brought from Paris
the basis of an " intimate understanding" between
France and Austria in case of war becoming cer-
tain. This is very likely to be true, and no doubt
the Austriats would make excellent auxiliaries to
the French, although single-handed they could not
compete with the better prepared forces of Prussia.
The representatives of England, Russia, and Austria
have, it is said, presented simultaneously communi-
cations of the most pressing kind to the Prussian
Government, in order to bring about a satisfactory
solution of the Luxemburg question in a peaceful
manner. The Etendard declares that the intelli-
gence is authentic, which states that Queen Vic-
TORIA has sent a letter to the King of Prussia to the
effect that Europe should be spared from the horrors
of war— a war in which England would bo neces-
sarily' neutral." The excessive claims of Prussia,
it is added, increase her disapproval of the matter.
Whether this be true or not in reality, no doubt it
is virtually correct, because there are no two opi-
nions as to the course which this country would
take in the eyez a hostilities be pg declared be-

contest.

Among the many dissentients to the war are the
Germans residing in Paris, to whom such a prospect
is naturally obnoxious. They have signed an ad-
dress to their countrymen demanding their aid in
the accomplishment of the work of conciliation.
The bases of the settlement of the Luxemburg
question which have been submitted to France
and Prussia by the mediating Powers are said
to be the neutralisation of Luxemburg, its con-
tinuance under the sovereignty of the King of
HOLLAND, the evacuation of the fortress by the
Prussian garrison, and the dismantling of the for-
tifications. With the exception of the latter con-
dition all these seem fair enough, and we should
hope that the common sense view of the matter
would prevent its being carried out. It is always
a pity to destroy a place that might be rendered
available at an emergency, and it would be esta-
blishing a bad precedent in thus giving way to
the unfair demands and bitter prejudices
of Prussia. From the Hague we learn that
the Minister of Foreign Affairs made a speech
at the sitting of the First Chamber, in which be
alluded to the Luxemburg question, and declared
that it was not Holland which gave the first im-
pulse to these negotiations which had produced so
disquieting an effect. It is affirmed in some quar-
ters that Prussia will not stand out as to the main-

tenance of the statue quo, but will consent to a
guarantee by the Powers of Europe for the security
of Germany, and the nationality of Luxemburg.
This would be satisfactory if any reliance
could be placed upon it, but who can trust such
flattering promises respecting a Power so slow to
give up anything that she has actually got posses-
sion of, and every one knows that the real difficulty
of the thing has arisen far more from the un-
willingness of the Prussians to recede than from the
eagerness of the French to advance.

A Cabinet Council was held at Berlin on the
25th, in order to consider the proposals of the
mediating Powers on the subject of Luxem-
bourg ; but the result of the deliberations is
not made known. The King of the BELGIANS
is understood to take an active part in the work of
mediation, and is to leave for Paris with fresh pro-
posals for mediation ; but, after all, the chief burden
must fall on the parties themselves, and they must
decide which is the course they will take, that of
making sacrifices, or of procuring their desired
ends. Great stress seems to be laid by the Berlin
Government on the necessity that exists for the
destruction of the fortresses in dispute, which
appear most unreasonable, as is also the asser-
tion that the King of HOLLAND is to bear

the chief expenses of converting another place
into a military position. We may always be sure
of one thing, and that is, whatever be the objects
Prussia wishes to gain either at home or abroad,
she will take very good care that some one else shall
pay for their accomplishment, either entirely or the
chief part of them. 'We could enter more fully

into the views of an ambitious kingdom if there
was not so much intrinsic meanness dis-
played in all its works and ways ; but as it

is, it is really contemptible to witness the
lengths to which the statesmen of Berlin will go.
We have all heard over and over again of the great
things which the great man BISMARCK has accom-
plished, and really an ignorant stranger might have
been pardoned thinking that Sadowa far eclipsed in
the magnitude of its results all the dechive battles
that the world has witnessed; but a change has
speedily come over the dazzling future, and Prussia
must either moderate her demands, or else engage in a
war more perilous than any she has waged since the
days of the First NAPOLEON. She will find no
assistance worthy of the name, and instead will
have to reap the bitter consequences of the selfish-
ness and cruelty she has displayed to so many dur-
ing the last few years, and doubtless her most
sanguine friends will rejoice at the chances of such
a contest being kept from her by a timely settle-
ment of affairs in a peaceful fashion.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

--4-

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS, Friday Evening.

The Legislative Body met again yesterday after

the holidays. There was a very full attendance,
and some anxiety prevailed, it having been reported
that there would be a communication from the
Government relative to Luxemburg. Nothing of
the kind took place, but M. Jules Favra put in a
claim in the usual form to be allowed to make inter-
pellations upon the subject. The Senate was to
reassemble to-day.

It appears from the Constitutionnel, and from
other semi-official articles, that the French Govern-
ment is animated by eminently pacific intentions in
regard to Luxembourg. It disclaims the idea of
obtaining any increase of territory. All that it
will require is the evacuation of the fortress by the
Prussians. This all is everything. Upon this great
point hinges the question of peace or war, and the
general tendency of the information received in
Paris to-day is that Prussia is determined to risk
everything rather than surrender its claim to con-
tinue the occupation. According to one telegram
from Berlin, it is not true that the neutral Powers
have offered mediation respecting the Treaties of
1839. Prussia founds her claim upon treaties con-
cluldaedFprraevnicoeussatyost:h_at,,plenriocdo.
chlasaraatipopnosinoftetdhelDLuterchouGaso,vecrmonuse
nenciet
iultelhonerc
Ge
ofoaf
sn
tdtahtDee
,udkae
es-
Charge d'Affaires of the Grand Duchy of Luxem-
bourg at Paris, and M. Fcehr, member of the As-
sembly of the States, to the same office at Berlin.
The complete separation of the kingdom from the
Grand Duchy of Luxembourg is, therefore, au ac-
complished fact."
The same journal contradicts the report that a
simultaneous communication from England and
Russia had been favourably received by the Cabinet
of Berlin. It would be puerile to notice the many
contradictory reports hashed up by the Paris papers
to-day.
A brief account has been received respecting M.
Lesaint, the intrepid French Traveller, who recently
left Paris on au exploring expedition in Central
Africa. M. Lesaint left Suez at the end of the
month of February, and on the 12th of March he
was at Djeddah, from where he wrote on the 13th
to say that he Bilotti I start for Zoachim the next
day.
A new invention is, it is said, about to be adopted
It the Bourso, which will be very useful. By means
of a pentagonal column and a simple combination,
the prices will be exhibited instantaneously in Dirge
letters upon all the points of the column, so that
they will be seen from any part of the building.
An Italian paper, the Corriere Italian°, says it
has authority for mentioning that Garibaldi, after
having had an interview with an eminent Italian
statesman, considering the gravity of the situation,
has promised not to create additional embarrassment
for the Government. He therefore renounces his
intention of putting interpellations to the Ministers
upon the Roman question.
On the 16th inst. there was an interesting cere-
mony at St. Petersburg, the consecration of the
chapel erected by subscription at the entrance of the
summer gardens, on the spot where the attempt was
made to assassinate the Emperor of Russia at this
period last year. The Czar, accompanied by the
Princes of the Imperial family, and having at his
side M. Komisaroff, who turned aside the murder-
ous weapon and foiled the assassin in his attempt,
were present at the blessing pronounced by the
Archbishop. The vast assembly who came to wit-